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-Celso Alvarez-Caccamo (1990) Rethinking conversational code- switching:
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Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society. Berkeley: Berkeley
Linguistic Socity. Pp. 3-16.
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http://62.251.153.43/rep/partinqriat/part3.htm
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acquisition. Language Teaching and Linguistic Abstract,8, 201-218.
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Arnold/Hodder Headline Group: Melbourne, as in Skiba.
91
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University Press: Cambridge
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14,
http://www.ncbe.gwu.edu/miscupubs/jeilms/vol14/duran.htm
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http://www.club.it/culture/danielle.goti/corpo.tx.goti.html
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and knowledge of Adults and children in
http://hanninkj.cafeprogressive.com/CS-paper.htm
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http://bach.arts.kuleuven.ac.be/lancom/Erreurs.htm
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Longman.
Milroy, L. (1987). Observing & Analysing Natural Languages: A Critical
Account of Sociolinguistic Method. Blackwell Publishers: Oxford.
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espanol: Toward a typology of code switching Linguistics, 18, pp. 581-618
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Interference in: http://www.aitech.ac.jp/-iteslj/Articles/SkibaCodeSwitching.html
-Skinner, B.F.(1957). Verbal Behaviour. Appleton-Century-Grofts: New York.
-Weinreich, Uriel (1953) Languages in Contact .The Hague: Mouton.
: . :
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Abstract
Nomination in Meters of Utterances (Indicative Studies)
This study aims to identify to what extent verbal nouns in Lisan AlArab is spread or common in term of the following semantic aspects:
animals, plants, and proper nouns. The most prevailing verbal nouns
were the past, the present and the imperative respectively. Syntactically,
the most spread verbal nouns were the infinitives of the three letter past
verb root and the four letter present verb root respectively.
the study emphasizes the importance of animals, places and plants
in the life of the Arabs .Furthermore the study sparks new prospects for
further research through which events can be linked to nouns. This might
also contribute in affirming the records of Arabs religiously, socially and
culturally. The Major results of the study are as follows:
1-This phenomenon has spread in plants, animals, places and
information as it has been connected with the life of Arabs in various
places and times.
2-The study has disclosed several names for the same thing, one is
given for several names in various fields.
3-These nominations are regarded as records for those incidents
which they named after, they might be a part of history and the reality
which Arabs lived, it might be included within the historical dictionary of
Arab utterances which we concern with to document such names.
4-The matter related to various nominations by verbs might refer to
the strength of meaning and harmony of the utterance. It is clear that the
methodology of Arabs in nomination related to their saying : they named
their sons for their enemies, their slaves for them. Therefore, slaves
names have been selected well and their sons' name have been selected
94
badly, there are several nominations which are rhythmic related to this
saying .
5-The study indicates to the capacity of Arabic in using utterances
in neutral meanings not designed for it linguistically.
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Hachette. 1976.
- Dictionnaire de la linguistique. G. Mounin presses universitaires
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- Pour comprendre la linguistique, Marina Yguello ditions du seuil
1981.
- Problmes de linguistique gnrale. Emile Benveniste, ditions
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20 - Dictionnaire de la linguistique, p : 213 G. MOUNIN.
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les dictionnaires le robert- paris France. Voir aussi Larousse
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Le rapport la langue : une attitude complexe\ *

aN MAOUGAL
le paysage linguistique algrien A* 2 6* no FZ* U
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K142xHP(la langue arabe littraire
Le paysage linguistique algrien Deux grandes langues et deux
langues maternelles se disputent lespace nord-africain. Dune part
larabe littral et le franais, dautre part larabe algrien et le berbre. Si
la demande sociale est, encore, trs timide pour larabe algrien, le
berbre a, aujourdhui, la prtention de rivaliser avec les premires cites.
Elle tient, comme on dit, jouer dans la cour des grands .
La langue arabe littraire
Principalement crite, larabe littraire est une langue dont la ralit
fonctionnelle (au sens communication spontane) est peu importante. Il
sagit dune langue savante, peu matrise par lensemble des citoyens et
confine des domaines particuliers, essentiellement, la religion et
ladministration.
Mme si cette langue a eu des vellits de changement notamment,
en se modernisant, il nest pas sur quelle ait, pour le moment, conquis le
grand public. Sa vocation de langue unificatrice du monde dit arabe est,
donc, loin de se raliser. Faute davoir pu coller la ralit, elle na
pas pu simplanter dans la socit et a t, consquemment, supplante
par la langue franaise, malgr la politique volontariste mene par lEtat.
La situation linguistique et, surtout, les conflits qui en dcoulent
prennent leur source au dbut du sicle avec la naissance du mouvement
national. Face un Etat colonisateur fortement centralis, llite
nationaliste algrienne va adopter une attitude tout aussi jacobine.
183
Larabe littral devait rpondre mot par mot la langue franaise.

Cest dans cet lan que lAlgrie indpendante sempressera de mener
une campagne darabisation tambour battant . Cette langue est cense
tre linstrument de cohsion sociale et dunit nationale. Les rgimes qui
se sont succds ont, au nom de cet argument, men une arabisation
forcene.
Conue comme stratgie politique et non comme outil du savoir,
larabe officiel rencontrera de grandes difficults simplanter. Des
signes patents (au niveau des administrations, des enseignes
commerciales) montrent ds quil y a le moindre relchement des
pouvoirs publics, la langue franaise revient en force (les arrts
ministriels et des walis pour arabiser lenvironnement se succdent sans
pouvoir simposer). Prs de quatre dcennies aprs son officialisation,
larabe littral reste la langue dune lite et narrive pas sinstaller
comme langue de la rue .
Officiellement officielle, la langue arabe littral nest, de fait,
quune langue totem .
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17-(J) HUMBLEY, IN KAHLOUCHE, Le brbere (Kabyle) au
contact de lArabe et du Franais (tude socio-historique et
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Pour une nouvelle approche

des pratiques langagires1
Ccile Canut
Alors que lanthropologie opre actuellement un rel tournant
pistmologique en abandonnant une dmarche strictement
structuraliste, les spcialistes des sciences du langage , en
France, adoptent une position de repli, soit dans un prolongement
de la linguistique structuraliste dite dure soit dans une
perspective cognitiviste, en prenant appui sur le modle amricain1.
Cette dernire orientation est dailleurs fortement encourage par le
ministre de la Recherche qui incite et finance des programmes2
cognitiques . Si, par ailleurs, la linguistique se spcialise dans
des domaines tels que le TAL (traitement automatique des langues)
ou le FLE (franais langue trangre), elle se coupe de lhomme
de parole et du sujet parlant en tant que pris et constitu par les
donnes sociales, politiques, historiques, anthropologiques,
idologiques, etc.
1- Un des meilleurs point de vue reste celui de R.
CHAUDENSON (1993).
2- La sociolinguistique franaise
Une des raisons de cette exception franaise tient peut-tre
lhgmonie que connut le structuralisme linguistique dit
scientifique dans les annes soixante, ainsi qu son impact trs
fort encore aujourdhui. La plupart des chercheurs refusent
dadopter une dmarche rellement pluridisciplinaire par peur de
manquer de scientificit, de rgle ou de thorie ; par peur, aussi, de
la diversit langagire et de la multiplicit des phnomnes quils
nomment extralinguistiques . En instaurant systmatiquement
une frontire entre interne et externe, que prolonge lviction de
lexterne et donc tout lien avec les autres sciences humaines, les
linguistes induisent que la linguistique se suffit elle-mme,
comme si le langage pouvait tre tudi sans rfrence au sujet,
lhistoire, aux socits, aux modes de production culturels,
-1 - Cahiers d'tudes africaines, EHESS, NO 163-164, 2001
269
littraires, etc. Cette perspective autocentre fait du langage un tout

en soi, indpendant et homogne, alors quil est au carrefour dune
multiplicit de positionnements humains qui le constituent, le
dmultiplient, le font voluer et se transformer.
3- On peut citer les chercheurs franais allant dans cette
direction partir des travaux de Gumperz3,(...)
4- Des chappes intressantes existent toutefois chez des
linguistes qui tentent de se soustraire cet autocentrisme : on peut
citer les courants interactionniste et pragmatique, certains courants
crolistes, dautres marqus par lanthropologie linguistique et la
sociolinguistique interactionnelle amricaines4 mais surtout les
travaux novateurs de chercheurs plus indpendants comme H.
Meschonnic (1995).
5- Langues en contact et incidences subjectives, Montpellier-III.
Cest dans ce sens que sest construit le groupe du LACIS5, en
relation avec dautres groupes de recherche dans diverses
disciplines comme lanthropologie en particulier les travaux de J.L. Amselle & E. MBokolo (1999) , la littrature (Goldschmidt
1997), la psychanalyse (Sibony 1991 ; Prieur 1996), la sociologie
(Achard 1995), etc.
6- Notre approche ncessite une remise en cause
pistmologique fondamentale partir dun dpassement du
structuralisme : il sagit de concevoir le langage dans sa dimension
fondamentalement htrogne afin de se dpartir, entre autres,
dune conception identitaire de la langue.
7- Ceci implique la mise en cause de la notion de langue
telle quelle a t dfinie par Saussure (1967) comme un tout
homogne ou par Chomsky (1965) qui voit en elle une langue
organe. limage de ce qui sest produit pour la notion
dethnie en anthropologie, il convient de dconstruire les
catgorisations issues des fondements idologiques que
prsupposent par exemple la nomination (langue/dialecte) et toute
la thorisation quelle engendre.
8- La question centrale est ici celle des frontires et de la
clture : nous concevons les pratiques langagires non pas comme
prdtermines par une homognit (la langue, une langue en
270
elle-mme ou linverse le social ), mais au contraire comme

ncessairement mles, et pour lesquelles les locuteurs, en fonction
des diffrents niveaux discursifs et des diverses instances
dnonciation (familiale, historique, politique, sociale, idologique,
etc.), tracent ou non des limites. Des limites et parfois des frontires
partir de discours durcis par les enjeux politiques ou idologiques.
Toutefois, lhomognisation et linstauration de ces limites ne
constituent pas une vidence : les locuteurs, sils diffrencient
parfois les pratiques et peuvent leur donner des noms, dune part,
ne le font pas toujours (lexemple dAbidjan prsent par Katja
Ploog ici mme est trs rvlateur) et, dautre part, font varier trs
nettement ces limites entre les formes langagires.
9- Lanalyse des situations africaines notamment, travers les
pratiques et les discours sur les pratiques, nous amne concevoir
les langues dans leur constitution plurielle et mouvante. La
notion de langue telle quelle est pose par les linguistes ne peut
tre traite comme une donne du rel : ainsi pose, elle est une
construction idologique issue en grande partie de lOccident pour
lequel la langue est un lment identitaire. Assimiler la langue
une substance, voire une essence , empche toute
comprhension des pratiques fluctuantes des locuteurs, dtermines
par un ensemble complexe de phnomnes la fois discursifs et
pratiques.
10- Les revendications des Corses, des Catalans ou des
Basques en matire de langue ne font que reprend (...)
11- certains points de la communication, des groupes ou
des socits peuvent avoir besoin dune relat (...)
12- Pour des raisons strictement politiques de constitution ou
de renforcement des Nations, la standard (...)
13- Dans toute laboration imaginaire relate par les discours
pilinguistiques (Canut 2000), on repre une tension perptuelle
entre homognisation et htrognisation. Si les diffrenciations
et les hirarchisations issues des idologies diverses entranent un
dsir dunit et de clture chez les sujets, et donc un renforcement
du ple homognisation en situation de forte prescription, dune
part ce dsir nocculte jamais la pluralit et la diversit inhrentes
271
aux pratiques langagires et, dautre part, elles nimpliquent

nullement quon les reproduise au sein de ltude du langage. Au
contraire. Une grande partie de cette rflexion, ne depuis
lobservation des terrains plurilingues, notamment africains,
donnant lieu lanalyse des mixtes, des mlanges, des
positionnements multiples dans les usages et dans les discours,
nous amne concevoir le rapport des locuteurs au langage non
plus en termes didentit intrinsque et donc de proprit mais
en termes de traverses plurielles, lesquelles inscrivent le sujet
parlant dans le champ de la polyphonie et de lintersubjectivit.
Alors que les linguistes structuralistes prennent lhomogne
nomm par eux le noyau dur comme point de dpart, comme
centre, en laccentuant par le rejet la priphrie des variations,
linverse, nous prenons lhtrognit et la diversit linguistiques
comme point de dpart, comme principe mme de lacte de parole,
pour observer ensuite les diverses tendances lhomognisation,
la fois dans les discours (sous leffet de linterdiscursivit sociale et
idologique6) et dans les pratiques langagires (sous leffet des
besoins de communication des groupes7 et des politiques
linguistiques8).
14- Du point de vue mthodologique, cela implique dadopter
une approche de terrain prenant en compte lensemble des
contextes nonciatifs, aux niveaux micro (type interaction, situation
de parole, etc.) et macro (discours idologiques, histoire des
socits, cultures, etc.) afin de concrtiser une dmarche
interdisciplinaire et empirico-dductive.
15- partir de l, la question du langage se pose autrement.
Lactualit nous montre dailleurs clairement les effets de cette
assimilation de la langue lidentit et lorigine. Au moment o
la mondialisation bat son plein, o linternet est dcrit comme un
univers brisant les frontires, o lEurope se construit, on
assiste paradoxalement un renforcement dune pense
homognisante et donc identitaire. Cette pense se traduit par des
discours mais aussi par des dcisions et des applications trs nettes
en faveur de la multiplication des frontires linguistiques ou
272
culturelles, de la Mlansie lAfrique, en passant par la Corse ou

la Catalogne.
16- Alors que dun ct le monde ou la mondialisation
proposent une seule identit, les hommes, de leur ct, se
regroupent en communauts, dlimitent leur territoire et spcifient
leurs
diffrences,
utilisant
les
mmes
stratgies
dhomognisation : construire UNE identit et se dfinir par/dans
cette unit. Ainsi, lensemble des groupes prtendument
ethniques se prvalent dune langue et une seule excluant toutes
les autres (le catalan, par exemple).
17- Ce processus parallle mais identique existe, des
chelles variables, depuis toujours : entre le local et le rgional, ou
le rgional et le national, le national et linternational, etc. Ainsi le
mandinka, le catalan ou le slovaque sont depuis peu des langues
alors que le bozo et le niois sont en train de disparatre. Si elle na
jamais totalement aboli la variation et la diversit, la globalisation
ne les a par contre jamais favorises, au contraire. Elle nengendre
que du discontinu, de la frontire et donc de lunit.
18- Ainsi va la vie des langues, objets des humains, des
guerres, des intrts et des passions. Certaines, comme le franais,
sont au plus fort de leur homognisation politique, ce qui semble
leur coter cher puisque la diversit et le changement linguistique
in vivo ne sont jamais matrisables. Il ne reste llite conservatrice
quune attitude de crispation et de dfense dune langue idale et
pure qui na jamais exist (Buruma 2001) que dans leur imaginaire.
19- Pourtant, ailleurs, dans les cours, les rues, les marchs, les
coles, l o les paroles se mlangent, se dforment, l o les mots
sinventent, naissent, disparaissent, il nest plus question
d origine , de puret de la langue. Lillusion mme de cette
origine, de cette puret originelle, est le fondement essentiel du
mouvement dhomognisation et de clture. Quil soit propre aux
littraires, aux politiciens, aux religieux, etc., et par effet rtroactif
aux locuteurs de la rue, cest un phnomne dont les discours
idologiques sinspirent afin dessentialiser la langue . Notre
dmarche nest pas de nier cette tension mais de poser sur elle un
regard nouveau.
273
20- La voix quelque peu dissidente que nous tentons dlever

aujourdhui trouve un accueil favorable, ce qui nest peut-tre pas
un hasard, chez les anthropologues. Quils en soient remercis. Ces
derniers, soucieux du poids de la parole dans la complexit des
relations humaines, nous permettent aujourdhui de prsenter
quelques travaux dans le champ africaniste.
21- Dans cet ouvrage, tous les auteurs ne rejoignent pas
directement, ou ouvertement, la voie que nous proposons.
Toutefois, les contributions traitent systmatiquement de la
question de lhtrogne, de la pluralit ou de la diversit
langagires, quil sagisse des usages mixtes, de lcriture, de
linterculturel, ou des imaginaires sur les langues dans diverses
rgions africaines.
22- Nous ne proposons pas une nouvelle thorie, un nouveau
modle, nous ouvrons tout juste la rflexion propos des
catgorisations et des discours dits scientifiques sur le langage,
tout en refusant de cder la peur de lhybridation et des sciences
de limprcis.
LACIS, Universit Paul Valry-Montpellier III.
274
Bibliographie
ACHARD, P.
1995 Sociologie du langage, Paris, PUF ( Que sais-je ? ).
AMSELLE, J.-L. & MBOKOLO, E.
1999 [1985] Au cur de lethnie. Ethnie, tribalisme et tat en
Afrique, Paris, La Dcouverte-Poche ( Sciences humaines et
sociales ).
AMSELLE, J.-L.
2001 Branchements. Anthropologie de luniversalit des
cultures, Paris, Flammarion.
AUTHIER-REVUZ, J.
1995 Ces mots qui ne vont pas de soi : boucles rflexives et
non-concidence du dire, 2 vol., Paris, Larousse.
BURUMA, I.
2001 The Road to Babel , Review of Books, XLVIII (9) :
23-26.
CALVET, L.-J.
1999 Pour une cologie des langues du monde, Paris, Plon.
CANUT, C.
2000 Subjectivit, imaginaires et fantasmes des langues : la
mise en discours pilinguistique , Langage et Socit, 93 : 7197.
CHAUDENSON, R. (dir.)
1993 Vers une approche panlectale de la variation du
franais, Paris, Didier rudition.
CHOMSKY, N.
1965 Aspect de la thorie syntaxique, Paris, ditions du
Seuil.
GOLDSCHMIDT, G.-A.
1997 La matire de lcriture, Paris, Circ.
GUMPERZ, J.-J.
1972 The Communicative Competence of Bilinguals :
Some Hypotheses and Suggestions for Research , Language in
Society, I : 143-154.
1982 Discourse
Strategies,
Cambridge,
Cambridge
University Press.
275
1989 Sociolinguistique interactionnelle : une approche

interprtative (traduction des chap. 6 et 7), in J.-J. GUMPERZ,
Discourse Strategies, Paris, LHarmattan.
JUILLARD, C.
1995 Sociolinguistique urbaine, la vie des langues
Ziguinchor (Sngal), Paris, ditions du CNRS.
LE PAGE, R. & TABOURET-KELLER, A.
1985 Acts of Identity, Creole-based Approaches to Language
and Ethnicity, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
MANESSY, G. & WALD, P.
1979 Plurilinguisme : normes, situations, stratgies, Paris,
LHarmattan.
MESCHONNIC, H.
1995 Politique du rythme, politique du sujet, Paris, Verdier.
NICOLAI, R.
1990 Parents linguistiques : propos du songhay, Paris,
CNRS.
PRIEUR, J.-M.
1996 Le vent traversier, langage et subjectivit, Montpellier,
Presses de lUniversit Paul-Valry. 2001 Qui ? , Actes du
colloque du LACIS, Universit de Montpellier-III, juin 2001,
Traverses, 2 : 11-18.
ROBILLARD, D. DE
paratre Villes, les, (socio)linguistique : des fentres sur
une linguistique chaotique ? , in L.-J. CALVET & A. MOUSSIROUMOUYAMA, ds, Les villes plurilingues, Langues et
dveloppement , Paris, Didier-rudition.
SAUSSURE, F. de
1967 [1916] Cours de linguistique gnrale, Paris, Payot.
SIBONY, D.
1991 Entre-deux, lorigine en partage, Paris, ditions du
Seuil.
TABOURET-KELLER, A.
1997 La maison du langage, Montpellier, Presses de
lUniversit Paul-Valry.
276
WALD, P.
1990 Catgories de locuteur et catgories de langue dans
lusage du franais en Afrique noire , Langage et Socit, 52 : 5-21.
Notes
1- En arrivera-t-on, comme aux tats-Unis, ce que la
rubrique linguistique soit vampirise par la rubrique
cognitivisme ? (PRIEUR paratre).
2- Voir ce type d Action concerte initiative sur le site :
www.education.gouv.fr/recherche.
3- Un des meilleurs point de vue reste celui de R.
CHAUDENSON (1993).
4- On peut citer les chercheurs franais allant dans cette
direction partir des travaux de Gumperz, notamment : P. WALD,
G. MANESSY, C. JUILLARD, R. NICOLA, A. TABOURET-KELLER,
etc. Voir quelques titres en bibliographie.
5- Langues en contact et incidences subjectives, MontpellierIII.
6- Les revendications des Corses, des Catalans ou des
Basques en matire de langue ne font que reprendre les stratgies
de leurs adversaires : le repli sur lunit, lhomogne,
aboutissant de fait au nationalisme.
7- certains points de la communication, des groupes ou des
socits peuvent avoir besoin dune relative homognisation des
parlers (commerce, enseignement, criture) afin dtablir des modes
de production communs. Hors de toute politique institutionnelle, ils
restent toutefois rares.
8- Pour des raisons strictement politiques de constitution ou
de renforcement des Nations, la standardisation des langues et la
normalisation par le haut donne lieu dans de nombreux tats
une homognisation outrance, voire une chasse la variation et
au plurilinguisme. Ainsi, en France, lhomognisation linguistique
totale du pays, entame au XVIe sicle par llite et les politiques,
sest exerce la fois sur le plurilinguisme (viction de toutes les
langues ou parlers autres que le franais.
277

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