The Life of Benjamin Franklin, Volume 3: Soldier, Scientist, and Politician, 1748-1757

ONE

The Association, 1747–1748

’Tis designed to mix the Great and Small together, for the sake of Union and Encouragement. Where Danger and Duty are equal to All, there should be no Distinction from Circumstances, but All be on the Level.

—Remarks on the Association, 1747, 3:209

FRANKLIN TOOK PRIDE IN AMERICA and being an American. His writings for the militia Association, especially the pamphlet Plain Truth, more openly combined Americanism with criticism of the British authorities than any previous writing. Plain Truth also demonstrated the political power of the press. By expertly using the Pennsylvania Gazette, broadsides, and pamphlets, Franklin created a militia of more than ten thousand men, despite the semi-pacifist position of the Pennsylvania Assembly.¹ Though some contemporary Pennsylvanians condemned him, most praised him for an amazing and desirable accomplishment.

THE GATHERING STORM

Before 1747, England’s war with Spain (1739–48) seemed distant and insignificant to most Pennsylvanians. Clashes occurred on the seas and in the West Indies. The only fighting in North America took place in Georgia and Florida. Even after France joined Spain against England in 1744, fighting continued, though mainly in Canada, along the New England frontier, and in upstate New York. The American success in taking the impregnable French fortress of Louisbourg on Cape Breton on 16 June 1745 marked the high point of American military achievement before the Revolution. Franklin had been disgusted with the Pennsylvania legislature for not helping with that effort (Life 2:350). Despite appeals by Pennsylvania’s governor and numerous individuals like Franklin, the Quaker-dominated Pennsylvania Assembly refused to contribute significantly to the war. With friendly Indians on the frontier and with no coast on the Atlantic, Pennsylvanians felt secure.

That changed. French and Spanish privateers waylaid Pennsylvania’s shipping, and its trade dramatically declined. At the same time, the enemy privateers increased their activity outside the Delaware Bay. In response, a number of Philadelphia merchants fitted out a well-armed ship. Franklin reported the news in the Pennsylvania Gazette on 14 May: "We hear that the Warren, Privateer, Captain [Alexander] Katter, is to sail Tomorrow or Next-day, on a Month’s Cruise, between the Capes of Virginia and the Neversinks, to guard our Trade from the Enemy Privateers, who have chaced several Vessels lately near the Capes." Several of Franklin’s Quaker friends—William Coleman (an original Junto member), Isaac Griffitts (a merchant, whose store was on Water Street), Reese Meredith (a Union Fire Company member), Amos and Robert Strettel (Amos was later a director of the Philadelphia Contributionship, and Robert later a trustee of the Philadelphia Academy)—financed the ship. Other Quakers objected to their action. The Friends appointed committees (one including John Smith, James Logan’s son-in-law) to talk with them about their mistake in supporting warfare, but the ship financers would not concede that they were in error. The Quakers subsequently disowned them.

Finances dictated that the Warren could not just be kept cruising in the Delaware Bay. It left on what the owners hoped would be a profitable voyage to Lisbon in July, not returning until 12 November. Richard Peters, clerk of the Pennsylvania Council and secretary to the governor, wrote to Thomas Penn on 29 November 1747 that the investigation of the Quakers who contributed to the Warren made moderate Friends … disoblig’d at these imperious Measures of the Meeting … [and] it has rais’d an Universal Odium in the Members of all the other Congregations (3:215).

On 4 July 1747 Pennsylvania’s Provincial Council forbade Pennsylvania pilots to escort foreign ships above Marcus Hook, which is about twenty miles south of Philadelphia, without a special license. A week later, when a sloop appeared off Cape May, New Jersey, a pilot went to it and was seized. It proved to be a French privateer. Franklin’s Gazette reported on 16 July that the previous Sunday, the French put all the Hands they had (except three Men and a Boy) on board the Pilot Boat, and sent her up the Bay. The boat went as far up the Delaware as Bombay-Hook (about halfway between the mouth of the Delaware and Philadelphia) and landed at the plantation of Mr. Liston, from whom they took four Negroes, and rifled his House of several Things to considerable Value: They then went to the House of James Hart, and carried off a Negroe Wench; and upon his Wife’s shutting the Door against them, one of them fired through it, and wounded her slightly in the Thigh. The French took two more pilot boats and captured the ship Mary near the mouth of the Delaware Bay, wounding the American captain who resisted the boarding party.

Receiving the news on 13 July 1747, the council called on the assembly members in town for their advice. John Kinsey, Speaker of the House, told the council that he did not believe the House would support funds for defense, but he added that although the House might refuse to vote the funds, yet they … would make Compensation in some way.² On 18 August 1747, the acting executive of Pennsylvania, council president Anthony Palmer, asked the assembly to protect Philadelphia. He said the city was helpless: The Terror and Confusion, the Ruin of vast numbers of Families, the Destruction of Trade, the Bloodshed, Cruelty, and other fatal Consequences which must unavoidably attend the plundering or burning this City, are too obvious to need a Description. The Quaker-controlled assembly responded on 25 August that Accidents like the plundering of isolated plantations and seizing of pilots were to be expected. Threats to invade Philadelphia were so many Bravados, and the assembly chided the council for alarming the citizens. The assembly also claimed that the council encouraged invasion by publicizing Philadelphia’s lack of defenses. The House, ever mindful that no one wanted to pay taxes, added that it was unnecessary to worry about the Indians joining the war and, though gifts to the Indians were in order, the Indians’ loyalty to the English was assured without them.³

Richard Peters wrote the proprietors, summarizing the origin of Franklin’s militia Association. He reported that on 29 November 1747, some Merchants and Captains of Ships in the French Islands … actually concerted a Scheme to be executed by Six Privateers of Force against the City some time next Year (3:214). Amid such rumors, William Kelly, who had been taken prisoner in August off the North Carolina coast by a French privateer commanded by Captain Lehay, arrived in Philadelphia. On 21 September 1747, Kelly testified before magistrate Thomas Hopkinson that he had been a passenger on the sloop Elizabeth, bound for Philadelphia from Providence, when captured by Lehay, who had previously seized three English prizes. As the French privateer continued up the coast, it took several more prizes before arriving near the Delaware Bay. There it seized a sloop about fifteen leagues outside the bay, and two more ships within the bay. When the privateer approached Cape May, it hoisted English colors and seized the first pilot, William Flower, who came onboard, and similarly seized another pilot, Luke Shields. When Lehay left the bay, he allowed the English prisoners to go ashore in the pilot boats.⁴

After the new Pennsylvania Assembly for 1747–48 met, President Anthony Palmer warned on 16 October 1747 that the French and Spanish privateers will continue their Depredations in the Spring, and in all likelyhood block up the Trade of this flourishing Colony—a Loss which … will be sensibly felt (3:214–18). The next day the assembly merely replied that it hoped Philadelphia was in no danger and adjourned. With the assembly abdicating responsibility, the Pennsylvania government was powerless.

FRANKLIN’S PRESS CAMPAIGN

The situation was desperate. The council and acting governor had repeatedly presented the necessity of defense to a noncompliant, Quaker-controlled assembly. Franklin believed something had to be done. No one unconnected with government before Franklin had attempted to arouse the general population to take a political position through the power of the press. In his Autobiography, Franklin wrote that he decided to try what might be done by a voluntary Association of the People (A 92). The Association resulted from Franklin’s realization of the possibilities inherent in the press and especially in that relatively new vehicle, the newspaper. He waged a publicity campaign to awaken Pennsylvanians to danger. Richard Peters correctly observed that Franklin thought he cou’d by some well wrote Papers improve this opportunity, take an advantage of their Fears and spirit them up to an Association for their Defence (3:215).

On 22 October 1747, Franklin opened the campaign in the Pennsylvania Gazette. He published verses complimenting Robert Barclay’s Apology. The Apology, a standard exposition of Quakerism, justified defensive war. About the same time, Franklin reprinted as a broadside Matthew Green’s A Copy of Verses … Occasion’d by his Reading Robert Barclay’s Apology, which also took a moderate Quaker position.⁵ Franklin followed up the poems with an anonymous piece (which I believe he wrote) in the 5 November Gazette saying that the verses on Barclay’s Apology made him read the book. The Gazette author pointed out that Barclay and many other Quakers were not against defensive war. He also cited the opinions of Friends in England. Meanwhile, Franklin was writing a pamphlet and consulted his friends Tench Francis, William Coleman, and Thomas Hopkinson about a voluntary militia. They encouraged him but urged him to try to keep politics out of the proposal. Franklin replied that he intended to castigate both the Quaker Party and the Proprietary Party but that if William Allen, the leader of the Proprietary Party, cared to, he and his friends could then publish a vindication of themselves and join in the Association. Franklin offered to publish all such papers for free. If they were too voluminous for the newspaper, he would print them gratis as pamphlets and send them along with the newspaper to every Pennsylvania customer.

Before Franklin’s major pamphlet Plain Truth appeared, Indians from the Ohio River arrived in town on the evening of 11 November bringing news about Affairs relating to the War betwixt the English and French in those Parts. Led by the Oneida chief Scarouady, they met with the Pennsylvania Council on 13 November, requesting guns, powder, and supplies to fight the French.⁶ The council consulted Indian expert Conrad Weiser. On the morning of 16 November, he advised giving the Indians a small present immediately and sending a large one to the Ohio in the coming summer. That afternoon, the council met again with the Indians, assured them of their friendship and affection, and followed Weiser’s advice.⁷ Franklin asked Richard Peters for a copy of the council’s minutes on the Indian negotiations. The Pennsylvania Gazette published the news about Scarouady and the Ohio Indians on 12 November 1747 and featured another Indian development, as we will see, on 3 December. Since Franklin was printing war news in the Gazette for the next month, he held off printing the council’s exchanges with the Ohio Indians until 12 January—by which season few ships and little news were coming into Philadelphia.

PLAIN TRUTH

Plain Truth: or, Serious Considerations on the Present State of the City of Philadelphia, and Province of Pennsylvania by a "Tradesman of Philadelphia had a sudden and surprising effect." The title implied that the author would give an objective, blunt appraisal. The words Plain Truth suggested that the "Tradesman of Philadelphia would be a version of a popular persona, the plain dealer," a colloquial or homely figure who spoke the perhaps unwelcome truth. The bluff, truthful speaker was a well-known character type before William Wycherly featured it in his popular Restoration play, The Plain Dealer (1677); many newspapers still use that title.

The pamphlet appeared on 17 November 1747. The title page quoted an excerpt from Sallust’s Bellum Catilinae. Four lines from the bottom of the quotation, Franklin set in capitals a key clause: NON VOTIS, NEQUE SUPPLICIIS MULIEBRIBUS, AUXILIA DEORUM PARANTUR. Two days later, he published a translation in the Gazette: Divine Assistance and Protection are not to be obtain’d by timorous Prayers and womanish Supplications. The translation from Sallust continued, "To succeed, you must join salutary Counsels, Vigilance, and couragious Actions. The Latin on the title page appealed to the learned, and on the verso, Franklin appealed to everyone by featuring the first American political cartoon. The woodcut from a children’s book illustrated Aesop’s fable of Hercules and the wagoneer: next to a wagon stuck in the mud, a wagoneer kneeling on the ground called out for Hercules to help him. Underneath the cut, the printed text read NON VOTIS, &c. Aesop’s well-known fable said: As a Waggoneer was driving his Team, his Waggon sank into a Hole, and stuck fast. The poor Man immediately fell upon his Knees, and prayed to Hercules that he would get his Waggon out of the Hole again. Thou Fool, says Hercules, whip thy Horses, and set thy Shoulder to the Wheels; and then if thou wilt call upon Hercules, he will help thee."⁸

Poor Richard had voiced the moral in 1736: God helps them that help themselves. Franklin had cited the Aesop fable in his Queries on a Pennsylvania Militia, 6 March 1733/4, when he pointed out that the French had settled from the Great Lakes to the mouth of the Mississippi and would in the future want to control the rivers in Pennsylvania and New York that ran far back toward their present Settlements. Franklin urged in the 1734 Queries that Pennsylvania should be prepared for possible war.⁹ He may have foreseen this additional use for the woodcut when, earlier in 1747, he had it made (or made it himself) for a children’s reader. It was an American woodcut, for it portrayed a Conestoga wagon.

Like Franklin’s Modest Enquiry into the Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency (1729), Plain Truth was modeled on the four-part structure of the puritan sermon—text, doctrine, reasons, and uses. Superimposed upon the puritan sermon structure were elements of the classical oration, with Franklin paying special attention to ethos, or the speaker’s character, and pathos, or the speaker’s appeals to the audience’s emotions.

Plain Truth opened with a brief paragraph on the English character: "It is said the wise Italians make this proverbial Remark on our Nation, viz. The English FEEL, but they do not SEE."¹⁰ Corresponding to the puritan sermon’s structure, a brief explication followed the text: That is, they are sensible of Inconveniencies when they are present, but do not take sufficient Care to prevent them: Their natural Courage makes them too little apprehensive of Danger, so that they are often surpriz’d by it, unprovided of the proper Means of Security. When ’tis too late they are sensible of their Imprudence: After great Fires, they provide Buckets and Engines. Many Franklin readers knew that he referred to the Philadelphia fire of 24 April 1730, after which the Philadelphia Common Council purchased fire engines. After a Pestilence they think of keeping clean their Streets and common Shores. Most Philadelphians recognized that Franklin here referred to his environmental fight to clean up Dock Creek—a controversy he had initiated in 1739 and had thus far lost, even though Dock Creek was widely blamed for a contagious disease that struck Philadelphia during the summer of 1747 (3:228n).

Figure 1. The earliest American political cartoon, Hercules and the Wagoneer. Verso of title page of Benjamin Franklin, Plain Truth (1747). Franklin’s woodcut of Hercules and the Wagoneer was originally made for a schoolbook that Franklin printed early in 1747 depicting a fable by Aesop. His illustrations of Aesop’s fables were the first ones printed in America. The moral of the print is that the wagoner (shown here on the bottom right) should get in the mud behind the wagon, yell for his horses to go—and push.

The woodcut, like the classical allusion from Sallust on the title page, echoed the thesis of Franklin’s 6 March 1733/4 essay concerning the French threat to America. In that Pennsylvania Gazette essay, he asked, Whether the ancient Story of the Man, who sat down and prayed his Gods to lift his Cart out of the Mire, hath not a very good Moral? Poor Richard’s version of the moral said, God helps them that help themselves (2:140).

Franklin or a local Philadelphia craftsman made the woodcut, for the wagon has the unique design of the Pennsylvania Conestoga wagon. The background of Fable Ten, Of the Good Natur’d Man and the Adder, which portrays Franklin’s distinctive Pennsylvania fireplace (Life 2:397, fig. 26b), confirms the local Americanism of Franklin’s 1747 Aesop’s fables. Courtesy, Library Company of Philadelphia.

Matching the opening, Franklin closed the first paragraph with a proverb: "And when a Town has been sack’d by their Enemies, they provide for its Defence, etc. This Kind of AFTER-WISDOM is indeed so common with us, as to occasion the vulgar, tho’ very significant Saying, When the Steed is stolen, you shut the Stable Door. The proverbs reinforce the feeling of common sense and plain truth present throughout the pamphlet. The New England Congregational ministers of Franklin’s youth commonly cited additional biblical passages to prove the text; similarly, Franklin quoted a second proverb with the same import to prove the first. The second saying anticipated the doctrine or thesis drawn from the text: persons should attempt to think of some Means of Avoiding or Preventing the Mischief before it be too late" (3:191).

PLAIN TRUTH: THE DILEMMA

The reasons or proofs began with the dilemma: "War, at this Time, rages over a great Part of the known World…. Pennsylvania, indeed, situate in the Center of the Colonies, has hitherto enjoy’d profound Repose; and tho’ our Nation is engag’d in a bloody War, with two great and powerful Kingdoms, yet, defended, in a great Degree, from the French on the one Hand by the Northern Provinces, and from the Spaniards on the other by the Southern … our People have, till lately, slept securely in their Habitations." Note that Franklin did not thank the crown; the northern colonies had defended Pennsylvania from the French and the southern colonies had defended it against the Spanish. An undercurrent of criticism of the British authorities runs throughout Plain Truth. His readers knew that the one major victory in North America occurred in 1745, when the New Englanders with the help of the British Navy had taken the French fortress of Louisbourg on Cape Breton. Though other American colonies had provided for defense, Pennsylvania had not because The Length and Difficulty of our Bay and River has been thought an effectual security (3:191).

Pennsylvanians, however, were fooling themselves in their sense of security. Franklin devoted three paragraphs to the state of affairs: (1) in Philadelphia, (2) on the frontier, and (3) to those living near the Delaware Bay. The enemy had informants who knew all three areas. Spying has been the Practice of all Nations in all Ages, whenever they were engaged, or intended to engage in War. Though no believer in the Bible, Franklin used it to appeal to his audience. The Book of Judges (18:2) said, "That the Children of Dan sent of their Family five Men from their Coasts to spie out the Land, and search it, saying, Go, search the LAND. He had quoted the same passage in his 1734 Queries" on a Pennsylvania militia (W 223–24). He also used the popular anti-Catholic prejudice (which had intensified in 1746 because Catholics generally supported Charles Stuart’s invasion of Great Britain) by reminding Philadelphians that Roman Catholic priests lived among them.¹¹

Like Philadelphia, the frontier settlements were threatened. We have, ’tis true, had a long Peace with the Indians: But it is a long Peace indeed, as well as a long Lane, that has no Ending. The French know the Power and Importance of the Six Nations, and spare no Artifice, Pains or Expence, to gain them to their Interest. Here for the first time in Plain Truth, he anticipated the French and Indian War. From prophecy, however, he descended to glib propaganda: By their Priests they have converted many to their Religion, and these have openly espoused their Cause. The rest appear irresolute (4:193–94). Conditions were deteriorating. Pennsylvania’s former Indian allies were now mainly neutral and would probably shortly become enemies.

After more than a year of inactivity at Albany, the English military forces there were being disbanded by Orders from the Crown. Franklin implicitly cried out, What imbecility! Two weeks earlier on 9 November, the Pennsylvania Gazette published the news that the duke of Newcastle had canceled the projected expedition against Canada. The four companies of soldiers from Pennsylvania at Albany, which included Ensign William Franklin, were discharged. When our boasted Expedition is laid aside, thro’ want (as it may appear to them [i.e., their former Indian allies]) either of Strength or Courage; when they see that the French, and their Indians, boldly and with Impunity, ravage the Frontiers of New York, and scalp the Inhabitants; when those few Indians that engaged with us against the French, are left exposed to their Resentment: When they consider these Things, is there no Danger that, thro’ Disgust at our Usage, joined with Fear of the French Power, and greater Confidence in their Promises and Protection than in ours, they may be wholly gained over by our Enemies and join in the War against us? (3:194). Franklin implied that the crown cared little for America and less for the lives of Americans. The devastation of Pennsylvania’s frontier must follow.

It would have been treason to criticize the crown more openly. At about the time that he composed Plain Truth, Franklin wrote Poor Richard for 1748, where, among the sayings, he put in the following traitorous sentiment: Robbers must exalted be, / Small ones on the Gallow-Tree, / While greater ones ascend to Thrones, / But what is that to thee or me? (3:248). Thirteen years later, when David Hume defended his patron, the duke of Bedford, from Franklin’s criticisms concerning the 1746–47 Albany expedition, Franklin documented his reasons for the criticism, though he knew that Hume did not want to acknowledge Great Britain’s lack of concern about American affairs. Franklin wrote Hume on 27 September 1760 that perhaps Bedford was hearty in the Scheme of the Expedition but said that others in the administration were not: It is certain that after the Duke of Newcastle’s first Orders to raise Troops in the Colonies, and Promise to send over Commissions to the Officers, with Arms, Clothing, & c. for the Men, we never had another Syllable from him for 18 Months; during all which time the Army lay idle at Albany for want of Orders and Necessaries (9:228–29).

From criticizing the British authorities, the tradesman persona moved on to the foolish selfishness of some Pennsylvanians: "Perhaps some in the City, Towns and Plantations near the River, may say to themselves, An Indian War on the Frontiers will not affect us; the Enemy will never come near our Habitations … And others who live in the Country, when they are told of the Danger the City is in from Attempts by Sea, may say, What is that to us? The Enemy will be satisfied with the Plunder of the Town, and never think it worth his while to visit our Plantations: Let the Town take care of itself. These are not mere Suppositions, for I have heard some talk in this strange Manner. But are these the Sentiments of true Pennsylvanians, of Fellow-Countrymen, or even of Men that have common Sense or Goodness?"

Franklin asked his audience to unify for the good of the whole: When the French and Indian War broke out on the frontiers less than half a dozen years later, Franklin urged a similar argument. Pennsylvania must unite to protect the whole body politic: Is not the whole Province one Body, united by living under the same Laws, and enjoying the same Priviledges? Are not the People of City and Country connected as Relations both by Blood and Marriage, and in Friendships equally dear? Are they not likewise united in Interest, and mutually useful and necessary to each other? He then carried the body metaphor to a logical conclusion: "When the Feet are wounded shall the Head say, It is not me; I will not trouble myself to contrive Relief! Or if the Head is in Danger, shall the Hands say, We are not affected, and therefore will lend no Assistance! No. For so would the Body be easily destroyed: But when all Parts join their Endeavours for its Security, it is often preserved" (3:194–95). Later, Franklin applied the body metaphor to relations between Great Britain and the colonies. Throughout the pre-Revolutionary period, he stressed that the empire was a single body and that the authorities should run it for the good of the whole.¹² Franklin repeatedly criticized the British authorities for harming the colonies in order to benefit a group of English merchants. In Plain Truth, the Tradesman/Franklin reminded his audience that the Pennsylvania Assembly had previously provided funds for defense: on 24 July 1745, it had voted £4,000 to help provision the garrison after Cape Breton was taken, and on 21 October 1741, it had voted £3,000 for the English war effort. Shall Country and Town join in helping Strangers (as those comparatively are) and yet refuse to assist each other? (3:194–95).

Turning to the war’s effect on Pennsylvania’s economy, Franklin said that the successful voyages of the enemy’s privateers in the Delaware Bay guaranteed their return, the Profit being always Certain, and the Risque next to nothing. Trade would decline and the price of all foreign goods would rise: "As long as the Enemy cruize at our Capes, and take those Vessels that attempt to go out, as well as those that endeavour to come in, none can afford to trade, and Business must be soon at a Stand. The Stand implies that trade will turn to other ports that can be entered with less danger, like New York, and that Pennsylvania would be left with A Lessening of Business to every Shopkeeper, together with Multitudes of bad Debts; the high Rate of Goods discouraging the Buyers, and the low Rates of their Labour and Produce rendering them unable to pay for what they had bought: Loss of Employment to the Tradesman and bad Pay for what little he does: And lastly, Loss of many Inhabitants, who will retire to other Provinces not subject to the like Inconveniencies; whence a Lowering of the Value of Lands, Lots, and Houses."

The Tradesman said that the French and Spanish have been told that Pennsylvanians are Quakers, against all Defence. He acknowledged that some Pennsylvanians were pacifists but maintained that they constituted only a small part of the Inhabitants. Their enemies believed the false report because nothing was done by any Part of the People towards their Defence. Since refusing to defend one’s self or one’s Country, is so unusual a Thing among Mankind, the French and Spanish possibly might not believe it till by Experience they find, they can come higher and higher up our River, seize our Vessels, land and plunder our Plantations and Villages, and retire with their Booty unmolested. He then asked: Will not this confirm the Report, and give them the greatest Encouragement to strike one bold Stroke for the City, and for the whole Plunder of the River? (3:196–97).

Some persons claimed that the expense of a vessel to guard the Delaware Bay would be greater than the enemy could take from Pennsylvania. They said it would be cheaper to open an insurance office to pay all losses. Franklin refuted such reasoning: What the Enemy takes is clear Loss to us, and Gain to him; encreasing his Riches and Strength as much as it diminishes ours, so making the Difference double; whereas the Money paid our own Tradesmen for Building and Fitting out a Vessel of Defence, remains in the Country, and circulates among us; what is paid to the Officers and Seamen that navigate her, is also spent ashore, and soon gets into other Hands; the Farmer receives the Money for her Provisions; and on the whole, nothing is clearly lost to the Country. On the other hand, "should the Enemy, thro’ our Supineness and Neglect to provide for the Defence, both of our Trade and Country, be encouraged to attempt this City, and after plundering us of our Goods, either burn it, or put it to Ransom; how great would that Loss be! Besides the Confusion, Terror, and Distress, so many Hundreds of Families would be involv’d in!" (3:197).

The Tradesman/Franklin proceeded from the economy of Pennsylvania to the devastation resulting from an enemy attack. He appealed to the prejudices and fears of his audience. Since the city had no organized defense, "on the first Alarm, Terror will spread over All. Without a united force, most persons would flee. The Man that has a Wife and Children, will find them hanging on his Neck, beseeching him with Tears to quit the City, and save his Life, to guide and protect them in that Time of general Desolation and Ruin. All will run into Confusion, amidst Cries and Lamentations, and the Hurry and Disorder of Departers, carrying away their Effects. The Few that remain will be unable to resist. Sacking the City will be the first, and Burning it, in all Probability, the last Act of the Enemy. Such would be the case if the Philadelphians had timely notice. But what must be your Condition, if suddenly surprized, without previous Alarm, perhaps in the Night! Confined to your Houses, you will have nothing to trust to but the Enemy’s Mercy. Your best Fortune will be, to fall under the Power of Commanders of King’s Ships, able to controul the Mariners; and not into the Hand of licentious Privateers. The latter must endure having their Wives and Daughters … subject to the wanton and unbridled Rage, Rapine and Lust, of Negroes, Molattoes, and others, the vilest and most abandoned of Mankind" (3:197–98).

To racial, Franklin added economic prejudice. The rich, he said, would probably not suffer greatly: The Means of speedy Flight are ready in their Hands; and with some previous Care to lodge Money and Effects in distant and secure Places, tho’ they should lose much, yet enough may be left them, and to spare. But the tradesmen, shopkeepers, and farmers would suffer. They could not run away with their families—and if they did, how would they subsist? What little we have gained by hard Labour and Industry, must bear the Brunt … Tho we are numerous, we are quite defenceless, having neither Forts, Arms, Union, nor Discipline. Philadelphia and the countryside could be easily defended if proper measures were taken, but who would do so? And who would pay? (3:198–99).

PLAIN TRUTH: BOTH PARTIES CONDEMNED

After portraying the possible devastation, Franklin blamed both the Quaker and the Proprietary parties for the defenseless situation. The maneuver actually gained him support from most elements of both parties, for it suggested that the independent speaker was of neither party—and yet the Quaker Party leaders could read with pleasure the condemnation of the Proprietary Party leaders and vice versa. Everyone knew that Franklin wrote Plain Truth. The Quaker assemblymen could of course fire him as printer and as clerk of the assembly. Franklin risked his lucrative offices when he suggested that the Quaker members who opposed war should resign their positions: "Should we intreat them to consider, if not as Friends, at least as Legislators, that Protection is as truly due from the Government to the People, as Obedience from the People to the Government; and that if on account of their religious Scruples, they themselves could do no Act for our Defence, yet they might retire, relinquish their Power for a Season, [and] quit the Helm to freer Hands during the present Tempest." That would happen during 1755 and 1756.

The doctrine that "Protection is as truly due from the Government to the People, as Obedience from the People to the Government cut both ways. It also condemned the governor, council, and proprietor—and, to carry out the implication to its logical conclusion, the doctrine also condemned the British authorities and the king. Franklin implicitly threatened the proprietary government: if it did not protect the people, then it did not deserve obedience. Thomas Penn, as we will see, objected to the doctrine. Franklin also charged that the Quaker legislators had spent large Sums" opposing the petitions to the British authorities for military defense and had engaged expensive lawyers to represent them against the majority of Pennsylvanians (3:199). The information must have shocked many citizens, and Franklin’s saying it must have angered a number of Quaker legislators.

Franklin suggested that the Quakers employ their usual subterfuge in voting funds for defense, saying it was for the King’s Use. Though the treasury was "at present empty, it may soon be filled by the outstanding Public Debts collected; or at least Credit might be had for such a Sum, on a single Vote of the assembly: That tho’ they themselves may be resigned and easy under this naked, defenceless State of the Country, it is far otherwise with a very great Part of the People; with us, who can have no Confidence that God will protect those that neglect the Use of rational Means for their Security; nor have any Reason to hope, that our Losses, if we should suffer any, may be made up by Collections in our Favour at Home!" (3:199).

In this passage, Franklin rebuked the wealthy Quakers who would probably receive help from the English Quakers if they did suffer. Using his knowledge of rhetoric, he condemned the Quaker legislators with a series of epistrophes—sentences made more effective by concluding with the same words: "Should we conjure them by all the Ties of Neighbourhood, Friendship, Justice and Humanity, to consider these Things; and what Distraction, Misery and Confusion, what Desolation and Distress, may possibly be the Effect of their unseasonable Predominancy and Perserverance; yet all would be in vain: For they have already been by great Numbers of the People petitioned in vain. Our late Governor [George Thomas] did for Years solicit, request, and even threaten them in vain. The Council have since twice remonstrated to them in vain. Their religious Prepossessions are unchangeable, their Obstinacy invincible. Is there then the least Hope remaining, that from that Quarter any Thing should arise for our Security?" (3:199–200).

Franklin’s censure of the proprietarians was even more severe. He used class resentment in attacking those Great and rich Men, Merchants and others, who are ever railing at Quakers for doing what their Principles seem to require, and what in Charity we ought to believe they think their Duty, but take no one Step themselves for the Public Safety? They have so much Wealth and Influence if they would use it, that they might easily, by their Endeavours and Example, raise a military Spirit among us, make us fond, studious of, and expert in Martial Discipline, and effect every Thing that is necessary, under God for our Protection. He declared that envy had seized their hearts and had eaten out and destroyed every generous, noble, public-spirited sentiment. The proprietary partisans, like the Quakers, were blind to the good of the whole. "Rage at the Disappointment of their little Schemes for Power, gnaws their Souls, and fills them with such cordial Hatred to their Opponents, that every Proposal, by the Execution of which those may receive Benefit as well as themselves, is rejected with Indignation. What, say they, shall we lay out our Money to protect the Trade of Quakers? Shall we fight to defend Quakers? No; Let the Trade perish, and the City burn; let what will happen, we shall never lift a Finger to prevent it" (3:200).

At least the Quakers had conscience to plead for their position. The proprietary partisans seemed to have no conscience: "Conscience enjoins it as a DUTY on you (and indeed I think it such on every Man) to defend your Country, your Friends, your aged Parents, your Wives, and helpless Children: And yet you resolve not to perform this Duty, but act contrary to your own Consciences, because the Quakers act according to theirs. Franklin told an anecdote illustrating his favorite moral that all should strive for the common good:  ’Till of late I could scarce believe the Story of him who refused to pump in a sinking Ship, because one on board, whom he hated, would be saved by it as well as himself. (At the end of 1756, he used a variation of this anecdote in advocating a militia act [6:305].) The Tradesman/Franklin sardonically observed of human nature that our Passions, when violent, often are too hard for the united Force of Reason, Duty and Religion" (3:201).

Having set forth the dilemma and condemned both the Quaker and the Proprietary parties, Franklin turned to the middling People, the Farmers, Shopkeepers and Tradesmen of this City and Country, and appealed to them: "Thus unfortunately are we circumstanc’d at this Time, my dear Countrymen and Fellow-Citizens … Thro’ the Dissensions of our Leaders, thro’ mistaken Principles of Religion, join’d with a Love of Worldly Power, on the one Hand; thro’ Pride, Envy and implacable Resentment on the other; our Lives, our Families and little Fortunes, dear to us as any Great Man’s can be to him, are to remain continually expos’d to Destruction, from an enterprizing, cruel, now well-inform’d, and by Success encourag’d Enemy. Both parties engaged in foolish and mischievous contentions for little Posts and paltry Distinctions…. It seems as if our greatest Men, our Cives nobilissimi of both Parties, had sworn the Ruin of the Country, and invited the French, our most inveterate Enemy, to destroy it. He asked the rhetorical question, Where then shall we seek for Succour and Protection? He repeated the biblical citation that implied Great Britain would be no help: we are far from ZIDON, and there is no Deliverer near" (3:202, cf. 193).

PLAIN TRUTH: THE APPEAL

Franklin’s appeal for action corresponded to the application section of the puritan sermon: perhaps there is yet a Remedy, if we have but the Prudence and the Spirit to apply it (3:201–2). Ordinary citizens could bear arms and defend the province. Excluding the Quakers, Pennsylvania had at least 60,000 fighting men, acquainted with fire-arms, many of them hunters and marksmen, hardy and bold. All Pennsylvania really needed was order, discipline, and a few cannon: At present we are like the separate Filaments of Flax before the Thread is form’d, without Strength because without Connection; but UNION would make us strong and even formidable. Even if the great merchants of both parties did not help, and even if they opposed the union, the people could unite to defend themselves. Franklin appealed to their patriotism. He granted that the fierce fighting Animals of those happy Islands [Britain] are said to abate their native Fire and Intrepidity when removed to a Foreign Clime, yet with the People ’tis not so. (Franklin had ironically cited the same belief concerning the degeneration of English dogs in America on 9 October 1729; Life 1:419.) He reminded his audience that New Englanders had demonstrated their extraordinary bravery and skill in the astounding 1745 victory at Fort Louisbourg (3:202).

Franklin also celebrated Pennsylvania’s Germans as fighters: "Nor are there wanting amongst us, Thousands of that Warlike Nation, whose Sons have ever since the Time of Caesar maintained the Character he gave their Fathers, of joining the most obstinate Courage to all the other military Virtues. Franklin said that many Germans had been soldiers in the Service of their respective Princes; and if they fought well for their Tyrants and Oppressors, would they refuse to unite with us in Defence of their newly acquired and most precious Liberty and Property?" (3:203).

If Pennsylvanians organized, they could defend themselves. Having prepared for their own safety, "we might then, with more Propriety, humbly ask the Assistance of Heaven, and a Blessing on our lawful Endeavours"—clearly alluding to the Latin epigraph and the cartoon prefacing Plain Truth. As in his 1734 Queries on a Pennsylvania Militia, Franklin argued that the mere knowledge that Pennsylvania possessed an effective militia would keep enemies from attacking them. He cited the "wise and true Saying, that One Sword often keeps another in the Scabbard. The use of the proverb (as in the opening of the pamphlet) strengthened the commonsense appeal of the argument and the plain-dealer persona. Franklin reinforced the saying with his own sententia: The Way to secure Peace is to be prepared for War (3:202). The Tradesman/Franklin said that if the Hints met with approval, he would propose a Form of an ASSOCIATION for the Purposes herein mentioned, and a plan for raising the money necessary for the Defence of our Trade, City, and Country, without laying a Burthen on any Man" (3:202–4).

Calling again on religion, Franklin appended a prayer condemning divisions in this time of danger and asking for unity not only between the political parties and religions but also between the different national groups (alluding not only to the Germans but also to traditional hostilities among the English, Irish, Welsh, and Scots): "May the GOD of WISDOM, STRENGTH and POWER, the Lord of the Armies of Israel, inspire us with Prudence in this Time of DANGER; take away from us all the Seeds of Contention and Division, and unite the Hearts and Counsels of all of us, of whatever SECT or NATION, in one Bond of Peace, Brotherly Love, and generous Public Spirit; May he give us Strength and Resolution to amend our Lives, and remove from among us every Thing that is displeasing to him; afford us his most gracious Protection, the Designs of our Enemies, and give PEACE" (3:204).

PLAIN TRUTH: RECEPTION

The pamphlet was a sensation. Franklin printed a thousand copies—about three times as many as the usual pamphlet or sermon—and he gave them away. Skyrocketing demand for the pamphlet made him print another thousand copies two weeks later. He also had a thousand copies in German printed.¹³ Richard Peters called Plain Truth a strong and pathetick appeal to the People. The public awaited the proposal.

Plain Truth initiated a supposed literary war. An advertisement in the Pennsylvania Gazette on 19 November said the pamphlet contained injurious reflections on a Number of Persons, who the Writer calls the Party opposite to the Quakers, as if they were utterly regardless of the Publick Good, and from mean and unjustifiable Motives, would refuse to do any Thing for the Defence of their Country. In fact, said the author, several of these persons had spent six hundred pounds each to fit out the privateer Warren to guard the Delaware River and Bay. The penultimate sentence noted that though the persons pointed at had reason to resent the abusive and unjustifiable Treatment given them by that Writer, yet they wave every Thing of the Kind, in Consideration of his appearing to mean well. Further, the advertiser promised that if the author of Plain Truth could propose a scheme by which the Inhabitants of this Province may be united and disciplined, and the Country and City put into a State of Defence, none shall enter into the same more heartily than they. I suspect that this advertisement was also by Franklin, who had, said Richard Peters, discussed the strategy of blaming both parties with Tench Francis, William Coleman, and Thomas Hopkinson—all members of the Proprietary Party—before writing Plain Truth (3:215). Blaming wealthy persons for not taking on themselves the expense of defending the whole province did not, as the historian Alan Tully has pointed out, make good sense.¹⁴ It was a rhetorical ploy to appear politically impartial. Always conscious of the besetting sin of vanity, Franklin would have been ironically amused that the penultimate sentence concluded with a compliment, even though a minor one (appearing to mean well), to himself.¹⁵

The Quaker pacifists became angry and wrote several replies. Two are noted below, when discussing the Fast Day of 7 January. A third tract, the anonymous Treatise Shewing the Need we Have to rely upon God as the soul Protector of this Province, claimed in its advertisement in the Pennsylvania Journal for 23 June that it answered Plain Truth and contained "Remarks on the Author’s Irreligion. Though the author announced on the title page that he was one that wisheth well to all Mankind, he not only made an ad hominem attack on Franklin, he also roundly condemned the moderate Quakers, the Proprietary Party members, and everyone except pacifists. He charged that those who favored the Association really desired a change in Government and called them warlions who would raise taxes to gratify their ambitious Minds." He fulfilled the advertisement’s charge merely by claiming that the author of Plain Truth was "a Man wholly given up to Irreligion."¹⁶

CALL TO ACTION

By word of mouth and no doubt by a handbill, Franklin called a meeting for Saturday, 21 November 1747, of Philadelphia’s middling people at Walton’s schoolhouse, which was held in Chancellor’s sail loft on Arch Street. According to Richard Peters, Franklin notified the Library Company members and members of the various fire companies. He probably also invited all the tradesmen (save for the pacifist Quakers) who lived in the area. About 150 people showed up, mostly artisans and Franklin’s friends. After calling them the first Movers in every useful undertaking that had been projected for the good of the City, Franklin pull’d a Draught of an intended Association out of his Pocket and read it (3:216).

It contained a preamble and eight short sections. The preamble continued the undercurrent of criticism of the Mother Country. The French and Spanish know that this Colony is in a naked defenceless State, without Fortifications or Militia of any Sort, and is therefore exposed daily to Destruction from the Attacks of a very small Force: That we are at a great Distance from our Mother Country, and cannot, on any Emergency, receive Assistance from thence. The use of Mother Country was ironic, for not only was the Mother Country unable to help the colonies in case of enemy attack, but the Mother Country did not care about America. That thro’ the Multiplicity of other Affairs of greater Importance (as we presume) no particular Care hath hitherto been taken by the Government at Home of our Protection, an humble Petition to the Crown for that purpose, sign’d by a great Number of Hands, having yet had no visible Effect.¹⁷ In effect, Franklin again suggested that the Mother Country did not think America or American lives important.

Looking back at Pennsylvania’s history, Franklin wrote that the Assemblies of this Province, by reason of their religious Principles, have not done, nor are likely to do any Thing for our Defence, notwithstanding repeated Applications to them for that Purpose. Therefore, for our mutual Defence and Security, and for the Security of our Wives, Children and Estates, and the Preservation of the Persons and Estates of others, our Neighbours and Fellow Subjects (3:205–6), the signers were now forming a militia Association based on eight provisions.

1) Arms: by 1 January, each signer would provide himself with a good Firelock, Cartouch Box, and at least twelve Charges of Powder and Ball, and as many as conveniently could, with a good Sword, Cutlass or Hanger, to be kept always in our respective Dwellings, in Readiness, and good Order.

2) Local groups: before 1 January, the signers would form themselves into companies of fifty to one hundred men each, consisting of persons situated most conveniently for meeting together.

3) Local organization: at the first meeting, three persons were to be chosen by Ballot out of, and by each Company, to be Captain, Lieutenant and Ensign of the same. In order for the Association to have the blessing of the government, those elected would have to obtain Commissions from the governor.

4) Higher organization: the officers of the city and each county would meet and elect colonels, lieutenant colonels, and majors, whose names they would submit to the governor or his delegate to receive commissions for a year. The officers and men would serve gratis. The signers agreed to pay due obedience to them. Further, the superior officers would meet in Philadelphia on the third Monday in March to frame general regulations for the Association, which would be observed until a meeting of the General Military Council.

5) Training: the signers agreed to meet with their companies to train in military discipline at the times and places the officers appointed, not exceeding four Times in one Year, unless called together on some Emergency by the Governor, and on the third Monday in August all regiments in each county would meet at the county seat for a general exercise and review.

6) The General Military Council: at the annual meetings, the regiments would choose by ballot four deputies from each county who were members of the Association "of most Note for their Virtue, Prudence and Ability, who shall meet together at Philadelphia in fourteen Days after their Election, at their own Expence, and form a GENERAL MILITARY COUNCIL, to consult upon and frame such regulations as shall be requisite for the better ordering our military Affairs, improving us in military Knowledge, and uniting and ordering our Strength, so as to make it of the most Service for our common Security." The Associators agreed to obey the council’s orders and regulations.

7) No taxes, fines, or punishments: the General Military Council will not "subject us to any Pecuniary Mulcts, Fines, or Corporal Penalties, on any Account whatever; We being determined, in this whole Affair, to act only on Principles of REASON, DUTY and HONOUR." The council will leave all expenses for batteries or fortifications to voluntary subscription.

8) Duration: the Association will continue until a more effectual provision is made to answer the same ends or until Peace shall be established between Great Britain, and France and Spain, and no longer (3:206–8).

When asked about cannons and other expensive fortifications for the protection of the town from ships in the Delaware River, Franklin answered that he proposed to raise the funds through a lottery and that he thought they could also secure cannons either through the proprietaries from England or by borrowing them from neighboring governments.

The plan instantly succeeded. Everyone at the Saturday evening meeting agreed to it and offered to join the proposed militia Association. No, not yet, said Franklin, let us offer it at least to the Gentlemen and if they come into it, well and good, we shall be the better able to carry it into Execution. He planned a meeting with the gentlemen and wealthy merchants two days later, Monday evening, and a meeting of both groups and all other supporters the following day. Franklin knew his chances of success were greater if he appealed to the hierarchical beliefs of the leaders in the colonial society, but he also knew that they would learn of the success of the meeting with the tradesmen and that they would be all the more willing to come into the plan if the majority of the citizens were for it.

THE ASSOCIATION ORGANIZED

On Monday night, 23 November 1747, Franklin offered the Form of Association for our common Security and Defence against the Enemy to the principal Gentlemen, Merchants and others, at Roberts’s Coffee-House, on the northeast corner of Chestnut and Front streets, where after due Deliberation, it was unanimously approv’d. Franklin said he would print copies the next day and called for another meeting that evening, 24 November, at the New Building to begin signing. He printed the Form of Association on both sides of a broadside, leaving plenty of room for signatures. That evening, the New Building was pretty full. I had prepared a Number of printed Copies, and provided Pens and Ink dispers’d all over the Room. Franklin wrote that he harangu’d them a little on the Subject, read the Paper & explain’d it, and then distributed the Copies, which were eagerly signed, not the least Objection being made (3:208).

Since Franklin printed comments about each section of the Form of Association in the Gazette of 3 December, we know roughly what he said on 24 November. His remarks explained and justified the articles and suggested actions that others who were not joining the Association could take to help. The remarks also document further Franklin’s values and his wide reading. He commented on arms and said that use was to be more regarded than uniformity, and therefore he used the general word firelock rather than musket (which had no rifling in the bore). Revealing his familiarity with military manuals, Franklin said that some writers advised that one-fourth the weight of the ball was sufficient powder and that more powder made the gun violently recoil, rendering the shot less certain. The military writers added that the bullets should slip down the bore with ease, otherwise both time and rapid fire were lost. Franklin advised that though bayonets were not required, it would be good for some to have them; they were useful against a violent Onset from irregular Foot, as against Horse. He suggested that older or infirm citizens who could not perform the training could nevertheless help if they kept arms and ammunition ready: if occasion called, they could either use them or lend them to others who were unprovided (3:208–9).

Concerning article 2, local groups, Franklin remarked that the organization was intended to prevent people from sorting themselves into Companies, according to their Ranks in Life, their Quality or Station. He had already appeased the normal hierarchical expectations of his society, and now he affirmed his personal egalitarianism:  ’Tis designed to mix the Great and Small together, for the sake of Union and Encouragement. Where Danger and Duty are equal to All, there should be no Distinction from Circumstances, but All be on the Level (3:209).¹⁸

Franklin’s egalitarianism also appeared in the election, rather than the appointment, of officers. Knowing that it contradicted the English and European practices, Franklin attempted to justify the procedure. He said that when the governor appointed the officers, it sometimes happened that Persons absolutely disagreeable to the People are impower’d to command them. This is attended with very ill Consequences, rendering the Meetings for military Exercise, instead of a Pleasure, a most grievous Burthen, and by Degrees discouraging them even to a total Disuse. But where the militia choose their officers, it is to be presumed the Choice will naturally fall on Men of the best Character for their military Skill; on such too, from whose Prudence and Good-nature there may be no Fear of Injustice or military Oppression. He thought that voting would prevent resentments against those chosen and that annual elections would excite an Emulation in All to qualify themselves for being chosen in their Turn (3:209).

Franklin’s further commentary on article 3 testified to his reading of classical history: Though the rotation of offices was contrary to modern use, the wonderful Success of the Old Romans proves it absolutely right. The Romans, without Doubt, affected Glory and Command as much as other People; but yet they disdained not to obey in their Armies the same Persons whom they had formerly commanded; and to serve as private Soldiers, where they had been formerly Generals. He added that the application to the governor for commissions preserved the prerogative, and at the same time the annual elections secured the liberty of the people. He concluded his remarks on the local officers: What can give more Spirit and martial Vigour to an Army of FREEMEN, than to be led by those whom they have the best Opinion? (3:209–10).

The remarks on article 4, higher organization, said that if it was reasonable for the people to choose their officers, it was appropriate for the officers to choose their commanders: "The whole Choice, indeed, may, in one Sense, be said to be in the People, as it takes its Rise from them. Without some general Regulations for uniting our Force, or such Part of it as may be requisite, our general arming would be to little Purpose. And as every Neighbourhood would be glad of Assistance if attacked, so it ought to be willing to give Assistance where it is needed. The great Number of Horses in this Province are in this Respect a vast Advantage; for tho’ perhaps we may not form Regiments of Horse, yet those who are to fight on Foot, may, by their Means, be suddenly assembled in great Numbers where wanted, even from very distant Places. He again cited classical history: The Romans, in sudden Expeditions, sometimes put two Men to a Horse. One on Foot was greatly assisted in his March by holding on the Horse’s Mane, while the other rid; and they alternately relieved each other." So too modern calvary, on similar occasions, sometimes carry infantrymen with them (3:210).

In article 5, training, Franklin returned to the roles that older or infirm persons might fulfill. Those not able to undergo the military exercise should nevertheless attend the training days and observe them so that they might be able to help if called upon. Besides, Their Presence and Approbation may encourage younger Men; and the gravest and wisest among us need not be ashamed to countenance Exercises so manifestly tending to the public Good. Since the article limited the meetings to four a year, people would not often be called from their jobs; at the same time, four trainings a year was enough to keep what had been learned in mind, though more frequent meetings could be useful until the militia became expert. In an emergency, that is, an actual invasion by enemies, the militia agree to assemble on the governor’s call; but when ’tis known that we are all prepared, well armed and disciplined, etc. there is Reason to hope such an Emergency may never happen. There should be meetings of regiments as well as of companies, for in a major engagement, it would be necessary for regiments to act together (3:210–11).

Franklin’s ostensible reasons for choosing the third Monday in August for the date of the general annual training seem odd. He said it was the time of most Leisure, being after Harvest, the Days of middling Length, and the Heats chiefly over. Did he mean to write that planting was over? Aren’t most crops harvested later? In Philadelphia, the average July high is 87° and August, 85°. The heat is not much less in August. But people in the eighteenth century, as in the twenty-first, liked a break in the summer. Militia trainings were a traditional time of revelry. I suspect that Franklin chose the time because he thought it would be popular. Franklin also suggested that to make the trainings more entertaining and useful, Prizes may be set up for the best Marksmen, and others most expert in any of the martial Exercises. As we saw earlier (Life 1:14–15), trainings featured prizes for marksmanship.

Commenting on article 6, the General Military Council, Franklin said that the regulations necessary could not easily be specified in a few articles and that, as circumstances changed, the regulations should be altered or amended. Therefore, a General Military Council, compos’d of prudent, good and able Men, would be established. Again Franklin found a use for persons who could not do the trainings: The old and wise … may here be of Service. The General Military Council would unite all the whole Association in one body (3:211).

Article 7 stressed that "In worthy Minds, the Principles of Reason, Duty and Honour, work more strongly than the Fears of Punishment." Franklin allowed an exception, however, if the volunteers in local companies wanted to make a temporary agreement