O IM IR
ALBANIAN E T Y M O L O G IC A L D IC T IO N A R Y
VLADIM IR OREL
' >6 8
'
To my beloved Natasha
CONTENTS
ix xv xxiii
xli
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1 529
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PREFACE
The present Dictionary results from twenty years of my work in the field of Albanian etymology. A considerable number of my etymologi cal studies were published as a series of articles on Balkan etymologies. Since 1985, I have been accumulating material for a comprehensive etymological dictionary of the Albanian language corresponding to con temporary standards applied to the works of this genre. The present Dictionary is based on works of my predecessors G U S TAV M E Y E R and H R E M a b e j , authors of earlier Albanian etymologi cal dictionaries ( A B E J s work, unfortunately, remained unfinished), as well as on studies of other outstanding scholars such as N O R B E R T JO K L , M a x V a s M E R , and E R IC H a m p . At the same time, dozens of words in my Dictionary have received new explanations suggested here for the first time or already mentioned in one of my Balkan etymologies or oth er publications. The Dictionary is based on a certain view of the prehistory of Alban ian. It is a purely etymological work; hence, its lack of interest in early Albanian texts (unless their data are, occasionally, of crucial etymologi cal importance). As far as the inherited vocabulary is concerned, the Dictionary deals with three main stages in the development of the Albanian lexicon: Indo-European, Proto-Albanian and (contemporary) Albanian. While Indo-European in the framework of this book is treat ed as reconstructed for the latest period of its existence immediately preceding its disintegration and the appearance of the ancient IndoEuropean languages, particularly, as far as the phonetic history is con cerned (where I follow mainly B r u g M A N N s reconstruction with cer tain minor changes such as laryngeals), Proto-Albanian language and reconstruction are relatively new concepts developed in my earlier pub lications. They denote a stage of development between Indo-European and (contemporary) Albanian immediately preceding the intensive lin guistic contacts with Latin, i.e. before the I - II centuries C.E. Thus, Proto-Albanian may be functionally compared to the notion of Late Proto-Slavic in modern Slavic linguistics. The following period from II century to VII century remains unnamed in the present work (I used a rather clumsy term, Early Albanian, in my Russian articles), but its main developments can be described in terms of the Proto-Albanian sit uation changed by Romance and Slavic lexical and phonetic influences.
PREFACE
As to (contemporary) Albanian, this period starts with the language attested in the earliest written documents of the Albanian culture. Proto-Albanian, as demonstrated by its vocabulary and isoglosses linking it to other Indo-European languages, is connected with a certain type of material and spiritual culture and with a certain territory. There are serious reasons to believe that this territory did not coincide with the contemporary Albania, i.e. with the ancient Illyrian coast of the Adriatic (see W E IG A N D BA III 277-286; G E O R G IEV Trakite 212-215). On the contrary, numerous proofs (the absence of indigenous sea-faring terminology in Albanian borrowing corresponding words from Romance and Greek or using transparent metaphors; the existence of Albanian-Rumanian bilateral isoglosses; the lack of Proto-Albanian toponymy in Illyria and so on) seem to corroborate the original settling of Proto-Albanians in Dacia Ripensis and farther North, in the foothills of the Carpathian Mountains and the Beskidy/Bieszczady (believed by some to come from Proto-Albanian definite plural *beski tai, see bjeshk). The Proto-Albanian migration to Illyria via the Eastern slopes of the Balkans must have taken place before (but not considerably ear lier than) their contact with Romance speakers and the end of the ProtoAlbanian period in the history of the Albanian language. The Dictionary includes an Introduction, a short reference source where the reader will find basic information on the development of the phonetic system from Indo-European to Proto-Albanian to Albanian as well as the basic historical phonology of early loanwords in Albanian. A much more detailed description of Proto-Albanian will appear in my Historical Grammar o f Albanian which I hope to publish soon. The Introduction also includes short notes on the Albanian phonetics and orthography. In the main body of the Dictionary, every item contains basic lexicological information (main word form, including the Geg variant after tilda if differing from Tosk, meaning, basic paradigmatic forms for nouns and verbs or characteristic of the part of speech and the like) and the suggested etymology with a reference (if this etymolo gy has been given earlier). Other etymologies and references are adduced after the sign of 0. In this section, some references are adduced with their etymological versions briefly summarized, while other sources are just mentioned, for the convenience of the reader. A blank reference normally means that the source may be helpful but does not contain an etymological explanation of its own. Occasionally, Geg forms having no Tosk parallels are adduced as separate etymological entries, marked as (G). The Dictionary also contains indices of forms.
PREFACE
XI
The alphabetic order used in the Dictionary as far as Albanian forms are concerned corresponds to the accepted standard of the Albanian lexicography: follows e; gj and nj are separate letters following g and n correspondingly; the same is true of II and rr appearing after / and r as separate symbols and of sh, zh, xh and th after .v, z, x and t. It should be kept in mind that in Albanian there still exist certain problems of agreeing on a standard orthography. My orthography sim ply follows the main lexicographic sources I used and may well be not quite consecutive in some cases. The dictionaries on which the choice of words for the present work (as well as the orthography and meanings) was based, were K R ISTO FO R ID H I, L e o t t i , D R IZ A R !, Fjalor, B U C H H O L Z F i e d l e r - U h l i s c h and M a n n HAED. Other lexicographic sources mentioned in the List of references were also used occasionally. The Dictionary includes the following layers of the contemporary Albanian vocabulary: (1) Inherited words of Indo-European origin; (2) Words of expressive origin, onomatopoeias and the like; (3) Loanwords from ancient Greek, Latin (and Romance), Slavic and other languages. The approximate limit post quern non chosen in this Dictionary is X XII century. Therefore, 1 did not include here most of the Italian, Rumanian, modern Greek and Turkish loanwords as well as many local and dialectal loans from Bulgarian, Macedonian and Serbo-Croatian. However, some difficult or interesting words of these groups were included, if they were of any specific etymological interest, particularly, if there was a discussion on their etymologies. The omitted lexical lay ers were successfully studied and described elsewhere (see HE L B IG , B o r e t z k y , H a r d y Gk. and other sources). In the case of Slavic loan words, I was often unable to distinguish older borrowings from recent ones, and it seemed proper to keep Slavic material in case of any doubts. Non-Latin scripts other than Greek have been transliterated. This applies in particular to Cyrillic for which a compromise system is used, preserving t, and b as signs for vowels in Bulgarian, Church Slavonic and Old Russian but presenting a as a palatalization sign () elsewhere. As already mentioned above, Indo-European reconstructions reflect a pragmatic compromise, too, and may be generally described as modi fied Brugmannian. Laryngeals (wherever necessary) are represented by a generalized symbol *H (also used in quotations of other scholars as a convenient label for various laryngeal phonemes). I did my best to
X II
PREFACE
check and double-check cited forms and meanings using the basic and most authoritative reference sources. Thus, Greek words were normal ly controlled with L lD D E L L -S C O T T , Sanskrit words - with M O N IE R W IL L IA M S , Old Irish - with D1L and so on. Bibliographic references are abbreviated. References to books con sist either of the authors name (D IE FE N B A C H , V A SM E R ) or of the authors name and an italicized and abbreviated name of the book (JO K L Stucl., D ESN IC K A JA Sravn.). References to papers in journals and collec tions of articles consist of the authors name and an italicized and abbreviated name of the serial edition (PE D E R SE N Festskr. Thomsen, D U R ID A N O V 1IBE). In the list of references, only books and serial edi tions are listed. Roman numerals after the reference indicate the vol ume, Arabic figures are page numbers. In rare cases when the serial edition has no numbered volumes, I adduce the year of publication instead. Occasional combinations of the Roman and Arabic numbers stand for the volume and the fascicle. *** I owe a debt of gratitude to my late teacher of etymology Leonid A. Gindin (blessed be his memory) and my late teacher of Albanian Roza Koi (blessed be her memory). At early stages of my etymological work, I benefited from valuable advice and help provided by my colleagues of the Russian Academy of Sciences: Vladimir Dybo, Sergei Nikolaev, Sergei Starostin and Vladi mir Toporov in Moscow and Alexander Rusakov in St. Petersburg. I also think with gratitude of my former co-author Irina Kaluzskaja and of the late Agnija Desnickaja. In 1981-1990 I was greatly assisted by the librarians of the Institute for Slavic and Balkan Studies in Moscow. The whole work would not have been carried out without the everyday help and co-operation of the staff of th Greek and Slavonic Annexe of the Taylorian Library where I spent most of my time in Oxford in 1995-1996. In particular, I would like to thank David Howells and Richard Ramage. I am also grateful to the staff of the Slavic and East European Library of the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign) and, in particular, to Helen Sullivan. Important material was collected in the National Library in Tirana and in the Celtic Library (Jesus College, Oxford), where I was admitted due to the courtesy of my respected friend D. Ellis Evans who was always generous in sharing his vast knowledge of Celtic with me. Invariable
PREFACE
X III
friendliness and competence of my Brill editors, Trudy Kamperveen and Jan Fehrmann, greatly contributed to my work at its last stage. As mentioned above, a considerable part of this work was written during my stay in Wolfson College (Oxford) whose members and staff were of great help. Finally, I would like to record my special thanks to numerous col leagues and friends: Bahri Beci, Merita Bruci and Shaban Demiraj (Tirana), Michael Nicholson, Gerald Smith, Andrew Sherratt and John Moorey (Oxford), John Greppin (Cleveland), Aron Dolgopolsky (Haifa), Jens Elmegrd Rasmussen (Kopenhagen), Benjamin Isaac (Tel Aviv), and Vitaly Shevoroshkin (Ann Arbor). My friend Jean Rosen (Seattle) kindly agreed to edit my English. Indices were prepared in collaboration with my wife Natasha Orel and my student Gregory Zubakov. I am particularly indebted to my friend lirim Bidollari (Tirana) who carried out the difficult, boring and dedicated task of reading through the Albanian part of the present book and correcting it, in the midst of the Albanian national tragedy of 1996-1997.
IN TR O D U CTIO N
A lbanian P honetics
an d
O rthography
Modern Albanian (spoken in Albania as well as in large Albanian colonies in Italy, Balkan countries, Northern America and the Ukraine) exists in two basic forms based on two main groups of dialects, Tosk (Southern Albania) and Geg (Northern Albania). These two dialectal groups differ in a number of phonetic features as well as in certain mor phological phenomena (mainly, in the analytical forms of the verb such as infinitive, future, imperfect, conditional and plusquamperfect). The main phonetic differences are as follows (according to A B E J St. Ill 9698):
1. In Geg there exist nasal vowels corresponding to non-nasal vowels in Tosk, cf. Geg ps ~ Tosk pese, Geg l ~ Tosk li. 2. In Tosk there exists (stressed) , an equivalent of Rum , , Bulg i,. This Tosk vowel corresponds to various nasal vowels in Geg. 3. There is an opposition of short : long vowels in Geg (historically explained by contractions and positional lengthenings). In Tosk there is no such opposition. 4. Old Albanian uo and Tosk ua correspond to Geg ue. In most of Geg dialects, ue, ie, ye yielded long vowels u:, i:, y:. 5. In several words, initial Tosk va- corresponds to initial Geg vo-. 6. In Tosk, voiced consonants are unvoiced in the auslaut. In Geg they are not. 7. Tosk dialects preserve groups mb, ngj and nd assimilated to m, nj and n in Geg. 8. Old Albanian groups kl and gl (preserved today in Chameria as well as in Dardha and Italy) changed to q, gj in most of Albanian dialects. However, in the North one finds k, g, in the Catholic part of Shkodra - ki, gi. 9. Intervocalic -n- is preserved in Geg but underwent the process of rhotacism in Tosk; hence, Tosk ver as an equivalent of Geg vene. The contemporary literary standard is based on the Tosk variant. There also exists a parallel Geg literary norm. In order to read in Albanian, it is essential to make a few notes of the orthography (for details see B u c h h o l z - F ied ler Alb. Gr. 27-42):
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c stands for [ts]. f is a sign for [ts]. dh denotes an apicodental [], stands for [a] or zero if unstressed. When stressed, it denotes a cen tral unrounded vowel [t>] similar to Bulg i,. gj denotes a palatalized velar [g]. j stands for [i]. I stands for clear European [1], It can also denote a palatal [F] being a separate phoneme in certain local dialects. II is a dark" [1] similar to the non-palatalized [1] in Russian. It is opposed to / as an alevolar-dental to an alveolar. nj denotes a palatalized [n]. q stands for a palatalized velar [k*]. rr represents a long and/or intense [R], sh is a palato-alveolar spirant [s]. th denotes an apicodental [0], X stands for |dz], xh is a sign for [dz], y denotes a front rounded []. zh is a palato-alveolar spirant [z]. Nasality of vowels in Geg is shown by the sign of circumflex A: stands for a nasal [], is [| and so on.
A lbanian H istorical P honetics
Vocalism 1. ShortTE *e was preserved as *e in Proto-Albanian but later, after or during the period of Albanian - Latin contacts, it yielded a diphthong *ie w'hile in certain positions it remained unchanged (a similar process took place in Rumanian). These positions have not been accurately defined. Short *e remains unchanged before n and nj (vend, ndenja, rend), after */ (mbledh, leht, lend), after clusters containing *r (kredh, shkrep, bredh) but not after the initial *r (rjep), after *j (ngjesh). The diphtong *ie was generally preserved as ie ~ je (bie, pjek, djeg, diell). In some cases, presumably, before a syllable containing PAlb *i and/or before some clusters, *ie changed to ia ~ ja (gjalm, jam, mjalt, jasht). The initial element of the diphthong was lost again after , gj, nj (el, gjerb, njeri, qengj). The earliest Latin loanwords in Albanian reflect Lat as je ~ ja (pjes, vjersh, mjek).
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2. Short IE *o changed to PAlb *a > Alb a (nate, gardh, gjak, mardh). Lat is reflected as u (krushk, kundr, shpuz) or o (popull, porte, korb) in loanwords. Short IE *a coincided with *o in PAlb *a > Alb a (kap, dal, bathe). Lat appears as a in Albanian loanwords ifaqe, larg, shtat). In some cases, Alb a, < PAlb *a reflects the old IE *9 (dhn ~ dhan < *danti-, part, of jap, mllnj < *mehni). However, in other words (probably, before the old stress) *3 disappears (balt). 3. Narrow short vowels *i and *u were preserved in Albanian (gdhij, lig, vidh\ dru, gjum, uj, but). The same applies to Lat / and (kmish, kshill, iriq; luft, popull, shum). At the same time, in some words (belonging to a later chronological layer?) Lat i appears as Alb e (shenj, mesh, kreshp). 4. Before nasal consonants. Proto-Albani an short vowels *a, *e, *i, *u were nasalized and turned into *, *, *z, *. Later they were pre served as such in Geg dialects (where they are marked as a, , f, if not followed by a nasal consonant). In Tosk, *J and * lost their rhinesm while *a changed to and * - to , e; hence such pairs as Tosk krp ~ Geg kanp, Tosk hn - Geg han. 5. Long IE * changed to PAlb *a and then to Alb o (mos, plot, koh, ngroh). In one case (mish) * is reflected as Alb i (this develop ment clearly preceding the application of the ruki rule). In Latin loan words, Lat is usually rendered as Alb e (regj,femr, prndver). Occa sionally, however, it yields Alb i (bish, ligj, kish). Long IE *a merged with * in PAlb * > Alb o (motr, koll, kopsht). As to Lat , it is always preserved in Alb a (blat, shkall) while Gk appears as o in loanwords (mokr). 6. Long IE * yielded PAlb *o later reflected as Alb e (tet, pel, bler). The same result is found in earlier Latin loanwords with (pem, trmet, tmerr). Later, Latin loanwords display u (kanush, shull) or even o (or, kore) as a reflex of . While IE * was palatal ized to *, IE *a gave PAlb *w usually appearing as y in the inlaut (dyll, gjysh) and i in the auslaut (mi, ti, thi). Lat is normally rendered as y (gjyq, shqyt,fytyr, vrtyt) but, occasionally, also as u (rrushkult). 7. Long IE *f was preserved as PAlb *F > Alb i (pi, di, pidh). In iso lated cases, however, Alb _ reflects *F (ay). In Latin loanwords, Lat I y yields Alb i (fill, linj). 8. In unknown conditions (probably, in the originally non-final sylla ble) before *n, *m, *r long PALb *a and *o merged into * that was later reflected by diphthongs: Tosk ua, Geg (old) uo, (new) ue (muaj, krua, duar - pi. of dor). In some cases, these diphthongs were further
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INTRODUCTION
umlauticized into Tosk ye, Geg y (dyer - pi. of der, lyej). In Latin loan words, Lat 0 gives the same results (kapua,ftua, shrbetuar, arsye). 9. IE *ei was preserved as PAlb *ei but later coincided with *i in Alb i (dimer, mire). As to IE *ai and *oi, they yielded PAlb *ai reflect ed as Alb e (vere, be, deg). 10. Indo-European diphthongs in u lost their second element in Al banian. Thus, IE *eu preserved as PAlb *eu appeared as Alb e (desla aor. of dua, det, nnt). IE *au and *ou merged into PAlb *au further reflected as Alb a (dashur - part, of dua, dash, agoj, thaj). In Latin loan words, Lat au is also rendered as a (ar, gaz, lar). 11. Syllabic liquida *r and */, both long and short, changed to PAlb *ri, *il and, less often and in uncertain conditions, to *ru, *ul. Those clusters were either preserved as Alb ri, it, ru, ul or metathesized before vowels (krimb, trim, grur, kulpr, ujk, bir). Syllabic nasals *n and *m changed to PAlb *a > Alb a (shtat, gjat, mat). 12. Under the influence of front vowels of the following syllable, Alb a of various origins was umlauticized and changed to e, as for example in plural of nouns or certain forms of verb (eh, elb, end, gjem, ter). Later this e was often generalized to the whole paradigm and, thus, appears in singular of nouns and present of verbs. A similar umlaut led to the transformation of e into i. 13. In Proto-Albanian, the vowels of the final syllable were pre served under the old stress but lost one mora when unstressed. Result ing new short vowels were reduced, mainly to . When a new system of stress came into being in Albanian, new unstressed vowels in all posi tions were reduced to , u or zero. If afterwards an inlaut consonant fell, the sequence of two vowels was contracted and colored according to the accented vowel (pyll, kij). 14. In the vocalic anlaut, a prothetic h- may well appear (arm ~ harm, yll - hyll). In early loanwords, the initial o was substituted by *a > Tosk va, Geg vu (varfr, vadh, vatr). Consonantism 15. Non-syllabic liquida were preserved as PAlb *r, *1. PAlb *r is reflected as Alb r (dru, tre, motr) and occasionally as rr (krr, vjehrr, nap). For unknown reasons, the intervocalic r was altogether lost in bie. In Latin loanwords, initial r is usually rendered as rr (rrall, rregull, rrem). In other positions it yields r (prill, drejt, kundr). PAlb *1 tends to yield / in the anlaut (leht, lend, lidh) but gives both I and II
INTRODUCTION
XIX
in other positions {pel, mjult, hell, mjegull). In Latin loanwords, inter vocalic I appears as Alb II (popull, ulli, mnjoll). Otherwise it gives I (larg, lti, plag). Geminated Lat II is reflected as I (pule, gjel, bule). 16. IE *m remained unchanged in PAlb *m > Alb m (mjalt, muaj, mjekr). The same is true of Lat m in loanwords (mik, mij, mnd). IE * yielded PAlb *n that also remained unchanged in the anlaut and in various consonantal clusters (ne, nnt, nat, nuk). Initial Lat n is ren dered as Alb n (natyr, nmroj, nyje). In the intervocalic position PAlb *n remained unchanged in Geg but yielded r in Tosk (ver ~ ven, emr ~ emn, llr ~ llan). Latin loanwords reflect the same process of Tosk rhotacism (krp ~ kanp, rr ~ ran,femr ~ femn). 17. The reflex of IE *u is PAlb *w > Alb v (ve, ver, vehte). PAlb *w was lost before rounded vowels (der). In a few words, the develop ment of *-w- to Alb y is attested (gryk, hyll, qytet). As to Lat v, it also yields v in Albanian (vjersh, verdh, gjuveng). As to IE */, it was pre served as PAlb *j. In the initial position, *j remained unchanged before back vowels (ju,josh) but yielded gj otherwise (gjesh, gjaj, gjem). In the inlaut, PAlb *j disappeared after front vowels (di, hi, fie, bie) but changed to *jr > h after other vowels (bahe, shtroh, ngroh, ftoh). The shift to *x covers the earliest Slavic loanwords (lloh, krahe, krahin). In Latin loanwords, the anlaut ./ is reflected as gj (gjuveng, gjyq, gjymtyr) and later as j (janar). 18. Initial IE *s > PAlb *s yields Alb gj- (gjasht, gjalp, gjall, gjarpr). In two cases where *s > th (thi, thaj) the interdental results from the dissimilation of two sibilants. In the intervocalic position, *s yields to *x > h (koh, Geg nahe, acc. of ne). However, after *?, *u PAlb *s changed to *s > sh (breshr, push, gjysh, plish, kush). In Latin loan words, Lat s is always rendered as sh (shekull, pshoj, shelg). The same is true of earlier borrowings from other languages (shak). 19. IE *p remains unchanged as PAlb *p > Alb p (pel, pes, pjek). IE *bh yields PAlb *b > Alb b (bie, bath, dhmb, balt). Labials in Latin loanwords are preserved as p, b (popull, pjepr, bul, bish). 20. IE *t > PAlb *t is reflected as Alb t (tre, tet, ti, trap). The voiced TE *d is unchanged (dark, dit, drit). IE *dh coincides with *d in PAlb *d > Alb d (der, djeg, dal). Unless lost, PAlb *d in the intervo calic position or before *r changed to dh (bredh, ledh, pjerdh, gardh). In the anlaut, dh < PAlb *d is explained either by apheresis (dhun, dhash) or by sandhi (dhjet). In Latin loanwords, dentals yield t and d (tmerr, troft, dm, drejt). Lat d changes to Alb dh in the same position as PAlb *d (shurdh, urdhr).
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INTRODUCTION
21. So called pure velars were preserved as such in Albanian. IE *k remained PAlb *k > Alb k (krua, karp, kedh). As to *g it appears as PAlb *g > Alb g (agoj, lige, gung). The same reflex continues IE *gh > PAlb *g > Alb *g (shteg, gardh, mjegull). Latin velars were not changed in Albanian borrowings: Lat c is rendered as Alb k (kmish, kng, kshill), Lat g - as Alb g (gaz, grigj, plag). In contemporary Albanian initial k is sometimes voiced in Geg (glbaz ~ klbaz, gshtenj ~ kshtenj). 22. Indo-European palatal stops were asibilated to affricates in Proto-Albanian. IE *k changed to PAlb *ts > Alb th (thorn, thri, thep, djatht) but occasionally PAlb *ts appears as c. Both IE *g and *gh yielded PAlb *dz > Alb dh (lidh, vjedh, herdhe, madh, rrjedh). Howev er, in the anlaut only IE *g gave the same reflex (dhmb, dhndr, dhall) while IE *gh reflected as PAlb *d > Alb d (dor, dimr, dyll) with some irregularities. In many words where palatals were neighbors of sonants the process of asibilation did not take place (grur, quaj, mjekr). The development of IE *k in vjehrr is explained by an assimi lation *swetsur > *swesur > *swexur. 23. The history of labiovelars was particularly complicated in Albanian. At first, IE *k", *gl/ and *gL changed to biconsonantal clusters h *kw and *gw. In front of non-palatal vowels, these clusters lost their labial element and merged with pure velars so that IE *k* yielded Alb k (pjek, katr, ndjek), *g> Alb g (gur, gak, grshas) and *g"h > Alb g (djeg, garbe). Before front vowels, the clusters *kw and *gw changed to *k'w and *gV with a palatalized first element and (together with groups IE *ku, *gu > PAlb *kw, *gw) yielded *tsw, *dzw > *ts, *dz > Alb s, z (sjell, sy, pes, zorr, z, zul, zjarr, ndez). 24. In Proto-Albanian, some of the intervocalic voiced dentals and velars were lost (ve, le, nge, dra). The conditions of this process are unknown but may be of accentual origin. At the same time, a similar change\(including also b) occurred in numerous Latin loanwords (mjek, prrall\ pre, tra). 23. tn the auslaut, most consonants were lost already during the Proto-Albanian period (probably, before the vowel shortening in the last syllable). The only definite exception is r (motr). 24. Before the old *j, the following PAlb *t, *d and *.v changed to *ts, *dz and *s in a process that may be described as the first palataliza tion (mas, nesr, tres, buz, shosh, vesh). Latin clusters tj and dj were also affected by this process (pjes, pus, rrez, shpuz). Lat sj coincided with s in Alb sh (kmish).
INTRODUCTION
XXI
25. Before j (including the new j developed as the first part of the diphthong ie/je < PAlb *e) as well as before i, PAlb *k and *g yielded q and gj (qoj, qerthull, gjemb) and */, *n changed to j ~ I and nj (maj, bj, njeri). This process may be called the second palatalization. It is also attested in Latin loanwords (qet, qndr, regj, ligj, gshtenj). 26. The cluster *rj changed to rr (nderr, den), also in early Slavic loanwords (purr). However, there are difficult forms where *rj is reflected as j (mbaj). 27. Proto-Albanian clusters *rw, *wr as well as *lw changed to rr and II (arr, rrib, gjall, mieli). Later Latin loanwords follow this pat tern (rryle) but then, probably in words coming from Balkan Eastern Romance (proto-Rumanian) one also finds -rb- < Lat -rv- (shrbej). Also, as in proto-Rumanian, Latin groups -br- and -bl- change to -ur-, -ul-\ then the labial forms a diphtong with the preceding vowel and (in Albanian) disappears (fark, shtall). 28. When combined with nasals, stops yield various results. Thus, *pn changes to m (gjum), *dm to m (,bram) while *gn (with g of any origin) is reflected as nj (njoh, enj). In Latin loanwords gn is also changed to nj (shenj) but in some words (of Eastern Balkan origin?) it appears as ng (peng). 29. In Proto-Albanian *rn and *ln were preserved. These clusters lived long into the pre-historic Albanian period until they yielded rr and Il (verr, barr, pjell, shtjell). The same reflexes are found in Latin loan words (ferr, furr, krrut). In loanwords one can also trace the old cluster mn reflected as m or, with a secondary final -b, mb (dm, shkmb, shtmb). Geminate nn in borrowings was preserved as n or nd (similar to -m > -mb) and, apparently, was not affected by the Tosk rhotacism (gun, pend). The cluster *nr developed an epenthetic *d and changed to *ndr > ndr (ndrr, dhndr). 30. Before spirants and affricates of various origins, nasal sonorants disappeared (pese, mish, pshoj, mz). 31. As noted above, auslaut m and n occasionally changed to mb and nd (shkmb, shtmb, pllamb, pend'). On the other hand, mb, nd and ng resulted from various clusters consisting of a nasal and a stop, both in Indo-European roots and in loanwords (lnd, pnd, ndj, nga, tembull, prind, kng). Some of these clusters tended to lose their sec ond element (an, dhun). 32. In the anlaut, Alb *kl, *gl yielded q, gj in standard literary Albanian and some dialects (qaj, qet, qesh, gjat, gjemb) while other dialects have [ts], [dz] or [ki], [gi] or even depalatalized [k], [g]. The
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INTRODUCTION
same change was applied to loanwords (gjndr) including those from Slavic (gjob). In other positions *gl changed to gull (mjegull). ProtoAlbanian clusters *lk, *lg fluctuate between Ik, Ig (shelg, balg) and jk ,jg (bujk, bajg). 33. Clusters *sw, *sm and *sn lost their first element (vjehrr, vjerr, mjekr, mug, thaj < *sausnja). Clusters *sr and *sl yielded rr and Il (try me, korr, kolle). Clusters *rs and *ls gave the same results (djerr, kalli) but the group *lst changed to *st > sht (kasht). 34. PAlb *sp underwent a metathesis into *ps and y ield e d /(fj, fai, fare, ferr, fier) while in loanwords sp is reflected as slip (shpatull, shpuze). PAlb *st changed to sht both in Indo-European words and loanwords (shteg, shtat, shtyj, shtallue, shtat). The voiced cluster zd was metathesized to *dz and changed to dh (pidh) and, occasionally, to th (drith). 35. PAlb *sk < IE *sk, *sk changed to shk (shkak, shkal, shkas, shkep) and, before front vowels, to shq (shqarr, shqerr, shqyej). In other cases, PAlb *sk (apparently, continuing also *sk) underwent a metathe sis into *ks and yielded h (hale, hap, hair, hedh) thus coinciding with the original *ks (huaj). No obvious distribution between shk and h as reflecting *sk has been found. Moreover, in some words the initial *sk (preceded by a prefix *eks-l) yielded before a front vowel (aj, al). 36. The rare but diagnostically important cluster *tt gave PAlb *tst > *ts > s (pasur, part, of kam). Other clusters consisting of two stops lost their first element (drit, nate, dhe, dje). In Latin loanwords clusters of two stops were represented mainly by ct and cs = x. Their develop ment was twofold. When borrowed from East Balkan Romance of the Rumanian type, ct coincided with pt in ft (prift, qift, ftua, luft, trofe) and cs gave fsh (kofshue, lafsh). When borrowed from Dalmatian (i.e. Western) Romance, ct yielded jt (drejt, trajt, pajtoj) while cs devel oped to sh (frashr, ushunjz).
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Soy.
X X X V III
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XLII
ABBREVIATIONS
O P ers - O ld Persian O P ort - Old Portuguese O P rus - O ld Prussian O Russ - O ld R ussian OS - O ld Saxon O S ard - Old S ardinian Ose - O sean O sset - O ssetic P ers - Persian P hryg - Phrygian Pieni - Piem ontan Pol - Polish P o rt - Portuguese P rov - Provenal Rom - Rom ance R um - Rum anian R uss - R ussian
S ard - S ardinian SCr - Serbo-C roatian Sicil - Sicilian Skt - S anskrit Slav - Slavic Sogd - Sogdian Sp - Spanish Sw ed - Sw edish T hr - T hracian T okh - T okharian T urk - T urkish U kr - U krainian V enet - V enetian W - W elsh Y agn - Y agnob Y azg - Y azgulam
A -
A FR
A
a part. whether, conj o r. The particle is etymologically identical with the conjunction ( a b e j St. I 27-28). From PAlb *a connected with Gk T indeed (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 322) or with the pronominal stem ) *e-l*o. 0 BOPP 498 (to Skt a-, demonstrative particle); CAMARDA 1313314 (to Gk i], interjection); M e y e r Wb. 1 (borrowing from Lat an whether but the nasal could not be lost without any traces; conjunction a continues Lat aut o r); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 21 1047, 1057; JOKL ArRom XXIV 19; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 67 (follows PEDERSEN); FRISK I 619; HAMP HSyn. 177; ABEJ St. I 27-28 (from an exclama tion), Et im. II 5-6 (follows M e y e r ); H u l d 36 (accepts M e y e r s view); K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 44; DEMIRAJ AE 69 (to Lat an, Gk av, from PAlb *an < IE *Hen). acar m, pi. acare steel. From PAlb *atsara sharp with c preserving the old affricate. Further connected with OIr aicher sharp, Gk ockpov point, to p , Lith astrus sharp, Slav *ostri, id. 0 POKORNY I 21. acar m frost, strong cold. Historically identical with acar steel, with a semantic development strong cold < sharp. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 20 (explains the derivative acroj to fester [of a wound J as a borrowing from Slav *cirb, *citbjb wound, furuncle); A B E J St. I 28 (suggests a division a-car with prefix a- and the root identified with that of cirris), Etini. II 9 (to ther). adhuroj aor. adhurova to adore. Borrowed from (learned) Lat adorare id. (M lK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 1). 0 M E Y E R -L B K E Gr. Grundri 2 1 1047; M lH E S C U RESEE IV /1-2 21; A B E J Etim. II 11 (from Italian); L a n d i Lat. 79.
a f r adv., prep.
near. From PAlb *apsera representing a contamina tion of *aps, a variant of IE *apo reflected by Gk ocy backwards, and of *apero, a derivative of * a p o Skt apara posterior, later, Goth afar after and the like. Thus, PAlb *apsera reflects IE *apero influenced by *aps (O R E L Festschr. Shevoroshkin 257). Possible but less proba ble is the borrowing of afr from Germanic: Goth afar, OHG avar again and the like. 0 G lL FE R D lN G Otn. 20 (to Skt para-)\ M lK L O S IC H Rom.
AFSH
AH
Elemente 26 (from Lat finis)-, M E Y E R Wb. 3 (borrowed from Rom *affinare to approach ~ Lat affinis near with Geg < Tosk); JO K L Studien 103104 (preposition a followed by -fr borrowed from Goth fera side); B A R IC Lingv. Studien 87 (links afr to Lat spern to sever, to sepa rate, to rem ove, Gk Grcaipco to gasp, to pant, to quiver), Hymje 71; T r e i m e r KZ LXV 87-88; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 67; F r i s k I 204; P o k o r n y I 53-54; M a y r h o f e r I 38; a b e j St. I 28-29 (privative a- < *n- and -fr compared with E far), Etim. II 11-12; HULD 36; D E M IR A J AE 7071. afsh m, pi. afshe heat, hot breath, smell. From PAlb *aweisa, a suf fixal derivative of IE *auei- to blow structurally close to M W awyd gust of w ind, OCorn awit a ir < *aueido- (O R E L Fort. 78). Another derivative of the same root is PAlb *aweita > aft blow of wind (D E M IR A J AE 72). C a m a r d a I 305, II 100, 150 (aft to Gk axvri chaff); M e y e r Wb. 3 (from Ital afa heat coming from the ground); JO K L IF XLIII 63 (to nj); P O K O R N Y I 82; A B E J Etim. II 13 (to avull). aft adj. capable, proper. Borrowed from Lat aptus id. II 13). 0 M A N N Comp. 29 (related to Lat aptus).
( A B E J Etim.
ag m. pi. agje twilight, dusk. From PAlb *auga etymologically related to Gk auYT] ray of light and further based on IE *aug- to increase (M E Y E R Wb. 4, Alb. St. Ill 37). The verb agoj to dawn is derived from ag. 0 C A M A R D A 1 94 (to Gk i|ci> dawn); B A R IC ARSt I 60 (wavers between M e y e r s and C a m a r d a s etymologies); PERSSO N Beitrge 369; G O N D A Anc. 73-83; M A N N Language XXVI 382; P IS A N I Saggi 99; C h a n t r a i n e 137; P o l K ZfBaili I 87 (to Basque ego light); TRU BA CEV tnogenez 151 (identifies the first element of AyciSupaoi with ag)\ A B E J St. I 30 (to G k op<pvr) darkness, night), Etim. II 16-17; D E M IR A J AE
72.
agjroj - agjnoj aor. agjrova ~ agjnova to fast. Borrowed from Rom *adjnare id., cf. Rum ajuna id. ( M e y e r Wb. 4 ). 0 CAMARDA I 8 0 (to Lat jejnium fast); M eyer-L B K E Gr. Grundri 2 1 1049; PUSCARIU EWR 5; MlHESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 12; ABEJ Etim. II 18-19 (from jejuna re). ah m, pi. ahe, aha beech-tree. Goes back to PAlb *aksa identical with IE *osk-: Gk ^a beech, Arm haci ash-tree, ON askr id,, Maced
A I, AY
AKULL
^o- T .T ( M e y e r Wb. 4; P e d e r s e n IF V 44). 0 P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. J ) I 86; B u g a II 286; B a r i ffymje 24; A C A R E A N HAB III 65; PIS A N I Saggi 128; PO K O R N Y I 782; F r i s k II 400; C h a n t r a i n e 806; H a m p Laryn geals 132; H U L D 36-37; A B E J Etim. II 19-20; D E M IR A J AE 73. ai, ay pron. he, f. ajo she; that. Mase, ai goes back to PAlb *a-ei con sisting of a proclytic particle *a and a demonstrative *ei, identical with IE *ei- in Skt ayant he, Lat is (eis in early inscriptions) and the like. The feminine form is from PAlb *a-ja continuing IE *j id., fern. sg. of the demonstrative *io- ( B o p p 519; C a m a r d a I 209; M e y e r Wb. 5). 0 M e y e r ZfromPh XI 268-269 (a- from Lat atque)\ Alb. St. Ill 40, 63, 79, IV 24; JO K L Studien 4 (a- from Lat ad), LKUBA 271 (a- from IE *ad or *o), IF XXXVI 98-100; P E D E R S E N Festskr. Thomsen 248-252, KZ XXXIV 288, XXXVI 309 (derives -jo from IE *sa treating -j- as a hiatus filler), Pron. 315 (a- from IE *au-)\ T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 68; PO K O R N Y I 282-283; C A M A J 103 (follows M E Y E R ); A B E J St. I 31, Etim. II 22-23; H a m p St. Whatmough 81 (on neut. ata in com parison with Messap ic); DEMIRAJ Gr. 467-468 (in tera ctio n o f IE *e- and *so-)\ OREL FLH V III/1-2 43; HULD 38 (repeats PEDERSENs versio n ); KORTLANDT SSGL X 224-225 (-jo < IE *ija or *ej), XXIII 174; DEMIRAJ AE 70, 73. aj m bite. Borrowed from Lat alium II 23-24 (to anz).
(M E Y E R
Wb.
6 ). 0 ABEJ
Etim.
ajk f cream, wool fat. In dialects, a more phonetically archaic form alk has been preserved. Goes back to PAlb *alka related to Lith dlkti be hungry, alka hunger, Slav *olkti be hungry (O R E L Festschr. Shevoroshkin 257). 0 M E Y E R Wb. 5 (from Lat alica kind of grain, spelt with an obvious discrepancy of meaning); O S t i r Anthropos VIII 165167 (to Lat sebum lard ); FR A E N K E L 8; C A M A J Alb. Worth. 57-58 (to Iule); A B E J St. I 31-32 (reconstructs *olka and compares ajk with Lat alga sea-weed), Etim. II 26-28 (to IE *ol- fat, dirt); D E M IR A J AE 74. akull m, pi akuj ice. Loanword from Gmc *jakulaz icicle, glacier, cf. ON jokull icicle, OE gicel id. (O R E L Linguistica XXVI 171). In Albanian, the source may be East Germanic (Balkan Gothic?). The loss of the anlaut probably, shows that the loan penetrated into ProtoAlbanian at a stage when there was no 7-like sound there. 0 C a m a r d a
AME
AHULL
an
(c;) A N G RR
of dialectal an, an vessel. As to the latter, it is identical with a m side ( K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Koll. idg. Ges. 223). 0 C a m a r d a I I 31 (com parison of en with Gk yyeov vessel), 71 (to Gk v-cea vessel); 74. M E Y E R Wb. 12 (identifies en with an side), Alb. St. IV 9; JO K L Studien 3 (compares an, en with Skt ukh- vessel, boiler and/or Goth auhns am f, pi. ama source, river-bed. A metaphoric use of am m other oven, reconstructing *augv n); B a r i c I ARSt 8 6 (to Lat auxilia)', (V a s m e r ZfslavPh X V I 337; T a g l ia v in i Melanges Pedersen 162 -1 6 3 ), R 98: C a b e j St. I 3 4 A M " " J i/Ta y r h o f f-.r J f 1 1 M a n n Comp. 20 (an caul related to Gk pviov ssel for sacrifibed (to *mati m other). 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 64; JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. <ic amnisy, b a k iC //i/i/to n 7' 380 (lollows JO K L ); C H A N T R A IN E 70; A B E J Etim. I I 39 (agrees with T a g l i a v i n i ); G a m k r e l i d z e - I v a n o v I I 8 8 6 (to G k japri pit, ai daj conj. therefore. A compound of a (as in ai) and ndaj (MEYER canal); D E M IR A J AE 75-76. H b. 11). am f. pi. ama mother. In Tosk where am comes from Geg, there exists ai i f, pl. an side. From PAlb *anta related to Skt anta- end, Goth me as well. A widespread Lallname (M E Y E R Wb. 5). 0 T A G L IA V IN I a, ideis id. ( a b e j St. I 35, IV 56-57) with *-nt- > 0 M e y e r Wb. Stratificazione 111 ; S a i n a n ZfromPh XXX 3 1 4 (borrowed from Lat 1 (reconstructs *ausn related to IE *us- mouth), Alb. St. Ill 12, anima)', D E M IR A J AE 170. 6 I, 90; JO K L Studien 12; F e i s t Goth. 49; M A N N Language XXVIII 40 0 ame as M E Y E R ); M A Y R H O F E R I 90; T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 211; amz f odour, arom a. Derivative in -z from (G) am < PAlb *adm p )L K Orbis XVI 127 (to Georg hana field); A B E J Etim. 11 47-49; connected with Gk pr| id., Lat odor id., Lith osti to smell (JOKL Ji .NSO N Unt. 90-92; D E M IR A J AE 77-78 (supports A B E J). Studien 3; M a n n Language XXVIII 3 9), 0 T a g l ia v in i Melanges Pe
ig m fear, nightm are. From P A lb *anga corresponding to Skt
Gk xkvq fog, Lat aquil North wind and the like; these forms, however, reflect IE *aghlu-, cf. FRISK I 5 5 ), Alb. St. Ill 5; JOKL Studien 112 (suffix -ull), LKUBA 2 6 8 -2 6 9 (negative *n added to -hull related to the semantically misinterpreted Slav *kaliti to make hot, to harden (of iron) and not to be cold); W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 60; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 68 (agrees with JOKL); ClMOCHOWSKl ABS 40-41 (< a- + *kelto strike); C a m a j Alb. Worth. 5 3 -5 4 (to ehull); HULD 3 8 -3 9 (follows JOKL); OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 355; ABEJ Etim. II 3 1 -3 2 ; DEMIRAJ AE
amull as burning); WEIGAND 2 (amull very hot borrowed from Turkish); JOKL LKUBA 2 7 0 -2 7 2 (to mbulim); L a P ia n a Studi 9 9 (to ovuli)-, F r a e n k e l 471; N e v s k a j a BGT 53; T r u b a c e v SSJa IX 124; ABEJ St. I 34; MANN Comp. 20 (to Arm amul barren, Olr amba I dark); DEMIRAJ AE 7 5 (to am).
an m uterus. A metaphoric transformation of en, singularized plural
nhas- fear, Lat angor unrest, fear, Olr cumcae gl. angor < Celt :om-ong-i (OREL Antic, balk. 5 32; OREL ZfBalk X X III/2 147) and rther connected with IE *anghu- narrow, *anghos narrowness, opreson (ABEJ St. I 36). 0 JOKL IF XLIII 61 f. (links ang, ankth to Skt liti to breathe < IE *ana~); O S tir AArbSt I 104 (fantastic compar ons with Slav *mora (mythic incarnation of) fear', Gk Xapicc and e like); MANN Language XXVIII 39; POKORNY I 42-43; HAMP riu XVIII 147-148, LB XXX 131-132; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 350. i) angrr f, pi. angrra skin; intestines.
F ro m
dersen 162; F risk II 352-353; F r a e n k e l 1167-1168; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 203; P o k o r n y I 7 7 2 -7 7 3 ; C h a n t r a in e 777; D u r id a n o v BE XVI 66 (reconstructs *am-); abej Etim. I I 40-41 (derived from am mother, cf. Fr mre de vinaigre)', DEMIRAJ AE 76. amull adj. stagnant (of water). As to amull very hot, it is the same word ( a b e j Etim. II 4 2 ) reflecting a specific way of iron tempering, first made hot and then cold by means of water or dirt. The same devel opment is attested in Slav *kaliti to temper iron based on *kali, dirt. Continues PAlb *amulwa with a prothetic a- etymologically related to Lith niulve silt, m arsh, multi to get dirty. 0 C A M A R D A I 61 (com parison with avuliy, M e y e r Wb. 21 (follows C A M A R D A and translates
a * fl s: d i
tl
A N G U LLTJ
AQ,
*anghrir related to Arm anjn soul, person, ON angi smell, odor4. 0 JOKL Melanges Pedersen 127-129 (zero-grade derivative of IE *gWto eat, to swallow); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 86; CiMOCHOWSKILP II 232 (follows JOKL); ACAREAN HAB I 202-203; POKORNY 142; ABEJ St. I 35 (identifies angrr with the participle hangr eating), Etim. II 50; L u k a HD XXIV 41-42; D e m ir a j AE 78.
an g u llij ao r. angullita to how l. Deverbative of *angull < PAlb *ankula, related to Gk oyKaopat to cry, Lat unc to growl (of bears). 0 M e y e r Wb. 304 (to ankth); P o k o r n y 1 322; a b fj Etim. I I 51 (follows M e y e r ).
(G) ankoj aor. ankova to cry, to weepT his verb also appears as nkoj, rkoj and rnkoj. A denominative verb that is probably based on PAlb *anaka borrowed from Gk vccyiori grief, distress. 0 M e y e r Wb. 304 (to angullij and Slav *jcati to groan); LUKA HD XXIV 44-46; D e m ir a j AE 7 8 -7 9 .
ankth m, pi. ankthe fear, nightmare, restlessness. Derived from ang. If -th may be treated as a continuation of *-st-, ankth goes back to PAlb *angasta and is identical with IE *anghosto- ~ *anghosti-\ Lat angustus narrow , O H G august fear ( M a n n Language XXVIII 39; a b e j St. I 36). 0 M e y e r Wb. 13, 304 (compares with ankoj and its variants); B ariC ARSt I 16-17 (to emakth id., m m other); JOKL /f XLIII 6162 (to Lat animus, Skt dniti); OTIR AArbSt I 104 (to Basque amets dream ); POKORNY I 43; OREL Z a lk XXIII 147, Koll. Idg. Ges. 350; a b e j Etim. II 53-54; B e e k e s CIEL 263; D e m ir a j AE 79. ap m elder brother; dad. A typical Lallname. 0 JOKL LKUBA 39 n .l (from Hung apa father); A B E J Etim. II 56 (to abej term of respect to elder brother borrowed from Turkish). aq adj., adv. so, such. Goes back to PAlb *akja opposed to kaq so < PAlb *kakja in the same way as Slav *ako as, if is opposed to *kako how (MEYER Wb. 7). Hence, the analysis of these forms as compounds beginning with pronominal *a~ and *ka- (as in ai vs. ky) and another stem or a suffix *-kja (ABEJ St. I 3 6 -3 7 ). 0 PEDERSEN Proti. 315 (to Gk a\> again); TRUBACEV SSJA I 64-65; ABEJ Etim. II 58-59; H a m p Numerals 8 3 6 (-q identical with OPrus quai)', DEMIRAJ AE 80.
AR
ARE
4; MEYER Wb. 14). 0 M e y e r -LU b k e Gr. Grundri21 1047, 1056; M a n n Language XXVI 381; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 12; HAARMANN 112; a b e j Etim. II 59-60; L a n d i Lat. 72.
arbr ~ arbn m, pl. arbr ~ arbn Albanian (particularly, of Italy and Greece). A Proto-Albanian loanword with the assimilation of liquids, from Rom *albanus rendering the West Balkan ethnonym attested as Illyr AA.avoi (Ptol.). The form arbresh ~ arbnesh Italo- or Graeco-Albanian reflects Rom *albanensis (JOKL Arch. Rom. XXIV 137). 0 C a m a r d a I 30; M e y e r Wb. 14; P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V I299 (to Gk pipavo orphan); < 0YPIKIX A0r|v& XL1II 3-7, XLVI 9-12 (to the I> name of the Alps and Illyr Arbona): S p it ze r M RIW I 334; T r o m b e t ti AArbSt III 1-6 (from proto-Indo-European); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 71-72 (sicuramente indigeno); MAYER Illyrier I I 4 (to Gk p(pv dark); LANGE-K o w a l ZfBalk XVIII/2 134-136 (< *arb- parallel to *alb-)\ K a c o r i EB 1977/1 122-129; MlHESCU RESEE IV/3-4 327; L u k a KKF 281-291; a b e j St. I 37-38, V 62-67; Etim. II 61-68 (to Lat arvum); LUKA HD XXIV 47-51.
ardhi f vine, grapes. The word is known in many phonetic variants: hardhi, erdhi, rdhi, dhri, urdhi, orli. It may go back to *ardhe and, further, to PAlb *ardz- related to the aorist stem erdha (see vij), cf. CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 51; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 6 5 -6 6 . Semantically, vine < climb ing, going as in Slav *loza vine ~ *loziti, *lezti to climb (cf. BRUCK NER AfsiPh XXXIX 4; VASMER I I 512). An alternative etymology (M ey er Wb. 147) is based on the variant rdhi and connects it with IE *uregto break, to cut'. 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 1 6 1 -1 6 2 (to Arm o r f vine); PE DERSEN BB XX 2 3 1 , KZ XXXVI 341 (follows BUGGE); JOKL Sprache IX 152; PISANI Saggi 120; BARI Hymje 4 3 , 57 (compares ardhi with Basque ardao wine); POKORNY I 1 1 8 1 -1 1 8 2 ; POLK ZfBalk I 87 (to Basque ardao wine); WEITENBERG KZ LXXXIX 6 8 -7 0 ; ABEJ St. I 38 (a phonetically difficult comparison with urth), Etim. II 6 9 -7 0 ; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 355; DEMIRAJ AE 1 9 5 -1 9 6 .
ar f. pi. ara field. From PAlb *ara etymologically connected with Latv eira id. (GTERS KZ LXXIII 108-109) and, probably, with Hitt arha- border, area, Lyd aara- farmstead, land, Mess aran (HAMP KZ LXXV 237-238). 0 C a m a r d a I 96 (to Gk ocpovpoc tilled land); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 3 (from Lat rea ground, space, thresh-
A RZ ~ A NEZ
ARI
ing-floor); M e y e r Wb. 14 (from Lat area or from arvurn plowed land but -rv- would be rendered as -rr-); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1041, 1048 (from Lat rea): F r a e n k e l 5 1 8 ; a b e j St. 1 39 (follows G A t e r s ) , a b e j Etim. II 7 1 -7 2 ; H a a r m a n 111 (from Lat rea); POLK Orbis XVI 128 (to Georg are field); LBERG Festschr. Pisani 6 8 8 -6 8 9 (to Gk y p field, land); HAMP St. Whatmough 7 7, RRL XXI 51 (same as LBERG, reconstructs are < *ager in view of the dialec tal long a: in the anlaut); OREL ZfBalk XXIII 149; HULD 38; TISCHLER 1/1 55-56; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 4 4 (adds Arm arawr plow); KARULIS LEV I 76; DEMIRAJ AE 8 0 -8 1 .
arz ~ an z f, pl. arza ~ am a wasp. Continues PAlb *auna derived from IE *au(d)- to weave similarly to Lith vaps, Slav *osa and the like based on IE *uebh- to weave. 0 M e y e r Wb. 14 (borrowing from Turk ari bee with a suffix -z - but how to explain the rhotacism in Tosk?), Alb. St. V 68; B a r i ARSt. I 8 3 -8 4 (reconstructs *acna com pared with Lat acleus sting); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 70; ABEJ St. 4 0 -4 1 (agrees with B a r i C); ABEJ Etim. II 8 7 -8 8 (from *ac- sharp ). arz f, pl. arza nape. Note a more phonetically conservative variant
arrz. Another derivative of the same stem is represented by arr upper jugular vertebra. Both words are based on arre in its metaphoric sense of a round protuberance ( C a m a r d a 1 1 8 1 ; M e y e r Wb. 7 ). 0 a b e j St. 141, Etim. II 90.
argsh m crude raft supported by skin bladders, crude bridge o f c r o ss bars, h a r r o w . F rom P A lb *argusa related to Skt argala- b o lt, OE
reced b u ild in g , h o u s e . 0 P o k o r n y I 65; a b e j St. I 3 9 (co m p a riso n w ith IE *yerg- to w ork , to d o ). argjend ~ argjand m silver. Borrowed from Lat argentum id. (M lK LOSICH Rom. Elemente 27; M e y e r Wb. 15). 0 C a m a r d a I 55 (unspec ified comparison with Lat argentum); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 1 I 1052; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 237; M a n n Language XVII 22; H a m p St. Whatmough 77; MlHESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 12; HAARMANN 111; ABEJ Etim. II 7 5 -7 6 ; LANDI Lat. 5 4 , 7 9 , 116. ari m, pi. arinj bear. From PAlb *arina (JO K L LKUBA 310) derived from *ara > OAlb ar (B O G D A N I). The feminine froms are arushe and aresh. A tabooistic transformation of IE *rkso- ~ *rkto- id.: Hitt hartag-
ARK
ARNOJ
ga-, Skt fksa-, Gk apK ioc, Lat ursus and the like (CAMARDAI 86; MEYER Wb. 15, Alb. St. IV 20). T he exp ected A lb *arth m ust have b een treated as a dim inutive in -th, from w here the existing form ar w as later derived (DEMIRAJ AE 82 ). 0 STIER KZ XI 146; M e y e r Gr. Gr. 2 3 2 , 344; PE DERSEN KZ XXXVI 106, Kelt. Gr. I 8 9 , B B X X 231; JOKL LKUBA 310; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 1 3 2 -1 3 3 ; MANN Language XVII 16: POKORNY I 875; M a y r h o f e r I 118; H am p Laryngeals 1 4 0 -1 4 1 ; WATKINS ESt II 5 0 4 -5 3 9 ; OREL ZfBalk X X III/ 1 6 6 (er ro n eo u sly co n n ects ari w ith G k a p v u p a i to ob tain , to g et, to r e c e iv e and the lik e); H u l d 38; a b e j Etim. II 77; K d d e r i t z s c h Festschr. Mac Eoin 66 . ark m. pi. arqe bow. Borrowed from Lat arcus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 3; M e y e r Wb. 15). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. G rundri1 1 1042; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 12; H a a r m a n n 111; L a n d i Lat. 79, 148149. arkg f, pi. arka chest, box, coffin. Borrowed from Lat area id. (C a m a r d a I 186; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 3; MEYER Wb. 15). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. G rundri2 1 1042; J o k l LKUBA 126; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 72; HAARMANN 111; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 21; ABEJ Etim. II 78-79; LANDI Lat. 175. arm f, pi. arme weapon. Borrowed frrom Lat arma id. (G il f e r d Otn. 25; M ik l o sic h Rom. Elemente 3; M e y e r Wb. 15). 0 M e y e r L b k e Gr. Grundri21 1042; M ih e sc u RESEE IV / 1-2 12; H a a r m a n n 111; a b e j Etim. II 81; L a n d i Lat. 79.
in g
armik ~ anmik m, pl. armiq ~ anemiq enem y. Borrowed from Lat inimcus id. (CAMARDA I 38; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 33; M e y e r Wb. 15). 0 GlLFERDING Otn. 25 (derived from arme); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1044; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 23; HAARMANN 131; JANSON Unt. 49; ABEJ Etim. II 81. arnoj aor. arnova to mend, to repair. Note a more conservative form arnoj as well as a back formation am patch. The source is Lat renovare to renew (MEYER Wb. 16). 0 CAMARDA I 140 (to Gk p a p ia icco to produce, to m ake); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 73; M i h e s c u RESEE IV / 1-2 24; ABEJ St. Il 4 0 (to harr to weed), Etim. II 8 3 -8 4 ; HAAR MANN 145; M a n n Comp. 3 4 -3 5 (related to Gmc *armiz arm ).
10
A R Q .IT
ASHK
arqit f, pl. arqita rod (for basket weaving). Borrowed from Slav *orkyta broom (plant), kind of willow (cf. in particular SCr rakita, Bulg rakita) in its form preceding the metathesis in the *TorT- group ( a b e j Etim. II 85 ). 0 S v a n e 128.
a rsye f, pi. arsye reason, understanding. From Lat ratinem id. (M lK LOSICH Rom. Elemente 54; M e y er Wb. 14). M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grund
r i 2 1 1051; Jo k l Stud. 10; O r e l FIJI V III/ 1-2 37; M ih e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 24; a b e j Etim. II 85-86; H a a Ri ANN 145. M
arr m, pl. arra cricket. Derived from ar bear, cf. ari. For the seman tic development cf. Russ medvedka cricket based on medved bear. 0 a b e j St. I 41 (identifies arr with har uncastrated pig and arr thorny bush'), Etim. II 89. arr m. pl. arra kind of thorny bush, Rhamnus. Derived from arre. 0 ABEJ St. I 41 (identifies arr with har uncastrated p ig ), Etim. II 89.
ASHPR
ATJE
11
IE *acs- a x is: Skt ksa-, Gk ^cov, Lat axis and the like (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 5 8 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 34 (from N ea p o l asea for aschia sp lin te r ); M e y e r Wh. 17 (b o rro w ed from R om * ascia)', J ok l. LKUBA 104-105 (supports M e y e r ); F risk 1116; C am aj Alb. Worth. 114 (su ffix -key, M i h e s c u RESEE IV / 1-2 12; H a a r m a n 111; a b e j Etim. II 100; LANDI Lat. 7 9 , 110.
ashpr adj.
( C a m a r d a I 86; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 34; M e y e r Wb. 19). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 1 1 1042, 1053; MlHESCU RESEE I V /12 12; H a a r m a n n 111; a b e j Etim. II 100-101; L a n d i Lat. 79, 136.
asht m, pl. eshtra ~ eshtna bone. From PAlb *asti or *asta further connected w ith IE *ost(i) - bone: Hitt hastai, Skt dsthi, Gk oxov and the like (XYLANDER 298; BOPP 461; GlL'FERDING Otn. 22; CAMARDA 1 36; M e y e r Wb. 19). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 2 3 , 62; P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. I 85; T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 86; P o k o r n y 1 783; F r isk II 43 6 -4 3 7 ; MAYRHOFER I 67; T is c h l e r 1 /2 2 0 2 -2 0 3 ; H a m p Laryngeals 133, Rie.
12
ATY
AV IH . I.
St. Ill 2 5 ), cf. tut je. 0 P e d e r s e n Pzon. 315 (-tje < -teje)-, a b e j Etim. II 108.
aty adv.
m o lo g ic a lly c lo se to -tu o f ashtu. 0 M e y e r Wb. 20 (-ty co n n ected w ith the p ronom inal stem *to-); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 73 (fo llo w s MEYER); a b e j Etim. II 109.
atht adj. harsh, sour, rancid. From PAlb *ats-eta etymologically related to IE *ak- sharp, with some derivatives developing the meaning sour as Lat acidus (M e y e r Wb. 2, Alb. St. Ill 13). 0 C a m a r d a I 161 (com pares atht with uthull); MEYER Gr. Gr. 99; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 332; Jo k l Reallex. Vorgesch. I 89, LKUBA 49; O r el tnogenez 110-114 (atht as a source of Slav *ocbfh vinegar); a b e j Etim. II 109-110; M a n n Comp. 12 (identical with Gk (xkt ray of light); KORTLANDT ArmIE 44; DEMIRAJ AE 83-84. avdos m chaffinch. Identical with avdos ice-floe (see avr), for the
semantic development cf. bors. 0 POKORNY I 86; ABEJ Etim. II 110 (related to bors ); D e m ir a j AE 84-85 (compound of two elements: avrelated to Lat avis bird and dose).
avr f, pi. avra ic e - f lo e . C f. also avdos id. P ro b a b ly , co n n ected with IE *ayer-, *aued- to m ake w e t. 0 P o k o r n y I 7 8 -7 9 ; ABEJ St. I 4 5 (to varr), Etim. II 112-113 (avdos d erived from bor); LUKA HD XXIV 60-61.
avull m. pi. avuj steam, vapor. From PAlb *abula continuing an earlier *nbh(u)lo- (H a m p RRL XX 499-500: reconstructs *nbhlo- but erroneously compares it with Skt abhr- cloud with a definite *-r- > -r-). Thus, *abula is close to OHG nebul fog, OS nifol < Gmc *nebulaz < *nebhelo. Etymologically, belongs to IE *nebh- wet, water; fog, cloud. As to -v-, it reflects the unfinished process of spirantization and loss of inter vocalic voiced stops; the expected change of -v- to zero did not occur as it p reced ed a back rounded vow el. Rum abur fo g was borrowed from Proto-Albanian. 0 CAMARDA I 57 (to Gk XXa tempest); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 69 (from Lat vapor id.); MEYER Wb. 21 (comparison with Skt abhr- cloud; ultimately, to *nebh-), Alb. St. Ill 36, 81; JOHANSON IF IV 139; Jo k l LKUBA 270-271 (par ticle a- and -v w // connected with vale); W e ig a n d BA III 210(ofT hra-
BAB -
BAG M
13
cian origin); HASDEU EMR I 106; PASCU RE 21 (reconstructs Rom *vapulus); PUCARIU EWR 1; B aric ARSt 107-108, Lingv. stud. 39 (avull < *o-g'- compared with Germ Qualm fumes, smoke); L a P ia n a Studi 99; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 14 (comparison with Messap atabulus sirocco); PISANI REIE IV 17 (from Rom *nebla, a variant of Lat nebula mist, fog); ZALIZNAK timologija 1964 175; PETROVICI CL X 357-358 (to Lat Boreas North wind); PoGHiRC 1st. limb. rom. II 335; R o se t t i ILR I 271; a b e j St. I 45-46 (follows J o k l ); H a m p Si. Whatmough 80-81 (same as SCHMIDT), A XXIX 90; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 144; HULD 3940; M a n n Comp. 46 (follows C a m a r d a ); a bej Etim. II 116-117; DEMIRAJ AE 85 (to aft and afsh).
B
bab f old woman. Borrowed from Slav *baba woman (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 15). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 183; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 111-112; a b e j Etim. II 120; S v a n e 189. bac m, pi. baca elder brother, uncle. From PAlb *batja, a Lallwort
similar and, perhaps, related to Slav *bat'a ~ *batja elder brother, father (OREL Subst. 4 ). The Albanian word is the source of Rum baci chief shepherd, cheese-maker, Megleno-Rum bats id. from where Slavic and Hungarian words for shepherd were borrowed (MEYER Wb. 29). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 15: B a r i ARSt 2-3 (from *barc, to bari)', TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 112; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 335; R o setti ILR I 272; TRUBACEV Term, rodstva 21, 195-196, SSJa I 163-164; ABEJ Etim. II 122-124; S v a n e 188.
badr f, pi. badra narcissus, daffodil. More phonetically advanced vari
ants are badhe'r and, especially, bather (HAHN). The word is identi cal with Skt bhdstra bellows, further based on *bhes- to blow. Alb -d()r- goes back to IE *-str- as in thadr ( O r e l Fort. 78-79). 0 MEYER Wb. 22 (borrowed from Turk badruk basil); ABEJ St. I 46-47 (with a metathesis, from bardh), Etim. II 124-125; MURATI Pro bleme 63-66 (same as ABEJ).
b agm m oil for anointment. Borrowed from Gk <iima|aa baptism' ( M ih e s c u RESEE IV /3-4 350; a b e j St. I 48, Etim. II 128). For the
14
BACJTI ~ RAKTI
BAKULL
bagti ~ bakti f, pl. domestic animal, (head of) cattle. Based on an unattested adjective borrowed from Slav *bogatb rich (S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 165) or going back to the otherwise unregistered Slav *bogatjbe richness (OREL ZfSlaw XXX/6 912, timologija 1983 137-138). 0 G i l FERDING Otn. 20 (to Skt pas'u- cattle); M e y e r Wb. 22 (compares with OFr bague bundle and the like); JOKL Studien 5-6 (links bagti with Skt bhdga- prosperity, happiness, Slav *s-bboibje prop erty, cattle), Slavia XIII 310; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 77, Stratifi cazione 147; HOLUB-KOPECNY 261 (to OHG packe pack and the like); S k o k I 179; a b e j St. I 48, Etim. II 129-130. bahe f, pi. bahe sling. A singularized plural based on a more archaic form bah < PAlb *baja etymologically close to Slav *bojb fight. Both forms are further related to IE *bhei- to strike, to beat (OREL FLH VH I/1-2 45). 0 MEYER Wb. 22-23 (to ON baugr ring, IE *bheughto bend), Alb. St. Ill 35; ABEJ St. I 47 (compares with Gmc *bautan to beat, Lat fusti s knobbed stick, cudgel), Etim. II 126-127; POKORNY I 117-118. bajg f, pi. bajga dung. A more archaic form is balg(), bulge. The word is also attested in a metathesized form bagl. Goes back to PAlb *balga probably related to Gk oXuov cow dung if the latter is based on *bolg (OS t ir AArbSt II 370). It is the source of Rum baleg id. 0 MEYER Wb. 23, IF VI 116 (from Nital bagola, bagula); TAGLIAVI NI Dalmazia 11 (from SCr balega id.); L a PIANA Studi 1 77; C apidan DR I I 467-470 (borrowed from substratum); B a ri C IF II 297-298 (recon structs *bdlno-gl', cf. Slav *govbno dung < IE *g u- cattle), AArbSt II 80-81, Hymje 22; iLINSKIJ JF V 183-185 (bajg borrowed from Slavic); HASDEU EMR III 124; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 335; ROSETTI ILR I 272; M o u t so s ZfBalk X/2 68-72 (from NGk y(K )aaX a < Lat caballus horse (dung)); ROHR ZfBalk X V II/1 80; ABEJ St. I 49 (agrees with OS t ir ), Etim. II 132-133; DEMIRAJ AE 86-87. bajz f, pi. bajza coot, kind of water-fowl. The same word is attest ed as balz and may be interpreted as a derivative of *bal- white ( D o d b ib a St. Leks. 256). 0 CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 125; ABEJ St. 1 50, Etim. II 134-135 (to Lat flica). bakull
adj.
BAL
BALTE
15
Also bale white spot. From PAlb *bala etymologically close to Lith blas white, Latv bls pale, Gk (paXqeuic (Hes.) and the like. As to balash, balosh horse or ox with a white spot on its forehead, it was borrowed from Slav *belasb. *belosb white animal (MEYER Wb. 25; O rel timologija 1983 133-134) with *-- rendered as -a- under the influence of bal. 0 MEYER NGriech. St. IT 69 (treats balash, balosh as cognates of Lith blas and the like); MANN Language XXVI 380 (to Bret bal' id.), XXVIII 36; F r a e n k e l 32; F r is k II 988-989; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 328; KLEPIKOVA SPI 65; HAMP Anc. IE 112; ABEJ St. I 50-51, Etim. II 138-140; KALUZsk a ja Slavjanovedenie 1992/2 80-86; D e m ir a j AE 87.
balm m balm. Attested in a more archaic form balshm in Old Alban ian (BUZUKU). Borrowed from Lat balsamum id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 5; M e y e r Alb. St. IV 25; JOKL LKUBA 115 n .l). 0 MEYER Wb. 2 4 -2 5 (together with balsam id. treated as a Turkish loanword); MlHESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 21; HAARMAN 112; ABEJ St. I 5 1 , Etim. II 1 43-144; LANDI Lat. 111. b al f, pi. badger. Related to bal taking into account the light-
*balta (singularized pi. neut.) closely related to Slav *bolto with which it continues IE *bhohtom (MEYER Wb. 25). This form belongs to the paradigm of the adjective *bhohto- white represented in Lith bdltas further derived from IE *bheh- shining, white. Rum balt swamp, NGk aA/coq id. seem to be borrowed from Albanian. 0 GlLFERDlNG Otn. 20 (to Skt pi thvi earth); B r CH Glotta VII 83 f. (balte as an autochtonous Illyrian word in Albanian); MEYER BB XIX 154; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 242 (from Lomb palta); T r e m e r ZfromPhil. XXXVIII 392 (borrowed from Slav *bolto); SKOK AArbSt. II 114, Slavia III 115 (accepts the Slavic origin of balte); B a r i C AArbSt. II 386; TROM BETTI AArbSt. Ill 21-22; JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 86; TAGLIAVINI Dal mazia 78, Origini 309; HASDEU EMR III 135; M a n n Language XXVI 385 (from Slavic); PORZIG Gliederung 159, 175; F r a e n k e l 32, KZ LIV
16
BALLE -
BAR
294-295; VASMER I 190; PISANI Saggi 123 (isogloss uniting Albanian with Balto-Slavic); POKORNY I 118-120; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 328; ROSETTI ILR I 2 7 2 ,1st. limb. rom. II 97 (Slavic *bolto in Balkan languages); HUBSCHMID RRL XXIV/4 343-352; H a m p L S XIV/2 14, Anc. IE 109; TOPOROV PJa I 189 (reconstructs OPrus *balt-)\ SOLTA Balkanlinguistik 47, 100; ABEJ St. I 51-52, Etim. II 144-147; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 350; MURATI Probleme 127; DEMIRAJ AE 87-88.
Skt bhla- id., O P rus ballo id. (GlL'FERDING Otn. 20; MEYER Wb. 2 4 , Alb. St. Ill 33). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIH 544; JOKL ZONE X 194, Sprache IX 128; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 7 8 , Stratificazione 86; M a n n Language XXVI 3 8 0 (reco n stru cts an /-stem ); MAYRHOFER II 4 9 6 -4 9 7 ; H a m p St. Whatmough 77; POKORNY I 118-119; OREL Z a lk XXIII 144; a bej St. I 5 3 , Etim. II 148 -1 5 0 ; HULD 40; DEMIRAJ AE 8 8 -8 9 .
to mell); SCHMIDT KZ L 236 (to bul < *bhuln in connection with Gk cpAAov le a f); BARIC AArbSt. I 144-145 (follows M e y e r s comn a r i s o n w i t h m ll i- C a h k i St I 8 ? i a o r w c w i t h R a u h * ' !
bares aor. barita to go for a walk, to stroll. From PAlb *bar-tja derived from *bar shepherd preserved in bari (WEIGAND Balkan-Archiv I 252-253). 0 JOKL Die Sprache IX 144 (to rnbaj); ABEJ Etim. II 164 (denominative of bar grass). bari m, pi. barinj shepherd. Based on an unattested *bar < PAlb *bara (the derivation is similar to that of ari, njeri, cf. DEMIRAJ AE 91) related to OHG baro (free) m an. As to OAlb bruo shepherd (BUZUKU, Budi), it is not connected with bari and should be rather analyzed as a loanword from Lat brnem simpleton. 0 CAMARDA I 341 (mis taken translation of bari as bestiame; comparison with Gk apixov cxpve, Hes.); MEYER Alb. St. I 69, Wb. 27, 33 (to berr); JOKL Mlanges Pedersen 156 (follows MEYER); WEIGAND Balkan-Archiv I 252-253 (compares bari with bares to go for a walk, to stroll); T a g l i a v in i Stratificazione 147; CiMOCHOWSKI LP IV 191 (to bar); HAMP
BARDH
BA R I
17
related to Lat fa r sort of grain, spelt < *bhars-, ON ban- spelt and the like (CAMARDA I 336; MEYER Wb. 2 6 , Alb. St. Ill 7 1 ). 0 POTT KZ VI 321 (to Lat herba id.); MEYER Alb. St. Ill 33 (to Gk (ppo (agri cultural) yield); KRETSCHMER Gioita III 3 3 8 -3 3 9 , VI 9 6 (to Gk cpppaicov drug, healing rem edy); J o k l Vox Rom. VIII 192 (Alpine Romance parallels); BA R I ARSt. I 30 (to NPers bar fruit); M a n n Language XVII 16; C h a n t r a in e 1179; H a m p ZfceltPh XXXIX 9 0 (close to K r e t s c h m e r ); a b e j St. I 54 (agrees with K r e t s c h m e r ), Etim. II 156-158; D e m ir a j AE 8 9 -9 0 (from IE *bheu- to g r o w '). bardh adj. w h ite. From PA lb *bardza continuing *bhordgo-, a d eriv ative o f IE *bher9g- to sh ine; w h ite , c f. Skt bhrjate (h e) sh in es, b eam s, g litte r s , G oth bairhts lig h t, sh in in g and a lso the w ord for b ir c h : Lith berzas, S lav *berza (MEYER Wb. 29, Alb. St. Ill 17, 33, 72). P A lb *bardza is p articu larly c lo s e to Skt bhdrga- sh in in g w ith
an irregular d ev elo p m en t o f T he A lb an ian w ord is the so u rce o f R um barz sto rk . 0 HASDEU EMR III 216; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
79; L a P ia n a Studi 141; F r a e n k e l 40-41; M a y r h o f e r II 479-480, 529-530; POKORNY I 139-140; K l e p ik o v a SPT 68-69; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. IT 336; ROSETTI ILR I 272-273; LBERG Beitr. Idg. 57; GREPPIN JIES V/2-3 203-207 (D a c *baro- sto rk related to A rm brdor 1amm erpever1: Hi.I D 40: C a b e j Etim. II 161-1*4 (to r .l mnnmy.:....... un f, pi. bana dwelling. From PAlb *banti, a rci/'-derivative of bj to make, to do (for semantic parallels see ABEJ I 52). 0 JOKL Studien 6-8 (from IE *bhoyono-, cf. Skt bhavana- dwelling, home despite the irregularity of Tosk -n- < *--); M a n n Language XXVI 382; a b e j I 5 1 -5 2 (explains bane as a Geg participle of bj identical with Tosk br but ban is well attested in both dialects of Albanian), Etim. II 1 51-153; M a y r h o f e r 1 1 4 8 5 -4 8 6 ; O r e l SBJa Leksikol. 148 (explains bane as a phonetic variant of adv. mban near, nearby); D e m ir a j AE 89.
banj f, pi. banja bath. Borrowed from Slav *banja id.: OCS banja, Bulg bana, SCr banja and the like (MlKLOSICHSlav. Elemente 15; MEYER Wb. 24; WEIGAND 4 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4; (from Latin); H e l b ig 90 (from Italian); ABEJ Etim. II 155 (from Rom *banea or Ital bagno). bar m, pi. bar ra ~ barna grass. From PAlb *bara etymologically
18
BARK
BARR
ZfceltPh XXXIX 212 (same as ClMOCHOWSKl); ABEJ St. I 55-56 (sug gests an etymological link to bie, mbar), 64 (compares bari with bruo), Etim. II 165-167; DEMIRAJ AE 92 (both bari and bruo borrowed from Lat bar, barnis). bark m, pi. barqe b e lly , w om b , ab d o m en . F rom P A lb *baruka id en tical w ith ap{\>>Ka- a i o o v rcap T a p a v n v o i (DURANTE Ric. Ling. Ill 158; KRAHE Spr. Illyr. 41) and, furth er, co n tin u in g *bhor-uko-, a derivative o f IE *bher- to carry (MEYER Wb. 27). The loss o f the inlaut -u- points to the stress on the first syllab le in P A lb *bdruka, cf. baruk < *baritk. 0 CAMARDA 1 58 (correctly com pares bark and barre)', PED ERSEN KZ XXXVI 327 ( fo llo w s MEYER), BB XX 238, Pron. 344 (to Gk (ppvy^); WIEDEMANN BB XXVIII 231 (to Lat farciO to cram , to s t u f f ) ; B a r i ARSt I 22; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 79, Stratificazione 86; MANN Language XVII 7 (com parison w ith W brych afterbirth, W bru b e lly ); FRISK I 221; CAMAJ 29, 114 (a ccep ts M e y e r s v ie w ); O r e l Zalk XXin 145; ABEJ St. I 56-57, Etim. II 167-169; HULD 41; DEMIRAJ AE 92. bark f , pi. barka boat. B orrow ed from Lat barca id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 5; MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1042); LANDI Lat. 9 3 . barm f bast. A parallel form is masculine barm. From PAlb *bardzm ~ *bardzma derived from *bardza > bardh white, with a typical semantic pattern for the nomination of bark and bast (ABEJ St. I 57, Etim. II 170), cf. Slav *lyko bast from IE *leuk- to shine; shining, white. 0 MANN Language XVII 19 (to Gk (popp); TRUBACEV Rem. term. 164-166; OREL Linguistica XXVI 172; D e m ir a j AE 90. baruk f fleece. From PAlb *baruka derived from *barwa > berr sheep, goat (OREL Linguistica XXVI 172-173). 0 DEMIRAJ AE 92 (to barre). barr f, pl. barr load, burden. From PAlb *bar further related to bie and mbar (B O P P 4 71; MEYER Wb. 2 8 , Alb. St. Ill 7 3 ) and partic ularly close to G k (pop load ( a b e j Etim. II 174). 0 G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 21 ; B u g g e KZ XX X II 4; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 78-79; PISANI Saggi 103, 121; BARIC Lingv. stud. 3 4 (stresses the similarity with G k (ppvr| dow ry); M a n n Language XVII 19; F r is k II 1 0 0 3 -1 0 0 5 ; P o k o r n y
BARR
BATH
19
T 128-132; HAMP ZfceltPh XXXIX 210 (from *bhorn); a b e j 5/. I 57; M a n n Comp. 94 (from IE *bhorm); H u l d 41; D e m ir a j AE 9293 (a g r e e s w ith ABEJ). barr f. pl. barre fetus. From PAlb *barn, a singularized plural cognate with Gmc *barnan child. The word must be strictly differentiated from barr load, burden. 0 Z a liz n ak timologija 139; ABEJ Etim. II 173-174. bashk f fleece. From PAlb *bar(u)ska etymologically connected with baruk id. and derived from berr sheep, goat (OREL Linguistica XXVI 172-173). For a similar semantic development cf. Skt ajina- skin, hide ~ aj- goat. The Albanian word was borrowed to Rum based id. 0 B a r t h o l o m a e IF IX 252 (to Av varasa- hair); MEYER Wb. 28 (from *vars-k connected with Cyren aoaapoc fox); JOKL LKUBA 170; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 3236; ROSETTI ILR I 273; R e st e ll i R/L XCI 467 (to Germ Brste); LBERG Festschr. Bonfante 566; MANN Language XVII 13, Comp. 67 (identical with bashk together; was borrowed from Thracian or ancient Macedonian); VRACIU LB VIII 20 (from sub stratum); ABEJ I 58 (to Gk (papoo piece, part and its cognates), Etim. II 178-180; D e m ir a j AE 93 (identical with bashk together). bashk adv. together. Goes back to PAlb *bakska related to Lat fastis bundle, fascia band, bandage (MEYER Alb. St. IV 80, IF VI 106). 0 G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 21 (to Skt pas'c- back, posterior); B a r i C ARSt. 1 95, AArbSt III 215 (follows MEYER); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 77; JOKL LKUBA 170 (to Skt badhate); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 80 (agrees with Jo k l ); M a n n Language XVII 13; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 459-460; O rel Sprache XXXI 282; ABEJ I 58-59 (follows M e y e r ), Etim. II 180-181; D e m ir a j AE 93-94. batis aor. batisa to press together. Borrowed from Slav *batiti to beat, presently preserved in South Slavic only as SCr botiti to rebound, to jump away. bathe broad b ean . C ontinues PAlb *bat s < IE *bhak also p reserv ed in G k <paKjd ish o f le n tils, paic le n til (MEYER Wb. 22, Alb. St. Ill 13, 33). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 332; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 80; M a n n Language XXVI 380; PISANI Saggi 118; JUCQUOIS Muson LXXVIII 445; POKORNY I 106; F r isk I I 985; CHANTRAINE 1173, 1180;
f, pi.
bath
20
BE
B E LB IC E
beans); OREL timologija 1985 181; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 145; Koll. Idg. Ges. 356; a b e j Etim. II 184-185; D e m ir a j AE 94.
b e f, pi. be oath. From P A lb *baida connected with Slav *beda d is
aster, Lat foedus league, treaty and other nominal derivatives of IE *bheidh- to persuade, to force (MEYER Wb. 30, Alb. St. Ill 33). 0 E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 233; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 81-82; S c h m id t KZ LVII 26; M a n n Language XXVI 385; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 149; T r u b a c e v SSJa II 54-56; P o k o r n y 1117; H a m p AZ LXXVII 252253; HULD 42; ABEJ Etim. II 186-187 (to Gk jig u , Lat fids b e lie f ); DEMIRAJ AE 94-95.
b egat adj. rich. Other variants are bgat and bugat. Borrowed from
Slav *bogat-i id., cf., in particular, South Slavic: OCS bogati,, Bulg bogat, SCr bogat (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 16; MEYER Wb. 50). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 326; ABEJ Etim. II 190-191; S V A N E 267.
bejk f white sheep. Borrowed from Slav *bel-hka white animal, white
is bnkoj. Borrowed from Lat benedlcere id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele mente 6; M e y e r Wb. 3 1 ). 0 C a m a r d a 1 1 4 1 (to be and besf, M e y e r L b k e Gr. Grundri11 1052; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 81; KDDERITZSCH Asp. Alb. 121-130; MlHESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 21; HAARMAN 112; ABEJ Etim. II 193.
b elb adj. stammering, dumb. Borrowed from Lat balbus stammering,
stuttering (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4; M e y e r Wb. 31). From belb such synonymous forms as belbr and belbt were derived. 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1042; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 13; HAARMAN 112; ABEJ Etim. II 194-195 (onomatopoeia).
b e lb ic f, pi. belbica kind of trout. Another variant is belvice. Bor rowed from B u lg belvica id. (WEIGAND 6 , JOKL Slavia XIII 311) . 0 MEYER Wb. 3 2 (from Lat barbus barbel); K r is TOFORIDHI 43; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 7; a b e j Etim. II 195, St. IV 9 7 -9 8 ; S v a n e 150.
BELC
RF.RR
21
belc f wool cover. Borrowed from Slav *helica white object ( abej Etim. II 195). beng m, pl. hengje, beng oriole, finch. Borrowed from one of the con tinuants of (West) Gmc *finkan finch, cf. especially Bavarian pienk (M e y e r Wb. 3 2 ). 0 H a h n 13 (to zbehem); a b e j Etim. II 198 (agrees with M e y e r ). ber m bow, arrow, spear. From PAlb *bra, derivative of bie < *bera to strike, to fall (JOKL LKUBA 244). 0 ABEJ I 61, Etim. II 199-200 (to Gk (ppo plow ); OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 67; DEMIRAJ AE 95 (to bri). berk m bast. From PAlb *bardz(i)ka derived from PAlb *bardza > bardh white (OREL Linguistica XXVI 172). For the semantic evo lution cf. barm. 0 CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 114 (suffix -k); ABEJ Etim. II 201 (from Slav *ob(T>)vbrtka > Russ obertka). beronj f, pi. beronja barren woman; holly; kind of serpent. Another phonetic variant is buronj. A derivative with a feminine suffix -onj of an unattested *ber < PAlb *bara naked, barren, borrowed from Gmc *bazaz: OHG bar bare, O N berr id. (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 258). 0 M e y e r Wb. 33 (comparison with berr and Slav *baram> ram ); BUGGE BB x v m 174 (from Romance, cf. OFr baraigne barren); TAGLI AVINI Stratificazione 147; ABEJ Etim. II 201-202; DEMIRAJ AE 95 (derived, as two separate words for barren woman and holly, from ber and berr). berr m, pi. berra sheep, goat. From P A lb *barwa etymologically con nected with ON borgr hog, O H G barug, baruh id., Slav *borvz boar > ( O r e l Linguistica XXVI 173; M a n n Comp. 95). Note a deminutive berk goat only in era berk stench of a goat (ABEJ Etim. II 201). 0 S t i e r KZ XI 208 (to Gk a p tx o i- apve, Hes.); M e y e r Wb. 33 (an Alpine Wanderwort)\ JOKL LKUBA 242 (from an interjection used to address the sheep); HASDEU EMR III 637; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 253 (to Engad bar and other Alpine words); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 81, Strat ificazione 132-133; HUBSCHMID V o x Romanica XIV 195; TRAUTMANN 27 (*bhoru- as an areal word for sheep and goats); POGHIRC 1st. limb, rom. II 3237; R o s e t t i ILR I 273 (to Rum br, cry with which the shep
22
BES
BRKOQ .
herd calls the sheep); ABEJ Gioita XXXVI 50, St. 161, Etim. II 202204; D e m ir a j AE 95-96. bes f, pi. besa 'pledge, truce, trust. From PAlb *baits traced back to IE *bhoidh-t (H a m p KZ LXXVII 252-253 follows S t ier KZ VII 160 and CAMARDA I 43 in reconstructing *bhidh-t as an exact equivalent of Gk 7uaT faithful, trustworthy) or *bhoidh-ti (PISANI Saggi 129) further connected with IE *bheidh- to persuade, to force and Alb be. 0 M ey er Wb. 33 (compares with Alb bind and reconstructs *bhendhtia), Alb. St. II 50, III 25, IV 97; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 308 (thinks of *bhendhta); WIEDEMANN BB XXVII 201; BUGGE BB XVIII 163; JOKL LKUBA 262 n. 2; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 26 (derivative of *bheidhin *-ti); T r e im e r KZ LXV 110; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 81-82; P isa n i Saggi 129; F risk I I 487-488; P o k o r n y 1 117; O rel Z A lk XXin 148; a b e j St. I 61-62, Etim. II 204-206; HULD 42; WATKINS Dragon 83; DEMIRAJ AE 96-97. bj ~ bj aor. be'ra ~ bana to do, to make. From PAlb *banja com pared with Gk (potivco to appear (MEYER Wb. 23-24, Alb. St. Ill 33), a zero grade further connected with IE *bha-. For the semantic devel opment cf. Or bann deed of the same root (BUGGE BB XVIII 162). 0 C a m a r d a I 48 (to IE *bhu- to grow ); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 8485; K l in g e n s c h m it t Verbum 113; H u l d 43; a b e j Etim. I I 207-208; D e m ir a j AE 97-98. brcel m kind of wheat, Triticum monococcum. Derived from an unat tested *brc ~ *bric' borrowed from Slav *borica > Bulg brica kind of white wheat (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 258). 0 JOKL apud ABEJ St. 1 62 (related to bardh)', T r u b a c e v SSJa III 125; ABEJ Etim. II 209-210 (from Maced pcenica wheat < Slav *pbsenica). brik m brik span (b e tw ee n thum b and in d e x ). B o r ro w e d from S lav *b'irik'b, cf. B u lg bn.cka fo ld , w r in k le . 0 MEYER Wb. 3 4 (to an unattested B u lg prbza); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 7 (b o rro w ed from SCr *brik related to P ol bark a rm ); TRUBACEV SSJa III 125; a b e j Etim. II 210; S v a n e 89. brkoq m little p ig . A n oth er variant is brkuq. D eriv ed from berk, see berr. 0 Jo k l IF X L IV 5 6 (borrow ed from Lat porcus)\ a bej Etim. II 211 (to koqe).
BRS1
BRRYL
23
brsi f, pl. brsi husks of grapes, m arc. Borrowed from Rom *brtea reflecting Thracian p itx ea . 0 MEYER Wb. 3 4 (from Lat brisa); BRCH IF XL 2 4 1 -2 4 4 (from Illyrian, cf. Thr ptov beer); HAARMAN 113; ABEJ Etim. II 2 1 2 (reconstructs *bris-); DEMIRAJ AE 98 (borrowed from Thracian). (G) brshc m juniper. Continues *eburusa, a form somehow connected with OIr ibar id., Gaulish eburo- (JOKL Festschr. Rozwadowski I 2 3 5 2 3 7 ). 0 B e r t o l d WuS XI 155 (fo llo w s Jo k l ); abej Etim. II 2 1 2 -2 1 3 ; DEMIRAJ AE 9 8 -9 9 (critical o f the Celtic parallels). brtas aor. brita to shout, to cry. Borrowed from Slav *b'brtvati ~ *b'brtviti to babble, cf. Bulg b i tv a. 0 C a m a r d a I 68 (compares h brtas with Gk p u x a o (ia i to bellow); MEYER Wb. 4 7 0 (to verras), Alb. St. Ill 38; M a c h e k LP V 5 9 -6 0 (follows C a m a r d a ); T r u b a c e v SSJa III 132; a b e j St. I 63 (to Latv brkt to cry, OIr bressim id.), Etim. II 213. brtham f, pl. brthama (fruit) stone. A compound consisting of brth < birth (with a vocalic shift in the unstressed position) and am; thus, brth-am is something like mother of the fruit. Its synonym, brthokl is to be analyzed as a formation with two suffixes -ok- and -l of the same root. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 4 (from Rom *petramen derived from petra stone); B a r i ARSt. I 3 0 (divides brtham into br and tha(l)m, the latter to be compared with thelb); ABEJ St. I 6 3 -6 4 (a derivative of bath > *barth), Etim. II 2 1 3 -2 1 4 ; M u r a t i Probleme 6 6 -6 7 (root br-). brrak f, pl. brraka muddy pool, pond, swamp. Derivative of bir. Note a similar change of -r- > -rr- in brryl. 0 M EY ER Wb. 33 (to Slav *bara pool, rivulet; JO K L Reallex. Vorgesch. I 84-87 (identifies the root of brrak with the ancient Balkan stem bar- in river-names); M LADE NOV lORJaS XV n/4 228-230 (to Skt barbar-); ABEJ St. I 64 (to pciyoc o, Hes.), Etim. II 215-217. brryl m, pl. brryla, brryle elbow, forearm . Other variants reflect an original -II in the auslaut. From PAlb *brei ul(e)n turn of the bow > elbow (for the first element - A BEJ I 65, Etim. II 217-219). Thus, the structure of the word is close to that of Gmc *alinobogon elbow : OHG elinbogo, ON olnbogi and the like ( O r e l ZfBalk
26
BIR
B IR Q
apud W a l d e -H o f m a n n 1495 (to Skt bdhate to push, to press); P isa n i Saggi 129; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 26; M a n n Language XXVI 385; HAMP KZ LXXVII 253 (a g re es w ith BOPP); ABEJ St. I 66-67, Etim. II 235236 (from IE *bhedh-no); D e m ir a j AE 101.
bir
m, pi. bij son. From PAlb *bira compared with Goth baur son < IE *bhcro- ( P e d e r s e n BB XIX 295; KZ XXXIII 541), with further link to IE *bher- to give birth. 0 C A M A R D A I 79 (to Gk in son); M EYER Wb. 37 (from IE *bh-l-, cf. Gk (pXov race, tribe). Alb. St. Ill 33; SO LM SEN KZ XXXIV 4; W IED EM A N N BB XXVII 220; JOKL IF XXXVII 109, LKUBA 194 (to Latfllius son); R lB E Z Z O Riv. Alb. I 136 (bir as a secondary formation based on bij); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 112-113; P i s a n i Saggi 226; B a r i Hymje 57; H a m p BSL LXVII 213217 follows P e d e r s e n ) ; H u l d 44-45; a b e j Etim. II 239-240; K l i n GENSCHMITT LIdg. 103 (to bij): DEM IRAJ AE 102 (agrees with K l i n -
GENSCHM ITT).
r e l Linguistica XXVI 174). 0 M e y e r Wb. 37 (compares with mire); B a r i C ARSt 3 (compound of *bher- as in mbar and ko- < koh); a b e j Etim. II 242 (derived from bir).
RISED
B1SHTAJ
27
*besda id., cf., in particular, South Slavic forms: OCS beseda, Bulg beseda, SCr beseda (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 16; MEYER Wb. 33). 0 SELlSCEV Slav, naselenie 143, 192; MANN Language XXVIII 35; ABEJ Etim. II 243; S v a n e 1220, 23 0 .
b isk m, pi. bisq, bisqe branch, twig. Borrowed from a diminutive Slav
NGk i i a a switch, rod borrowed from Bulg vita id.); ABEJ Etim. II 2 4 3 -2 4 5 (borrowed from Slav *bicb or derived from mbij); M a n n Comp. 78 (to Lith biskis, biskis bit, fragment - a German [East Pruss ian] loanword); PAGLIARO Shjzat X 3 1 5 -3 1 7 ; DEMIRAJ AE 101 (derived from mbij).
b istr adj. agile, nimble, sour. Borrowed from Slav *bystr-h agile, quick, cf. South Slavic forms: OCS by stri,, Bulg bister, SCr bistar (D e s n ic k a j a Slav. zaim. 13). 0 a b e j Etim. II 246; S v a n e 150. b ish f, pi. bisha b east, wild a n im a l . Borrowed from Lat bstia id. (M e y er Wb. 38). 0 M ihescu RESEE IV /1-2 21; H a a r m a n n 112; abej Etim. II 246-247; L a n d i Lat. 119. b ish t m, pi. bishta, bishtra ~ bishtna ta il. F rom P A lb *bsta, d e r iv a tive o f IE *bh- to g r o w . T h e m etaphor v ie w s the tail as a b o d ily ou tgrow th . 0 XYLANDER 2 8 7 (to B asq u e bustan id.); CAMARDA I 58 (to Gk 7uo0ev b ack, b e h in d ); MEYER Wb. 38; JOHANNSON IF XIV 268 (from *bhid-to- and, further, to Lat findere to clea v e); JOKL LKUBA 261 n. 2; OSTIR AArbSt. I 127; T r e im e r KZ L X V 109 (fo llo w s J o h a n n s o n ) ; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIX 429; T a g l i a v i n i RIEB I 165 n. 1, Dalmazia 8 3 -8 4 (again st JOHANNSON), Stratificazione 143; B a r i Hymje 57; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 102; ABEJ S. I 6 7 -6 8 (fro m *mb-ithsht, to ith), Etim. II 2 4 8 -2 5 0 ; H u l d 45 (d is a g r e e s w ith a b e j); D e m ir a j AE 103 (to bij). bishtaj f, pi. bishtaja pod, hull, pea, green bean. Borrowed from Rom
*pistalia > Rum pstaie pod, hull, cf. Lat pistare to pound
(C a n d r e a - D e n s u ia n u I 2 0 4 ). 0 a b e j St. I 68 (to bisht), Etim. II 250.
28
BJERR
BLEGRIJ ~ BLEGRJ
bjerr aor. borra to lose. Numerous phonetic variants of the anlaut are attested in dialects: djerr, dbjerr, vdjerr, dzjerr. They seem to go back to PAlb *dis-bera or *dis-berna further related to bie to fall (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 325). 0 MEYER Wb. 70 (to Gk pco to skin, Slav *dbrati to tear and the like), Alb. St. Ill 73; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 83; L a P ia n a Varia 21 (related to djerr)', M a n n Language XXVIII 33 (to Gk (pSeipco to destroy or Lai feri to strike); H am p ZfceltPh XXXIX 210 (to Lith berti to disperse); a b e j Etim. II 253-255; D e m ir a j AE 104 (follows H a m p ). bjeshk f, pl. bjeshk mountain pasture. Borrowed from Rom *pastica based on Lat pastus pasture. Note that this word belongs to a compact group of Latin loans with p- rendered as b-. 0 M EYER Wb. 58 (identifies bjeshk with byshk and connects it with Romance words for splinter, cf. Ital busca)', SK O K ZfslavPhil II 3 9 6 -3 9 7 (from Lat basilica church despite the differences in meaning); J o k l LKUBA 165167 (from *bjershk as a derivative of bie to fall); CAM AJ Alb. Worth. 114; TR U BACEV Nazv. 281 (against the connection with the name of the Beskidy); ABEJ St. I 68 (follows J o k l and derives the name of the Beskidy Mountains from bjeshk), Etim. II 2 5 5 -2 5 6 ; O REL Antic, balk. 5 32 (from *bheug-iska). blan f, pi. blana heart of tree; sapwood; scar, mark, pockmark. Bor rowed from Slav *bolna, cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg blana turf, piece of dried dung, SCr blana coopers instrument (OREL timologija 1983 1 3 4 -1 3 5 ). Closer meanings have been preserved in East Slavic: Russ botona young wood between the bark and the trunk; lump or scar on the bark. 0 T r u b a c e v SSJa II 1 75-177; ABEJ Etim. II 2 5 7 ; SVANE
120 .
blat f, pl. blat w a fe r . B o r ro w e d from Lat oblata id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 44; MEYER Wb. 38). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1040, 1049; M ih e sc u RESEE IV /1-2 24; H a a r m a n 138; L a n d i Lat. 87, 109, 158. blegrij ~ blegrj aor. blegriva to bleat. Onomatopoeia (M EY ER Wb. 38-39, cf. Gk rixaojiai id.). 0 P o k o r n y I 102; a b e j Etim. II 258 (same as M e y e r ) ; D e m i r a j AE 104.
BLEUI RE
B IJ ~ BL
29
blehur adj. p a le . F rom PAlb *blaid-ura rela ted to S la v *bldr id., h OE blt id. (M e y e r Wb. 38 ). 0 P o k o r n y I 160; T r u b a c e v SSJa II 1 11-112; D e m ir a j AE 105. blej aor. bleva to buy. Borrowed from Rom *able vre to lift up, to relieve (from ) (MEYER Wb. 3 9 ). 0 JOKL Studien 4 4 (divides blej into a prefix b- < mb- and a root identical with that of laj in its meaning to pay); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 84; B o r g e a u d RRL 4 (1 9 7 3 ) 3 2 7-331; HAMP St. albanica X / 2 8 3 -8 5 ; ABEJ 5?. I 71 (to Latv blnst to see badly; to look and its other Baltic cognates), Etim. II 2 5 9 -2 6 0 . blert adj. green. There exists a derivationally more archaic variant Italo-Alb hiere. The word goes back to PAlb *blra related to Lat floras shining, bright, Or blr gray, W blawr id. < IE *bhlros ( a b e j Etim. II 260-261). 0 M EYER Wb. 38 (compares with Slav *blh pale); W a l d e - H o f m a n n 1 513-514; H u ld 45 (from *hhludhro-, to IE *bhleuolight-colored); DEM IRAJ AE 104-105. blet f, pl. blet bee, swarm, hive. Goes back to *mblete borrowed from Rom *melettum, cf. mellrium beehive, apiary (JOKL LKUBA 284-296). 0 POTT KZ VI 321 (comparison with Gk p i / U n a bee); C a m a r d a I 44 (the same); M e y e r Alb. St. II 79 (from Rom *albiettus, cf. Rum albina bee), Wb. 39 (from Rom *apetta - *abetta bee); S c h m id t KZ L 235 (follows C a m a r d a in deriving blet from *melit); SKOK AArbSt I 225 (from Rom *albeta), Arch. Roman. VIII 148-150; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 84 (agrees with JOKL); PISANI Saggi 120 (from Gk *niXiTja); MlHESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350 (follows POTT); LBERG IBK XVII 38 (borrowed from Gk (lEtaoeov beehive); a b e j St. I 69-70 (borrowed from Gk ju'uxa with a shift of accent), Etim. I I 261263; DEMIRAJ AE 105 (from P A lb *m(e)lita). blnds ~ blands m, pi, blndsa ~ blandsa paunch, stomach. Another form is blnx ~ blanx. Variants of plnds ~ plands. bli ~ bl m, pl. blir, blinj linden. From PAlb *blina further connected with Lith blindis, blendls Salix caprea (ABEJ St. I 7 0 -7 1 , Etim. II 2 6 4 ) and derived from *bhlen- to shine, semantically motivated by the color of the bast and bark typical of linden (OREL Linguistica XXVI 174). 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 0 (treats bli as a loanword from Rom *(li)brinam);
F r a e n k e l 49.
Slav, naselenie 154; ABEJ Etim. II 271. SVANE 73. blud f (film of) mould, scum on wine, skin on milk. Borrowed from an unattested South Slavic continuant of Slav *bigda reflected in Bulg dial, hl-bda unclean pimples and Slovene bloda mistake. 0 MEYER Wb. 40 (from SCr bluta mould); M e y e r -L b k e REW 32 (from Rom *abluta rinse water); ABEJ St. 1 72, Etim. I I 271; SVANE 117; TRUBAEV SSJa II 125. boj aor. bova to mate. Usually, attested in passive as bohet. Metaphor ic use of boj to drive attested in North Geg. From PAlb *bagnja related to Lith begti to ru n , Latv bgt id., OPrus begeyte id., Slav *begti id., Gk (peo^ai id. (ABEJ St. I 1 1 9 ). For the semantic development in Albanian cf. Russ gon heat (of animals) < gnat to drive. 0 MEYER Wb. 4 1 -4 2 (to NGk .unaivea); T reim er MRIW I 3 7 3 -3 7 5 (to Germ Bahn road); B u G G E XVIII 174 (from Rom *disbin); BARld ARSt 6 8 6 9 (from *bhrei); Jo k l IF XXXVII 103, 118 (related to mbaj, bie); L a P ia n a St. Varia 2 3 -2 4 (from *deboj further connected with Lith vyti to drive (away) and the like); M a n n Language XXVIII 3 2 (to Gk jiToo) to frighten); FRAENKEL 38; FRISK II 9 9 8 -9 9 9 ; ABEJ St. 1 73 (follows La P i a n a ); D e m ir a j AE 1 0 5 -1 0 6 . bolb f accident, disaster, sorrow. Borrowed from the otherwise unat tested Slav *bolbba, derivative of *bolh pain (KRISTOFORIDHI487; SeliS cev Slav, naselenie 193). C VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 8 (against Slavic etymology); JOKL Slavia XIII 322 (from Rom *volva or from IE *bhel-); a b e j St. I 73, IV 98, Etim. II 281-282 (to Lat bulla, OIr bolach). bolle pi. testicles. From PAlb *balnai connected with IE *bhhno-\ Gk ipaXkq phallus, Latfollis bellows, OIr ball limb, member (OREL Zfalk X X III/1 67-68). 0 M e y e r Wb. 41 (from Itai bolla lump, knob or balla testicle); R o h r ZfBalk XVII/1 80; FRISK II 987-988; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 524-525; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 23; V e n d r y e s B-12; POKORNY I 120; a b e j Etim. II 282 (elementary creation); M a n n Comp. 63-64 (to Skt bhala- forehead). bolle r, pi. bolla kind of harmless snake Borrowed from Rom *bola,
vivi 174).
Gk <pX,T| SK I 242>c); abej
i from IE
L a P ia n a
60; a b e j
? id. (MlK-
ER-LBKE
IlKLOSICH
BLUD
BOLLE
31
M ------------
7 1 ) . Further
the same IE *bhlen- to shine as bli linden; in this case, vation is based on the color of the fish (OREL Linguistica X 0 ClMOCHOWSKl LP 1 165-182 (further connections o f bli with w h a le and the lik e); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 133; F r 243; MlHESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350 (borrow ed from Gk ?uv Etim. II 264-265 (id e n tic a l w ith bli lin d en ). blig f forked piece of wood. From PAlb *blig, a zero abl related to Gk (pXay^ stem , ON bialki log. 0 L a P ia n 14 (from *ie-big); POKORNY I 122; a b e j Etim. I I 265 (ide
Mge).
blokr f rubbish, trash. Continues PAlb *bluk derive *bhluos blue, yellow, cf. Lat flavas yellow and the like. C Prefisso 15 (prfixai form related to Lat baca); POKORNY I I Etim. 267 (to bluaj).
blor f sling. Continues PAlb *blgr, a form reflecting a variant comparable with Lat flagrum whip, cf. further C to beat, to strike. 0 La PIANA Prefisso 15 (from *le-bor); 1 154; a b e j Etim.268 (derivative of bahe).
bloz f, pl. bloz, bioza s o o t. D er iv a tiv e o f bluaj (CAMAJ / 124). 0 MEYER Wb. 40; JOKL Studien 8-9 (to Skt malina- p,/la id .); LA PIANA Prefsso 1 3 -1 4 (fr o m *le-boz')\ AB Etim. II 269-270 (a g r e e s w ith CAMAJ); M a n k Comp. fiam m a fla m e ). bluaj bluej
aor.
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 42; M e y eR Wb. 40). Among various i note bluaslike, blloshk splinter ( a b e j St. I 71). 0 M e y
Gr. G rundri2 1 1054; JOKL IF XLIX 291; TAGLIAVINI Da K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Verbum 146; H a m p IF LX V II 147 *mel-); a b e j Etim. II 270-271.
blud f, pi. binde wooden bowl. Singularized plural of the ! attested in dialects. Borrowed from Slav *bludo dish, plate Slavic forms: OCS bijudo, Bulg b ludo, SCr bljudo (1\
32
BORE -
B O SH T
cf. Lat bolea salamander (JOKL ZRomPh XLI 228-230). 0 M e y e r Wb. 41 (borrowed from Lat blua beast, m onster); SPITZER M RIW I 295 n. 1 (to Skt bhdla- with shining skin); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 85, Stra tificazione 133; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 328; MlHESCU RESEE IV /12 31; HAARMAN 112; ABEJ Etim. II 283-285 (from IE *bhul- to swell); L a n d i Lat. 126. bor f, pl. bore, borra ~ borna snow. Dialectal variants d'bor, vdor, zbor, xbor and the like reflect PAlb *dis-br with a borrowed suffix (JOKL IF XXXVII 193) or, rather, *is-br with a Proto-Albanian suffix. The semantic structure of the word is similar to Rum zapada snow < Slav *zapada falling down (snow) and, therefore, *-br is linked to bie to fall (ibid.; ClORANESCU DER II 9 1 0 ). In fact, bor may be a caique of the Slavic word (TRUBACEV Slav. jaz. XI 19). Its verbal correlate is zbjerr to lose < *-ber-na. 0 CAMARDA I 100 (to Gk popa North wind); MEYER Wb. 4 2 (to Rum bora North wind and - at the same time! - Slav *bur'a storm ); T h u m b IF X X V I 5 (from Gk opea; North wind); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 85; HASDEU EMR I 106; L a PIANA St. Varia 2 4 -2 5 (to var); KRAHE IF LVII 113114 (to Maced Bora); CAMAJ 38; H a m p ZfceltPh XXXIX 210; ABEJ St. I 7 3 -7 4 (follows JOKL), Etim. II 2 8 7 -2 8 9 ; HULD 45-46; DEMIRAJ AE 1 0 6 -1 0 7 . borig f, pi. boriga kind o f pine; sp lin te r. A nother variant is borik. B o r ro w e d from South S lavic: B u lg borika f ir -tr e e , SCr borika pine (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 16; M e y e r Wb. 42). 0 JOKL/F XXXVII 94-95 (related to G k (ppuy; throat and IE *bher- to cu t); SELlSCEV Slav, naselenie 164; LBERG /FLX X III 206 (fo llo w s J o k l) ; GAMKRE LIDZE - I v a n o v n 707 (follow lb e r g ); a b ej St. 1 74 (supports M e y e r ), Etim. II 289; S v a n e 125; D e m ir a j AE 107. bors m, pi. borsa chaffinch, Fringilla. Derived from bor as shown by names of chaffinch in other languages, cf. Fr pinson de neige, Germ Schneefink and the like ( a b e j St. I 7 5 , Etim. II 2 9 0 -2 9 1 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 8 2 (borrowed from Slav * s k v o r b C b starling). bosht m, pi. boshte, boshtinj spindle, axis, axle. From PAlb *bsta close to Gmc *bsta > OHG buost rope made of bast. Further related to Gmc *bastaz bast as well as Lat fastis, Alb bashk (O r el Festschr. Shevoroshkin 258). The spindle is, thus, described as junc-
BO T
BRAZ
33
ture. Note that boshtr Forsythia is derived from bosht ( a b e j St. I 75). 0 M e y e r Wb. 42 (derived from Ital bosso box-tree); GUYON St. Glott. Ital. V 11 (borrowed from Slav * b o d b C b thorn, sharp stick); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 86; K l u g e 55; Z a l i z n a k timologija 964 166; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 102 (prfixai b-)\ a b e j Etim. II 292-293 (to bie to carry or to Skt bhrsti-).
bot f. pi. bota earth; world. From PAlb *bwt based on IE *bheu~ *bhfi- to be, to grow (JOKL Studien 7). Among derivatives of bot note botm pale. 0 M EYER Wb. 43 (comparison with Lat btere, baetere to go); M a n n Language XXVI 380 (to Skt bhta- shining, cf. Rum lume), Comp. 67; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 144; a b e j Etim. II 294-296; D e m i r a j AE 107.
bran
f, pi. brana harrow . Continues a South Slavic reflex of Slav *borna id.: Bulg brana, SCr brana (M ey er Wb. 44-45, mistakenly claims the Bulgarian form non-existent). The verb branis to harrow is bor rowed from S lav * borni ti. 0 SELlSCEV Slav, naselenie 15, 156; ABEJ Etim. II 301; S v a n e 31, 253.
34
BRAZIM
BREJ ~ BREJ
BREK
BRF.SHR
BRESHN
35
Studien 9; L a P ia n a Studi I 73 (fro m *bhorei); MAYRHOFER II 5 3 2 533; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 5 4 9 ; R a s m u s s e n Morph, (re co n str u c ts *bhr-n-H-elo-); S v a n e GjA II 39 (brij < brej in flu en ced by aorist); D e m ir a j AE 1 0 8 -1 0 9 .
brek pi.
Grundri2 1 1043; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 13; HAARMANN 112; ABEJ Etim. II 3 0 7 -3 0 8 ; LANDI Lat. 2 7 , 38.
bredh aor. brodha to jump, to spring. From PAlb *breda identical with
Slav *bred, *bresti to wade, to ford, Lith brendu, basti id. (M e y e r Wb. 4 6, Alb. St. Ill 28, 35, 71). 0 F r a e n k e l 58; P is a n i Saggi 125; H a m p ZfBalk X X V 43; ABEJ St. 1 7 5 -7 6 (to O E bregdan to stir), Etim. II 305; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 113 (prefix b-); T r u b a c e v SSJa III 14-15; D e m ir a j AE 108.
breng f, pi. brenga grief, sorrow . From PAlb *brain(i)ka connect ed with *brainja > brej to gnaw. For the semantic development cf. E remorse ( O r e l ZfBalk X X III/1 68). Rum brinca denoting a conta gious disease was borrowed from the intermediate Albanian form *brenka < *brain(i)k and, quite probably, preserves its earlier meaning; thus, illness > grief ( a b e j St. 1 7 6 , Etim. II 311 -3 1 2 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 46; PHILIPPIDE Viat_a romaneasc XVII 39; DiCU LESCU DR IV 4 7 7 (to Rum brnc < Gk ppyxo); M a n n Comp. 5 3 -5 4 (to Goth ana-praggan to oppress). breshr ~ breshn m hail. Singularized plural of *brash
--------------...I. r;; W? X ; ff'.f.i
O ,
breg m, pi. brigje, bregje hill, bank. Borrowed from Slav *bergb bank,
3 b reak : Or bru id., M W breu fr a g ile , OHG brosma 'er Wb. 47, Alb. Studien III 35, 61, 72). 0 C a m a r d a I X 'to w e t); W ie d e m a n n BB XXVII 245-247; P e d e r rgues against the above etym ology). Kelt. Gr. I 55; T a g LIa 87; L e w is -P e d e r se n 17; POKORNY I 171; CAMAJ Alb. -resh-n 'fa llin g ); LBERG IF LXXII1 217; OREL ZfBalk econ stru cts *bhroisino- and co n n ects breshr ~ breshn
( A B E J
St.
fiirtli
breg (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 17; MEYER Wb. 46). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 188; ABEJ Etim. II 305-306: SVANE 161. brej ~ brj aor. brejta ~ brjta to gnaw. From PAlb *brainja further connected with IE *bhrei- to cut: Skt bhrnti (he) injures', Lat fri to ru b , Slav *briti to shave and the like (ORELZfBalk X X III/1 68; a b e j Etim. II 306-307). For similar semantic development see
38
BRUKK
BRYM
bryms id. (derivative of brym) under the influence of brej AE 1 1 1 ) . 0 M e y e r Wb. 50 (derived from brej).
(DEM IRAJ
bruk f tamarind. From PAlb *bruka identical with Slav *b rkh twig, b stalk, sharp end. 0 H A M P Anc. IE 102; TRU BA C EV SSJa III 128-129; ABEJ Etim. II 332 (borrowed from Gk jiuptKri via Dor *pt)Kt|). brume m, pl. brum dough. Derived from mbruaj ~ mbruej, mbryj to knead (ABEJ Etim. II 3 3 3 -3 3 4 ). From P A lb *bruma related to Gmc *barma yeast (O E beorma) and Lat fermentimi leaven, yeast (MEYER Wb. 49). 0 JOKL Studien 11, LKUBA 263; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 89; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 230; P is a n i Saggi 126; M a n n Language XVII 15 (reconstructs *bhreumo-)\ KLUGE 52; DEMIRAJ AE 111. brushtull f, pi. brushtulla heather. From PAlb *brust-ula related to Slav *br~hstb sprout, bud and OS brustian to shoot, to sprout. 0 VAN W ij k /F X X I V 235; PUDIC IX ICL 8 6 2 -8 6 4 (from EGmc *brustil, cf. E bristle); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rum. II 329 (to Dac riborasta, plant name); NEROZNAK Paleob. 197 (follows POGHIRC); TRUBACEV SSJa III 58; G in d in - K a l u 2 s k a j a - OREL Bissi. 249; ABEJ Etim. II 3 3 5 -3 3 6 (bor rowed from Slav *bluscb). bruz adj. blue, indigo. From PAlb *brudja comparable with Slav *brudrb dirt, *brudbm, dirty < IE *bhrou-dh-, cf. *bhrou-t- in Thrac Ppoxo barley beer (OREL Linguistica XXVI 175). 0 DETSCHEW Thr. Sprachreste 93; ABEJ Etim. II 3 3 6 (to barr); TRUBACEV SSJa II 44. brydh adj. weak, pliant, mild. From PAlb *brdza related to Lat frx fruit, Goth brukjan to use (where IE *g should be reconstructed) The meaning in Albanian is based on the original notion of used, worn out. 0 MANN Language XXVIII 34 (to Slav *bT>rzT>), Comp. 5 4 , 111 (to W brydd feeble, ailing); POKORNY T 173; OREL Linguistica XXVI 175 (to Slav *bryd-bki, disgusting, sharp); a b e j Etim. II 33 7 3 3 8 (to bredh to jum p). brym f. frost. Borrowed from Lat bruma cold, frost (CAMARDA I 53; M e y e r Wb. 49 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 53 (from Lat pruna id.); C a m a j 4 7 (to IE *bher-); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 1 1 1046; M ih e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 13; H a a r m a n 113; H u l d 46; a b e j Etim. II 338; L a n d i Lat. 6 8 -6 9 .
BU A U . ~
BUELL
BUK
39
buall ~ buell m , pl. buaj ~ buej 'buffalo. An early borrowing from Slav
*byvoh> id. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 16; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 2 4 3 ) with the diphtongization of the group *-yvo- similar to that in patkua. The feminine form buallic ~ buellic goes back to Slav *byvolica. 0 STIER KZ XI 150 (borrowed from Lat bbalus id.); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 1 (from Lat bbalus or Gk o\)aXo<;); MEYER Alb. St. I 6 4 , Wb. 5 0 (same etymology); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri21 1048 (agrees with M e y e r ); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 5 3 5 ,5 4 1 ; M n i e s c u RESEE IV / 12 13; H a a r m a n 113; a bej St. I 7 9 (questions the phonetic validity of M e y e r s etymology), Etim. II 3 3 9 -3 4 0 (identical with Thracian pivo bull); T r u b a c e v SSJa III 1 58-15 9 ; L a n d i Lat. 107, 137.
aor. buita to roar, to thunder. Borrowed from Slav * bucati id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg buca, SCr bucati (DESNICKAJA Slav, zaini. 1 6 ) . 0 ABEJ Etim. II 3 4 5 (from SCr bucati)', SV A N E 2 6 0 . aor. bujta ~ bjta to accommodate (a guest); to stay overnight. From PA lb *bunja related to Goth bauan to stay and other derivatives of IE *bheu- ~ *bh- to be, to grow (CAMARDA 1 59; MEYER Wb. 5 1 , Alb. St. Ill 3 3 ). As to bun alpine hut', it continues *bunta derived from buj, cf. Lith butas dwelling and OIr both hut derived from IE *bh-, 0 B UGGE BB XVIII 163; M e y e r Alb. St. V 71 (from IE *bheug(h)- to bend); FEIST Goth. 83-84; HASDEU EMR I 101; JOKL Studien 7 -8 , Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87; PORZIG Gliederung 150; PISANI Saggi 117, 121; GEORGIEV Issledovanija 119 (bun to Thrac -ouvov); ABEJ St. I 8 0 -8 1 (reconstructs *budnja and connects it with Slav *buditi to wake up and its cognates), Etim. II 3 5 1 -3 5 3 ; DEMIRAJ AE 111-
buas
buj ~ bj
112.
bujk m , pi. bujq peasant. Also attested as bulk. Borrowed from Lat bubulcus 'ploughman, herdsm an ( C a m a r d a I 180; M e y e r Wb. 53). From this stem, bulk, bulkth, burkth cricket is derived. 0 MEYER Wb. 55 (burkth to *murk- black); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1050; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 133; POGHIRC LB VI 99-100 (to murk); M i h e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 30-31; H a a r m a n 113; M a n n Comp. 112 (burkth related to O E beorcan to bark); ABEJ Etim. II 356; LANDI Lat. 89, 135-136. buk
f, pl. buk bread; m eal, m e a l-tim e . B o r ro w e d from Lat bucca m o u th w h ich in B alkan R om an ce m ean s f o o d as in R um buc, cf.
40
BIJK I,
BULBR
also Rom *buccella bread, Ital baccella mouthful (CAMARDA I 132; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 7; MEYER Wb. 51). This semantic shift is typical of all the Carpatho-Balkan area (H am p AT?/, XXIV 315). 0 XYLAN DER 277 (to Phryg eico; bread); PUCARIU EWR 19; MEYER LBKE Gr. Grundri21 1046; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 46, Stratificazione 133; O S tir AArbSt I 84; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 90, Origini 190; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 27; H a a r m a n 113; H am p RomPh XXX1V/4 434; HULD 46; ABEJ Etim. II 357-358; DESNICKAJA Sravn. 317-323; L a n d i Lat. 66, 134.
bukl f, pl. bukla weasel. From PAlb *bukl connected with bukur
(MEYER Wb. 51-52). The variant bungl seems to be secondary (influ enced by bung?). Taking into account the lust as a specific feature of weasel (cf. bukur), to be further connected with IE *bheu- to swell, with its characteristic semantic development in Slavic (OCS bui lucop, uppcov, Slav *bujbni> violent, wild, lusty, fertile), and in par ticular with Germanic formations in *-k-: OHG buhil hill < *bhuk/-, ON boia lump, knob < *bhukl-n- (OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 69-70).0 B a riC AArbSt. II 79-80 (to Mir bocc, Skt bhugna-); TAGLIAVINI Strat ificazione 133 (thinks of a Romance loanword); SCHUCHARDT ZfromPh XXXIV 215 (to MFr bacoule id.); POKORNY I 98 f.; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 119; MANN Comp. 124; a b e j Etim. II 358.
bukur adj. beautiful, fine, nice, pretty; good, noble; dim. From PAlb
* bukur a etymologically connected with bukl, cf. Slav *laska weasel ~ caress, Lith loksnus tender (SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 254; M e y e r Wb. 51; O r e l ZfBalk X X III/ 1 6 9 -7 0 ). The semantic tertium comparationis is the weasels remarkable lust occasionally related to the notion of beauty and good (TRUBACEV in VASMER II 4 6 2 ; TOPOROV PJa III 2 7 9 -2 8 0 : on OPrus caune m arten). From (Proto-)Albanian the word was borrowed to Rum bucur (MEYER Wb. 5 2 ). 0 STIER KZ VII 160 (identical with Lat pulcher)-, ClHAC II 715 (borrowed from Turk buhur incense); BARIC AArbSt. II 7 9 -8 0 (to Ir boce ark); TAGLIAVINI Dal mazia 133; H a a s LB I 3 5 , 4 3 , III 51 (to Gk a u K p o q ) ; R O S E T T I ILR I 274; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 338 (explains both Albanian and Ruman ian words from the Balkan substratum); CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 119; ABEJ Etim. II 3 6 0 -3 6 2 . bulbr m street dust. Borrowed from Lat pulverem dust. Note the
BUL
HUNG
41
irregular voiced anlaut. 0 MEYER Alb.St V 71 (from Ital polvere id.); H e l b ig 39; a b e j Etim. II 362. bul f, pi. bula b ud . B o r ro w e d from Lat bulla b ub ble, b o ss, k n o b ( M e y e r Wb. 5 3 ). 0 S c h m i d t KZ L 2 3 6 (to Gk tpM-ov le a f ); B a r iC AArbSt I 145; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 536; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 90; MANN Language XXVI 387 (follow s S ch m id t); MlHESCU RESEE IV / 12 13; H a a r m a n n 113; M a n n Comp. 122 (to M H G bolle bud); a b e j St. I 81 (a ccep ts M e y e r s e ty m o lo g y ), Etim. II 3 6 2 -3 6 3 ; L A N D I Lat.
93.
bul f soft flesh (on the rear side of the finger). Borrowed from MLat bulla seal ( A B E J Etim. II 3 6 3 ). 0 H e l b i g 8 4 (from Ital bolla, Venet hola id.). bullar m. pl. bullar blindworm . Together with its variant bollar this word is derived from bolle (TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 9 0 ). It is the source of Rum blaur dragon from where other Balkan forms were borrowed. 0 M e y e r Wb. 41; B ari C ARSt 3-5 (from *bala water, marsh and *var snake); PASCU RE 25 (reconstructs Rom *belluarius); D u r a n t e Rie. Ling. 1950, 2 7 0 -2 7 1 ; SKOK ZfromPh L 5 1 3 -5 1 7 ; ROSETTI ILR I 272; OREL Vestnik MGU. Filologija 1 9 8 1 /2 7 2 -7 6 (ancient Balkan ties of bullar)\ a b e j Etim. II 3 6 6 -3 6 7 . bullog m dragons dwelling. Transformed from *burllog under the influence o bullar. Borrowed from South Slav *b-hiiogb < Slav *bhiiogb den, dwelling, cf. Bulg b-brlog, Slovene brlog. Alb -ur- < South Slav -~br- indicates an early loanword. Another trace of Slav *bbtiogT> is brllok den (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 16 on btilok). 0 OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 356; ABEJ Etim. II 211; SVANE 4 3 . bullung f, pi. bullunga lump, knob. Formation in -unge (JOKL RIEtBalk. II 7 6 ) derived from *bull < PAlb * buina, etymologically con nected with IE *bheh- to swell (OREL Zflalk X X III/1 68). 0 MEYER Wb. 53 (from Rom *bullca); SCHMIDT KZ L 2 3 6 (compares with Gk (p'A.A.ov leaf); B a r i AArbSt 1 /1 -2 1 4 4 -1 4 5 (< bu- + lung)', ABEJ St. I 8 2 (connects bullung with ball), Etim. II 3 6 8 -3 7 0 (to mull ~ mull). bung m, pl. bunga kind of oak, Quercus sessiflora. From PAlb
42
BURDH
BURR
* b u n fi
f**m TP ^
Trakite 74 (same as GEORGIEV); .ABEJ St. I 84-85 (accepts WIEDE MANNs etymology), Etim. II 389-391; K l u g e 57; H u l d 46-47; K l in GENSCHMITT apud DEMIRAJ (from PAlb *burnas); D e m ir a j AE 113114.
bush m boxwood. Borrowed from Lat buxus id. (WEIGAND 10). 0 M eyer
Wb. 56 (from SCr bus id.); H elb ig 43, 76 (from Ital bosso); ABEJ Etim. II 392 (follows W eig an d 10).
bushtr f, pi. bushtra bitch, adj. raging, wild. An early borrowing
UEDRICH
II 3238;
L ZfBalk
)m PAlb Ige, OE
); H a m p
from Slav *bystrh, fem. *bystra quick (TREIMER AArbSt I 27), cf. Russ borzoj borzoi < fast. 0 C a m a r d a I 162 (to Lat bustum); M eyer Wb. 56 (to ON bikkja id., E bitch or to Lat bestia); JOHANSSON IF IV 268 (to Lat find); La P ia n a Prefisso 14-15 (to bush bogy, werewolf); a b e j Etim. II 394-395 (same as LA P i a n a ); M a n n Comp. 127 (related to Slav *by stri,).
but m, pl. bute big barrel. Borrowed from Lat buttis id. (M eyer-Lbke
: *burge (O r e l
D iefen CH Rom.
Gr. Grundri21 1046). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 6 (from Ital botte); H a a rm a n 113; abej Etim. II 396; L andi Lat. 83-85.
b ut a d j. soft, smooth. From PAlb *buta < IE *bhugh-to- compara
prelimi. II 379-
ble with Nlr bog soft < *bhugho-, Arm but blunt (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 341). The source of both forms is IE *bheugh- to bend. 0 M e y er Wb. 57; P e d e rs e n Kelt. Gr. I 159; J o k l/F X L IV 54; M la d e n ov IF XXXVIII 169-171; P o k o rn y I 152-153; O r e l Z a lk XXIII/1 70 (to buj); abej Etim. II 397-398; M ann Comp. 121; K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 114; DEMIRAJ AE 114.
b uz f, pi buz lip, end, edge, bank, stitch, rock. The word goes back
ILFER-
ogically III 74; (follows - further (follows 1 (agrees h V 368iNI Saggi IEV IssleXXXIX
to PAlb *budja identical with Lith bud tree-fungus, tinder, whet stone (O r e l LB XXVII 4 9 f.); semantically, cf. Slav *gba lip, treefungus (TOPOROV Balcanica 2 4 3 f.) and Rum buz (see below). Both the Lithuanian and the Albanian words are related to IE *bhudh-men bottom ( abej St. I 86, KALUZSKAJA SBJa Leksikol. 152 f.); the devel opment of meaning is paralleled in Alb fund bottom, end, edge. Alb buz is the source of Rum buz lip, edge, sharp edge, top of a rock, Arum hudz lip, edge. The latter forms were borrowed into Slavic: Bulg buza cheek, Maced buza lip, SCr budza mouth, lip, buza
BUSH
BUZ
43
P
a u a i
p'm/ irunK ( t'il i o3, urn, n J / J - 375). The Albanian i borrowed to Rum bunget thicket. 0 MEYER Wib. 5 4 (compar Slav *buky, *buki, beech which, however, is a Germanic lo BARIC I 103 f. (to Lith bngis brave, courageous or Gk nay\y. JOKL LKUBA 1 7 7 -1 7 9 (to Skt bhundkti to enjoy, to use, to c because of the edible nature of acorns!); LA PIANA Studi I (to Gk <pyo and Phryg Bayato); ACAREAN HAB I 4 8 3 -4 8 Language XXVI 387 (to OHG bunga lum p); POKORNY I 1 4 6 -1 LB X X 117 (to the Indo-European name of beech *bhgn)\ F Trees 108; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 118; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. R o setti ILR I 274; H a m p I X X / 1-2 117 (from *bhg-n-)\ O r X X III/ 1 70; D em ir a j AE 1 1 2 -1 1 3 (supports H a m p ). burdh f kind of sack. Attested in Albanian of Greece. Fr *burd < IE *bhrdh- further related to ON bord board, e bord id. 0 POKORNY I 138; a b e j SCL X 556 (to Germ Biird, RRL IV 335 (reconstructs *bhorH-da)\ D e m ir a j AE 113. burg m, pi. burgje prison, stable. B orrow ed from Gm borough, fenced area: Goth baurgs, OHG burg and the lil Festschr. Shevoroshkin 258). 0 C a m a r d a I I 145 (to Gk rcpyo) BACH apud M e y e r Wb. 54-55 (from M Lat burica ); MlKLOS Elemente 7 (from Rom *burgus)\ MEYER Wb. 54-55 (variou itiary guesses); ZALlZNAK timologija 1964 206; ABEJ Etir 383 (follows C a m a r d a ). burrfi m, pi. burra m an, h u sb a n d . B o r r o w e d fro m OH<
p easan t, v illa g e r w ith the sim p lifica tio n o f the anlaut clu st
O ^ f l-
T > t T D J i^ a ^ T Q sV
b-. C f. a sim ilar so u rc e o f H ung por id. < O B avar *pour. 0 DING Otn. 21 (to Skt prusa- m a n ); M e y e r Wb. 55 (etym o id en tifie s burr w ith O H G gibiiro, G erm Bauer), Alb. Si SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 254 (fro m M Lat barro)-, PISANI Saggi M e y e r ); W i e d e m a n n BB X X V II 219 (reco n stru cts *bhornc co n n ected w ith O H G baro (fr e e ) m a n ); JOKL LKUBA 230 W ie d e m a n n and reconstructs *bhe rno-); T ag lia v in i Dalmazia i w ith Jo k l ), T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 113; V a s m e r Zfslavf 369 (to Illyr B o p oi); RlBEZZO Riv. Alb. II 135 n ote 1; Pis. 121; M a n n Language X V II 13 (reconstructs *hhfnio-); G eorg dovanija 119 (to Thrac -oup); H a m p St. Whatmough 76, ZfceltPi
44
BYR
CA
mouth, lip, kiss. T h e status of Pol buzia mouth, face and Ukr buz'a id. (< Polish?) is dubious. Alb buzm edge, stone at the edge of the hearth, piece of wood burned down at Christm as is a late derivative of buz and, therefore, cannot be a base for a deep semantic recon struction as suggested by TOPOROV (timologija 1976 1 3 6 f.) in con nection with SCr badnjak. 0 C A M A R D A I 5 2 (cognate of Lat bucca mouth); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 5 (from Lat basium kiss); MEYER Wb. 5 7 (from *bus-z compared with Lat bucca mouth and derived from IE *buk-); PU C A R IU EWR 2 1 , LR I 1 7 7 ; PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 1 1 4 (compares with Lith burna mouth, Arm heran id.); JOKL Studien 1 1 -1 2 , LKUBA 1 4 3 , 2 7 8 (follows PEDERSEN; identifies -z as a collective suffix); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 8 7 (onomatopoeia); L A PIANA Studi I 1 0 3 (from IE *bheu<)- to swell); PISA N I Paideia XXI 3 4 3 ; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 3 2 9 ; POK O RNY I 1 7 4 (to IE *bu- lip, kiss); ABEJ St. I 8 6 - 8 7 (derives buz from *bhrdhja and compares it with E board'.), Etim. II 4 0 0 - 4 0 2 ; NIK O LA EV Antic, balk. 5 30 (buz borrowed from North Caucasian); BU G A I 3 2 4 (identifies Lith bucle fungus and Imcle whetstone); F r a e n k e l 6 1 - 6 2 ; B a r i Hymje 6 6 ; V a il l a n t BL X IV 1 6 (Rum buz < Slav *loh-hza): BER I 8 7 ; ROSETTI ILR I 2 7 4 ; OREL Roll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 6 ; D e m ir a j AE 1 1 4 - 1 1 5 . byr aor. byra to carry out, to perform , to execute. Continues PAlb *bra related (as a causative) to IE *bh- to be, to grow . It is prob able that the Proto-Albanian verb is a denominative based on an unat tested abstract noun *bhrom > *bra. 0 X H U V A N I KLetr 1/3 2 (based on bj); A B E J Etim. TI 408-409 (derived from bie). byth f, pl. byth backside, buttocks. A Proto-Albanian compound of mb and vit he, with -v- resulting from PAlb *-iwi- as in qytet. 0 B a r i C AArbSt I 141-142 (compound of mb and ith); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 87; S c h m id t KZ L 236 (to IE *bh-); H a m p ZfceltPh XXXIX 211-212; abej Etim. I I 410-411; M a n n Comp. 57-58 (from IE *busd(h)b, related to Gk Puao depth).
c
ca
pron. ERSEN
some. From the sequence of article t and pronoun sa (P E D Alb. Texte 20, KZ XXXVI 316). 0 C A M A R D A 1214 (links ca to
CA LIK
CEP
45
sa); M e y e r Wb. 383 (connects ca with the pronominal stem s-); a b e j St. I 87 (follows P e d e r s e n ), Etim. Ill 3-4. calik m, pl. calik goat-skin'. Borrowed from Slav *celikh whole object, in this case, whole skin (OREL timologija 1983 135). 0 Mey'ER Wb. 439; POLK Orbis X V I131 (to Gk Gai); ABEJ St. I 87 (unacceptable comparison with cull), Etim. 6-7. camrdhok m little b o y . O f unclear o rig in . 0 G a z u l l i 18 (p refix ca-); ABEJ Etim. 8 (to callok id.). carac m, pi. caraca nettle tree. Of unknown origin. 0 ABEJ St. I 88 (cognate of ther). carb f, pi. carba scrap, rag. Borrowed from Slav *carbba daub, dirt attested only in Czech carba but believed to be of much wider distri bution originally. 0 M e y e r Wb. 439 (to NGk xaepot>A,ia kind of shoe and the like); ABEJ St. I 88 (to carac and ther). care f, pi. care witch. Borrowed from Slav *cara witchcraft, cf. South Slavic forms: SCr cara, Slovene cara id. (M e y e r Wb. 439; OREL timo logija 1983 138). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 185; SVANE 214. carrok m, pl. carrok lad, youth. The etymology is uncertain. 0 ABEJ St. I 88-89 (to carac and ther). cek aor. ceka to touch. A variant of cerk. The noun ceke intention, aim is a deverbative. 0 ABEJ Etim. Ill 16-17 (onomatopoeia). cemt adj. cold (of w ater). Derived from cerm cold (ABEJ Etim. Ill 18-19). cenis aor. cenita to value. Borrowed from Slav *ceniti id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg cen'a, SCr ceniti (JOKL Studien 103). 0 SKOK AArbSt II 3 43 n. 3 (identical with cmoj); ABEJ Etim. Ill 2 0 (follows JOKL). cep ra, pi. cepe angle, edge. Phonetic variant of thep (JOKLBalkangerm. 125). 0 M e y e r Wb. 446 (mistaken spelling ep); a b e j Etim. Ill 2021 (agrees with JOKL); DEMIRAJ AE 115-116.
46
CERK
C IL I
cerk aor. cerka to hit. From PAlb *tserka related to ther. The form cerk preserved the original affricate. cerm f arthritis. Borrowed from Slav *cbrnrb inflammation attest ed in South Slavic as Slovene crm (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 258). 0 a b e j St. I 90 (historically identical with therm - this view can be only accepted for crm cramp, spasm), Etim. Ill 22-23. cerm adj. cold, cool. Continues PAlb *tserma related to Lith sarmh frost, Latv sarma id . 0 a b e j St. I 9 0 (identical w it h cerm arthri tis). cmoj aor. cmova to hurt. Derived from therm with a dialectal change of th-. Thus, cmoj < *thermoj. 0 JOKL LKUBA 3 1 8 - 3 1 9 (related to thimth, thumb)', ABEJ St. I 9 0 (same as JOKL), Etim. Ill 2 4 - 2 5 . crij aor. crita to m elt b u tter. B ased on P A lb *tsira rela ted to Skt srdyati to cook, to fry, Gk KpvT|pi to m ix. 0 FRISK I 824-825; POKORNY I 582; ABEJ Etim. Ill 25 (o n o m a to p o eia cr cr o f b o ilin g o il). cril m thrush. Another variant is crlle. An early Slavic loanword, borrowed from *c,rnidlo black (object) (MEYER Wb. 440). 0 K r ist o FORIDHI 202; Skok I 278 (same as MEYER); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 62-63 (from Romance, cf. Ital merla id.); ABEJ Etim. Ill 25-27 (ono matopoeia). cfurk m, pi. cfurqe pitchfork. Derived from fu rk (M ey er Wb. 114). cic f, pi. cica breast, nipple. An element of the child language, cf. thith (T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 290). 0 M e y e r Wb. 90 (adduces S la v ic and Romance parallels), Alb. St. Ill 44; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 255 (from Romance); JOKL Balkangerm. 127-128; ClMOCHOWSKl LP II 234; a b e j 5/. I 91 (follows T a g l ia v in i ), Etim. Ill 30-31. cili pron. which. Together with its older variant cil, cili continues *t sil, cf. ca (MEYER Wb. 383). As to *sil\ it appears to be a recent formation based on si (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 316). 0 JOKL LKUBA 50 (derives -/- of cili from *-/-); LAMBERTZ IF XXXIV 113 n. 2 (recon structs a suffix *-/- in cili similar to that of Lat talis such); a b e j St. I 91-92 (follows PEDERSEN), Etim. Ill 34-38.
C.'IMB
CM AG
47
cimb m, pi. cimba sting. A dialectal form related to thimth as well as cimak id. (JOKL Idg. Jb. XXIV 217). 0 ABEJ St. I 92, Etim. Ill 39. cip m point, tip; upper part. A d ialectal form stand in g for *thip and co n n ected w ith thep id. 0 ABEJ Etim. Ill 2 0 -2 1 . cip f, pi. cipa thin skin; milk skin. Derived from cip in its meaning of upper part ( a b e j ? w . Ill 44-45). 0 MEYER Wb. 441 (borrowed from Slavic). cirl f, pi. cirla blackbird. An onomatopoeia similar to that of Slav *cirbk'b teal. 0 MEYER Wb. 440 (mistakenly reconstructs *cnilie as borrowed from Slav *cbrnidlo). cit adj. full, brim -full. From PAlb *tseita etymologically identical with Slav *cifh whole, Lith kietas hard and continuing IE *k eiatos. The verb eis to saturate, to stuff < *tsitja also belongs here. 0 C a m a r d a 1 8 7 -8 8 (cis to Gk c u e t x o to feed); MEYER Wb. 4 41 (compared with NGk Tcmovo) to fill holes with lim e); VAILLANT RS VI 1 0 6-107; F r a e n k e l 252; T r u b a c e v SSJa IV 1 24-1 2 5 ; a b e j Etim. Ill 4 8 -4 9 (from Slavic). cjap m, pi. cjep he-goat. Various forms including cap and sqap con tinue P A lb *tsapa which, together with Slavic *cap-h id., Rum lap id. and Ital zappo id., reflects an Oriental Wanderwort of Iranian or Altaic origin, cf. NPers capis one year old goat, Osset ccew goat, OTurk cbis six-months old kid. 0 POTT KZ IV 7 0 (connected with Lat caper he-goat); M e y e r Wb. 3 8 7 -3 8 8 (the same); PHILIPPIDE Or. Rom. II 738 (Rum lap from Albanian); DENSUSIANU GS I 2 4 3 -2 4 4 (against the Latin etymology of Rum lap)-, SPITZER MRIW I 2 9 2 (Rumanian loanword); R o z w a d o w s k i Roczn. S4aw. II 109 (Iranian parallels); R o h l f s ZfromPh XLV 6 6 2 -6 6 4 (independent sources of Romance, Albanian and other words for goat); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 1 3 3 -1 3 4 ; A b a e v I 307; HUBSCHMID Pyren. 4 9, Kult. SOE 89; RUSSU TD 203 (Rum lap from Dacian); TRUBACEV iv. 89; ROHLFS ZfromPh XIV 6 2 4 (preRomance nature of Rum lap = Ital dial, zappo id.); R o se t t i ILR I 282; K l e p ik o v a SPT 4 8-50; M eier Etym. 56; T r u b a c e v SSJa IV 172-173; a b e j Etim. Ill 4 9 -5 1 (follows M e y e r ). cmag m, pl. cmage peg. Another variant is cmak. Together with
48
CUB
CV S
cimak this w ord is related to cim (ABEJ St. I 9 3 , Etim. Ill 5 1 -5 2 ). 0 V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 6 2 -6 3 .
cub adj. with a short tail, with a tail cut o ff. An early borrowing from
Slav *cub:b tuft of hair and also stump, a cut off piece. 0 M e y e r 442 (to SCr cupa tuft of h air); ABEJ Etim. Ill 58-59 (to cup).
cu b m robber, brigand. Borrowed from a Germanic source, cf. Goth
piubs thief, OHG diob ( M a n n Language XXVI 384). 0 a b e j Etim. Ill 58 (to cub with a short tail).
c u c f, pi. cuca girl, maiden. An onomatopoeic form with parallel for
mations in Slavic as well as in Hung csucsa loved one (M e y e r Wb. 443). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 17; JOKL apud ABEJ St. 1 93-94 (from *cull-ce to cull)\ TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 113; MANN Language XXVI 384-385 (to Goth piwi); BRNCU SCL 1 (1961) 25-28; ABEJ Etim. Ill 59-60.
cu ll m, pi. culle youth, boy. A relatively recent loanword from Ital ciullo
nincompoop < fnaciullo (MEYER Wb. 4 4 9 -4 5 0 ; TAGLIAVINI Dal mazia 3 1 5 -3 1 6 ). 0 ABEJ St. I 95 (reconstructs the original meaning as skin), Etim. Ill 6 3 -6 5 .
cup adj. odd (uneven). Continues PAlb *tsupa from IE *i(e)u-po-, based on *keu(a)- to swell, cf. in particular Skt sny- em pty. As far as the suffix is concerned, cf. Skt s-pha- swelling. 0 POKORNY 1 5 9 2 5 9 3 ; ABEJ Etim. I l l 6 7 (identical with sup). curr aor. curra to prick up (ears). A phonetic and semantic variant
of thur.
curr m, pi. curra high rock. A nominal derivative of the verb curr. 0 JOKL Studien 115-116 (borrowed from Hbr sr rock); BARI ARSt.
I 104 (reconstructs *krno-, to OIr cam), AArbSt. II 388; ABEJ St. I 96 (to Arm sur sword, Goth hairus id.), Etim. Ill 68-69.
c y s aor. cyta to spur on, to tease. A difficult word. Maybe, a secondary
formation in -s based on thyej. 0 JOKL Mlanges Pedersen 105-106, 149 (to qoj and, further, to Lat ciere to move); M a n n Language XXVIII
CYTH
AM
49
31-32 (from *teudio)\ ABEJ St. I 96-97, II 327 (related to nxis), Etim. Ill 71; DEM IRAJ AE 116. cyth aor. cytha to prick. An onomatopoeia or an unusual derivative of thyej. Not at all clear.
afk f, pl. ajka heron. Borrowed from Slav *cavbka daw, magpie, cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg cavka. SCr cavka (M E Y E R Wb. 443). A homonymie afk glass, cup is borrowed from Slav *casbka small bowl. 0 A BEJ St. I 97 (adducing dialectal cap id., reconstructs *capk > afk), Etim. Ill 75-76 (from ap)\ SV A N E 145. aj aor. ava to split, to cleave, to smash, to batter, to chop up. A par allel variant is NGeg shaj. From PAlb *tsenja, formed on the basis of IE *sked- to split: Skt skhadate id., Gk OKe5vv\)(j.v id. and the like (JOKL IF X X X 196). Note az le a f representing a derivative in -z. 0 M EY ER Wb. 444 (to Gk a x c o to cut, to incise); TAG LIA VIN I Dal mazia 97; PISANI Saggi 119; POKORNY I 918-919; M AYRHOFER III 507; F r i s k II 721; C a m a j Alb. Wotb. 60; O r e l Z a lk X X III/1 71; a b e j St. I 98, Etim. Ill 77; H ULD 47-48 (reconstructs *-a- in the Proto-Alban ian root); D e m i r a j AE 116-117 (aj < *d-shaj, related to Lat sariO to weed). ajme f, pl. ajme red-backed shrike, heron. Derived from Slav *caja, *cajbka gull, lapwing, cf. South Slavic forms: Maced ajka, Slovene cdjka ( A B E J Etim. Ill 77). 0 M EY ER Wb. 443 (uncertain rela tion to Slav *capja heron). al a d j. lame. From PAlb *stsala related to Gk c t k o A.i crooked, Lat scelus and their cognates (M E Y E R Wb. 443). 0 JOKL IF X X X 194 (from IE *skel-no-); M A N N Language XXVIII 40 (from IE *eksskolffios); PISANI Saggi 128; F r i s k II 723-724; CH ANTRAINE 1013; P o k o r n y I 928; a b e j Etim. Ill 80 (to shale); D e m i r a j AE 117-118 (reconstructs *d-shal). am m, pl. am, amr Chamerian, inhabitant of the western part of Epirus. Borrowed from early dial. Slav *camb or *cama rendering
50
ANDER
A S
an earlier *tjama, the latter reflecting the Greek river-name 0 a |ii of Epirus. 0 L e a k e Greece 13 (establishes the connection between am and 0{kxuic); ABEJ St. 198 (treats am as a direct continuation of 0a|ii), Etim. Ill 82-83.
andr f, pl. andra prop, support. F rom *stsentra reflecting a singularized plural of the Indo-European neut. *skentrom with j-mobile, close to IE *kentrom (O r el Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 5 9 ): Gk K cvtpov goad, spur, cf. also Latv sits spear, lance < Balt *sintas. The anlaut (a)- excludes the possibility of a borrowing from Latin or a Romance language, cf. qendr. 0 POKORNY I 5 6 7 ; F r is k I 8 2 0 -8 2 1 ; OREL ZfBalk X X III/ 1 71 (mistaken comparison with aj); ABEJ Etim. Ill 8 4 (variant of dialectal qandr < qendr). ap aor. apa to chew. From P A lb *stsepa connected with IE *scep-
to cut, to split (J o k l IF XXX 192-193). Note that ap step, ap to step, to pace, to go represent a metaphoric usage of ap bite, piece, ap to chew. 0 MEYER Wb. 444 (connects ap step with Turk apmak to run as well as with Slav *stgpiti to step); MANN Language XXVIII 40 (prefix *eks- followed by hap); POKORNY I 930-932; OREL ZfBalk XXIII/1 72; a b e j Etim. Ill 84-85.
apua ~ ap u e m, pl. aponj spur (of a rooster). Derivative of ap step (ABEJ Etim. Ill 89). ar f, pl. ara fissure, crack. Borrowed from Slav *cara line, rent,
cleft, presently attested in South Slavic only in Slovene cara (O r el timologija 1983 135-136). 0 OREL ZfSlaw XXX/6 914.
ars aor. arta to d estro y , to s p o il. F rom P A lb *stsertja b a sed on IE
*sker-ti-, cf. O N skera to cu t, Lith skirti id. and the lik e (Jo k l IF XXX 195-196, XXXVII, 1 0 0 -1 0 1 , LKUBA 156). 0 F r a e n k e l 8 0 3 ; P o k o r n y I 9 3 8 -9 4 2 ; a b e j Etim. Ill 9 1 -9 2 ; D e m ir a j AE 118 (o r ig in a lly , from *d-shart-).
as m, pl. ase moment, tim e. Another variant is ast (with -t gener alized from locative as in n ast, cf. ABEJ Etim. III 9 3 -9 4 ). Borrowed
from Slav *casi> tim e, cf., in particular, South Slavic forms: OCS casi> Bulg cas, SCr cas (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 17; M e y e r Wb. , 4 4 5 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 197; SVANE 176.
EK
ERDHE
51
el aor. ela to open. From P A lb *stsela etymologically related to Hitt iskalli- to tear up, ON skilja to split, Lith skeliu, ske'lti id. (JOKL IF XXX 194-195, WuS XII 70). 0 PISANI Saggi 125; MANN Language XXVIII 40 (from IE *eks-skeli)\ FRAENKEL 800; BORETZKY Z a lk V III/1-2 21-26 (on els key < opener as an Oriental semantic caique); ABEJ Etim. Ill 100-101; H a m p Mnch. St. Spr. XL! 52 (< *dz-sel- < IE *sel- to put). el f best part. Borrowed from Slav *elo head, its South Slavic reflexes (Bulg celo and SCr celo) having a specific meaning of a front, visible place and end, edge (ABEJ St. I 98, Etim. Ill 101). 0 SVANE 180. elitet refi, to recover, to get well. Borrowed from Slav *celiti to heal, cf. South Slavic continuants: OCS celiti, Bulg cela, SCr cijeliti. elnik m, pl. elnik senior shepherd. Borrowed from Slav *celbnikT> leader, head, cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg celnik, SCr ceonik (S eli Scev Slav, naselenie 179). As to geling senior shepherd, it goes back to NGk xoXiyKa id., ultimately, from the same Slavic source (ABEJ St. I 98). The variant elik was influenced by an Albanian Turkism elik steel. 0 S v a n e 194; a b e j Etim. Ill 102. em aor. ema to bring to light, to disclose, to reveal, to broach. From PAlb *stsepna etymologically connected with ap (OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 72). For the semantic development cf. O N skilja to separate, to divide > to understand (BUCK 1207). 0 JOKL Studien 91 (divides em into prefix - and -em < *apni compared with Lat api to fasten, to attach); ABEJ St. I 98-99, Etim. Ill 103. erdhe f, pl. erdhe nest. A singularised plural of the original *erdh. An early borrowing from Slav *cerda row, herd, flock (Bulg creda, SCr (reda) with a particularly interesting shift of meaning (MEYER Wh. 4 4 6 ). 0 JOKL AArbSt I 38 (reconstructs *skerdh- related to Lith skerdzius shepherd and its cognates); ABEJ LP VII 199, St. I 99, Etim. Ill 108-109.
52
E R R
MOJ
err m, pl. erra w ren . A substantivized use o f a borrow ed S lavic adjec tive *cbrm> b la ck (OREL Festschr, Shevoroshkin 2 5 9 ). 0 a b e j Etim. I ll 111 (o n o m a to p o eia ). e t f, pl. eta clan , arm ed g r o u p . B o r ro w e d from S la v *ceta id ., cf. S outh S la v ic form s: B u lg ceta , SC r ceta (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 17; M e y e r Wb. 4 4 6 -4 4 7 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 184; S v a n e 202; a b e j Etim. I ll 112. etin f, pl. etina pine-tree. Borrow ed from Slav *cetina bristle, needles, cf. in particular South Slavic: B u lg cetina, SCr cetina ( a b e j St. I 9 9). 0 S v a n e 125; a b e j Etim. I ll 112.
pron. w hat. W ith a fu ll redu ction o f v o w e l, a lso is u sed in the form o f . F rom P A lb *tsi con tin u in g IE *k H itt knit, Gk x i, Lat quid id: and the lik e (B a r iC AArbSt I 2 0 6 , II 399; H u ld 4 7 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 218 (b orrow ed from R um ce id.); PEDERSEN KZ X X X V I 3 2 8 (from *qish); TREIMER KZ L X V 3 88 (b o rro w ed from SCr ca id.); M a n n Language
X X V III 35; F r is k II 9 0 3 -9 0 4 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 4 0 4 -4 0 5 ; a b e j
NDEROJ
U N
53
id.
oj aor. ova to bring, to rise, to send. Borrowed from Lat excire, excire
to call out, to cause, to wake. 0 C a m a r d a I 68 (to Gk kco); M e y e r Wb. 4 4 8 (from Lat excitare); T r e im e r MRIW I 341 (against M e y e r , reconstructs *sk- in the anlaut); JOKL Studien 81 (accepts the view of CAMARDA), Mlanges Pedersen 145 (close to CAMARDA s view, from *ds-qoj); B a r iC ARSt. I 73 (to Goth skewjan to go); TAGLIAVINI Dal mazia 9 8 (agrees with MEYER); SCHMIDT KZ LVII 8 -1 0 (to Lat sgi to feel); MANN Language XXVIII 40 (from *eks-skuio); a bej Etim. Ill 128 -1 3 0 ; DEMIRAJ AE 119.
o till f, pl. otilla stamp, kind of long blender. A metathesized form
of toill ( a b e j St. I 102, Etim. Ill 134). 0 B a r i C ARSt. I 73, AArbSt I 1 5 6 -1 5 7 (compares with Lat quatiO to wield, to beat); JOKL Mlanges Pedersen 145 n. 1 (to utr stream, brook).
u b f, pl. uba bush, shrubbery. Borrowed from Slav *cuba lock,
forelock, curl (SCr cuba) with a semantic innovation. 0 MANN Lan guage XXVI 380 (related to Slav *cuba); ABEJ Etim. Ill 135-136 (related to kaub).
u d is aor. udita to astonish. Borrowed from Slav *uditi id. as well
as Geg ud wonder - from Slav *cudo id. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 18; M e y e r Wb. 449). As to udi id., it is an Albanian derivative of udis. 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 1 9 1 , 3 2 3 ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 98; T r u b a c e v SSJa IV 1 27-129; S v a n e 231; a b e j Etim. III 1 3 6 -1 3 7 .
u k f. pl. uka peak. Borrowed from South Slav *cuka id. 0 M e y e r
Wb. 449; MLADENOV AfslPh XXXIV 385 (borrowed from Bulgarian); S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 189; POGHIRC Ist. limb. rom. II 339; R o s e t t i ILR I 275 (comparison with Rum ciuco); a b e j St. I 103, Etim. Ill 138MO; S v a n e 1 61, 181. u ll f sheep with little ears. Borrowed from Slav * c u I t> id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg cula, SCr cula. 0 ABEJ Etim. Ill 141-142 (Balkan
parallels). un m. pl. una boy, youth. Together with un penis, borrowed from
54
DAC
DALT
DALLNDYSHE
DANG
55
Ila! donno p e n is (MEYER Wb. 4 4 9 -4 5 0 ). 0 CAMARDA II 6 7 (from Ital dullo little ); L a P ia n a St. Varia 77 (from *qun b o rro w ed from S lav *cdo c h ild ); MOUTSOS ZfBalk VII 101 (un b o rro w ed fro m N G k T ooovvt branch, tw ig , p e n is ); ABEJ St. I 103-104 (related to cung stu m p ), Etim. I ll 142-143; SVANE 88.
(M e y e r Wb. 6 0 ). 0 S k o k Slavia III 1 1 5 -1 1 6 ; B a r i Hymje 75; J o k l Slavia XIII 3 0 5 -3 0 6 ; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 173, 319; a b e j St. 105 (treats dalt as a co g n a te o f S lav *delbto or o f Skt ddlayati to sp lit), Etim. I ll 1 5 4 -1 5 6 ; SVANE 78; MURATI Probleme 1 2 9 -1 3 0 . d a lln d y sh e t', pl. dallndyshe swallow. A relatively recent com
pound motivated by the swallows forked or double tail - *dalluan dysh appearing to be double, with *dalluan > Tosk dalluar, Geg dalluen representing the participle of dalloj (OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 72-73 with dac m, pi. daca cat. An onomatopoeic formation or a hypocoristic based some differences). 0 CAMARDA I 37 (to Gk laavieco to swing, to on a personal name (MEYER Wb. 62). 0 TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 134. rock, to shake); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 31 (from Lat hirund); M eyer Wb. 59-60 (from Lat hirundinem swallow + suffix -ysh, influenced daj aor. dava to divide. Often used with prefix n- as ndaj id. Goes back by dallndis to take heart, to be brave); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 544 to PAlb *danja, transform ed from *daja under the influence of other (to Gk xeicv swallow); B aric ARSt I 5 (contamination of Lat hirund verbs in -nja. Further connected with Gk 8aio|iou to divide, Skt daya te and *dall, to Germ Schwalbe swallow); SCHMIDT K Z L 236-237 (to id. (B o p p 483; C a m a r d a 1 144; M e y e r Wb. 59, Alb. St. Ill 26). 0 Jo k l Germ Schwalbe)', MAYER KZ LXVI 89-96 (comparison with Illyr Taulan^ _ Ids. Jb. IX 58 (to Skt ddlavati to split"). Sprache IX 128 (folUm K tiS 1 b L L l K l i . a l i t /r - 4 /z ; m a n n Language aX V I 381; CAMAJ Alb. XeiSoviot, H ecat.); H a s d e u E M R II 51; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione Wortb. 54; C MOCHOWSKI LP II 2 3 9 (verb in *-ni); F r is k I 3 4 1 -3 4 2 ; 134; H altmi GjA (1 9 7 2 ) 124 (fro m *da-n-dyshe); KNOBLOCH AIAK K l in g e n s c l MITT Verbum 117; ABEJ Etim. Ill 150 -1 5 1 ; DEMIRAJ AE 3 3 5 -3 3 7 (a g re es with P e d e r s e n ); a b e j St. I 1 0 5 -1 0 6 , Etim. Ill 157119-120.
159.
m . From PAlb *dauka further related to Lith dvkti to :as breath and other derivatives of *dheu- on which dash ( a b e j Etim. Ill 153: related to dash). 'to go out. From PAlb *dala etymologically related to 3 bloom , i.e. to appear, to come out (MEYER Wb. 60, )). 0 PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 114-115, Kelt. Gr. II 648 (to , KZ XXXIII 542; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 99; M a n n Lan380, XXVIII 36; PISANI Saggi 121; POKORNY Vox Rom. daille < Gaul *dal(l)ja); F r is k I 649-650; ClMOCHOWS), St. IE 43 (from *dain); C a m a j Alt. Wortb. 37; 421 ; HAMP Sprache XXX/2 156-157 (< IE *dhalniO); OREL 6-77; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 172; a b e j S. 104 (recon5 and compares dal with Lat dolo to cut), Etim. III 153DN LR 118; D e m ir a j A E 120. i chisel. An early borrowing from Slav *dolbto id., preth Slavic as Bulg dlato and also borrowed as Rum dalt
d a llg f, pl. dallg, dallga wave. dalloj aor. dallova to discern, to recognize. Continues PAlb *dalnnja based on an adjective in *-no- - *dalna related to Skt ddlayati to split, Lat dol to chip, to hew and the like (JOKL Studien 12). 0 ClMOCHOWSKI LP I I 239; M a y r h o f e r I I 24; W a l d e -H o f m a n n 1 3 6 4 -3 6 6 ; X h u v a n i KLetr. 1 / 1 1 2 (to daj); a b e j St. Etim. Ill 1 5 9 -1 6 0 ; DEMIRAJ AE
dak m big r;
121 .
d an g f belly. Another variant is dng. Goes back to PAlb *dang etymologically identical with Lith dang table-cloth, cover, Latv daga puddle, m arshland, Slav *dga arc ( O r e l Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 5 9 ). All these forms are deverbatives related to Lith dengiu, degti to cover. Adjectival dng full, stuffed up continues PAlb *danga and also belongs here. As to deng bundle, full sack, it is rather a bor rowing from Turk denk bale (MEYER Wb. 6 3 ) than a cognate of the above forms. 0 MEYER Wb. 61 (to Slovene danka rectum); FRAENKEL 8 8 -8 9 ; a b e j St. I 106 (to deng), 121, Etim. Ill 162 (back formation
Gk 9A.(0 1 Alb. St. Ill 2 OIr dui go) guage XXVI X 241 (to Fr KI LP II 24
C h a n t r a in e
served in Soi
56
DARDH
DAROVF.
of Turk dangalak stu p id > Alb dngallak); T r u b a c e v SSJa V 9 8 9 9. dardh f, pi. dardha pear, pear-tree. From PAlb *darda, a derivative of derdh to tip out, to pour < PAlb *derda (OREL timologija 19861987 220-221) with a semantic motivation established for Slav *grusa, *krusa pear, pear-tree < *grusiti, *krusiti to crumble, to break, IE *peisom pear < *peis- (TRUBACEV SSIa VII 156). 0 H a h n I 236 (con nects dardh with the name of Dardania); MEYER Wb. 61 (follows H a h n ), Gr. Gr. 50; BUGGE BB XVIII 164 (to G k axepSo, xp wild pear, wild pear-tree); JOKL Festschr. Kretschmer 89-90 (to IE *gher(s)- to stiffen); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 106; MANN Language XVII 17 (recon structs *nghrdis), XXVIII 34 (from IE *ghard-); PISANI Saggi 118; JUCQUOIS Muse'on LXXVIII 440; FRISK I 199, 203; CAMAJ Alb.Wortb. 121 (to *der- to split); G in d in Onom. 124; abej St. I 107 (to OIr draigen wild p ear), Etim. Ill 165-167; H u l d 48; D e m ir a j AE 121-122. dar ~ dan f, pl. dar - dan pincers, tongs. From PAlb *dana, a par
ticipial form related to daj (ABEJ St. I 107-108, Etim. Ill 1167-168). 0 CAMARDA II 61 (to Gk tcvio to bite); M e y er Wb. 61 (considers the unchanged Tosk -a- to indicate a lost consonant before -r----- -); JOKL Studien 12-13 (develops C a m a r d a s etymology based on IE *denk); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 239 (to OHG zanga id.); MANN Language XXVIII 40; HAMP LP XXVIII 78 (same as ClMOCHOWSKI); JUCQUOIS Le Muse'on LXXVIII 442; L e h m a n n GED 338 (follows Jo k l ); O lberg apud D emiraj (to IE *dhau-); JANSON Unt. 21; DEMIRAJ AE 122.
dark f, pi. darka supper. From PAlb *darka, originally a singular -
ize neut. pi. of IE *dork reflected in Gk prcov id. (CAMARDA I om 67; M e y e r Wb. 6 1 ). On the other hand, the connection with drek is doubtless. 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 3, 26, 72, Gr. Gr. 245; B u g g e BB XVIII 189; PEDERSEN BB XX 231 (reconstructs *d{3k'1 in order to explain drek); KRETSCHMER Einleitung 101 n. 3; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 99-100; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 239; M a n n Language XVII 19, XXVI 384; P is a n i Saggi 118; PORZIO Gliederung 178; POKORNY Vox Rom. X 2 3 9 (to Illyr ApocKottxva < *darkuin); PISANI Saggi 118; H a m P/4/ c. IE 116 (adds Bret dibri to eat); FRISK 1 4 1 0 -4 1 1 ; CHANTRAINE 294; ANTTILA Schw. 2 9 , 100; LBERG Festschr. Bonfante 563; ABEJ St. I 108, Etim. Ill 1 68 -1 6 9 ; H u l d 4 8 -4 9 ; D e m ir a j AE 1 2 2 -1 2 3 .
d a ro v brides gift. Borrowed from Slav *darovb gratuitous. The
DASM
DEH
57
corresp ond ing verb darovis to m ake a present, to g iv e m oney as a g ift seem s to continue an unattested Slav *daroviti, cf. the widespread *darovati to make a present (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 18; M eyer Wb. 61) w hile dari d o w r y is b ased on *dar b o rro w ed from S la v *dari, g ift, p resen t. 0 S e li Sc e v Slav, naselenie 183; S v a n e 2 1 2 , 2 3 1 , 252; a b e j
Etim. I ll 169.
d asm pi. dasma wedding. Another widespread and historically
important variant is darsm. Goes back to PAlb *dartsima, original ly, * wedding feast, derived from dark (LBERG apud DEMIRAJ; a b ej St. I 108-109, Etim. Ill 169-170). 0 MEYER Wb. 62 (to Rum zestre dowry); P e d e r s e n BB XX 2 3 2 , KZ XXXVI 3 0 9 (reconstructs *dam-s to be compared with Gk y|io marriage, wedding); JOKL LKUBA 14; H u ld 49; D e m ir a j AE 12 3-124. dash m, pi desh ram . From PAlb *dausa reflecting IE *dhouso- breath, breathing, animal (MANN Language XXVI 387 ), cf. Gmc *deuzan wild animal (Goth dius, O N dyr), Lith pl. dasos paradise, Slav *dux-h breath, spirit. The Albanian word was borrowed to Rum da$. 0 C a m a r d a II 7 0 (to Gk 5okiA,,o kind offish); M e y e r Wb. 62; B ariC ARSt. 6 (dash < *dalsh connected with dele); JOKL LKUBA 2 4 0 -2 4 1 , 3 2 9 f. (compares dash < *dhuosj- with Lat bstia anim al); T a g l i a v in i Stratificazione 134-135; LA PIANA Studi I 91 (dash ~ Lat dnsus, difficult both semantically and phonetically); BUGGE BB XVIII 164 (links dash to desha); IVANESCU SAO VIII 2 7 4 - 2 7 6 ; POKORNY I 2 7 0 ; F r a e n k e l 1 15-116; F e i s t Goth. 1 2 1 -1 2 2 ; Z a l i z n a k timologija 139; POGHIRC ist. limb. rom. II 341; ROSETTI ILR I 276; O r e l Die Sprache XXXI 28 0 , Z a lk XXIII 144, Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 1 , 356; ABEJ St. I 109110, Etim. I ll 1 7 1 -1 7 3 (to Goth tagl hair); TRUBACEV SSJa V 153154; D e m ir a j AE 1 2 4 -1 2 5 (related to dem).
f, pl. deg, dega twig, branch. From PAlb *dwaig etymologi cally related to OHG zwg id., Germ Zweig (M e y e r Wb. 6 2 , Alb. St. Ill 9, 2 6 , 39 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 80 (to Gk tckvov child, sprout); B u g a II 319; Jo k l Studien 15; PISANI Saggi 103, 122; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 240; K l u g e 897; HAMP Trends LV II 906; HULD 145 (against MEYER); a b e j Etim. III 179-180 (dubious Alpine-Romance parallels); DEMIRAJ AE 1 2 5 -1 2 6 . deh aor. deha to in eb riate. From PA lb *degska. At the sam e tim e, co n
deg
58
DFJ -
UEI.F,
tinuants of *degnja are attested in dej - de'nj id. Both *degska and *degnja are related to djeg. 0 BOPP 539 (to IE *dhe(i)- to suckle); MEYER Wb. 62-63 (to Goth dauns vapor), Alb. St. Ill 29, 90; JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 88 (to dyll); SCHMIDT KZ LVIl 6-7; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 110; MANN Language XXVIII 32 (to IE *dhues- to destroy); ABEJ S. I 111 (com pares deh with dend), Eim. Ill 182-183; DEMIRAJ AE 125-126. dej adv. the day after tom orrow. From PAlb *daja continuing IE loc. dual *duoi-ous (DEMIRAJ AE 127). For the development of IE *duo> PAlb *da- see OREL Antic, balk. 3 37-39. 0 CAMARDA I 310 (to Gk 8r|v); MEYER Wb. 62, Alb. St. Ill 39 (to IE *duoin-l*duein-): JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 88; OStir AArbSt. I I 307; F ra en k e l 108; O rel ZfBalk XXIII/1 73 (close to MEYER); a b e j Etim. Ill 183-184 (back formation based on andej. (G) dj f place where the snow melts, low place. Denominative forms: dejet ~ djet. From PAlb *danja related to Skt dhdnvan- dry land, OHG tenni threshing-floor (D EM IR A J AE 1 2 7 ) . 0 JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 8 8 (to deh)-, SCHM IDT LVII 6 - 7 (to Skt dhvanlt to burn out, to fade away); M a n n Language XXVIII 3 2 (to IE *dhues-); POKORNY I 2 4 9 ; A BEJ Etim. Ill 1 8 0 - 1 8 2 (to ndej). dele f, pi dele, dhen, dhn sh e e p . T he G eg variant delme rep resen ts a form ation in *-ma (and hardly has anything in com m on with the nam e o f Dalm atia pace M e y e r Wb. 63 and ABEJ St. I 111). The w ord is based on P A lb *daila sh e e p < su c k lin g and related to v a rio u s /-d e r iv a tiv e s from IE *dhe(i)- to su c k le ( M e y e r Wb. 63, Alb. St. Ill 29 o p e r ates w ith *dailja < IE *dhaili or *dhoili), cf., in particular, A rm dayl c o lo str u m < IE *dhailo-. S u p p le tiv e p lural fo rm s dhen, dhn sh o u ld
b e treated sep arately as a P roto-A lb a n ia n (c o lle c tiv e ) d e r iv a tiv e in
*-anti b ased on dhi s h e -g o a t. T h us, the so u rce o f dhen, dhn is to be re co n stru cted as *aiganti-, w ith ap h eresis o f the anlaut v o w e l (OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 357). 0 B r u g m a n n 117; P e t e r s s o n LU XIX/6 12; B ariC ARSt. 6 (dhn com pared with IE *dhe(i)-)\ JOKL LKUBA 239 (m is takenly ex p la in s -I- from * -/ -), 251-253 (co m p a res dhen, dhn w ith C elt *damatos sh e e p > W dafad, Bret dauat or w ith -d e riv a tiv e s o f IE *dhe(i)- to s u c k le , in p articu lar, w ith Skt dhen m ilk c o w , cf. a lso OIr dinu ia m b and the lik e ), Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87 (tra ces o f this ro o t in B alk an p la ce n am es); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 101, Stratifi cazione 135; L a P ia n a St. Varia 77-78; SCHMIDT KZ L 238; PORZIG
DELTIN
DEND
59
Gliederung 150; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 240-241; M a n n Language XVII 20-21 (dhen to Latgs kin, tribe); POKORNY I 241-242; D u r id a n o v 2a XVIII 37 {dhen - to Thr AavSarjxai); a b e j St. I 152 (compari son of dhen, dhn with Gk Strick; fat), Etim. Ill 184-186 (follows Meyer); H u l d 143; K d d e r it z sc h LB X X X I108; R a s m u s s e n Morph. 52; O re l Koll. Idg. Ges. 357; D e m ir a j AE 127-128, 157-158 (agrees with
M a n n ).
deltin f clay. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *delbtina further connected with *delbto ~ *dolbto chisel. The semantic development seems possible but not quite obvious: clay < *pounded mass? 0 JOKL ArRom XXIV 24 (from *nd-baltin)', ABEJ St. I 112 (compares deltin with dalt), Etim. Ill 187-188 (to dyll). dell m, pi. dej tendon. From PAlb *daisla probably related to Lith gysla blood-vessel, tendon, Slav *zila tendon (MEYER Wb. 63, Alb. St. Ill 18) if the latter are treated separately from Skt jiyd- bow-string, Gk ioq bow (B r u g m a n n Grundr. I 345). 0 C a m a r d a 171 (to Gk co to tie); P e d e r s e n IF V 68 (to Lat ftlum thread), KZ XXXVI 326 (agrees with M e y e r ); JOKL Studien 13 (comparison with Gk Sco to bind); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 87-88; FRAENKEL 150; FRISK I 237; M a y r h o f e r I 448; V a s m e r II 57-58; C im o c h o w s k i LP II 239; ABEJ St. I 112-113 (connects dell with Slav *dotb valley and Gk 0A,o mud - those two having nothing in common), Etim. Ill 189-190; DEMIRAJ AE 128 (against ABEJ). dem m, pi. dema young bull. From PAlb *dama etymologically related to OIr dam ox and, probably, to Gk (ia,o calf (CAMARDA I 73; MEYER Wb. 6 3 , Alb. St. Ill 26, 6 4 ). 0 PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 164; JOKL Festschr. Kretschmer 9 2 , Festschr. Rozwadowski I 236; TAGLI AVINI Stratificazione 135; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 239; M a n n Language XXVI 385; F r is k I 345; a b e j St. I 113, Etim. Ill 1 9 0 -1 9 1 ; D em ir a j AE 12 8-129. dend aor. denda to stuff. An archaic non-assimilated variant is NGeg tend. From PAlb *tenda related to Skt tandate to weaken, Lat tendo to stretch. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 21 (based on Lat densus); M eyer Wb. 65 (related to Lat dnsus). Alb. St. V 72 (borrowed from Lat tendere)', B a r t h o l o m a e IF I 300 (to Lat densus thick); JOKI, apud WALDEH o f m a n n I 341 (to gdhnd); MANN Language XVII 19; ClMOCHOWSKI
60
DENJ
(T) DER
DERGJ
df .t
61
L P II 239; POKORNY I 1065-1066; ABEJ Etim. Ill 193-194 (agrees with JOKL); DEMIRAJ AE 129 (to ndej).
denj adj. worth. Borrowed from Lat dignus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele
d ergj aor. dorgja to lie d o w n , to lay sic k , to be i l l . A m ore frequ en t fo rm o f p resen t is p a ss.-re fi, dergjem. F rom P A lb *dergja further e ty m ologically connected with Lith dirginti to m o v e, dirgti to lose energy, to b eco m e w ea k , S lav *dbrgati to pluck, to p u ll and particularly with tea r : M H G zergen to p lu ck , to p u ll (VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 9 ). 0 PEDERSEN XX 2 3 8 (to L ith sergit to be ill, OIr serg illn e s s su p p o sin g IE *su- > A lb d-), Kelt. Gr. I 71; TRAUTMANN BSlWb. 56; F r a e n k e l 96; V a s m e r I 5 0 0 -5 0 1 ; H am p IF LXXIX 155 (fo llo w s PEDERSEN ); a b e j St. I 1 1 5 -1 1 6 (to Lith ddrga rain y w eather, Slav *dorga road), Etim. Ill 201-203; HULD49-50; LlNDEMAN IF XCVIII 4 8 -5 0 ; DEMIRAJ AE 131 (a g re es w ith VASMER). d eri prep, to, up to, t ill. F rom P A lb *deur(e)i h a v in g the sam e stru cG m c *targjan o t
mente 21). 0 M e y e r Wb. 63 (borrowed from Ital degno); a b e j Etim. Ill 195.
d ep rtoj aor. dep irto m to penetrate. Borrowed from Rom *d-
penetrre (MEYER Wb. 65). 0 MANN Hist. Gr. 146 (borrowed from Lat dpartre); ABEJ Etim. Ill 195-196 (derived from ndpr across).
derdh aor. derdha to pour out. In Old Albanian the stem is not umlau
ticized: dardh (BUZUKU, BUDI). Continues PAlb *darda close to onoE M *dori to);
Fraenk el niflfnnoe.ic Lith darde'ti to rattle. Latv drdt to crea k ', W go-dyrMUm m u m m e, to gru m o ie . v iv it t K v y . o^ lu o i ; Alb. St. Ill 13, 26; F r a e n k e l 83; P e d e r s e n BB XX 238 n. 2 (to Skt
Gk x o p o t d eriv a tiv e
srjdti to sell off, to discharge ), KZ XXXVI 289, Kelt. Gr. I 494; JOKL Studien 13-14 (to Skt dhar stream ); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 101; LA PIANA Studi I 42-43 (to Skt ksarati to flow); ABEJ St. I 114-115 (to Gk Oop sperm ), Etim. I ll 197-198.
d er f, pi. dyer door. From PAlb *dwr, a secondary a-stem based
Elemente 18; MEYER Wb. 2 9 9 (b o r ro w ed from South S lav M a n n Language X X V I 383 (to Lat fer); F r isk I 'ill-3 1 2
26; BARTHOLOMAE 175.
derr m, pi. derra p ig . F rom P A lb * darja co n n ecte d wit! id. < IE *ghorjos (CAMARDA I 96; MEYER Wb. 6 4 ). N o te
II 18; JOKL OERSEN KZ Pia n a Studi 230; P is a n i *suoinro-); im. Ill 205-rj- > -rr-);
IE *dheube phonetic t, dejet and is particuj dpede, E ) go out); ss), Wb. 64 ra), Alb. St. 15 f. (reconT a g l ia v i -
on IE *dhuer- id.: Skt dvdr-, Gk 0pa, Tokh B twere and the like (C a m a r d a I 17; M e y e r 5 VIII 188, Wb. 63, Alb. St. Ill 29, 39, 71). 0 JOKL IF XXXVI 132, LKUBA 240, 255; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 101; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 240; MANN Language XXVIII 32 (reconstructs * dhuer es); PISANI Saggi 103; FRISK I 695-696; MAYRHOFER II 83-84; POKORNY I 278; OREL Antic, balk. 3 37-39 (on the development of the anlaut); HAMP LP XX 9; KLINGENSCHMITT Mnch. St. Spr. XL 104, 125; H u l d 49; O r e l ZjBalk XXIII 149; a b e j Etim. Ill 198-201; D e m ir a j AE 129-130. (T) der adj. bitter; difficult. From PAlb *deuna etymologically iden tical with OS tiono evil, OE teoria wrong ( J o k l Studien 1 9 -2 0 with further erroneous link to dhun). 0 H a h n 29 (connected with dhun); M e y e r Wb. 87 (accepts H a h n s etym ology with some doubt); H o l t h a u s e n AEW 346; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 241; LBERG Festschr. Pisani I 689; ABEJ St. I 115 (to the Indo-European word for tear: G k o c K p u ) , Etim. Ill 201; DEMIRAJ AE 130 (dialectal phonetic devel opment of hidhur).
derk p ig le t co n tin u in g P A lb *darika. 0 MEYER Alb. St. Festschr. Kretschmer 78 f. (re co n str u c ts *ghr-n-); PE XXXVI 333 (to dose); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 135; LA I 4 5 -4 6 (to Skt -dri- m aking b urst); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II Saggi 116, 118; F r is k II 1 1 0 7 -1 1 0 8 ; HULD 148 (from IE ABEJ St. 1 1 1 6 (ex p la in s -rr- by ex p r e ssiv e gem in a tio n ), E 206; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 147; FLH V III/ 1-2 39 (on P A lb K o r t l a n d t SSGL X 220; D e m ir a j AE 1 3 1 -1 3 2 .
d et m, pi. dete s e a . F rom P A lb *deubeta d ep th based on d e e p ( J o k l Studien 1 4 -1 5 ). In term ed ia ry sta g es o f tl d ev elop m en t are preserved in the uncontracted Italo-A lb dt in d ia lecta l fo rm s w ith a lo n g v o w e l - dt. P A lb *deubetc larly c lo s e to G m c *deupipo d ep th > M D u diepde, ML< depth. 0 BUGGE BB X V III 165 (co n n e cted w ith dal t M e y e r BB V III 187 (to Gk ti , n am e o f the sea-godde (reco n stru cts dejt < *delt to be com p ared w ith Gk 0 ^ ao< IV 54 (follow s BUGGE); RIBEZZO Riv. Indo-greco-italica X V I structs *dakti com p ared w ith Epir ^ a GdcXaaaa H es.)
62
ni
DETYRE DGJOJ
Dalmazia 102; a b e j St. 1118, Etim. Ill 209-210; P o k o r n y I 267268; ONIONS 258; OREL SBJa Lekiskol. 148-149 (Baltic toponymie par allels: Lith Duobyt, Latv Daublte); H u l d 50.
detyr f, pi. detyra duty, debt. Borrowing from Rom *debitra id. (M l KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 20; MEYER Wb. 66). The verb detoj ~ de tonj
reflects Rom *debitare. 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1047; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 111; M ih e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 122; ABEJ St. I 118-119 (derived from detors debtor), Etim. Ill 210211; L a n d i Lat. 39, 41, 82-83.
dboj aor. dbova to drive away . Other variants are zboj, xboj, eboj.
Related to boj (ABEJ St. I 119, Etim. Ill 212-214). 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 174 (borrowed from Rom *disbinare); MEYER Alb. St. IV 44 (agrees with BUGGE); JO K L/f XXXVII 119 (reconstructs *bhrei connect ed with bie); L a P ia n a St. Varia 23-24 (to IE *yei-); M a n n Language XXVIII 32 (to Gk Tixoco < *de-bhoii).
d frej aor. dfreva to enjoy oneself. Based on the recombination of
its antonym, shfrej, shufrej to suffer < Lat sufferre id., as a pr fixai formation in sh- (ABEJ Etim. Ill 214-215). 0 MEYER Wb. i l l (from Rom *disfrenare or *dfrenare); KRISTOFORIDHI 98 (to fryj).
d ftoj aor. dftova to show, to point . Borrowed from Rom 'indictate (MEYER Wb. 64-65, Alb. St. IV 41). CAMARDA I 64 (derives dftoj from IE *deic-); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2I 1054 (borrowed from Rom *doctre); JOKL RIEB II 65-67 (analyzes the verb as *d-ftoj, its root borrowed from MGk cpcoxico to shine, to illuminate); BARIHymje 63 (follows M e y e r ); Jo k l RIEB II 65-67 (based on *ftoj, to fo ti oil lam p); MlHESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 23; HAARMANN 122, 130; D l GIOVINE Gruppo -et- 16-24; ABEJ St. I 120 (to *f-tonj further related to Gk Gxyc to cover, Lat teg id.), ABEJ Etim. Ill 215-217 (from Lat digitare). d gjoj aor. dgjova to hear. Dialectal forms ndgoj and, particular
ly, dlgonj, diligonj reflect the obvious Latin source - intelligere to per ceive (M e y er Wb. 66-67).0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri21 1054; B a ri C ARSt 33-34 (related to Gk tKo to hear, Goth hausjan id.); ABEJ Etim. Ill 217-218.
DKOJ
DRMOJ
63
dkoj aor. dkova to hit, to strike. Borrowed from Lat indicere in its
specific meaning to impose, to inflict > * to inflict pain. 0 M e y e r Wb. 65 (from R om *dclere based on cleus bag, sack); G a z u l l i 19 (-koj to Gk xoj); P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V 5 39 -5 6 0 (agrees with M e y e r ); a b e j St. I 120-121 (connects dkoj with koj and mkoj); a b e j Etim. Ill 2 1 8 -2 0 0 (from *drkoj, to dark).
d lir aor. delira to clean, to cleanse, to deliver. The variant dliroj
is morphologically more regular. Continues Rom *deliberre and is connected with lir (CAMARDA 1 172; MEYER Wb. 247). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 538 (derived from lire); ABEJ Etim. Ill 221 (agrees with
P e d e r s e n ). d llin j f, pl. dllinja juniper. A more archaic variant dllnj seems
to reflect PAlb *daislanja (for the derivational structure cf. mllnj) related to dell < *daisl (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 5 9 ). Semantically, the juniper is described as a wiry, sinewy plant, cf. Russ mozzevelnik id. derived from Slav *mozgb brain, marrow, Lith mazgas knot. 0 M e y e r Wb. 65 (from Rom *cedrulanea or *cedrulina derived from cedrus cedar, juniper); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 9 -1 0 (to Lith dlis fog, Skt dhiili- dust and the like); JOKL LKUBA 1 9 1 -193 (same as VASMER); JAG: AfslPh VIII 6 5 4 -6 5 5 ; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 241; F r a e n k e l 4 2 6 -4 2 7 ; VASMER II 637; a b e j St. I 121 (related to dalt and dalloj), ABEJ Etim. Ill 222; DEMIRAJ AE 132.
d m ~ dam m. pi. dme ~ dame damage. Borrowed from Lat damnum
hurt, harm, damage. As to dnoj to condemn, to punish, it is an Italian loanword (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 20; M e y e r Wb. 6 0 ). 0 MEYERLBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1042, 1047, 1050; MlHESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 122; a b e j St. I 121, Etim. Ill 2 2 2 -2 2 4 ; L a n d i Lat.
4 8 , 9 4 , 115. d rgoj aor. drgova to send. Borrowed from Lat delegare id. with an irregular change of liquida (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 259). 0 C a m a r d a 1 67 (to Gk xp^co to run); M e y e r Wb. 65 (borrowing from
Lat dirigere to arrange, to lay straight); JOKL IF L 43; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 27; H a a r m a n n 122; a b e j Etim. Ill 226 (follows M e y e r ).
drm oj aor. drmova to cut into pieces, to plummet down. Borrowed from Lat *de rama re, cf. Rum drma to tear o ff (M e y e r Wb. 65, Alb.
64
DRRAS
Dl
St. IV 56). Note a derivative drm steep slope. 0 PUCARIU EWR 42; a b fj St. I 122 (reconstructs *dromoj and connects it with drome), Etim. Ill 227-229.
drras f, pl. drrasa board, stone plate. From PAlb *deratja based on IE *der- to tear, to split, see djerr (ClMOCHOWSKI LP III 158-161: to Slav *dbrati to tear). 0 CAMARDA II 143 (to dru ); MEYER Wb. 66 (from Ital terrazza terrace); MANN Language XXVIII 33 (to Gk xpa^); C im o c h o w s k i LP III 158-159; H e lb i g 70; a b e j Etim. Ill 230-231 (derived from rras flat stone). dshiroj aor. dshirova to wish. Borrowed from Lat desiderare to long
for, to desire (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 21; MEYER Wb. 6 5 ). As to the noun dshir desire, it seems to be a deverbative rather than a continuant of Lat dsderium id. ( a b e j St. I 123, Etim. Ill 2 3 3 ). 0 CAMARDA I 176 (wavers between the correct etymology and the comparison with dashur, participle of dua); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grund ri 2 1 1048, 1052; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 15; HAARMANN 122.
d sh m oj aor. dshmova to testify. Borrowed from Rom * testimoniare (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 66; MEYER Wb. 64). 0 ABEJ St. I 124, Etim.
see, cf. Skt dhyati, dhyayati to observe, to feel, to think, Av d(y)to see (MEYER Wb. 66, Alb. St. Ill 29; OREL FLH V III/1-2 46). Aorist dita and participle ditur ~ ditun are based on PAlb *dita, a formation in *-to-, cf. Skt part, dhyata- and dhlta-. 0 G lLFERDING Otn. 22 (to
DI DIKTOJ
65
Skt vid- to know); M EYER Alb. St. Ill 29; JOKL IF XXXVI 112, Sprache IX 128; T a g l i a v i n i 104; C i m o c h o w s k i LP II 240; P o k o r n y 243; M a y r h o f e r I I 45; H u l d 152; a b e j St. I 125 (reconstructs PAlb *din< IE *gen<>- to know), Etim. Ill 237-238; D e m i r a j AE 132-133 (di < *dhiH-m).
KZ XXXIII 43).
0 ABEJ
diell m, pi. diej sun. From PAlb *delwa, a tabooistic substitute of the original word for the sun based on a color adjective, cf. Skt hdri- pale, yellowish, Av zairi- id., Lat helvus yellowish, Lith zelvas id. 0 BOPP 513 n. 3 (to Skt diva by day); C a m a r d a I 123 (comparisons with Gk /aoc sun and, on the other hand, with ia.o- (pavep, a|in:p); M E Y E R Wb. 69 (links diell to dal or, alternatively, reconstructs *dheg h-lo-, cf. djeg); PEDERSEN BB XX 238 (to IE *suel- sun, cf. C A M A R D A ); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 103; M a n n Language XXVIII 36 (follows M EYER in reconstructing *dheg'hdlos)\ M AYRHOFER III 581; W a l d e - H o f m a n n I 639; P i s a n i Saggi 118 (to Gk azXaq light, shine); FRAENKEL 1297; ABEJ St. I 125-126 (to Or delirad shine, OE dealt bold, splendid, Arm delin green), Etim. Ill 241-242; H u l d 50-51 (accepts PE D E R SE N s etymology). dihas
aor. dihata to pant. Borrowed from Slav *dyxati to breathe, cf. in particular South Slavic forms: OCS dyxati, Bulg dixam, SCr diluiti ( M e y e r Wb. 67). 0 S v a n e 256; a b e j Etim. Ill 242.
dike f desire, lust. Continues PAlb *dk, a substantivized fem. adj. related to Lith dkas idle, empty, Slav *diki> wild. 0 FRAENKEL 95; T r u b a c e v SSJa V 29-30; A BEJ Etim. Ill 243 (borrowed from SCr dika pride). diktoj aor. diktova to discover, to find out. Borrowed from Rom *dcaptare. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 61 (from Lat dtegere); JO K L RIEB II 59-60
66
DIMR
DIMN
D iri.
DJAL
DJATHTR
67
(from Rom *dis-captre); ABEJ Etim. III 243-244 (unclear). dimr ~ HimSn m, pi. dmra ~ dimna w inter. From PAlb *deimena related
to IE *gheimen- id.: Skt heman loc. in w in te r, G k xe^cx w in te r and the like (G il ferding Otri:, M eyer Wh. 67, Alh. St. ID 18 ,6 4 ). 0 C a m a r d a
dien id.), Alb. St. Ill 26; PEDERSEN BB XX 230 (to -di in pernd), KZ XXXIV 546 (follows M e y e r ); Jo k l Studien 22; M l a d e n o v 1st. 216; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 103; O n io n s 923; Z a l iz n a k timologija 1964 190; M a y r h o fe r II 44-45; a b e j St. I 126-127, Etim. Ill 251-253; H u l d 51-52.
d jal m, pi. djem, djelm boy, youth. From PAlb *deia probably con
I 9 6 (to G k |xpo<; ra in , Lat imher id.); BUGGE BB XVIII 164; JOKL IF XXXVI 130, Sprache IX 123; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 103; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 3 3 3 , Kelt. Gr. I 66; L a PIANA Studi I 5 2 -5 3 (to tym); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 229; E r n o u t -M eil l e t 294; PORZIG Gliederung 190; PISANI Saggi 99; MANN Language XXVI 384 (erroneous com parison w ith O E tima tim e ); MAYRHOFER III 6 0 7 ; F r is k II 1 0 7 9 -1 0 8 1 ; A n t t il a Schw. 3 5 ,1 3 4 ; H a m p IF L X V I 5 2 -5 5 ; H u l d 51; O r e l Z/BAlk XXIII 146; JANSON Unt. 2 1-23; a bej Etim. Ill 245; D e m ir a j AE 133.
din (3 sg.) aor. diu to break (of the day). Also appears as reti, dihet
nected with Latv dels son, Lat film s id. as a derivative of IE *dheito suck (XYLANDER 317; ABEJ St. I 127-128). Note that the vocalism in Proto-Albanian is irregular so that a secondary transformation of the stem must be presumed. 0 M e y e r Wb. 60 (derives djal from dal). Alb. St. Ill 29; KRETSCHMER Gioita XIV 310-311 (to dal); JOKL IF X X X V I 115; OS t ir AArbSt. I 114 (to Gk xXi maiden); V a s m e r ZfslavPh III 269 (to Thr -Tf.|it); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 113-114; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 240; PISANI Saggi 121; H a m p S . Whatmough 78; HULD 52; O r el ZfBalk XXIII 143; a b e j Etim. III 255-258; DEMIRA i 1 ,rn ua) vjivL na- d a y , S la v +dbnb MEYER Wb. 6 8 (d e riv a tiv e o f dite); JOKL Studien 2 2 (a d rivt
MEYER Wb. 60, Alh St. V 73). 0 CAMARDA l 98 (con nection with Gk StdoXoc id.); T hum b IF XXVI 12-13 (from Gk SiaoXoc): M e y e r-L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1041, PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 535: JOKL LKUBA 20 (from G reek): H a a r m a n n 122; ABEJ Etim. ti> 258-259: L a n d i Lai. 75. 137-138.
Bulg dir'a : III 248. disht t. pi. i from Lat a Wortb. 123
djathe m/n, pl. djathra ~ djathna ch eese. A dim inutive in -the (C am aj Alb. Worth. 12 1) o f *djadh < PAlb *dedi-, the latter to be com pared with Skt dad hi 'sour milk and O Prus dudan m ilk, derivatives of *dhi- io suck' (JOKI, Studien 15-16, WuS XII 70). For the irreg ular developm ent of the root vowel cf. djal. 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 102, Stratificazione 147; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 240; TRAUTMANN APSpr. 316; PISANI Saggi 123; MAYRHOFER IT 15; POKORNY J 2 4 1; MANN Hist. Gr. 54, 91, 97 (from IE *ghesito-)\ Hamp Word IX 140, KZ LXXXIV 140-141; T o p o ro v PJa I 284-286; H u l d 52-53; a b e j Etim. Ill 259260; D e m ira j AE 135-136. djathte adj. rig h t'. Old A lbanian lexis preserve djath right (sid e) (B u z u k u ), thus showing that djathte is a relatively new form ation in -t based on PAlb *detsa (PEDERSEN KZ XXX VI 291; a b e St. 128129), The latter is etym ologically connected with IE *deks- right:: Ski
68
DJ E
D JE P
dksina-, G k e ^ i , L a t dexter a n d the like (M E Y E R Wb. 6 9 ) . O M e y e r Alb. St. I I 17, ill 13, 26; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 291, Kelt. Gr. I 36; ClM OCHOW SKI LP II 239; PISA N I Saggi 131; M AYRHO FER II 1011; W a l d e - H o f m a n n I 346-347; M a n n Language XXVI 383; F r i s k I 366-367; POK O RNY I 190; JUCQUOIS Le Muse'on LXXVIII 445 (pho netically impossible *deksto- with *-kst- reflected as Alb H AM P RESEE XIX/1 141-145 (reconstructs *deksino-)\ H u l d 53; ABEJ Etim. Ill 260-261 (to Lat decus beauty, decoration); DEM IRAJ AE 137-138.
dje adv. yesterday. From P A lb *de etymologically identical with Skt
hys id., Gk %0 id., Lat. heri id. and the like (CAMARDA I 96; MEYER Wb. 69, Alb. St. Ill 18, 63). 0 M e y e r Gr. Gr. 37, 345; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 333, Kelt. Gr. I 89; ]OKL LKUBA 26; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 103; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 292; M a y r h o f e r II 29; P is a n i Saggi 101; F r is k II 1097-1098; H a m p BSE LXVI 222; H u l d 53; abej Etim. Ili 261; P u h v e l Festschr. Hoenigswald 317; DEMIRAJ AL 138.
d jeg aor. dogja to burn. From PAlb *dega etymologically related to
IE *dheg to burn: Skt ddhati, Tokh AB tsak-, tsk-, Lit deg, dg hand the like (B O P P 5 0 8 ; G i l FERDING Otn. 2 2 ; M e y e r Wb. 6 9 , Alb. St. I l l 9 , 2 9 ) . 0 M EYER Gr. Gr. 2 7 5 ; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 3 2 3 - 3 2 4 , Kelt. Gr. I 1 0 8 ; TAG LIA V IN I Dalmazia 1 0 3 ; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 2 5 0 ; M a n n Language XXVI 3 8 2 , XXVIII 3 6 ; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 2 4 0 ; P i s a n i Saggi 1 2 5 ; F r a e n k e l 8 5 - 8 5 ; I v a n o v Slav. 1 2 9 ; H u l d 5 3 - 5 4 , KZ CVII 1 6 6 ; KLINGENSCHM ITT Mnch. St. Spr. X L 1 0 1 , 1 2 7 ; ABEJ Etim. I l l 2 6 1 2 6 2 ; D e m i r a j AE 1 3 8 - 1 3 9 . (G) d jem n pi. demons, devils. A lexicalized plural of djall similar to that of djal ~ djem (SKOK AArbSt I 220-221). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 20 (from Lat daemnem demon); MEYER Wb. 69 (same as MlKLOSICH - but the stress is placed differently); M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1043; THUMB IF X X V I 13 (borrowed from Gk aifiove id. - but the development of -ai- > -je- would be quite unique); JOKL LKUBA 18 (agrees with T h u m b ), IF X L IV 13 n. 1 (follows SKOK); V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. I 10-11 (borrowed from OCS demorrh id.); M ih e s c u RESEE IV /3-4 350 (follows T h u m b ); a b e j St. I 129 (repeats T h u m b s etymology), Etim. Ill 262-264; L a n d i Lat. 72, 83. djep m, pi. djepe, djepa cradle. Borrowed from Gk m beaker, goblet (C a m a r d a II 191). For the semantic development cf. E cradle ~ OHG
DJERS
nom s
69
kratto basket. 0 M e y e r Wb. 69-70 (related to Slav *zyb-hka id.), Alb. St. Ill 18, 36; PEnERSEN KZ XXXVI 333; Jo k l IF XXXVI 158-159, Melanges Pedersen 155 (reconstructs *ghoiibha thus slightly correct ing M e y e r ); B a r i H ym je 77; a b e j Sr. I 129-130 (from IE *dheubh~ *dheup-\ Gk rca is explained as an ancient Albanian loanword), Etim. Ill 264-265.
d jers f, pl. djers perspiration. Another variant is dirs. From PAlb
*widertj with the loss of the unstressed first syllable. Further related to Gk ipcib id. < *siiidrt-s, cf. also Latv svidri id., Lat sudor id. (PE DERSEN KZ XXXVI 288-290). 0 CAMARDA I 48, 96 (to Gk epon dew); MEYER Alb. St. I 81 (to Gk pco dew), Wb. 70 (to Gk 8<xkvco to bite); BUGGE BB XVIII 165 (to zjarr); J o k l Studien 92-93 (accepts P e d e r s e n s etymology); F r isk 1710-711; C h a n t r a in e 456; W a l d e H o f m a n n II 623-624; ABEJ Etim. Ill 265-266; HULD 148; KORTLANDT SSGL X 219; DEMIRAJ AE 139-140.
djerr aor. dora to destroy. From PAlb *dera or *derna related to Skt
drnti to burst, to tear, Gk pco to skin, Goth gatairan to tear and the like (MEYER Wb. 70, Alb. St. Ill 26). 0 JOKL Studien 8; FRISK I 368370; M a y r h o f e r II 59; F e is t Goth. 203.
djerr m, pi. djerre fallow lan d . From P A lb *dersa ety m o lo g ic a lly id en tical with Gk %poo dry land' (CAMARDA 196) < IE *ghersos. 0 R e st e l Ll RIL LXXXIX - XC 412 (sam e as CAMARDA); MEYER Wb. 70 (to djerr to destroy); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 325-326 (to bie to bear); La PIANA
St. Varia 21-23 (to var, vjerr); FRISK II 1089-1090; a b e j Etim. Ill 266268 (to bie to f a ll).
d ob t adj. weak. Derived from dob id. The latter is borrowed from
Slav *dob-h good, fine unattested in South Slavic where a more usual *dob>~h id. is widespread. Note dobi profit, use related to dob. 0 PISANI Saggi 129 (to Lat de bilis)', a bej St. I 131 (based on udob ), a b e j Etim. Ill 272-273; S v a n e 273.
d ob is aor. dobita to win. Borrowed from Slav *dobyti to acquire, to win (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 18; MEYER Wb. 70). The Albanian verb is semantically closer to SCr dobiti than to Bulg dobija. 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 178; OREL timologija 1983 136; SVANE 199-200; ABEJ
70
D O JK
D O R F,
dojk f, pl. dojka nurse. Borrowed from Slav *dojka id., cf. in par ticular South Slavic continuants: Bulg dojka, SCr dojka ( a b e j St. I 131, Etim. Ill 2 7 7 ). 0 S v a n e 190. doke f trad ition s. B o rro w ed from Gk S o k t ) o p in io n , v ie w , m ea n in g . 0 J o k l LKUBA 5 3 -5 6 (related to duket); a b e j St. 1 1 3 1 (a g re es w ith JOKL), Etim. Ill 2 7 7 -2 7 8 . dokrr f, pi. dokrra big bone, bone of arm or leg. Derived from *dok (for the formation pattern cf. kokrr), borrowed from Gk S o k o rafter, beam (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 260). 0 CAMARDA 1 85 (to Gk Kava a structure of two joined upright bars); M e y e r Wb. 70 (to Turk dogru direct); B a r iG ARSt I 8 (from *dorkr- composed of dor and krah); CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 119 (suffix -rr); ABEJ St. I 132 (an expressive form compared with dok little hand and the like). doline f, pi. dolina valley. Borrowed from Slav *dolina id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg dolina, SCr dolina. 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 106 (bor rowed from SCr dolina). dorbri f herd. A secondary phonetic transformation of *doberi derived from Slav *dobro property (VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 12-13). 0 M e y e r Wb. 71 (borrowed from Ital turba crow d); JOKL Studien 1 6 -1 7 , IF X X X V II 100 (a compound consisting of dor- < IE *ghuer- animal, beast and -beri compared with Lith brs crow d); BARIC AArbSt I 215; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 147; ABEJ St. I 133 (derived from *torbar based on torbe shepherds bag; knapsack), Etim. Ill 2 8 6 -2 8 7 . dor f, pi. duar ~ duer h an d . A sin g u la rized neut. p lural P A lb *dr < IE *ghesr- (PISANI Saggi 121; H a m p Anc. IE Dial. 115) rela ted to Gk Xep id., H itt kessar id., T okh A tsar- id., B sar- id., Arm jern id. (BOPP 492; M e y e r Wb. 72, Alb. St. Ill 18, 71). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. I 92 (to Gk rpov p a lm ); Gr. Gr. 81; JOKL LKUBA 90, IF XXXVI 132, XLIX 274; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 101, Stratificazione 88; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 230; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 295, 300; M a n n Language XXVIII 34 (from *ghard-s-); FRISK II 1082-1083; CHANTRAINE 305; PORZIG Gliederung 187; P is a n i Saggi 99, 121; P o k o r n y I 203; V a n W in d e k e n s I 521; H a m p Anc. IE 115; H u l d 54; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 40; a b e j Etim. Ill 288-291; S c h r u v e r BC 58; D e m ir a j AE 140.
DOSE
DRAG
71
dose f, pl. dosa pig, sow. From PAlb *d(i)tj, a derivative of IE *dh(i)~ to suckle ( LBERG apud D e m i r a j ; a b e j T 1 3 4 - 1 3 5 ) . 0 CAM A RDA II 2 0 3 (to Gk 0c jackal); J o k l Studien 17 (reconstructs IE *sijti further connected with *s- pig); Baric"' ARSt 1 6 - 7 (from *drgi related to derk < *dergo- as dark to dasm)', PEDERSEN KZ X X X V I I I 3 9 3 (to derk, dirk, from *drk4ay, VA SM ER Alb. Wortforsch. I 13 (borrowed j from Bulgaro-Turk do%s pig); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 1 0 0 (agrees with JOKL), Stratificazione 1 3 5 ; RIBEZZO RivAlb I 1 4 0 , II 1 4 4 (from *ghti, to Maced yo x v v); H U L D 1 4 8 (follows JOKL); ABEJ Etim. Ill 2 9 3 2 9 6 ; D e m i r a j AE 1 4 0 - 1 4 1 . dot part, o f irreal. A lexicalized sequence o f tw o particles, do and t (LAM BERTZ LP VII 9 2 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 7 2 (b orrow ed from Lat in tt)\ PED ERSEN BB XX 2 3 3 - 2 3 5 , KZ XXXVII 2 3 6 -2 3 8 (r e c o n str u c ts acc. *dhtim o f a d everb ative related to IE *dh- to p u t); M a n n Language XXVI 381; MlHESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 2 0 (from Lat ttum ); ABEJ St. I 135 (fo llo w s LAMBERTZ), Etim. Ill 2 9 6 -2 9 7 ; M a n n Comp. 129
(id en tical w ith Gk i]Ta); H a a r m a n n 154 (sa m e as M ih e s c u ). dra ~ dr f o il-ca k e, m elted butter. R eflects P A lb * draga (MEYER Wb. 7 2 -7 3 , Alb. St. I ll 2 9 , 37, 7 2 w ith b asic e ty m o lo g ic a l p a ra llels) w ith secon d ary n asalization in G eg and the lo ss o f (he co n so n a n t p reserv ed in the variant w ith a lo n g v o w e l dr. C lo se p a ra llels are foun d in G e r m anic (O N pi. dreggiar y e a s t) and in B altic: O P rus dragios y e a s t ( if not b o rrow ed from G erm a n ic), O L ith dragis id. ( if not from O ld P ru ssian ), Lett dial, dradzi sed im en t in m elted b u tter. C f. a lso S la v
dragfi f, pi. draga avalanche. Borrow ed from Slav *dorga ravine ( abej
72
DRAGUA
1>Ra (n )G U E
1)R I. ~
DRK
St. I 136) unattested in the meaning avalanche. 0 J o k l IF XLIII 4749 (reconstructs *d-ra-g and connects it with rash); SV A N E 81, 161; A B E J Etim. Ill 299-300. dragua - dra(n)gue m, pi. dragonj ~ drangoj dragon. Another variant is (T) drangua. It represents a borrowing from Rom *drancnem, a modification of Lat dracnem id. (M EY ER -L BK E Gr. Grundri 21 1 0 4 6 , 1 0 5 0 : also considers the possibility of borrowing from Italian). 0 STIER KZ X I 1 3 4 (borrowed from G k SpcxKcov id.); C a m a r d a I 8 2 (to G k paKcov id.); M EYER Alb. St. I 5 2 , Wb. 7 3 (directly from dracnem or from Ital dragone); MlHESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 2 2 ; HAARMANN 123; ABEJ Etim. Ill 3 0 0 - 3 0 2 (from Latin). drang m, pi. drangje barge-pole, punting-pole; young creature, cub. From PAlb *dranga further to be compared with ON drangr stone pillar, drengr thick trunk, Lith drnga perch, pole, Slav *drggi> ~ *drga
DREDH
O R E JT
73
(and also bug) ~ *bykati to roar, to bellow. 0 STIER KZ VII 1 6 0 (to Messap pev8o v 'Xacpov); SCHEFTELOWITZ BB XXVIII 2 9 7 (to Arm er in] heifer); CHARPENTIER KZ XL 4 3 2 ; V A SM E R ZfslavPh III 2 8 8 (to Thr Apvi); TAG LIAVINI Stratificazione 1 3 5 - 1 3 6 ; GEORGIEV Issle dovanija 1 2 0 (to a Thracian name Apvt); M AYRHOFER II 1 1 5 - 1 1 6 ; A BEJ Sr. I 1 3 6 - 1 3 7 (to OIr darn head, cf. G k icpa head - cpa horn ~ Lat cervus deer), Etim. Ill 3 0 5 - 3 0 7 ; DEM IRAJ AE 1 4 2 - 1 4 3 (from *d-ran- based on IE *UfHn ). dredh aor. drodha to turn, to rotate. From PAlb *dredza continuing IE *dregh- closely related to Arm darnam to turn, d a r}'curve, turn < IE *dfgh- (LlDN Arm. Studien 1 0 1 - 1 0 2 ) . Note a derivative of dredh - dridh to shake, to vibrate. As to dredhz straw berry, it is identical with dredhz cord, string derived from dredh. 0 CAMARDA I 74 (to Gk xpo) to flee); M eyer Wb. 74 (secondary connection between dredhz and dredh), Alb. St. Ill 18, 29, 72, IF V 181 (related to Gk ip^m
74
DREK DRINJ
drek f, pl. drek lunch, dinner, midday m eal. Connected with dark and reflecting PAlb *drika related to dark (M EYER Wb. 61) and reflect ing a zero-grade *drk close to Bret dibri lunch, OBret diprim to a eat (H A M P i4 c . IE Dial. 116). However, the development of *-i- > -e- remains unclear. 0 M EYER Gr. Gr. 245; PEDERSEN BB XX 231 (recon structs *dn>k"-)\ HlRT Ablaut 126; PORZIG Gliederung 178; CAM AJ Alb. Wortb. 114 (suffix -k)\ L e w t s - P e d e r s e n 314; HAMP KZ LXXVII 253; M a n n FL\ED6\ (zero grade in the root); A n t t i l a Schw. 29, 100; a b e j St. I 108, Etim. HI 315-316; H u l d 48-49; KDDERITZSH Festschr. Mac Eoin 62-63; D e m i r a j AE 144-145. dremis aor. dremita to slum ber. Borrowed from South Slav *dremiti
to doze, to slum ber, cf. Maced dremit, SCr dramiti. Cf. also a Slavic derivative in drmk nap. 0 M e y e r Wb. 65 (borrowed from Slav *drmati id.); POLK ZfBalk I 78 (from SCr drijemati); SvANE 253; ABEJ Etim. Ill 4 8 4 .
drenj f, pi. drenja quail. From PAlb *dranja, derivative from dre ~
dr ( a b e j Etim. Ill 3 1 6 ). 0 C a m a r d a II 159 (to G k xexpwv); M e y e r Wb. 7 4 (from Rom *tetraonem, cf. Lat tetranem heath-cock); SPITZER M RIW l 3 1 9 -3 2 0 (to dr a).
o f Lat drac d ra g o n (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 22; M e y e r Wb. 7 3). M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1043, 1051; JOKL IF XXX 291; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 246; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 107; M i h e s c u
RESEE I V /I -2 28; HAARMANN 123; ABEJ St. I 140, Etim. Ill 3 1 6 -3 1 7 (from Gk Spiccov); L a n d i Lat. 28, 112, 1 4 3 -1 4 5 .
healthy ~ *dervo tree and Lat rbustus healthy ~ robur oak. 0 MEILLET Etudes I 88; BENVENlSTE Word X 2 5 9 , Inst. I 108110 (semantic analysis of *dreu-); VASMER II 90; ABEJ St. I 140 (deriva tion based on B u lg or Maced dren cornel-cherry), Etim. Ill 31 8 .
drinj f, pi. d r i n j a brushwood. From PAlb * d r n j related to d r u and the Indo-European word for tree. JOKL/F XXXVI 101 n. 1 (from SCr d r i j e n cornel-cherry); a b e j E t i m . Ill 320-321 (from Slavic).
DRTTF,
DROKTH
75
drit f, pl. drita light, luster, pupil (of an eye). From *drikta based on IE *derc- to look and, in particular, close to OE torht bright, OHG zoraht (M E Y E R Wb. 7 4 , Alb. Sr. Ill 2 7 , 4 3 ) . 0 BR U G M A N N 1 3 1 ; JOKL Studien 5 3 , Reallex. Vorgesch. I 9 0 , Sprache IX 1 2 0 ; PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 4 2 ; M a n n Language XXVIII 3 3 ; PORZIG Gliederung 1 4 9 ; POKORNY 1 2 1 3 ; C h a n t r a i n e 2 6 5 ; l b e r g Festschr. Pisani I I 6 8 8 ; a b e j St. I 1 4 0 - 1 4 1 (to Lith zeriii, zerti to shine, Slav *zbreti to see and the like), Etim. Ill 3 2 2 - 3 2 3 ; H u l d 5 5 ; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 1 4 8 ; D e m i r a j AE 1 4 5 . drith m /n, pl. drithra ~ drithna grain. From PAlb *dritsa etymologically connected with Lat hordeum barley, O H G gersta id. < IE *ghrzd- (JOKL IF XXX 302). In Albanian, the development of the voiced Indo-Euro pean cluster seems to be surprising. 0 HOLTHAUSEN AEW 351; SPITZER MRIW I 335 (from *ghrsuo-)\ TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 108; W a l d e HOFMANN I 656-657; MANN Language XXVIII 40; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 299; PISANI Saggi 118; P o r z i g Gliederung 209; C h a n t r a i n e 583; POKORNY I 446; SGGJa I 88; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 123; LBERG Festschr. Pisani II 685; HAMP KZ LXXVI 277; A B E J BUShT X V / 3 57 (to IE *der- to tear), Etim. Ill 323-325; H u ld 55-56; RASMUSSEN Morph. 91; D e m ir a j AE 145-146.
driz (', pi. driza blackthorn, sloe. From PAlb *dridzj etymologically
connected with IE *dergh- to hold, to be firm : Skt drhyati to be firm , Slav *dbrzati to hold < *dwzjati and, in particular, *dbrza > Russ dereza kind of thorny plant (with a secondary polnoglasie), see K a lu Z S K A J A Antic, balk. 3 27. 0 M e y e r Wb. 75 (related to dru); J o k l IF XXXVI 101, LKUBA 248 (suffix -z); M AYRHO FER II 61-62; VA SM ER I 502; M a n n Hist. gr. 34 (to OIr driss blackthorn); TRUBACEV SSJa V 231; H a m p KZ LXXVI 275; O r e l FLH V III/1-2 38; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t apud D e m i r a j (to Gk pio bush); a b e j Etim. Ill 325-326 (to drith); D e m i r a j AE 146.
drobis
aor. drobita to tire . Borrowed from Slav *drobiti to break, to crush in an otherwise unattested meaning (DESNICKAJA Slav. zaim. 16). 0 ABEJ Etim. Ill 326-327 (from Maced dr obi); S v a n e 232.
drokth m, pi. droktha broom . A deminutive based on *drok probably borrowed from Slav *drok-b genista which, however, is not attested in South Slavic.
76
DROM G
DRUDHE
dromc f, pl. dromca crumb, bit. Borrowed from Slav *drobbnica trifle, small object, cf. in particular South Slavic forms: Maced drobnica trifle, Bulg drobnica pear-tree with small fruit, SCr drobnica particle (Ml KLOSICH Slav. Elemente 18; M e y e r Alb. St. I 82, Wb. 75). 0 .ABEJ St. I 142 (connects dromc with drudhe and IE *der- to tear or *dhreuto break), a b e j Etim. Ill 329-331. dru ~ dr m, pi. drunj, drur ~ drun tree; wood (f, pl. dru)'. From PAlb *druwa etymologically compared with Slav *drhvo wood, Skt druid., Av dru- id., Gk Sp tree, oak (BOPP 541; G il FERDING Otn. 22; CAMARDA I 76; M e y e r Wb. 75). The nasalization in Geg is secondary ( a b e j St. I 142-143) and, probably, influenced by the plural forms. The word was borrowed to Rum druete thick and short tree.O M e y e r Alb. St. I ll 27, 72, Gr. Gr. 232, 269; B r u g m a n n - D e l b r c k I I / 1 161 (borrowing from Slav *drbva); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIV 291, Kelt. Gr. I 144; JOKL IF XXXVI 100-102; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 109; MANN Language XVII 15 (from IE *drno-)\ MAYRHOFER II 36; FRISK I 421-422; PISANI Saggi 123; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 330; ROSETTI ILR I 276-277; H a m p KZ LXXVI 275 (original -stem), LB XXV 78 (collective *druu); A n t t il a Schw. 16; T r u b a c e v SSJa V 141-142; H u l d 56; a b e j Etim. I ll 332-334; D e m ir a j AE 146-147. draaj ~ druej aor. druajta, drojta, drova to be afraid. From PAlb *draunja derived from dre, droe fear < PAlb *drawa. T he noun is related to Latv druvas fear and, further, to Lith draudziu, drausti to forbid, to deter, to scare off. 0 CAMARDA I 73 (to Skt trdsati to be afraid, Gk ipc to flee in fright); MEYER Wb. 75 (etymologically connect ed with OHG droa threat but its anlaut continues IE *t-),Alb. St. Ill 24 (explains Alb d- from *en-t-); TREIMER MRIW I 371 (to Gk ToepaGoco to stir, to frighten); M a n n Language XXVI 382 (to Lith drov self-consciousness, awkwardness which is, in fact, a Germanic loanword); FRAENKEL 102; ROSETTI ILR I 276 (to Rum droaie band, gang; a lot); a b e j St. I 143-144 (to E dread), Etim. Ill 334-337. drudhe f, pi. drudhe cr u m b . A sin g u la rized plural o f *drudh. F rom P A lb *drudza related to Lith drhzgas sp lin ter, fra g m en t, driizti to b ecom e w ea k . 0 CAMARDA I 115 (to Gk Bpwruco to tear); MEYER Wb. 370 (to rrudh w rinkle); FRAENKEL 107; L a PIANA St. Varia 26 (derived from -rrudh related to rrjedh); M a n n Hist. Gr. 176 (to OIr druidim
DRUG E
DUA
DUE
77
to close); CAM AJ Alb. Wortb. 121 (suffix -dhe); SlR O K O V ZFL X X IV /1 14 (to Lith dirginti to puli); a b e j St. I 144 (connects drudhe with dromc and IE *dhreu- to break), Etim. Ill 231-233. drug f, pi. druga spindle, shuttle. Borrowed from SCr druga id. < Slav *drga ( M e y e r Wb. 75). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 171, 295; JOKL Slavia XIII 313-314 (from NGk Tpoya, poya thread); B a r i Hymje 74, 79; POLK ZfBalk I 81; ABEJ St. I 144, Etim. Ill 337-338; SV A N E 47, 81. drusht f, pi. drushta pole, mast. From PAlb *drusta further connected with dru. druth m wrath. A derivative in -th of droe, dre fear, cf. druaj ~ druenj. (G) dry m kind of lock, bolt. From PAlb *dr fina related to the IndoEuropean word for tree and, probably, referring to the strength of the lock, cf. Gk Spov- oxupv (B U G G E BB XVIII 1 6 5 ) . The closest formal parallels of PAlb *drna are Skt druna- bow , Iran *drnabow in Pers durna rainbow, Ossetic cerdyn ( H a m p KZ LXXVI 2 7 6 ) and Slav *drynr stick, pole. 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 165 (to OIr dron hard, h strong); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 1 0 9 (suggests Skt drna- wooden trough as an exact parallel); M ILLER Oss. 3 0 ; F r isk 1 4 1 9 ; M AYRHOFER II 7 8 ; ABEJ St. I 1 4 5 , Etim. Ill 3 3 9 - 3 4 1 ; T r u b a c e v VJa 1 9 7 5 / 1 1 3 5 , SSJa V 1 4 5 ; D e m i r a j AE 1 4 8 - 1 4 9 . drydht adj. easy to plane (of wood). Continues PAlb *drdza (with a secondary suffix -t) close to Slav *dry:gati, *druzgati to squeeze, to crush. 0 T r u b a c e v SSJa V 133, 145. dryshk m rust. From PAlb *drildz(i)ska derived from *drdza > drydh(t). 0 M e y e r Wb. 76 (explains the verb ndryshk to rust from Rom *inrussic based on russus rusty); H A A R M A N N 131; ABEJ St. I 372-373 (a prfixai derivative of IE *reudh- red ). dua ~ due aor. desha to love. From PAlb *dusna connected with IE *geus- to taste, cf. Skt jsati to be fond o f , Gk yV>o(tou and the like (JOKL/F XXXVII 101-102, LKUBA 127). The diphthongization of the root vowel into -ua- may be explained by the original long diphthong in Proto-Albanian *dausna (JOKL). The aorist goes back to PAlb *deusa.
78
DUAJ ~
DUE]
DUQ.
Rom. Elemente 2 0 (from Lat dbeo must); M e y e r Wb. Alb. St. Ill 1 7 , 6 1 , 9 0 ; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 3 3 3 , Kelt. Gr. I 8 0 ; P i s a n i Saggi 9 9 , 1 0 1 ; ClM OCHOW SKI LP II 2 3 0 ; L a P i a n a Studi I 4 9 51 (to Gk ojiat to lack, to miss); E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 2 8 6 ; M a y r h o f e r 1 4 4 1 ; FRISK I 3 0 2 ; POKORNY I 3 9 9 - 4 0 0 ; H u l d 1 4 4 ; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Verbum 1 5 1 , Mnch. St. Spr. XL 1 2 4 ; ABEJ Etim. Ill 1 7 3 - 1 7 5 ; OREL Sprache XXXI 2 8 0 , Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 1 {-sh- < *-s- in de sha < IE *geusrp according to the ruki rule); DEM IRAJ AE 1 4 9 .
O M lK LO SICH 76, du aj ~ d u ej pi. sheaf. Continues PAlb *dnja related to Skt dhna grain, cereals, dhnyd- grain, Lith dona bread. 0 M e y e r Wb. 7 8 , Alb. St. Ill 26, 86 (to Gk co to tie); JOKL Sprache IX 117; SCHMIDT KZ L 2 3 8 ; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 2 2 3 , 2 3 9 ; POKORNY 1 2 4 2 ; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 3 7 ; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 1 4 5 ; ABEJ Etim. Ill 3 4 1 - 3 4 2 (plural of dor); DEMIRAJ AE 1 4 9 - 1 5 0 (to Skt daman- band).
d u d f,
3 4 2 -3 4 3 ).
its widespread variant tuke seems to be more conservative. In Old Alban ian as well as in some dialects one also finds tue (BUZUKU) and tu ( B o g d a n i ) . All these particles reflect compounds of tu (for the ety mology see ktu) and ke (identical with ku) or e (PED ER SEN Alb. Texte 1 2 0 ) . 0 a b e j St. I 1 4 6 - 1 4 7 (from tuke where e is a proclitic pronoun), Etim. Ill 3 4 9 - 3 5 2 .
r e f i, to appear, to be visible. Borrowed from MGk or NGk o k e to seem, to appear. 0 C a m a r d a 1 5 3 (to Gk o k c o to see, to observe); M e y e r Wb. 7 6 - 7 7 (follows CAMARDA and, alternatively, compares duket with Goth pugkjan to think); THUMB IF X X V 1 2 (against comparisons with Gk o k c o ) ; JOKL Studien 18 (to Lith zvk light, Lat fa x torch and the like), LKUBA 5 3 - 5 5 ; PISANI Saggi 1 1 8 ; a b e j Etim. Ill 3 5 2 -
duket
354. d u q m. pi. duqe bung; cock (of a gun). Borrowed from Lat ducem appear ing in similar meanings in several Romance languages ( abej St. I 1 4 8 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 7 7 (from Lat ductus connection, *canal); M ih e s c u RESEE I V / 1 - 2 2 2 ; H a a r m a n n 1 2 3 ; a b e j Etim. Ill 3 5 9 ; L a n d i Lat. 8 3, 112.
DUROJ
DYNU
79
duroj
aor.
( G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 25; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 23; M e y e r Wb. 77). N o te , h o w e v er , that the reflex o f Lat -ft- is irregular. 0 MEYER-LBKE
Gr. Grundri 2 1 1049; MlHESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 15; HAARMANN 123; ABEJ St. I 148 (from Ital durare), Etim. Ill 3 6 1 -3 6 2 . dushk m, pi. dushqe oak. Another variant of this word is drushk. It continues PAlb *druska, a derivative of dru (DIEFENBACH I 49; M e y e r Wb. 77). 0 C a m a r d a 1 50 (to Gk t^ov bow); Jo k l LKUBA 166, Vox Rom. VIII 151-152 (from Alpine Illyrian substratum); SKOK ZfromPh XLVIII 411, AG lt XXIV 19 (from Rom *drusculum)\ S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 254 (to Raeto-Rom dasa branch of a conifer); PISANI KZ LXXI 62-63 (to Lat dmus smoke < *dus-mos and OHG zsach bushes); CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 117; ABEJSY. I 148-149 (follows M e y e r ), Etim. Ill 363-365; DEMIRAJ AE 148, 150-151.
dy num. two. From PAlb *duwo, fem. *duwai with a contraction similar to that of qytet and gryk. Further parallels are reflexes of IE *d(u)u(u), fem . *d(uiuaL ^Ropp 511: C a m a r d a I 53: M e y e r Alb. St. II 2 7 , III 2 6 , IV 4 6 ). MEYER Wb. 78 (th in ks ot it i *d ana com p a res with Lith d); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 282 (from IE *duoie); SKOK AArbSt II 307 (from *dui); L a PIANA St. Varia 35 (from *duui > *dui); TAGLI AVINI Dalmazia 109; M a n n Language XXVIII 32; ABEJ St. I 149-150 (reco n stru cts *dui-), Etim. Ill 366-369; HULD 56-57 (co m p a res fem . dy: w ith S lav *di>ve); HAMP Numerals 905-906; DEMIRAJ AE 151-152. i dyll m/n wax. From PAlb *dilla related to Gk x "u juice ( M E Y E R Wb. 78, Alb. St. Ill 18, 76 but reconstructing *gh-dlo-). Both forms, going back to IE *gheu- to pour, appear to reflect *ghu-slo- with a compensatory lengthening. 0 JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 88 (to IE *dheu- to flow), Sprache IX 154; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 334; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 110 (follows M e y e r ); L a P i a n a Studi 1 54-55 (to Gk od burning wood); P IS A N I Saggi 118 (reconstructs *ghlo-); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 230; B a r i Hymje 36; F risk 1123-1124; POLK Orbis XVI 132-133 (same as L a PIANA); ABEJ St. I 150-151 (com pares dyll with IE *ghel- yellow), Etim. Ill 371-373 (to Gk G)oc burning offering); HULD 57, KZ XC 181; LlUKKONEN SSF X 58 (identical with Slav part. *davih, pressing, squeezing); DEMIRAJ AE 152. dynd aor. dynda to shake. An onomatopoeia. Note a deverbative dyn-
80
D Y S JI
DHE
dalle flo o d , in u n d ation . 0 ABEJ St. I 150 (a variant o f (lend), Etim. Ill 3 7 3 -3 7 5 .
d ysh m, pi. dysha two, pair. A derivative based on dy (MEYER Wb. 78)
and reflecting PAlb *dwis identical with Skt dvfh twice, Gk i id., Lat bis id. 0 M a y r h o f e r II 86; F r is k I 398-399; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 107; ABEJ Etim. Ill 376-377.
Dh
dhall ~ dhallt f b u tterm ilk . From P A lb *dzala related to Gk yXa,
gen . yocKxo m ilk (MEYER Wb. 83). A pp arently, the A lbanian form is the result o f a d eep m orp h ological transform ation as far as Gk yaXa co n tin u es *yXaKx. N o te that p h o n etica lly *dzal < *ghkt- is sim ilar to *ara b e a r < *rkto- (cf. ari). R um zar is an A lb anian lo a n w o rd . 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 334; JOKL LKUBA 273 (follow s MEYER), Sprache
IX 153 (to dele); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 147-148; M a n n Language XVII 17 (recon stru cts *galakto-); LA PIANA Vocale 33 (from *dlagos); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 228; PISANI Saggi 118; F r is k I 2 8 3 -2 8 4 ; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 354; ROSETTI ILR I 283; RUSSU Etnogeneza 4 1 9 -4 2 1 ; REICHENKRON Dakische 170 (substratum w ord); Hamp KZ LXXVI 27 6 2 7 7 (reco n stru cts *golH-); LBERG Festschr. Pisani II 686; HULD 57; K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 41 (to dele); D e m ir a j AE 1 5 3 -1 5 4 (to Skt jalaw a te r ).
dhe m/f/n, pi. dhera ~ dhena earth, land. From PAlb *dz reflecting IE *dhghm earth: Hitt tekan, Tokh A tkam, B kem, Skt ksam-, G k X (M e y e r Wb. 83, Alb. St. Ill 18). 0 G i l f e r d in g Otn. 22 (to Gk 0C V yri earth, rj id.); CAMARDA I 46 (same as G i l ' f e r d in g ); M e y e r Wb. 83 (does not exclude the connection with yfj); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 334, Kelt. Gr. I 89; J o k l IF XXXVI 135-136; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 170; SCHMIDT KZ L 237-238 (equal to Arm *ti earth); MANN Lan guage XXVI 382-383 (follows C a m a r d a ); L a P ia n a Vocale 32; P i s a n i Saggi 101; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 228, ABS III 37-40; MAYRHOFER I 288-289; F ris k II 1098-1099; POKORNY I 414-415; H a m p Minos IX 199 (different anlauts of dje and dhe make the connection with *dhghm less probable), FLH IV 137, KZ CI1I 289-292 (from IE *dhegHo-); V a n W in d e k e n s 1 506-507; S c h in d l e r Sprache XIII 200; H u l d 58
DHEL
D H E M JE
81
(dhe < *dhoigho-, to Gk xoxo wall); OREL Balcanica 110-112, Koll. Idg. Ges. 357; ABEJ apud DEMIRAJ (to the first component of Ati-ht)tt|p); D e m ir a j AE 155-156. dhel aor. dhela to fondle, to caress, to flatter . Metathesis of ledh (ABEJ St. I 151). Note that its derivatives dhelatoj id. and dhelatar only son also have their counterparts in unmetathesized ledhatoj and ledhatar. 0 M e y e r Wb. 84 (treats dhelatar as a borrowing from Ital diletto delight, pleasure); TAG LIAVINI Stratificazione 114-115. dhelpr ~ dhelpn
f, pl.
45) from *welpin, a d erivative co n n ected w ith Lith vilpiss w ild ca t (STIER KZ XI 143-144; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 15) and, further, w ith other irregular form s: L at volps f o x , Gk ,(7tr|; id. and the lik e. T h e d ev elo p m en t o f *welpin to *dze!pina c o u ld be in flu en ced by dhel or by dhe. 0 CAMARDA I 96 (to G k ta o r , f o x ); BUGGE BB XVIII 165 (from Lat volps or a m odification o f CAMARDAs etym ology); M e y e r Alb. St. IV 16 (against BUGGE); lOKL LKUBA 297299 (to IE *ghel- y e llo w ); B aric1AArbSt. I 214; TAGLIAVINI Strati ficazione 136; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 229; FRAENKEL 1254; WALDEH o f m a n n II 830; F r isk I 83; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 119 (suffix -p-); abej St. VII 217, 268; DEMIRAJ AE 156 (to Gk yccAir) w e a s e l). dhemb aor. dhemba to ache. In Tosk also dhemb. From PAlb *dzemba etymologically identical with Skt jdmbhate to snap at, Lith zembiu, zembti to cut and Slav *zeb. *zebti to freeze, to feel cold (PEDERSEN KZ X X X V I 3 3 4 ) . 0 BO PP 4 6 0 (to Skt dam- to tam e); M EYER Wb. 8 4 8 5 (to Lat gem to sigh, to groan), Alb. St. I l l 1 6 , 6 4 ; TAG LIAVINI Dalmazia 1 7 3 - 1 7 4 ; F r a e n k e l 1 2 8 9 ; P o k o r n y I 3 6 9 ; M a y r h o f e r I 4 1 9 ; V a s m e r II 1 1 1 ; D e m i r a j AE 1 5 6 - 1 5 7 . dhemje f, pi, dhemje caterpillar. Another variant is vemje. Derivative of dhe ( M e y e r Wb. 84; lO K L IF XXXVI 136) that may be reconstructed as PAlb *dzmjd. 0 L i d n AfslPh XXVIII 33; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 335,Kelt. Gr. I 89; JOKL LKUBA 200; TAG LIAVINI Stratificazione 136; ClM OCHOW SKI LP II 228-229, IV 189-191 (to e|xe.a, 8e|i.ei<;SeMiou, Hes.); X H U V A N I BUShT XII 97-99 (analogical influence of dhjes and dhemb in the secondary form in dh-)\ a b e j St. II 276-277 (to ve egg); DEM IRAJ AE 157.
82
DHF.UT. -
DHNDR ~
D H A N D R
dheul f. pl. dheula an t. A recen t d eriv a tiv e in -l b ased on dheu, the d efin ite form o f dhe (ABEJ St. T 153). dhez aor. dheza to set on fire, to burn. From PAlb *dagja with a sandhial change of the initial *d-, cf. ndez id. Further connected with djeg. 0 MEYER Wb. 84 (separates dhez from djeg); JOKL LKUBA 333; ABEJ St. VII 200, 235; O r e l FLH V III/1-2 38. dhmb ~ dhamb m, pl. dhmb ~ dhamb tooth. From PAlb *dzamba, a dialectal Indo-European word for tooth shared by Albanian togeth er with Tokh A kam tooth, B keme id., Latv zuobs id., Slav *zbi, id. (M EY ER Wb. 83, Alb. St. Ill 16, 35, 64). T h e original meaning seems to be preserved in G k yjt(po peg, Skt jdmbha- bit, peg. 0 G lL FERDING Otn. 22 (to Skt dnta- tooth); M EYER Gr. Gr. 264; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 334; JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 89, Sprache IX 123; TA G LI AVINI Dalmazia 168, Stratificazione 88; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 228; M a n n Language XVII 19, XXVIII 33; PORZIG Gliederung 185; PISA N I Saggi 100, 128; FRISK I 319-321; FRAENKEL 1288-1289; M AYRHOFER I 419; V a n W i n d e k e n s I 186; H u l d 58; O r e l Sprache XXXI282, ZfBalk XXIII 143; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Roll. Idg. Ges. 225; DEM IRAJ AE 158. dhndr ~ dhandr m, pl. dhndur ~ dhandur bridegroom, son-inlaw. In the auslaut -rr is also possible. From PAlb *dzanra with a sec ondary epenthesis in *-nr- > -nd()r-, cf. ndrr. The plural form in -ur- is not clear. The word is etymologically identical with Skt jrdsuitor, Gk ya (ip p son-in-law, Lat gener id. (SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 247; M a n n Language X X V I 383, X X V III 33). PAlb *-an- seems to con tinue IE *-ema- or a similar cluster. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 30 (from Lat gener); M e y e r Wb. 85 (to Lith zntas son-in-law. Slav *zqtb id.), Alb. St. I ll 16, 24, Gr. Gr. 250; OKL LKUBA 46-48 (to Skt jmtarson-in-law, Av zrnatar- id.); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 114 (com bines M e y e r s and Jo k l s views); E r n o u t -M e il l e t 270; L a P ia n a Studi I 42 (reconstructs *genros); PISANI Saggi 130 (dhndr as a con tamination of Skt jmtar- and Lat gener son-in-law); FRISK I 287; C h a n t r a in e 209; M a y r h o f e r I 431 ; C im o c h o w sk i LP II 228 (from *genater); FRAENKEL ZfslavPh X X III 348 (-rr < *-urr influenced by vjehrr); FRISK I 287; A n t t il a Schw. 132-133 (from *genH-tr-); H u l d 58-59 (reconstructs IE *gomH-ter-); OREL 7.fBalk X X III 143; D e m ir a j AE 159-160.
D H I ---- DHJES
83
dhi f, pi dhi sh e -g o a t. F rom P A lb *aidzij co r re sp o n d in g to Gk a id. (CAMARDA 75 w h o also adduces L acon 8 ia- a, and A rm aye id.). T h e A lb an ian w ord m ay b e an an cien t ad jectiv e, c f. Gk a v y e(i)o o f a goat. 0 P o t t KZ IV 70; MEYER Wb. 85 (com pares with Skt ajd- g o a t, Lith ozs id. or w ith OHG ziga, L acon S i a- oui;), Alb. St. Ill 28, 37; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 320, 335; J o k l Festschr. Rozwadowski I 241, Sprache IX 149; T a g l i a v i n i Stratificazione 136; A c a r e a n HAB I 169170; B o n f a n t e R E IE II 61-63; P o r z i g Gliederung 181; P is a n i Saggi 122 (to OHG ziga)\ BARI Hymje 77; JOKL Symb. gramm. I 241 ; FRISK I 41-42; H a m p Laryngeals 140; H u l d 59 (supports P ISA N I); K a r u l i s LE V I 56 (to Lith oda skin, Latv cida id.), 94 (to Lith ozs goat, Latv zis id.); OREL FLH V ili/1-2 47, Koll. Idg. Ges. 358; KORTLANDT ArmIE 38; D e m i r a j AE 160. dhjam f, pl. dhjamra ~ dhjamna (animal) fat, lard, suet, tallow. The dialectal variant vjam, vjam is secondary. From PAlb *dzel-ma, related to dhall. 0 MEYER Wb. 86 (to Gk r|(i fat but how to explain the initial *d-l), Alb. St. Ill 28; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 15 (treats vjam as the original form); JOKL Sprache IX 153; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 241; C h a n t r a i n e 274; P o k o r n y I 175; P i s a n i Saggi 118 (follows M e y e r but does not explain the short * e vs. Gk -r|-); PORZIG Gliederung 126, 178; F r i s k I 381; C h a n t r a i n e 274; M a n n Hist. Gr. 55; H u l d 59-60; LBERG IBK XVII 47 (borrowed from Late Gk )j.a decoc tion, cooking); OREL ZfBalk XX III/1 74 (derivative of ve as Slav *sadlo fat goes back to *saditi to put, to place); DEM IRAJ AE 161. dhjes aor. dhjeva to d e fe c a te . F rom P A lb *dzetsa or *dzetja related to Skt hadati id., Gk xto id. (C a m a r d a I 96; MEYER Wb. 86, Alb. St. Ill 18, 27). A s far as n eith er *-ts- nor *~tj- co u ld co rresp o n d to IE *-d-, the resu lting form in A lbanian m ay be exp lain ed either by a taboo
tran sform ation or as a r e fle x o f a verb al form based on a p a rticip le *ghed-to-\ the latter w o u ld re g u la rly y ie ld *dzetsa. 0 MEYER Gr. Gr.
274; JOKL Studien 61; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 335, Kelt. Gr. I 160; L a P ia n a Studi I 55-56 (to Gk e a a d irt); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 172; P is a n i Saggi 117; C im o c h o w s k i LP II 237; F r is k I 1078-1079; C h a n t r a in e 1250; M a y r h o f e r III 573; K l in g e n sc h m it t Mnch. St. Spr. XL 109; ABEJ St. I 153-154 (to ON dr ita to d e fe c a te , E dirt, Slav *driskati ~ *dristati to d efeca te); ABEJ apud DEMIRAJ (to Lat foria d iarrh ea ); DEMIRAJ AE 161-162 (reco n stru cts *gh(e)de'tio-).
84
DHJF.T
OHUROJ
d hjet num . ten . A re la tiv ely recen t d eriv a tiv e in -t based on *dhjeth
<
S ra , Lat decerti and the like (BOPP 459-460; GlL'FERDING Otn. 21; M e y e r
n um erals from 11 to 19 w h ere *-d- is p reced ed by v o w e ls ( M e y e r LBKE Idg. Anz. II 184). 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 14, 28 (fro m *dekriti p h o n etica lly im p o s sib le as the sy lla b ic *-m- m ust be v o c a liz e d ); B l a n k e n s t e i n IF XXI 110-111; P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. 1 46, KZ XXXVI
284-285; JOKL Balkangerm. 131; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 172; MANN Lan guage XXVIII 33; P is a n i Saggi 106; SZEMERNYI Numerals 70-71, 112114; M a y r h o f e r II 26; F r is k I 359-360; W a ld e - H o f m a n n 1327-329; H u ld 60; K d d e r i t z s c h St. albanica X X /2 123-124; H am p Trends LVII 901-902, 916-917, Numerals 916-918; DEMIRAJ AE 162-163.
dhu n f, pl. dhun labor p ain s, sh am e, d isg r a c e . F rom P A lb *edunti or *adunti, further com p ared w ith Gk 8ijvr| labor p a in s, A rm erkn id. (O r e l LB XXVIII/4 51-52, AArmL VIII 17-19). T h ese fo rm s m ay be d eriv ed from *ed- to e a t (FRISK II 351). 0 CAMARDA I 160 (to Gk 8 v v o reproach , in su lt); MEYER Wb. 87 (co m p a res w ith der, dher b itter); JOKL Studien 19-20 (recon stru cts *dus-n- and lin k s it to Skt
dus- e v il, bad, d iffic u lt, dunti, (h e) b u rn s, Gk 8aio> to ligh t up, to k in d le); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 251-252; L a PIANA Studi I 63 f. (fo llo w s C a m a r d a ); A c a r e a n HAB II 64; P is a n i Saggi 118 (to Gk a io p jv r i, re con stru cts *ghun); MAYRHOFER II 49-50; POKORNY I 180; ABEJ BShkSh II/4 34 (to Lat fuscus dark b ro w n , St. I 154-155; LBERG IBK XIV 112 (to G erm dunkel d ark ); OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 350; JANSON Unt. 91-92; DEMIRAJ AE 163-164 (fo llo w s OREL).
dhuroj aor. dhurova ~ dhunova to make a present. Borrowed from Lat donare id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 22; MEYER Wb. 8 7 ). In Geg the form *dhunoj was replaced by Tosk dhuroj. The intervocalic Geg -nis, however, preserved in derivatives, such as dhurti ~ dhunti present, donation. Occasionally, the forms with the correct d- have been attested in dialects. Forms with initial dh- may reflect *addnre. 0 C a m a r d a I 4 3 (to Gk Sropoirai to make a present); JOKL LKUBA 300; MlHESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 123; a b e j St. I 155156; JANSON Unt. 4 9 -5 0 .
EDHE
85
E
e conj. and, also. From PAlb *(d) (OREL SBJa Leksikol. 145-146) going back to IE *d ~ *d, abl. sg. of the pronominal stem *e-/*o-, cf. Skt at then, and, Av at, at id., Lith and, but (if not borrowed from Slavic, S a d n i k - AlTZETM LLER Vgl. Wb. I 1-2), Slav *a and, but. 0 M EYER Wb. 93 (from Lat et and with an inexplicably preserved -1); M E Y E R -L B K E Grundr. rom. Phil. I 1057 (questions the Latin origin of e)\ PUCARIU Etym. Wb. I 565 (< Lat et); TAG LIA VIN I Dalmazia 111 (follows M e y e r ) ; F r a e n k e l 514; M a y r h o f e r 1 72; a b e j St. 1 156; M A N N Language XXVI 380; H A M P Bono homine donum 127-131 (e < *ioi); O REL Koll. Idg. Ges. 358; H U L D 60-61. ec(i) aor. eca to go, to run. Another variant is ec'j. From *etes < PAlb *aitatja based on a derivative in *-to- of IE *ei- to go (O R E L Festschr. Shevoroshkin 260). 0 CAM ARDA 195 (to Gk eifxi to go); M EYER Wb. 97 (from Rom *iti replacing it to go); B ariC ARSt. 118 (to erdha); JOKL apud ABEJ St. I 158 (related to hedh); ABEJ St. I 157158 (reconstructs *iti as a source). edh m, pi. edha he-goat. From PAlb *aidza connected with Gk die, goat, Arm aye id. ( T r e i m e r ZfRomPh XXXVIII 408; M A N N XXVI 381), cf. dhi. 0 M EYER Wb. 98 (borrowed from Lat haedus kid); M EYER-L BK E Gr. Grundri 21 1043; A c a r e a n HAB I 169-170; JAH UK IAN OA1 122; C i m o c h o w s k i LP IV 201; F r i s k I 41-42; C l a c k s o n LR 90; a b e j I 158 (to Skt ajd- goat, Lith ozs id.); H U L D 61. edhe conj. and, also. A sequence of enclitics e and dhe, with -dh- < *-d- in the intervocalic position. The first element e is identical with e and, also. As for dhe, it reflects PAlb *d < IE *d (in the inter vocalic position) as preserved in Slav *da and, so that. Note Slovene ada < Slav *a da, a full correspondence of edhe. The variant dhe is secondary ( a b e j St. I 151). The Geg form ende may be explained as a different compound including en- < IE *ani (cf. POK O RNY I 39) and de < PAlb *d. 0 M EYER Wb. 83 (derives dhe from Turk de and); a b e j St. I 158; OREL SBJa Leksikol. 146 (mistakenly derives edhe from IE *ge and compares it with Lith gi where there are no traces of a palatal); BenvenisTE . Balt. Ill 121 f. (pronominal sources of *d); H a m p St. Whatmough 78, Bono homine donum 127-131 (dhe < *gh
86
EGER
ELB
related to Lat hoc); OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 358; H u l d 60-61 (dhe < *ghoi compared with Lat huit). egr adj. wild. Borrowed from Gk aypio id. (VASM ER Alh. Wortforsch. I 1 5 ) . 0 G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 2 5 (from Lat agrestis); C A M A R D A I 2 8 , 3 6 (comparison with Gk ypio); M e y e r Wb. 9 4 (borrowed from Lat cer sharp, violent), Alb. St. I V 10; SC HU CH ARD T KZ X X 2 4 8 ; L A PIA N A Studi I 6 6 (follows C a m a r d a ) ; B A R ld ARSt. I 15 (reconstructs *n-g"oriliving in the mountains); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 1 1 1 - 1 1 2 (agrees with VASM ER); l b e r g Festschr. Pisani II 6 8 7 (from Indo-European); ABEJ
I 159.
egjll adv. on an empty stomach. A compound of a privative parti cle c- < PAlb *a- < IE *tj- and gjell; thus, egjll means without food ( P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. I 4 5 ) . See also esll. 0 M EYER Wb. 9 4 (connect ed with esll); ABEJ I 1 5 9 (to agull dawn, derivative of agoj). egjr f Lolium temulentunv. Borrowed from Lat ebria f. drunk, prob ably, influenced at some stage by egr. For the semantic development cf. the French name of the same plant ivraie < Lat ebrica (MEYER Wb. 94). 0 JOKL WuS XII 78-79 (privative e- followed by gjr soup which is compared with Lith sra millet; thus, the resulting meaning is not m illet > wild grass); ABEJ I 159-160 (identifies egjr with egr or, alternatively, follows JOKL but compares -gjr with grur). eh
aor.
( M e y e r Wb. 3 5 2 ) . 0 P o k o r n y 1 1 8 - 2 2 ; F r is k 1 5 2 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n
I 8. ehull m, pi. ehuj icicle. Derivative of eh (ClMOCHOWSKI LP ITI 191192). However, cf. a similarly looking akull. 0 ABEJ I 160 (compound consisting of the prefix e- and hell); M a n n Comp. 13 (related to Gk ocKU.o edible acorn). elb m. pl. elbra ~ elbna barley. From PAlb *albi identical with Gk a?u p i kind of grain ( C a m a r d a I 6 0 ; M e y e r Wb. 9 4 , Alb. St. Ill 3 6 ) . 0 VA SM ER Alb. Wortforsch. 1 6 (looks for Iranian and Altaic parallels to the Greek - Albanian isogloss); JOKL Festschr. Kretschmer 9 2 , Festschr. Rozwadowski I 2 3 5 (to Turk arpa); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 1 1 2 ; M a n n
EMR ~ EMN
END
87
Language XXVI 380, XXVIII 36; PORZIG Gliederung 178; PISANI Saggi 119; F r isk I 81; C h a n t r a in e 67; P o k o r n y I 29; B e r n a r d LB IX /2 86; HAMP Laryngeals 132; H u l d 61; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 146; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 44; DEMIRAJ AE 164-165. emr - emn m, pi. entra ~ emna n a m e . F rom P A lb *enmen- or *inmen-, ety m o lo g ica lly c lo se to O r ainm id., S lav *jhm id.. OPrus eni nes id. and, further, to other con tin u a tio n s o f IE *(o)noHm (G il f e r d ING Otn. 22; CAMARDA I 41; MEYER Wb. 9 4 ). 0 MEYER Gr. Gr. 114; PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 46; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 112 (reconstructs *enmen); FRAENKEL T III 4 8 4 (on the first sy lla b le in B a ltic); MANN Language XVII 21; P is a n i Saggi 132; P o k o r n y I 321; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 5; V e n d r y e s [A ] 3 6 -3 7 ; C h a n t r a in e 804; S z e m e r n y i Syncope 2 4 4 245; A nttila Schw. 126; V a il l a n t G r comp. 1 96; H u l d 61-62; lberg Unt. 79; HAMP AlON-L II 1 8 5 -1 9 0 , Laryngeals 138; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 68; B e e k e s Sprache XXXIII 5, Lar. 102; a b e j St. VII 272; JANSON Unt. 2 3 -2 6 ; TRUBACEV SSJa VIII 2 2 7 -2 2 8 ; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 44; OREL Z a lk XXIII 146; DEMIRAJ AE 165. emt f, pi. emta au n t. B o r r o w e d from Lat amita paternal au n t (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 2; MEYER Wb. 94). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1042; TAGLIAVINI Origini 189; M a n n Language XVII 23; H a m p St. Whatmough 82; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 12; HAARMAN 110; L a n d i Lat. 47-48, 129. end m pollen. From PAlb *anda etymologically connected with Skt dndhas- herb, Gk vo flow er (CAMARDA I 55; MEYER BB VIII 184). Note a denominative verb end to blossom < PAlb *anda. 0 M ey er Wb. 9 4 (to ej)\ SCHMIDT KZ LVII 3 0 (to O H G anado w rath); M a n n Language XVII 2 0 -2 1 (to G k axto^iai), XXVI 380; F r is k I 1 0 8 -1 0 9 ; C h a n t r a in e 136; M a y r h o f e r I 36; K l in g e n s c h m it t Verbum 113; HAMP Laryngeals 141 (to Arm and field); OREL Z a lk XXIII 147; K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 44; ABEJ I 160-161 (borrowed from or related to Gk avGo); DEMIRAJ AE 166. end aor. enda to weave. From PAlb *enda, a secondary formation based on an unattested noun *anda weaving tool related to Lith idasvessel, Latv endas part of sledge, Slav *da fishing rod - all of these reflect ing *en-dhe- instrument, something applied with various vocaliza-
88
END
ENJTE
tio n s o f the p refix . 0 M e y e r Wb. 95 (related to vej). Alb. St. I ll 2 4 (to Gk a iT o jia i); M a n n Language XVII 21; F r a e n k e l 92; V a s m e r IV 148; D e m ir a j AE 1 6 6 -1 6 7 .
end aor. enda to lay eggs (of flies). Etymologically identical with end to blossom. endem reti to r o a m . M eta p h o rica lly u sed end to w e a v e .0 ABEJ St. II 161 (to Illyr a v iv o 7tEpirca'Co); DEMIRAJ AE 167 (to D or evG ev
to c o m e but it is a d ia lecta l form o f *A,0ev).
en f, pl. en vessel. Singularized plural of an id., see an. eng m deaf and dumb. From PAlb *anga etymologically related to Lith angiis sluggish, lazy, idle, e'ngti to strangle, Latv gt to wear off, to languish. 0 FRAENKEL 10; M a n n Comp. 25 (to Goth aggwus narrow and the like). engjll m, pl. engjj a n g el. B orro w ed from Lat angelus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 2; MEYER Wb. 9 5 ). 0 CAMARDA I 13 (to Gk rr/yeo id.); M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1042; MlHESCU RESEE IV / 1 2 12; H a a r m a n 110; L a n d i Lat. 4 7 -4 8 , 117. enj f juniper, yew. Another variant is venj displaying a phoneti cally secondary initial v-. From PAlb *aignja related to the Indo-Euro pean, and in particular Germanic, word for oak: ON eik, OHG eih (O r e l Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 6 0 ). 0 ABEJ II 281 (to Lat acus needle, Lith astriis sharp). enj ~ j f, pl. enja ~ ja dairy goat. From PAlb *agnja connected with Gk <x|av iam b , Lat agnus id. (ABEJ I 162). 0 JoklLK U BA 237238 (to Gk o\)9ap udder and the like); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 148; F r is k I 93-94; P o k o r n y I 9; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 23; a b e j St. VII 187; JANSON Unt. 79-81. enjte f, pi. enjte Thursday. A morphologically more conservative form is outdated enjt, an adjective in -t. As other Albanian words of week days rendering Latin names, this words seems to translate Lat Iovis diem. If so, enj- must be an early Albanian equivalent of Jupiter. It con tinues PAlb *agni-, presumably, reflecting the archaic Indo-European
EPEM
ERR
89
word for fire (T r e im e r AArbSt I 32 ). For the phonetic development cf. enj. 0 M e y e r Wb. 9 5 (dunkel); OSTIR AArbSt II 31 or 2 8 2 (to Etr ais god!); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 112-1 1 3 ; M je d e apud a b e j I 162 (from Gk evr| the day after tom orrow ). epem refi, to bow down, to bend. Related to ap ~ jap, cf. Germ nachgeben to give way, to stretch (ABEJ I 1 6 2 -1 6 3 ). The variant hepem has a secondary h-.O R e s t e l l i RIL LXXXIX - XC 4 1 7 -4 1 8 (to Gk g k cx ^ curved, crooked). epr adj. upper. From PAlb *eupera, a secondary analogical ablaut variant of IE *uperos id.: Skt lipara- low er, Av upara- upper, Gk nepo id. (BA R I ARSt. I 1 7 -1 8 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 9 6 (derivative of IE *epi), Alb. St. Ill 86; FRISK II 9 6 6 -9 6 7 ; CHANTRAINE 357; MAYRHOFER I 105; HAMP Laryngeals 136 (to Goth iup); a b e j I 163 (prefix e- fol lowed by pr)\ DEMIRAJ AE 1 6 7 -1 6 8 . er f, pl. erra ~ erna wind. From Rom *er(a) based on Lat r a ir (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 3; MEYER Wb. 96: reconstruction of Rom *aira). The feminine form in Albanian may go back to an original pi. neut., the gender o f er being motivated by its meaning. 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1043, 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 113 (from Lat aer); M i h e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 12; a b e j St. I 165; H u l d 62. ergjnd ~ argjand m silv er. Borrow ed from Lat argentum id. (G i l f e r d in g Otn. 25; M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 3; M e y e r Wb. 15). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1044. ergjz m, pl. ergjz, ergjz young louse. Another variant is ergjiz. A derivative in -z based on arg id. attested in Italo-Albanian < PAlb *arga related to Arm orjil io u se and its more problematic cognates Skt liks nit, Lith erke tick (MEYER Wb. 15; BUGGE Beitrge 17). 0 PEDER SEN KZ XXXVI 99, 329; H e r m a n n KZ X L I 48; P isa n i Saggi 120; T a g l i A v in i Stratificazione 136; POKORNY I 335 ; A n t t il a Schw. 106; M a y r h o f e r III 100; F r a e n k e l 122; a b e j * . I 1 6 5 -1 6 6 (to IE *aksharp); KORTLANDT KZ XCIV 2 47; DEMIRAJ AE 81. err m darkness. From PAlb *ausra related, with a frequent change of meaning from morning dawn to evening dawn, to Lith ausr dawn, Gk co id. and the like. The verb err to keep smb. till late in the night
90
ESLL
ET
is a d en o m in a tiv e. 0 MEYER Wb. 9 6 -9 7 ; Alb. St. IV; Jo k l Studien 21 (to G k ep e o g d a rk n e ss o f the u n d e r w o r ld ); F r s k I 6 0 5 -6 0 6 ; FRAENKEL 27; a b e j St. I 1 6 6 -1 6 7 (a n a ly z es err as c o n sis tin g o f the p refix e- and a root id en tical w ith re c lo u d ).
esll adv. on an empty stomach. Another variant is esuli. A compound consisting of a privative e- < PAlb *a- < IE *n- and the root identi cal with siile (PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 45). 0 CAMARDA I 131 (to Gk aQXq courageous, brave); MEYER Wb. 97 (comparison with egjll)', ABEJ St. I 167 (agrees with PEDERSEN).
esh m, pl. esh h e d g e h o g . A b ack -form a tio n or a p h o n etic m utation o f the attested and, ob viou sly, m ore con servative variant eshk. T he latter re fle c ts P A lb *etska < *edz-k-a e ty m o lo g ic a lly related to Gk %vo id ., OHG igil id ., Lith ezs id ., S la v *ezb id. 0 STIER KZ XI 141 (b o r rowed from Slavic); MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 21; M e y e r Wb. 97 (follow s STIER); TRAUTMANN BSWb 73; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 199; FRAENKEL
118; K l u g e 324; F r is k 1 601; a b e j St. VII 266; T r u b a c e v SSJa VI 37; S v a n e 142. eshke f, pi. eshke kidney. Singularized plural of an earlier form *eshk continuing *aisk. The latter continues IE *oid-ska to be compared with Slav *ji,sto id. and O N eista testicle < *oidsto-, derived from IE *oidto swell (P e d e r s e n KZ XXXII 273). For the semantic development cf. Slav *pr btjbka kidney from IE *peu-t- to swell. As to Alb veshke, it is a contamination of eshke and veshje (OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 74). 0 M ey er Wb. 97 (to eshke)\ SCHEFTELOWITZ KZ LVI 209 f. (to Lat inguen groin); a b e j St. II 283-284; POKORNY I 774; T r u b a Ce v SSJa VIII 242-243.
eshk f fungus. Borrowed from Lat esca food, bait (MlKLOSICHRom.
ETHE
ND ~ ANDE
91
VINI Dalmazia 114; ClMOCHOWSKI LP III 161-163 (repeats C a m a r d a s etymology); F r a e n k e l 8; O a c m e p II 4 5 2 ; a b e j St. I 1 6 7 -1 6 8 (accepts M e y e r s view). eth e pi. fever. Singularized plural of *eth, a derivative in -th based on PAlb *aida. The latter is etymologically close to Skt edhas- fire wood, fuel, Gk a i0 o fire and the like (CAMARDA I 77; ClMOCHOWSKI LP III 1 6 2 -1 6 3 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 93 (to IE *eus- to burn); BARlC ARSt. I 112 (related to atht)', M a n n Language XXVI 381 (to Lat aestas)\ F r is k 1 37; M a y r h o f e r 1 128; P is a n i Saggi 120 (borrowing from Gk cciG burning); a b e j St. I 16 8 -1 6 9 (follows B a r i ); F r is k I 3 7 -38; H u l d 62; O r e l Z a lk XXIII 147; D e m ir a j AE 1 6 8 -1 6 9 .
Skt dniti to breathe, Goth us-anan to blow out and the like (MEYER Wb. 5, Alb. St. IV 67). 0 CAMARDA I 57 (to Gk oira, oico to swell, 111 (to Gk aio to blow); JOKL Studien 37; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 210 (follows M e y e r ); P o k o r n y I 39; M a y r h o f e r I 33; F e is t Goth. 538; H a m p Laryngeals 131; ABEJ St. I 171 (follows CAMARDA I 57); LBERG KZ LXXXVI 128; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 256-257; HULD 63; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 44 (repeats ABEJs etymology); DEMIRAJ AE 171172.
m b l ~ am bl adj. sweet. From PAlb *amla identical with Skt amldsour (T o m a s c h e k ZG 1875, 529). M e y e r Wb. 10 (agrees with TOMASCHEK); JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 69; M a y r h o fer 146; M a n n Language XVII 19 (reconstructs *amlos); ABEJ
St. 1 170 (to mjalt), V II230; D em iraj AE 169-170 (against T o m a sc h e k on semantic grounds; reconstructs *Hen-m(e)lit-).
n d - and f appetite, desire, wish. From PAlb *ant derived from *anja > j (M e y e r Wb. 5-6) and specifically close to Gk a v ra i - venoi, vr- rcvo, Hes. (DEMIRAJ AE 170). 0 Ba r i ARSt I 19 (reconstructs *hand < *khonti with further fantastic comparisons); ABEJ St. I 170171 (follows MEYER but, at the same time compares nd with Hitt anzadesire); MANN Comp. 21-22 (comparisons with non-existent Tokha-
92
v ony __ j..
(T) NDE
i> A 11-.
FAJK
FAJKUA ~
FAJKUE
FAR
93
f a i l n ia ~ fa iln u
I; M iklosich Rom. Elemente 24; M e y e r Wb. 98), 0 S tier iER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1046; Jo k l /F X X X V I137, HESCU RESEE IV/1 -2 22; HAARMANN 125; ABEJ St.
XVII 22; a b e j S. I 171 (to end). ndrr ~ andrr f, pl. ndrra ~ andrra 'dream , sleep. C o n tin u es PAlb *anrja with an epenthetic -d-. Identical with the Indo-European word for sleep *oner- (Gk ovap) ~ *onerio- (Gk veipov, ovetpo, Arm anurj), cf. C a m a r d a I 38; M e y e r Wb. 11, Alb. St. Ill 66. Note that the Alban ian feminine noun corresponds to the original Indo-European neuter and may go back to a singularized plural form. For the development of the cluster *-nr- cf. dhndr. 0 MEYER Gr. Gr. 101 ; BA R l ARSt 12 (to Gk e5ap0ov, aor. to sleep, Lat dormi to sleep); JOKL IF XXXVI 133, LKUBA 6; MANN Language XVII 19; PISANI Saggi 121; PORZIG Gliederung 179; FRISK II 393; CHANTRAINE 802; POKORNY 1779; A nttila Schw. 127; H a m p AION-L II/2 187; ABEJ St. VII 208, 230, Etim. IV apud D em iraj (to nder)\ H u l d 63; CLACKSON LR 236; O r el FLH V III/12 39 (on PAlb *-rj- > -rr), Koll. Idg. Ges. 350; DEMIRAJ AE 171 (to Skt nidra sleepiness, drowsiness, formally possible).
at. 143, 145. ive, to present, to offer, refi, to set (of the sun). From mologically connected with Gk c<pM.(o 'to overthrow > 0 MEYER Wb. 98 (borrowed from Slav *xvaliti to ) IV 61; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 192 (follows MEYER); I 15 (follows M e y e r ); BARI ARSt 24, Hymje 35 (repeats ymology); FRISK II 827-828; ABEJ St. I 173-174
RDA).
nuj godchild. Borrowed from Lat fam ulus servant, wise lost by Romance languages (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele5R Wb. 9 9 ). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 535; HAARMANN [ 174; L a n d i Lat. 137. ce, cheek. As many other feminines of this morphological 5to continue an earlier *faq. Borrowed from Lat facis lud HULD 63; G i l f e r d in g Otn. 26; CAMARDA I 338; . Elemente 24; MEYER Wb. 98). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. z H; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 124-125; > Lat. 83-85, 149-150. 1 ira seed, semen, kin. From PAlb *spara < IE *spora ed with Gk fem. O7 iop seed and further related to to sow: Gk aneipoj id., arcpiia semen, seed1 (BARI Language XVII 17, MANN XXVI 386-387; OREL SBJa As to fa r o f faros to destroy, to exterm inate, it is a ised on fare (ABEJ St. I 175). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. EleRWb. 100 (Germanic loanword, cf. Langob fara descenn ); B ARIC ARSt 24 (faroj from IE *spher- to kick with WINI Dalmazia 114 (follows M e y e r ), Origini 295; ; F r is k II 762-763; H u l d 62-63; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges.
mente 25; M ey 125; a b e j St. faj m, pt. faje gu ilt, sin . B o rro w ed from R om *fallia, d eriv a tiv e o f Lat fallere to d e c e iv e , to tr ic k (MEYER Wb. 9 8 , Alb. St. IV 16). 0 T r e im e r KZ L X V 9 6 (fro m IE *spel- to b rea k ); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri2 1 1050; MlHESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 22; HAARMANN 125; ABEI St. I 172; L a n d i Lat. 126. (G) fj aor. fana to fill, to cram, to surfeit. From PAlb *spanja related to Gmc *spannjan to tighten with a secondary expressive gemina tion (ON spenna and the like). 0 BARl ARSt I 22-23 (to Skt prnafuir and the like, with/- < *ph-)\ KLUGE 720; ABEJSt. I 172 (to dialec tal fe'ngem to eat much ). fajk t, pi.fajka side (of a ship). Borrowed from the Dalmatian reflex of Lat facies (ABEJ St. I 172 - 173). Note a derivative in fa j koj to polish. 0 C a m a r d a I I 7 0 (treats fajkoj as a variant o ffrkoj); MEYER Wb. 103 (follows C a m a r d a ) ; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 5 5 0 .
faqe t. pi.faqe fc
ty p e ,/i/i/e seem f a c e (R a s k aj MlKLOSICH Roi
352.
94
FARK
FFAIC
fark f. pi.farka smithy. Borrowed from hat fabrica workshop (M eyer Wb. 9 9 ). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1054; MlHESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 124; a b e j * . VII 280; L a n d i Lat. 9 4 , 111,
118.
fashqe f, pi.fashqe d iap er. A sin gu larized plural o f *fashq also attest ed as fash diaper, strip e. B o rro w ed from Lat fascia band, bandage' ( M e y e r Wb. 100). 0 MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 15; a b e j St. VII 184; H a a r m a n n 125; L a n d i La?. 120. fat m , pi fate fate; bridegroom, husband, friend. Borrowed from Lat ftum. Undoubtedly, fa t fate is identical with fa t fate (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 25; MEYER Wb. 100) - a widely attested metaphor, cf. Alb short fate; spouse, wife < Lat sorte(m) (ABEJ St. I 1 7 6 -1 7 7 ). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 21 1041; JOKL Studien 107, LKUBA 15 (fa t bridegroom borrowed from Goth *fadi- master, lord); BARI ARSt 2 4 -2 5 , Hymje 71 (arbitrary comparison with Skt sphayate (he) grows fat, increases); PUDIC IX Ling. Cong. 862; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1 -2 22; H a a r m a n n 125; O re l Koll. Idg. Ges. 358; L a n d i Lat. 109. fe f, pi.fe belief, religion. Borrowed from Lat fidem faith (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 26) as the long [] in fe reflects a contraction of the intermediate *fe (ABEJ St. I 177). The verb fejoj to betroth is a late derivative of fe (ABEJ St. I 178). 0 MEYER Wb. 101 (from Ital fe id.), 106-107 (f ejoj borrowed from Ital fidare to entrust); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri11 1045 (from Italian); MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 22; HAAR MANN 126; L a n d i Lat. 46, 133. feje pi. nostrils. A plural form offyell, normally appearing in a phrase fejet e hunds id. (ABEJ St. VII 224, 235). fel f, pi .fela honeycomb. Borrowed from Rom Sfavalia, cf. Ital fiale id. (M e y e r Wb. 101). The homonymous fe l piece, slice is, in fact, a phonetic variant of thel. 0 T r e im e r KZ LXV 98 (from IE *spel-)\ ABEJ S. VII 235. feme m sting (of insects). A phonetic variant of thimth, thimc (J O K L //X X IV VII 217). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. V 76 (to themboj to bore); T r e i m e r KZ LVI 98 (connects fem e with Lat spina thorn); T a g l i a v i n i Strat ificazione 8144; a b e j St. I 178 (to feme awl).
FEM R ~
FEMN
FNDYELL
95
w om an '. Borrowed from Lat f emina id. (C a m a r d a I 122; M ik l o s ic h w. Elemente 25; M e y e r Wb. 101). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1044, 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 115; M ih e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 126; JANSON Unt. 50.
fend hot. fenda to fart. From PAlb *spenda related to Skt spandale
to shiver', Gk acpaSco to shiver, to tremble. 0 F r isk II 825; POKORNY 1 989.
ferr
ferr f, pi. ferra thorn, thorny bush. From PAlb *sperna derived from
IE *sper- spear, stick: Lat sparus short spear, Gmc *speru- spear > ON spjr ( c f . OREL SBJa Leksikol. 1 4 7 ). Note a derivative / m / stalk, stem ( a b e j St. I 179). 0 M EYER Wb. 101 (to ther to cut), 102 (ferrei borrow ed from Lat ferula fennel-giant); JOKL LKUBA 217-218 (follows M E Y E R ); T r e i m e r KZ LXV 99 (to W ffern talus, malleolus, Lat spern to sever, to separate); M A N N Language XXVIII 37; W a l d e - H o f m a n n I I 568; P o k o r n y 1 990-991 ; Z a l i z n a k timologija 1 9 6 4 225. fiiig f ignominy, shame. A variant of this word seems to be flleg sloppy work. The verb flliq to make dirty also belongs here as a denominative. The form fllig is an irregular transformation of fdig tiredness, strain, w ork borrowed from Ital (Venetian) fadiga id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 102 (fdig < Venetian fadiga', flliq < Lat fornicem brothel); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 539; a b e j St. I 180 (to t heile). fmij m/f, p]. fm ij child, family, spouse. Borrowed from Lat fam ilia fam ily (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 24-25; M e y er Wb. 103). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 21 1045, 1047 (from Ital famiglia id.); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 120; M ih e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 15; a b e j St. VII 280; H a a r m a n n 125; H u l d 64; L a n d i Lat. 80, 108, 126. fndyell m, pi.fndyej awl. A derivative of fund. 0 CAMARDA I 201 (to Gk C(pv\)A,o cervical vertebra); M e y e r Wb. 103 (to Lat findere to cleave, to split); a b e j St. I 180 (related io feme).
96
FENG ~
FANG
(G) FIJAN
mente 25 ). 0 JOKL Balkangerm. 120-121 (fro m G oth waggs p a ra d ise < *meadow); PUDlC IX Ling. Cong. 862 (follows Jo k l ); ABEJ St. I 180-181 (agrees with MlKLOSICH).
(M lK
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 103). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grund
frkoj aoT.frkova to rub. Borrowed from Lat fricare id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 28; M e y e r Wb. 103). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri2 1 1050; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 260; a b e j St. V I I 198; M ih e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 127; H u l d 64.
fier m fern. From PAlb *spera or *sperna that may be somehow con
nected with other Indo-European words for fern (presumably based on the word for wing), e.g. Gmc *farnaz: OHG far(a)n. In any case, in the name of fern various irregular changes of taboo origin cannot be excluded. 0 B a r i C ARSt 25 (to Slav *paporotb id.); M a n n Language XXVIII 40 (to Gk Jtxpi id.); F r i s k II 611; M i h e s c u RESEE I V /12 22 (from Latin), 3-4 350 (from Gk Trxpi); a b e j St. VII 250; H a a r m a n n 126 (from Rom *filicaria). (G) fijan m , pi.fijan child to be baptized. A Geg church form of Rom *filianus (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 26; MEYER Wb. 104). 0 MEYERL b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1039; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 536; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 15; HAARMANN 126; a b e j St. I 183; L a n d i Lat. 75,
1 2 6 ,1 3 3 .
FIK
K1SHKLLOJ
97
fk m, p\.fiq fig. Borrowed from Lat ficus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele mente 26; M e y e r Wb. 104). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 1 I 1044; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 116; M ih e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 15; H a a r m a n n 126; L a n d i Lat. 113, 140. fik aor .fika to extinguish (of fire); to bring misfortune, to ruin, to destroy. From PAlb *speika related to Lith peikti to despise, to scold, pkti to be angry, Latv pelkt to be spoilt. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 2 6 (from Ital ficcare); TREIMER KZ LXV 100-101 (to Lat spTca point, top); F r a e n k e l 5 2 5 ; a b e j St. I 183-184 (to Swedish spink lean man, Norw spiken dry ). fill m, pi.fij.fije thread. Borrowed from L at filum id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 26; MEYER Wb. 104). The verb filloj to begin is derived from fill as it is clear from z fill to begin (CAMARDA I 76). Note that the morpheme -fish in dyfish twice, trifish thrice, appearing as -fijesh in Old Albanian ( B u d i , BOGDANI) goes back to abl. pi. of fill (K r is t o FORlDHi 427). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri21 1044, 1050, 1053; M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (to Gk cnuXo); MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 16; HAAR MANN 126; SlROKOV ZFL X X IV /1 14 (to OHG spll spear tip); ABEJ St. I 186 (accepts K r is t o f o r id h i s explanation of -fish), IV 9596; L a n d i Lat. 142. fink m, p i .fink finch. Recent borrowing from Germ Fink id. As to sfings id., it comes from NGk CJtiyyo id. 0 ABEJ St. I 185 (onomatopoeia or a cognate of Gmc *finkan ~ *finkjan finch). finj f, pi .finja soapwater, soap suds. Historically identical with thinj (ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 233). 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 166 (identical with hie); T r e im e r KZ LXV 101 (to OHG spi5 spit); a b e j St. I 185-186 (to SCr sinjav grey). fishkem ~ fyshkem refi, to wither, to fade. Based on the adjectivefishkt withering, dry. Goes back to PAlb *spiiska etymologically related to Lith piskas, pskas blister, fin, pim ple, Latv pusks tuft. 0 M e y e r Wb. 468 (together with its variant veshkem ~ vyshkem, to Lat vescus small, week, feeble); J O K L IF XLIV 35-38; F R A E N K E L 680; a b e j St. I 186 (related to fyell). fishklloj aor.fishkllova to whistle. Belongs to a group of phonetic
iKe. / \ n n ie se
112 ). 0
abej
98
'
FISHNJAR
FLAK
FLAM E
FLEG
99
187 (onomatopoeia).
fla m f cold (illness), epilepsy, cholera (of animals). Borrowed
variants such as vshlloj, fshlloj, frusMculiij ana me forms continue Rom *fistulre or *fisci re (M e y e r Wb. St. I 186 (onomatopoeia).
ariant is fu shictly an earlier cinici, deriva si. IV 60). 0 I 201 (on Old
from Lat nom. sg. flamen blowing, blast used metaphorically as Russ povetrie infection. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 27 (from Lat fiamma); M e y e r Wb. 107 (from Ital flemma phlegm); LA P ia n a Vocale 50 (related to flake); T r e im e r KZ LXV 101 (to Germ flink nimble, quick); ABEJ St. I 187-188; L a n d i Lat. 103, 135.
fla s not. fo la to speak. The present fla s is obviously a recent form a tion based on the lost *fal, and the verb belonged to a group with the quantitative ablaut in aorist (MEYER Wb. 106). Continues P A lb *psala, further related to fjal. 0 MEYER Wb. 106 (from Lat fbul to speak, cf. in particular Dalm faular); ANTTILA Schw. 100; MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 124; O r e l SBJa Leksikol. 146. fla sh k t adj. sluggish, lame. Phonetic development of *plashket con
njar, itself derived from fushnje id. The latter, or more ex and unattested *fushnje, was borrowed from Rom *fu tive of Lat fascina trident (MEYER Wb. 106, Alb. M ih e sc u RESEE IV /1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 127; a b e j Si Albanian fushqin id.).
fish njar m, pi.fishnjar m arten. Historically identica
with fishnjar
harpoon.
fja l f, pi .fja l w ord , sp ee ch , ta le'. F rom P A lb *spelei
etymological;tory, speech, e' (OREL SBJa irrowing from r. Grundri 21 (from *spelg, 3 I I 6 (follows VII 272; H a a r sp-'y, p o k o r n y
tinuing P A lb *plakska identical with L ith plksciasflat, Slav *ploski, id. and, in particular, Slav *plox~b flat, bad, evil, poor. 0 B r c k n e r 419; P o k o r n y I 831-832.
flatr f, pl.flatra wing. A singularized plural of flete. 0 abej Si. I
188 (elementary formation cognate with flet). 7, derived with MHG lecken lkt to spring, ER Wb. 107 (to ARSt I 251 (to J St. I 186-187 throw on the i of derivation
fle ~ fl aor.flet, fjeta to sleep. From PAlb *awa-leja etymologically connected with Slav *lj, *ljati to doze, to slumber (O rel FLH V III/12 46). 0 C a m a r d a I 108-109 (to Gk <pA 'to crush); M e y e r Wb. 107,dcto 108 (borrowing from Lat fio to blow, with insurmountable difficul ties in semantics), Alb. St. IV 67; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 544 f. (to Gk Kivco 'to lean, to bend with Alb f- < th- < *k-): BARld ARSt 21-22 (to *fell to blow); SCHMIDT KZ XLVI1 1 f. (from IE *bhlend-); TREIMER *Z L X V 103 (reconstructs IE *sphlend-); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 116H 7; G o r ' a c e v a timologija 1981 76; ABEJ S. I 188-189 (to Slav *lenh laziness, Lith lnas quiet). fle g f. pl. fleg splinter'. From PAlb *awa-laga, a prfixai derivative
OE spell id ., OHG spel, spell id. and A rm araspel fab Leksikol. 146-148; H u l d 64-65). 0 M e y e r Wb. 106 (bi Lat fabella fa b le , sh ort sto ry , ta le ); M e y e r -L b k e G 1044; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 252; T r e im e r KZ LXV 103 to Lat flagro to fla m e , to b la z e ); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazi M e y e r ), Origini 190; A c a r ea n HAB 1253-254; abej St. MANN 84-85; M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (on A lb /- < IE ! I 985; H a a r m a n n 124; L a n d i Lat. 50, 107.
fla k
O T . f l a k a to throw, to fling. From PAlb *awa-lak a prefix *awa- from IE *lek *bk- to bend, to jump to throw back, to spring, Lith leki, lkti to fly', Latv to jum p and the like (OREL Z a lk X X III/1 75). 0 M e Lat flaccus flabby, Ital fiaccare to weaken ); BARIC Gk 0 <pM.c to overthrow); F r a e n k e l 353-354; a b (from flak; semantically, cf. Ital dial, lampare to ground, to drop' ~ lampo lightning but the directio is opposite there).
sed on an unatI Rom *flacula ng f acula little a metathesized AJA Sravn. 231
of IE *legh- to lie' in 0-grade, cf. Gk Xxoq ambush. Derived from flege (as its singularized plural?) is flegr, fregali nostril, door-leaf, probably, reflecting a secondary influence of flet on its semantics.
tested *flakull. The latter is a borrowing from dialecti reflected in Ital fiaccola id., Rum flacr id. and replac torch. 0 M e y e r Wb. 107 (borrowed from Rom *flac from *facla < Lat facula); Pi s c a r iu EWR 53; DESNICI
100
I-1.1. I h
FLOSK
0 J O K L LKUBA 149 (to flug)-, F r i s k II 111-112; a b e j Sr. I 188 (ele mentary form ation cognate with fiele and flug), O r e l F O R T . 79 flet f, pi .flet' wing, le a f. From PAlb *awa-lekta, a prfixai deriva tive of IE *iek- to fly: Lith lekiit, lkti, Latv lekt, OHG lecken to jump, to kick. 0 C a m a r d a II 192 (to flutur); M e y e r Wb. 108 (borrowed from Ital foglietta little barrel); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri21 1049; TAGLI AVINI Dalmazia 117; SKOK AArbSt I 226 (borrowed from Lat fem. foliota leaved, leafy - but the cluster -li- [lj] would yield Alb -/'-); L a PIANA Studi 1 104 (to OHG blat leaf and the like); F r a e n k e l 353-354; a b e j St. I 189-190 (elementary formation). fli ~ fl f. pl./// ~ fl sacrifice. Identical with f eli, ferii kind of pastry (originally baked to celebrate baptism) and borrowed from Rom *firigittnum ( M e y e r Wb. 103). 0 J o k l Balkangerm. 121,/FX L IV 3032 (borrowed from MGk evXojia wafer, communion bread - but how to account for the Geg nasal?); a b e j St. I 179 (agrees with J o k l ). flojere f, pi. flojere flute. Known to all languages of the Carpathian and Balkan areas, this is a relatively late borrowing from Rum fluier id. continuing Lat adj. fltrlis blowing, cf. fltra blowing. Q C a m a r d a 1161 (comparison with Lat flare to blow); M ik l o s ic h Wander. 23 (to fryj)\ MEYER Wb. 108 (borrowed from Rom *flaturia; on the other hand, connected with fyellY, GlUGLEA Dacoromania III 587589 (borrowed from Gk *(pA.ouxpiov based on cpXoi bark); SKOK Glasnik SND II 302 (borrowed from Rum fluier < Rom *vivulellus)\ POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 341; ROSETTI ILR I 277; ABEJ St. I 190191 (to Geg/Zuer draw er); DEMIRAJ AE 172 (against ABEJ). flok m, pi.flo k h a ir. B o r ro w e d from Lat floccus lo c k , f lo c k (M l KLOSICH Rom, Elemente 27; M e y e r Wb. 1 0 8 -1 0 9 ). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1 045, 1054; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 1 1 6 -1 1 7 , Stratifi cazione 84; M ih e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 126; L a n d i Lat.
103, 139.
fiori ~ fior m, pi.florinj gold; (pl.) golden coins. Borrowed from MLat florlnus gold piece (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 27; MEYER Wb. 109). 0 H a a r m a n n 126; a b e j Si. I 191-192. flosk f layer (of snow). Borrowed from Slav *ploska unknown in
FLUG
l'O RTL
101
this meaning in South Slavic languages. Cf., however, Bulg fem. sg. ploska flat and SCr ploska flat vessel.
flu g m swing, zest, zeal. Continues P A l b *awa-luga that may be con
nected with IE *leug- to break (see flug) or wilh *leugh- to lie: Goth liugan, Slav *fegati. 0 M e y e r Wb. 109 (borrowed from NGk <pA,yo flam e); V a s m e r II 469; P O K O R N Y I 686-687; F e i s t Goth. 334; A B E J St. I 192 (elementary form ation).
flu g f, p i .fluga shingle. From PAlb *awa-luga, a prfixai derivative
of IE *leug-, cf. Skt rujdti to break, Lat lge to mourn, to deplore 0 JOKL LKUBA 146-150 (to luge); TR E IM E R KZ LXV 102 (to MUG splzen to split); M a y r h o f e r III 6 4 -6 5 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 8 3 0 -8 3 1 ; P o k o r n y I 686; a b e j St. I 192 (elementary form ation); D e m ir a j AE 1 7 2 -1 7 3 .
flutur f, pi.flutura butterfly. A back formation based on fluturoj to
fly. The latter is borrowed from Rom *fluctulre, a modification of Lat fluctuare to move in waves, to move to and fro (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 27; M e y e r Wb. 109). 0 CAMARDA II 192 (related to flete); M e ier Etym. 92; C a n d r e a -H e c h t Romania XXXI 310-311; ABF.J St. VII 244; Di GIOVINE Gruppo -ct- 33-39 (opposes the Latin etymolo gy); Io n e s c u LR 6 (1984) 476-479. flladis aor. flladita to cool. Borrowed from Slav *xolditi id., cf., in particular, SCr hladiti ( S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 193, 3 0 6 ). 0 S v a n e
175, 23 2 .
fort adj.
stro n g . B orrow ed from Lat fortis id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele mente 27; C a m a r d a 1 167). 0 M e y e r Wb. 110 (from Ital forte id.); M e y e r L b k e Gr. Grundri 21 1045 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 117; a b e j St. VII 281.
102
FO SH N J
FRE ~
FR
foshnj f, pi.foshnja infant. The Geg form is foslii. Both forms reflect an unattested *fosh that may result (irregularly as far as the anlaut is concerned) from *ftosh, the latter being a borrowing from Lat ftsus, to fetus offspring. 0 MEYER Wb. 100 (related to fashqe); B a r k M S 23-24 (to Skt phanas- foam); ABEJ St. VII 184. fqinj m/f, pi-fqinj n e ig h b o r . B o r ro w e d fro m R om *vcnius based on Lat vcuius id. (CAMARDA 1 92; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 71; M eyer Wb. 107). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1044, 1048; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 21; HAARMANN 157. fqoll f, pi.fqolla flax ready for spinning; first combings of flax. Another variant of this word is fjoll. Borrowed from MGk (paKiXri hand kerchief. napkin (M e y e r Wb. 107). 0 M ey er Wb. 106 (separates fjoll as a continuation of Rom *filetum)\ M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1045; M ih e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 125; a b e j S. 1 193. fraq m,pl.fraqra ~ fraqna 'biting cold, frost. Singularized form of the original *frak continuing PAlb *awa-raka, a prfixai formation ety mologically related to Lith raku, rkti to peck open, to lance, Latv rakt to dig. 0 JOKL Festschr. Rozwadowski I 248 (reconstructs * ve ra/:-/?- related to OIr diorain to sprinkle); SGGJa I 55; FRAENKEL 694; ABEJ St. I 193-194 (considers dialectal thrak in mot thrak cold period to be the older form and uses it to reconstruct *ther-ak, further to ther). frashr ~ frashn m, pi.frashra ~ frashna a sh -tr e e . B o r ro w e d from Lat frax inus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 111). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1048; M i h e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 16; a b e j S. VII 244; H a a r m a n n 127; J a n s o n Unt. 51; L a n d i Lat. 102, 124. frashuall ~ frashuell m haricot. Borrowed from Lat phaseolus kind of bean ( A B E J St. I 175) with a secondary epenthetic -r- ( M E Y E R L B K E Gr. Grundri21 1045). In Tosk the NGk cpcxooij/a id. was adapted as fasul. O H a a r m a n n 142; L a n d i Lat. 78, 85, 93. fre - fr m, pl.frer ~ frena, frenj bridle; grape-stalk; comb. Borrowed from Lat frcnum id. ( M lK L O S I C H Rom. Elemente 28; M E Y E R Wb. 111). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. G rundri2 1 1044; M i h e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 16;
(G)
FRU ER
FRYT
103
(G) fruer m February. Borrowed from Lat februrius id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 25; MEYER Wb. 109). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1043, 1054; M ih e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 125; a b e j St. I 194-195; La n d i Lat. 2 8 , 7 5 -7 6 , 127, 157. frushkull m, pl. frushkuj whip. A transform ation of the original *fushtull borrowed from Rom *fustulum, cf. Lat fustis knobbed stick, cudgel, club. The variant fshikull is explained by the influence of fshike. 0 M e y e r Wb. 112 (identifies this word with frushkull whistle); T R E IM E R KZ LV1 104 (connects frushkull with \V\ frusta whip); ABEJ St. I 195 (onomatopoeia), 199. frushkull f, pl. frushkulla whistle. Another variant is frushull. A radical phonetic transformation of the original Lat fistula pipe, tube (M e y e r Wb. 112). 0 a b e j St. I 195 (onomatopoeia). fruth - frth m measles. Deminutive or collective in -th based on PAlb *spruga related to Skt sphurjati to thunder, to rumble, Gk aipapayeopcxt to burst with a noise, Lith sprdgstu, sprgti to break, to crack up (M a n n Language XVII 13). 0 MEYER Wb. 154 (related to hurdhe), Alb. St. Ill 32; BARIC ARSt. I 29; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 242; FRAENKEL 882883; F r is k II 828; MAYRHOFER III 5 4 5 -5 4 6 ; TlCHY Onom. 1 7 7 -1 8 1 ; a b e j St. I 195 (f-ruth related to IE *reudh- red). fryj ~ fryj aor.fry va, fryjta ~ fryna to blow. Continues PAlb *sprgnja etymologically connected with Lith sprgstu, sprgti to escape, to get out, Slav *prygati to jump, to spring. The nounfrym breath is derived from fryj. 0 CAMARDA 1 1 12 (to Gk nvxo to blow); B a r i ARSt. I 26 (reconstructs *sphrgni, to Gk acpapayopai to burst with a noise); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 98; L a P ia n a Studi I 94; M a n n Language X V II15 (to Gk arcai pai), XXVIII 37; F r a e n k e l 883; a b e j St. 1 195196; VASMER III 390-391; H u l d 65. fryt m, pi.fryte fruit. Borrowed from Lat frctus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 112) through the intermediary stage of early Alb *frjt. 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1054; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 259; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 127; Di G io v in e Gruppo -ct- 39-41; LANDI Lat. 121, 148.
106
FU NI)
FU SH
Grundri21 1046; M ih e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 127; L a n d i Lat. 116, 139. fuqi f, pi.fu q i power, strength, force. If the intermediary form was *fujqi, it could be a borrowing based on Rom *fulcius, the latter derived from fu ta re to prop up, to support, to make strong (MEYER Wb. 114). 0 B A R l ARSt 25 (to Latv spks strength). furfur it aor. furfurita to sparkle, to shine. A descriptive stem. furk f, pi.furka distaff, fork. Borrowed from Lat furca fork (M l KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 28-29; M e y e r Wb. 114). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dal mazia 120, Origini 190, 239; ClMOCHOWSKI LP IV 190; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 16; ROHLFS Spr. 117; HAARMANN 127. fuir m, pl.furre oven. Another variant is /a rre . Borrowed from Lat furnus id. (M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 29; M e y e r Wb. 114). 0 M e y e r L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1049; MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 16; HAAR MANN 127; LANDI Lat. 114. furrik m, plfurriq, furriqe chicken-coop, fowl-pen, roost, nesting-box. Another variant of singular h fu rriq . The modern form furrik is a back formation based on the original furriq borrowed from Lat fornicem arch, vault. 0 MEYER Wb. 115 (uncertain comparison with /; /); JOKL AArhSl 1 39-41 (to far); a b e j St. I 201; L a n d i Lat. 112-114, 158. fus aor .futa to put in, to thrust in, to insert; to plant. From PAlb *sputja, a form with .v mobile etymologically related to Lat puto to trim, to prune, Tokh A, B putk- to divide. 0 CAMARDA I 132 (to Gk cpijonou to grow ); T r e im e r KZ LXV 107 (to Lith spdudyti to smooth with, to m ash); W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 393-394; V a n W in d e k e n s I 397. fush f, pl.fusha plain, open field, meadow. Borrowed from Lat fossa ditch, trench, gutter, also furrow , and originally describing an irri gated plot of land. Note that fushate campaign was formed already in Albanian, probably, as a caique of Ital campagna country, campaign. 0 M ey er Wb. 115 (borrowed from Lat fsum pouring, poured'); B aric
FYEJ
GABONJE
107
ARSt. I 23 (reco n stru cts *pjthuiaml)', TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 120-121; a b e j St. VIT 238, 277. fyej aor.feva to offend, to insult, to make a mistake. Identical with fe'jej to make a m istake derived from fa j ( a b e j St. I 201). fyell ~ fyll m, pl. fyej, fej, fyje flute. Goes back to PAlb *spali- ety mologically related to Gk aJuiXaiov cave, cavern < * hollow. 0 M ey er Wb. 108 {to flojere), Alb. St. V 76; BARltMSf I 21-22 (to Gk (pDoco to blow, Lat pustula bubble, blister1 T relmer KZ LXV 103 (to Lith ); plis rush, reed); SKOK Glasnik SNDII 297-299 (borrowed from Rom *vivula viola); F r is k II 765-766; ABEJ St. I 201-202 (from IE *spelto split). fyl adj. hollow. Akin to fyell (ABEJ St. I 202-203). Note fyk hollow, stupid and fyrb hollow < *fyl be derived from fyl. It is possible that fysht thoroughly baked (of bread) and fyshtr Forsythia also belong here (ibid.). fyt m throat, gullet. F rom PAlb *spta etymologically related to Lat spuO to spit, sputum spittle, Gk m v w to spit and the like ( B a r i ARSt I 25). 0 MEYER Wb. 115 (borrowed from Lat fui is vessel, pitcher); T reim er KZ LXV 112 (to Skt sphvayati to fatten, to strength en and the like); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 121, Stratificazione 88; F r is k II 617-618; WALDE-HOFMANN II 580-581; POKORNY I 999-1000; a b e j St. VII 217, 258. fytyr f, pi .fytyra face. Borrowed from Lat factura formation, crea ture (MEYER Wb. 116). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 305 (from Lat facies face); BARIAArbSt I 144; MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 21 1055 (from Ital fattura magic); TAGLIAVINI St. albanesi III - IV 222, Dal mazia 116 (follows M e y e r -L b k e ); M ih escu RESEE IV /1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 125; D G io v in e Gruppo -ct- 45-49; a b e j St. 1 203 (agrees with M e y e r ); L a n d i Lat. 68, 121.
G
gabonj f, pl. gabonja eagle. A suffixal formation in -onj based on *gab, related to shkab id. The latter consists of the prefix sh- and
108
GAGE
GAI.INF,
the same stem (JOKL LKUBA 2 4 4 , 3 0 4 ). The source is PAlb *gaba that seems to go back to a cultural Wanderwort also attested in Lat capys, capus bird of prey (ibid.). 0 TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 140.
gac f, pl. gaca heat, hot ashes. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *garbca, deminutive of *garb ash, fire . 0 JOKL Studien 21 (from IE *g horti-, to *g her- to be hot), ZONF X 186; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 48; ABEJ St. VII 234; D em ir a j AE 174-175 (borrowed from Turk garra shining or kor). gaga m, pl.gaga stammerer. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *gagacb
derived from *gagati to cackle, to shout, cf. in particular South Slavic reflexes: Maced gaga, SCr gagati.
gajg f, pi.gajga kind of nut. Borrowed from a deminutive Slav *galbka
from Slav *gajh grove, bush, cf. South Slavic reflexes: SCr gaj, Slovene gaj (POLK ZfBalk I 78).
gak m, pi. geqe boar. From P A lb *gauka, a derivative of IE *g u- dung,
excrem ents, similar to Maced yoxv (leg. yoxav)- i>v (Hes.) 0 MEYER Wb. 117-118 (comparisons with Fr coche and Germ Hacksch breeding boar); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 328 (secondary form of plural as demonstrated by the lack of palatalization in g-); TAGLIAVI NI Stratificazione 136-137; P o k o r n y I 484; a b e j St. I 203-204 (related to hako).
galam sh m, pi. galamsha lame person. A prfixai derivative of lmsh (M e y e r Wb. 119, 243). 0 V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch.80-81 (from *gy ou+ lam-sh); C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 107 (prefix ga-)\ ABEJ St. I 204. gal f, pi .gala jackdaw; black sheep. Borrowed from Slav *gal a black animal, jackdaw (M e y e r Wb. 118). While the meaning black sheep
is attested in SCr galja, the meaning jackdaw is known only in East Slavic: ORuss and Russ gala. 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 198; SVANE 146. galin f lump of earth. A relatively early borrowing from Slav *golina
GAM IS
GARB
109
empty place, hill withour grass, with the unstressed *-o- rendered as -a-. garnis aor.gamita to bark". Borrowed from Slav *gamiti to shout, to be noisy unattested in South Slavic. gamule f, pi .gamule heap. A singularized plural of gamut id. going back to PAlb *gamula and etymologically identical with Lith gmulas bale, lump, Slav *gomola id. The metathetized form magul was bor rowed to Rum mgur. 0 ClHAC I 152 (Rum mgur from Lat macula = maculimi bag); M e y e r Wb. 118- 119 (to Slav *mogyla tomb, hill); V a sm e r Alb. Wortforsch. 18-19 (to Slav *mog I can); SCHWARZ AfslPh XLI 139 (borrowed from early Proto-Slavic *magiila)\ VALEK CMMZ 14 (to Pre-Rom ma- and Slav *gora mountain); S a h m a t o v AfslPh XXXIII 91 (to Celt *mogo- great); CHARPENTIER KZ XL 467 (to Av maya- hole, pit); G e o r g ie v Festschr. Rosetti 287-290; FRAENKEL 132; P o p /?/5 234-257; R o s e t t i ILR I 279; Z a l i z n a k VSJa 40; T r u b a c e v SSJa VIT 18-19; OREL OLA 1981 301-306 (a suffixal derivative of IE *dhghom earth). gand m accident, vice, defect. From PAlb Uganda further connect ed with Lith gandas rumor, gadinti to frighten, Latv gadt to spoil. 0 H e l b i G 61, 121 (connected with gnjej to deceive, of Italian origin); FRAENKEL 138-139; a b e j St. I 204 (identical with gan, par ticiple of gas, cf. ngas): A jeti ZfB alkV /2 142-143 (gandoj from SCr ganuti). gnguil adv. whole; poached (of egg). Goes back to PAlb *gangula, a suffixal derivative of *ganga connected with Lith ganga movement, gdngytis to move. 0 MANN Language XXVI 3 8 2 (to Gk 70yyo);
F r a e n k e l 134.
gar be f, pi. garbe flower-pot. A singularized plural of the original garb going back to PAlb *gar(i)ba. As the Slavic word for pot *ghrnr derived h from the name of oven * g i.n n , and further from IE *g%er- to burn, the Albanian lexeme is derived from the same Indo-European root. 0 T r u b a c e v SSJa VII 210-211, Rem. term. 190-201. garb f, pi garba notch, nick. Goes back to PAlb *garba etymologi cally related to OIr gerbach wrinkled, ON korpna to get wrinkled,
110
G A RD H -
GASHTF.I.I.F,
OPrus *garbis mountain, Slav *gbrbT> humpand the like (ORELFestschr. Shevoroshkin 260). 0 T r a u t m a n n BSlWb. 78; FRAENKEL 135; SLAWSKI SEP I 256. gardh m, pl. gardhe, gjerdhe fence. Continues PAlb *garda related to Goth gards house, Lith gardas fence, Slav *gordi, town, fence and the like (MEYER Wb. 119-120, Alb. St. Ill 9, 72). Geg gardhn croze is derived from gardh. Rum gard is an early Albanian loanword. 0 WEIGAND BA IV 26-27 (borrowed from Slav *gordb)\ SKOK Slavia III 115 (follows WEIGAND); F e ist Goth. 197-198; SELISCEV Slav, nase lenie 147, 319 (a Slavic loanword); JOKL Slavia X III297-301 (corroborates M e y e r s view); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 122, Origini 308; MANN Lan guage XVII 19, Language XXVIII 35; PISANI Saggi 126; FRAENKEL 135; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 246; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 341; ROSETTI ILR I 277; TRUBACEV SSJa VII 37-38; ABEJ St. I 205; OREL Z a lk XXIII 147; M u r a t i Probleme 130; D e m ir a j AE 175. gar f, pl.gara competition, race. Continues PAlb *gara probably con nected with Gk xoupco to rejoice and its derivatives, cf. in particu lar Gk xpttri joy of battle; battle, fight. Together with %aipco, gar belongs to IE *gher- to wish, to feel inclination. 0 POKORNY I 440441; FRISK II 1062-1064. garguii adv. full. From PAlb *garg-ula related to Lith gargalas, garglas thickening, knotted thread, thread' (O r e l Festschr. Shevoroshkin
2 6 0 ). 0 F r a e n k e l 134.
gargull m, pi, garguj starling. A more rare variant is garbull. The source of this loanword is Rom *galbulus blackbird (MEYER Wb. 119). 0 MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 26 (from Lat galgulus); HAARMANN 128; AREJ St. I 206. garris aor. garrita to neigh. Borrowed from an expressive verb, Slav *gavbriti ~ *gavbrati to tease, to spoil, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg gavr 'a, SCr gavrati. 0 MEYER Wb. 119 (borrowed from Lat garrire to chatter); HAARMANN 128; TZITZILIS LB X X X /2 102; ABEJ St. I 2 0 6 (onomatopoeia); TRUBAEV SSJa VI 1 1 2 -1 1 3 . gashtell f, pl. gashtell knee-cap. A suffixal derivative of gasht id.
G A SH T
GAZ
111
shtjell).
g a sh t f, pi. gashta whetstone. From PAlb *galst, a suffixal deriva
tive related to Lith glas end, Latv gals id. A similar motivation in a word for whetstone may be traced in Lith bade fungus; whetstone. On the other hand, it is extremely tempting to compare gasht with Lith galgsti to sharpen, galstuvas whetstone, Latv galuda whetstone but this is only possible if these verbs are analyzed as *gal-and-, i.e. not according to the accepted view according to which *gland- is recon structed. 0 BOGA I 324; FRAENKEL 130; ABEJ St. VII 195, 2 44. gatf, pi. gata heron. From PAlb *gata continuing *ghnta, a deriva tional variant of IE *ghan-s- goose, cf. Gmc *ganta < IE *ghand-. 0 MEYER Wb. 121 (borrowed from Rom *ganta stork, wild goose > Fr jante, Prov ganta with serious phonetic and dialectal complications); P is a n i Saggi 123; P o k o r n y 1 412-413; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 31 (from Rom *catta)', a b e j St. VII 195; H a a r m a n n 116.
gatuaj ~ gatuej aor. gatova make ready, prepare. Note that gat
ready, gati id. are secondary formations based on the verb which is an early Slavic loanword, from *gotovati, *gotoviti make ready, pre pare. As in patkua < *podi>kova, -ua- < *-<?- (MlKLOSICH Slav. Ele mente 19; JOKL IF XLIX 277) renders Slav *-ova- with a bilabial v [u] (O r e l L XXIX/4 70). Rum gata ready was borrowed from Alban ian. 0 CAMARDA I 130 (to Gk yaGo good, fine); MEYER Wb. 121 (treats gat and Slav *gotovh ready as cognates), Alb. St. Ill 7, 23; JOKL IF XLIX 290, L 36; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 122; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 3341; ROSETTI ILR I 277; Hamp RRL X V III/4 333-345; ABEJ St. VII 198; TRUBACEV SSJa VII 70-72; OREL SBJa Leksikol. 152.
gath m, pi.gath catkin. A deminutive in -th of an unattested *gat bor rowed from Rom *gat(t)us c a t (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 6 1 ).
112
GDHE ~
GDH
GF.LBAZ
IV /1-2 22; abej St. VII 230, 267; H a a r m a n n 128; H u l d 65-66; L a n d i Lat. 72, 125.
gdhe ~ g d h m, pi. gdhenj 'gnarl, knot. Another variant in Tosk is gdh.
From PAlb *ga-daina, a prfixai formation based on an adjective in *-no- that belongs to the same root as Skt dyate to divide, Gk Saiopai id. 0 MEYER Wb. 471 (links gdhe to gdhend and, further, to vgje); ABEJ St. I 207 (connects gdhe with gdhend)-, LBERG apud DEMIRAJ (to OHG tanna fir-tree); DEMIRAJ AE 175. gdhend aor.gdhenda to plane. In Old Albanian there is a parallel form dhend (BOGDANI). A denominative verb derived from gdhe with a suffix -d- < *-t-. Thus, one might reconstruct PAlb *ga-den-ta 0 MEYER Wb. 471 (compares gdhend with vgje); JOKL Studien 21-22 (to ON detta to hit, to strike); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 241; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 106; FRISK 1 341-342; M a y r h o f e r I I 20-21; P o k o r n y 1 175-176; a b e j St. 1 207 (follows J o k l ); D e m ir a j AE 175-176. gdhij ~ gdhj aor. gdhiva ~ gdhina to stay awake at night. Also used impersonally as u gdhi the day began. Goes back to a prfixai *gadeinja related to din (JOKL Studien 22). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 546; ABEJ St. VII 242 (from *ditnja); DEMIRAJ AE 176.
g e g m, pi.geg Geg, North Albanian. An onomatopoeia of babbling,
gem. 0 MEYER Wb. 122 (from Ital gambo stem, stalk); ABEJ St. I 207 (agrees with JOKL).
ger m, pi.gera squirrel. From P A lb *gaura related to Lith gaiiras hair,
down, tuft of hair, Latv gauri pubic hair, Mir gaire hair and describ ing the squirrel as fu rry . 0 F r a e n k e l 140; POKORNY I 397-398.
g lb a z f, pi.glbaza liver illness of sheep caused by worms. Another variant is klbaz. Borrowed from Slav *k-blbasa stuffed gut, sausage, a derivative of *k-hlbi> stomach (of anim als) (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 261). The irregular change of Slav *-s- > Alb -z- is explained
G LOJ
GRDALL
113
by the analogical influence of suffixal forms in -az(). Rum glbeaz, clbeaz is borrowed from Albanian. 0 MEYER Wb. 222 (to qelb); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. 11 338 ; ROSETTI ILR I 274; DESNICKAJA Slav. jaz. VIII 155 (to kalb): ABEJ St. VII 224, 233. gloj aor. gelova to burst out; to be gathered, to be accumulated, to blaze (of fire). A denominative continuing PAlb *gal-anja related to OHG quellan to well up, to pour out, to stream from , Skt glati to drip, to drop, to ooze. 0 K l u g e 574; MAYRHOFER I 329; POKORNY I 4 7 1 472.
glltis aor.ge'llttta to swallow . Borrowed from Slav 'gioitati :g~i>ltiti id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg gltam to swallow, SCr gutati to swallow, gufiti to squeeze, Slovene goltiti to swallow (S v a n e 254). gras aor. gerita to creak. An onomatopoeia of uncertain origin. grb f, pl. grba hump. Borrowed from S la v *gi>rba id. (M lK LOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; M e y e r Wb. 1 23), cf. South Slavic contin uants: Bulg gbrba, SCr grba. 0 S e liS c e v Slav, naselenie 188, 195; S v a n e
184.
grbul f mange, scab, lepra. From PAlb *garb-uli-. Derived from garb notch, nick and thus formally identical with Lith garbulis hairlock. 0 M e y e r Wb. 125 (to g'rvish); L a PIANA St. Varia 95 (deriva tive of kalby, F r a e n k e l 154; a b e j St. 1 2 0 8 (agrees with L a P i a n a ). gr m convulsion, cram p. Borrowed from Slav *gi>rcb id., a variant of *kbrcb, cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg grbc, SCr grc (M EYER Wb. 125). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 124; SV A N E 184, 232. grak m jug, pitcher. Another variant is krak. Borrowed from Slav *kbrcagb clay vessel, pitcher, cf. South Slavic continuants: OCS krbcagb, Bulg kbrcag, SCr krcag (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; MEYER Wb. 190). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 153; POLK ZfBalk I 78; SVANE 74. grdall f old horse. D erivative based on Slav *gbrd-b ugly, bad; proud, cf. grditet.
114
G R D IT E T
GRK
grditet refi, to fe e l sic k e n e d , to be s ic k . B o r r o w e d fro m S la v *gbrditi to be p rou d , in som e lan guages a lso - to fe e l bad, to be sic k as in SCr grditi, S loven e grdeti se (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; MEYER Wb. 123). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 1 91, 289; SVANE 182, 2 3 2 . grdhat f, pl.grdhata barren, rugged mountain chain. As well as gerdhele boulder, clod and gerdhet cellar, a derivative of gardh. 0 ABEJ St. I 208 (divides gerdhet into a prefix ge(r)- and a root dhe earth). grdhij a o r . grdhiva to scratch. Continues PAlb *grad-nja, a denom inative verb with *grad- < *ghrridh- related to OE grindan to grind, Lith gre'ndziu, gre'sti to scrape, to sc ra tch . 0 FRAENKEL 167; H o l t h a u s e n AEW 137-138. grfej m cave with two entrances. Apparently, this dialectal word from Mirdita was misintepreted as far as its meaning is concerned. Perhaps, the original meaning was study, office room . Its source is, clearly, MGk Ypowperov record-office, registry. 0 ABEJ St. I 208 (prefix grfollowed by -fej, plural o fyell). grgaUe f, pi.grgalle rocky area. A singularized plural of *grgall further related to gargull and continuing PAlb *garg-al. grgas aor. grgita to irritate, to in c ite . B o r ro w e d from SCr grgati to
tinket, to putter, to pick (teeth or n ose). 0 MEYER Wb. 123 (onomatopoeia); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 125; a b e j St. V II 2 4 2 .
(G) grhan f, pl.grhan card, hackle. Another form is krhan. Sin gularized plural of krehr ~ krahen comb (ABEJ St. I 208), Note the voicing of the initial k- as in many other examples. grhas aor .grhita to sn o r e . B o rro w ed from S lav *ki,rxati to co u g h , to ex p ec to ra te, represented in South S lav ic by SCr krhati ( M e y e r Wb. 1 2 3 -1 2 4 , Alb. St. IV 103). 0 L a P ia n a Studi I 7 0 (reco n stru cts *grikhak-i), St. Varia 32 -3 3 (from *gher-ghark-i, to Skt gharghara- thun d erin g , r in g in g ); ABEJ St. I 2 0 8 -2 0 9 (o n o m a to p o eia or a co g n a te o f grahm ); SVANE 261.
grk m, pl. grqe G reek . A p arallel form o f singular is grq. B o rro w ed from Slav *grbth id., cf. South Slavic form s: B ulg grbk, SCr grk (MEYER
GRLAC
G R SH E T
115
Wb. 124). The fem in in e form grqinj g o e s back to S lav *grbkyni (M lK LOSICH Slav. Elemente 2 0 ). C f. a lso grek. 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 197; a b e j St. I 21 3 .
grlac m windpipe. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *g-hrdlacb or
grlic f turtle dove. Borrowed from Slav *gi,rdica id., cf. South
*gromada heap, m ass, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg gramada, grhmada, SCr gramada (MEYER Wb. 124). 0 MANN Language XVII 12;
S v a n e 52.
grm is
aor.
denominative based on
grim.
grm oj aor. grmova to dig. A denominative verb derived from
grm letter in its otherwise unattested meaning line, scratch so that the original meaning of grmoj would be to scratch lines. If so, grm must be considered a borrowing from ancient Greek rather than a loan from NGk ypdc,una the only meaning of which is letter and which is reflected in Albanian as grame. 0 MEYER Wb. 125 (to gnnsh), 128 (grm < N G k yp |a p a ); ABEJ St. VII 2 5 4 -2 5 5 .
grm uq
adv. c r o o k e d .
grshas aor. grisha to in v ite . A variant o f grish, aor. grisha id. O r ig in a lly , from PAlb *grisa, a ze r o grad e o f IE *g*er-: Skt grnati to ca ll, to in v o k e , L ith giriu, girti to p r a is e (JOKL IF XXX VI 133). 0 M e y e r Wb. 124 (to Lith garsas sound), Alb. St. Ill 7, 72; ClMOCHOWSKI St. IE 44; F r a e n k e l 154; M a y r h o f e r I 343; P o k o r n y I 478; a b e j St. VII 201, 224; HAMP apud SCHRIJVER BC 143 (to C elt *bardos bard
116
G R R SIIR ~
G R SH A N
GRRYEJ ~
GRRYJ
G SH TA LL
G ISH L
1 17
(divides the word into g(r)- and -shet, the latter to be compared with shat).
g rsh r ~ grshan f, pl. grshr ~ grshan scissors. Borrowed from
Xpaivto); ABEJ apud DEMIRAJ (to various form s in grr-lkr-)-, D e m ir a j AE 177-178 (prefix g-).
gsh ta ll f splint, piece of wood. A parallel form is kshtall. Goes
Rom *carsnia, an irregular phonetic transformation of *caesnia, cf. Ital cesoie id. < Rom *corsria. 0 CAMARDA I 6 6 (to IE *kers- to cut ); MEYER Wb. 124 (reconstructs Rom *carpsria as a source); JOKL LKUBA 1 5 5 -1 5 7 (to IE *sker- to cut); a b e j St. VII 2 5 8 .
g rth a p pl. garden scissors; claw, nipper (of a scorpion). Another
back to PAlb *ka-sta!n, a prfixai derivative related to shtjell (ABEJ St. I 210-211).
gshtenj f, pi.gshtenja chestnut. Together with a parallel form kshtenj, borrowed from Lat castanea id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 12; M e y e r Wb. 191). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1042, 1048; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 14; a b ej St. V II279; H a a r m a n n 115; L a n d i Lat. 47-48, 81, 97. g z o f m, pl. gzof fur, pelt. Borrowed from Gk Yat>Ga7to frieze (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 29), the latter itself being an Oriental loan
variant is gthap. Together with the umlauticized form gthep hook, continues PAlb *ga-tsap- related to thep.
grthas aor.grthita to cry, to shout. A variant of krcas, with the dialec
tal substitution -th- > -c- and the voicing of the anlaut. 0 ABEJ St. VII
25 8 .
word (from Akk guzippu ~ kuzippu). The phonetic details of the Alban ian word, however, remain irregular: the place of the stress, the voiced
ER I 169; F r is k I 789-780;
apud WALDE-HOFMANN I 5 8 5 (borrowed from an ancient Balkan lan guage to Albanian and Greek), JOKL Beitrge (< *g u-di-pos bovine); F r is k I 202.
gzhoj f, pl. gzhoja nut s h e ll. A sin gularized plural o f gzholl w hich
is a m etath etic fo rm o f zhgoll ~ zhguall. T he latter is a p rfix a i d e r iv ative o f guall ( a b e j St. I 2 1 1 ). 0 H e lb i g 78 (borrow ed from Ital guscio
other derivatives in -ish(t), this is a secondary The source of the latter remains unclear. 0 *grebg to rake up).
g rre s f, pi.grresa scraper. From PAlb
nut s h e ll). *garatj, a suffixal derivbased on grij (M e y e r Wb. lien 9-10 (suffix -es), 23POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II
gica pi. first teeth of an infant. A word of the expressive vocabulary.
ative of an unattested o-grade noune *gara 130). Borrowed to Rum gresie. 0 JOKL Stu 24 (related to OHG krazzn to scratch); 3342; R o se t t i ILR I 278.
g rric aor. grrica to scratch with nails,
of knee or elbow. The word is derived from an unattested *kil going back to PAlb *kl and identical with Lith kula thickening, swelling, Slav *kyla id. 0 FRAENKEL 306; TRUBACEV SSJa XIII 262-263.
gisht m, pl. gishta, gishtra ~ gishtna, gishtrinj finger, thumb. The GreekAlbanian and South Tosk form glisht leads to the reconstruction of PAlb *glista. Related to Lith getti to prick, to sting, galas end, tip and
our. A denominative verb 24 (from *gred-, cf. OHG /II 15, XXVIII 35 (to Gk
118
GLASE
G L IST E R
the like (P E D E R S E N KZ XXXIX 393; J O K L IF XXXVI 125). 0 B O P P 498 (to Skt agusth- thumb); M e y l r Wb. 141 (follows B O P P ); B R U G M A N N 1F XI 285-286 n. 1 (to Gk Ai|xa^co to feel hens to see if they are fat); B U G G E BB XVIII 167 (to Skt agli- finger, thumb); P E D E R S E N KZ XXXIIT 547 (to Slav *gi,rstb handful), Kelt. Gr. I 79 (to Arm ciwt twig, fin g er); T A G L I A V I N I Dalmazia 123, Stratificazione 88-89; P i s a n i Saggi 132; C a m a j Alh. Wortb. 124; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 147, timo logija 1986-1987 222-224 (reconstructs *glista but connects it with ngjis); a b e j St. VII 200; K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 40; D e m i r a j AE 178-179 (to W bys, OCorn bis, bes finger). glas f, pi. glasa birds droppings. Borrowed from Rom *galiiatia, a derivative of Lat gallus rooster, cf. Rum ginaj fowls droppings < *gallntia ( M E Y E R Wb. 122). 0 P U C A R IU EWR 60; M lH E S C U RESEE IV /1-2 16 (from Lat gallinacea)', L A N D I Lat. 137-138. gledh f, pi. gledha caress. From P A lb *glad, a substantivized adjec tive related to Lat glaber smooth, OHG^/f shining, even, smooth, Lith glodus sm ooth, Slav *glad b id., *gladiti to caress. 0 bk FRAENKEL 158; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 603; POKORNY I 4 3 2 ; T r u b a c e v SSJa VI 1 14-116. glep f, pl. glepa matter from eyes, rheum (in eyes). Also attested as glep. From PAlb *ka-laipa, derived from IE *leip- to smear with fat (JOKL LKUBA 314). For the development of the prefix *ka- see gloq. 0 MEYER Wb. 125 (thinks of OHG chlbn to glue), Alb. St. Ill 31; MANN Language XXVIII 34 (to MHG klepe)', POKORNY I 670-671 ; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 101 (adduces a dubious variant glap); LBERG IF LXXIII 2 1 4 (against C a m a j ); OREL Linguistica XXIV 427; ABEJ apud D e m ir a j (to lyej); D e m ir a j AE 1 7 6 -1 7 7 (to Gk orc shell, scale). glin f c la y . B orro w ed from S lav *glina c la y , cf. in particular South S la v ic re flex e s: B u lg glina, SC r glina (JOKL Studien 109). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 173, 308; S v a n e 169. gliqe pi. k nee ten d o n s. A su ffixal d eriv a tiv e g o in g back to *gliqe and further co n n ecte d w ith gilc. 0 MEYER Wb. 126 (b o r ro w ed from S lav * kluka stick , c a n e ). glistr f, pi. glistra r a in w o rm . D er iv ed from *glist b o rro w ed from
GLOQ. -
GODIS
119
Slav *glista w orm , cf. in South Slavic: Bulg glista, SCr glista
(S v a n e 157).
gioq m, p!.gloq matter from eyes, rheum (in eyes), testis. Note a dialec tal form gluq. Goes back to PAlb *ka-laukja, a formation with a prefix *ka- occasionally voiced in Albanian. The stem reflects a lengthening of IE *leuk- to shine; shining, white and is also found in loqe (OREL Linguistica XXIV 427). 0 POKORNY I 687-690. gllanik m, pi.gllanik hearth stone. Borrowed from Slav *golvbniki> derived from *golvna charred log, charcoal, cf. Bulg glavna, SCr glavnja (JOKL Studien 108, LKUBA 3 1 5 ). 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 1 9 -2 0 (from Bulg klanik space between the fireplace and the wall); BARIC AArbSt I 2 1 6 (agrees with JOKL); SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 149, 307; K r is t o f o r i 64; ABEJ St. I 2 1 1 -2 1 2 (supports VASMER); SVANE
56.
gllavin f, pi.gllavina wheel hub. Borrowed from Slav *golvina id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg glavina, SCr glavina (DESNICKAJA Slav. zaim. 11). 0 SVANE 35. gobell f, pi.gobella deep place (in water). Together with gobet hollow, derived from *gob continuing PAlb *gub, further etymologically connected with ~Li\hgabti to cover, to w rap, Slav *ghbnti to bend. 0 F r a e n k e l 140; T r u b a c e v SSJa VII 18 8 -1 8 9 . goc f, pl. goca g ir l. D er iv ed from gop. goc f, pl. goca o y s te r . O ther v arian ts are guac, guask, guaz d esc rib in g any sh ell. A d eriv a tiv e o f guall (ABEJ St. I 2 1 2 ). godas aor.godita to strik e, to b ea t. B o r ro w e d fro m Slav *goditi used in a m ean ing unattested in South S la v ic (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 19; M e y e r Wb. 126). 0 S v a n e 2 2 9 , 23 2 . godin f, pi. godina b u ild in g . A n A lb an ian d eriv a tiv e o f godis. godis aor. godita to b u ild . H isto r ica lly id en tica l with godas , this v erb has a m ean in g d ev elo p p ed in A lb anian from a d ifferen t u sa g e o f godis
120
GOGL
G O ST IS
to fit, to adjust (T ag lia v in i Dalmazia 123). 0 MLADENOV 1st. 77; R eiter Z a lk V II/1-2 125-129. gogl f, pi.gogla ball, acorn. A descriptive stem. 0 M e y e r Alb. St. V 78 (to gog, an expressive word denoting Vlach); JOKL Studien 2425 (to OHG chliuwa ball, Lat galla gall-nut and the like); DEMIRAJ AE 179 (reduplicated stem related to Arm kaiin acorn, Gk aXavoq id.). gogsij dO . gogsiva, gogsita to yawn. An expressive formation (MEYER T Wb. 126). 0 D e m ir a j AE 179 (to Gk xocgkcd to yawn). goj f, pi.goje mouth. As immediately clear from the variant gole pre serving -/-, this element of the basic vocabulary is an Italian loanword from gola id. (MEYER Wb. 126). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 31 (from Lat gula); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 123. golle f, pl. golle hole. A singularized plural based on *goll borrowed from Gk YW^e cave, cavern. gom f, pl. goma resin. Borrowed from Rom *gumma, a variant of Lat gummi. gomil f, pi. gomita heap of stones, stone hill. Borrowed from South Slavic: Bulg gomila id., SCr gomita id., metathesis of Slav *mogyla (MlK LOSICH Slav. Elemente 19). gop m vagina, vulva. From PAlb *gup related to Gk ywtri cave, ON kofi id. (VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 21). 0 TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 89; F ris k I 335; P o k o r n y I 395-396. gorric f, pi. gorrica wild pear. Borrowed from Slav *gorbnica, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg gornica (MEYER Wb. 127). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 164, 309; SVANE 125. gos f, pi. gosa water-hole. Continues PAlb *gtj formally close to Slav *gatb/*gati> dam, pool and Skt gt- passage, way. 0 TRUBACEV SSJa VI 108-109.
g o sts aor.gostita to receive guests. Borrowed from Slav *gostiti id.
GO ZH D
GRAM
12 1
Bulg gost'a, SCr gostiii (MlKLOSICHSlav. Elemente 19; M e y e r Wh. 127), 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 183, 191; M l a d e n o v 1st. 77; M a n n Lan guage X V II 12; S v a n e 212, 233. gozhd f. pl. gozhd, gozhda nail. Borrowed from Slav *gvozdb id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg gvozd, dialectal gozd, SCr gvozd (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; M e y e r Wb. 128). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 172; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 124; H a m p LB XIV/2 12; S v a n e 30, 88, 229. gozhup m. p\.gozhupa lambskin waistcoat. Borrowed from Bulg dial. kozuf, kuzuf leather-coat, fur-coat, Maced kozuv id. continuing Slav
*kozuxb.
grab f. pi. graba erosion, hollowing out. From PAlb *graba etymo logically related to OHG graft grave, Slav *grobi> id. and other deriv atives of IE *ghrebh- to dig (MANN Language XXVI 380). 0 POKORNY 1 455-456; TRUBACEV SSJa VII 133-134. grabis aor. grahita to steal, to r o b . B o r ro w e d fro m S lav *grabiti id., cf. South S la v ic r e fle x e s: B u lg graba, SCr grabiti (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 19; MEYER Wb. 128). 0 B o p p G /\ comp. I 6 6 (rela ted to Slav *grabiti); JOKL IF XLIX 295; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 124; S eli Sc e v Slav, naselenie 178, 191; MLADENOV 1st. 77; SVANE 233. grad f, p].grada nest. Borrowed from Slav *gordr fence, wall, town, b cf. Bulg grad, SCr grad. Note the change of gender in Albanian. gradine f, pi .gradina garden. Borrowed from Slav *gordina, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg gradina, SCr gradina. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Ele mente 19; MEYER Wb. 128). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 151; SVANE 58. grah ~ graf aor. graha grafa to spur on, to call, to roar . From PAlb *graska etymologically related to Skt grnati to call, to invoke, Lith giriti, girti to praise. 0 MEYER Wb. 128 (to Goth hrops call and the like); F r a e n k e l 154; M a y r h o f e r I 343; P o k o r n y I 478; a b e j St. VII 200-201.
g ra m m, pi. grama, gramra ~ gramna c o u c h -g r a ss, k n o t-g r a ss. B o r
12 2
G R A SH IN
G RELLE
row ed from R om *grma (> Spanish grama) replacing Lat grmen grass (M e y e r Wb. 128). 0 M ih e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 23; H a a r m a n n 128; L a n d i Lat. 103, 147.
grashin f, pi. grashina vetch, sweet pea. Borrowed from Slav *gorsina pea, cf. in South Slavic: SCr grasina (JOKL LKUBA 185). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 162, 326; SVANE 104. grath m, pl. grath tooth, prong (of a device), bristle. A deminutive derived from PAlb *graba, an o-grade noun related to kreh. grav f, pi. grava cave, den, lair. From PAlb *grava etymologically identical with Lith griov, Latv grava, gava ravine, precipitous valley, OPrus grauwus side further connected with Lith griuti to decline, to collapse, Latv gt id. (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 261). 0 T r a u t m a n n APSpr. 342; F r a e n k e l 171. grazhd m, pi.grazhde m anger. Borrowed from South-Eastern Slavic, cf. Bulg grazd id. < Slav *gordjb (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; M e y e r Wb. 129). 0 M l a d e n o v 1st. 77. grebash m, pi.grebasha rake. Borrowed from Slav *grebasb, a deriv ative based on *greb, *grebti to rake. 0 TRUBACEV SSJa VII 109110. grehull m. pi. grehuj thicket. Derived from greh, a variant of kreh. grek m, pl. grek G reek. Borrowed from Lat graecus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 30). 0 M e y e r Wb. 124 (from Ital greco); SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 197 (agrees with M e y e r ); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 21 1043; MILETIC Sp. BAN XVI/9 35-42 (from West Macedonian with *7, > [j); M ih e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 128; a b f j St. 1 213 (follows M e y e r -LU b k e ); L a n d i Lat. 71, 140. grell f, pi. grella deep place. Continues PAlb *gritla with a secondary e < *i based on the analogy with i < *e in singularized plurals. PAlb *gritla is formally identical with Lith gurkls crop, OPrus gurcle throat, Slav *g-brdlo id., cf. also *zerdlo river-bed; opening. Together with Balto-Slavic, the Proto-Albanian word reflects IE *gftlom (O r e l Fort. 7 9 ). 0 P o k o r n y I 4 7 5 ; T r u b a c e v SSJa VII 2 0 4 -2 0 5 .
G REP
G RIG J
123
is preserved in its variant grjep. It continues PAlb *ga-repa related to rjep. Note grrem < *grep id. as one of derivatives of grep. 0 M e y e r Wb. 129 (borrowed from Ital grappa hook); SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 242; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 3342; ROSETTI ILR I 277; ABEJ St. I 218 (on grrem as derived from grem ~ grep).
grer ~ g re n z f, pi.grera, grerz ~ grenz, grenza wasp, hornet. From PAlb *graisna < *grisn that, despite its voiced anlaut, must be equated with Lat crbr hornet, OHG horna$ id., Lith sirsu id., Slav *sbr$enb id. 0 CAMARDA I 346 (to Skt gar- to swallow); JOKL LKUBA 89 (singularized plural in Geg); K l u g e 316; M a n n Language XXVIII 32 (to Gk povxfj), Language XXVIII 35; FRAENKEL 988; WALDEHOFMANN I 283-284; POKORNY I 576; VASMER IV 432; ABEJ St. VII 258. greth m flax-combings. Derived from kreh (MEYER Wb. 204). g rm rat f beestings, clots of curdled m ilk. Borrowed from Lat glomertum, participle of glomerre to wind into a ball, to gather into a round heap, with assimilation of liquida. Borrowed to NGk ypcc^evTa with a dissimilation of sonorants. 0 MEYER Wb. 130 (from Rom * crmorcltum), Alb. St. V 7 8 -7 9 (goes back to Lat glomus ball); PASCU RE 56 (from Arum *grumurata)\ ABEJ St. VII 2 0 4 , 2 5 8 . g rifsh f, pi. grifsha jay, m agpie. Borrowed from Rom *gripsa based
on Lat gryps griffin. The form grizhl magpie seems to be a form of grifsh. 0 CAMARDA II 71 (from Gk y p w griffin); MEYER Wb. 130 (from Friul gripp kind of bird or Italgn'va thrush); ABEJ St. I 214215 (related to krip hair, krife).
g r ifsh f, pi. grifsha arbutus, wild straw berry-tree. A metaphoric use of grifsh mane for a bushy tree. Other variants are krifsh and krip. 0 ABEJ St. I 2 9 1 -2 9 2 (to krife). g rifsh f, pi. grifsha m ane. Derived from *grif id., a variant of krife. grigj m, pi. grigje flock, herd. Another variant is fem. grigj. Borrowed from Lat gregem id. (G i l f e r d in g Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente
126
G R U SH T -
G U I.
w ith MlKLOSICH); M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri21 1043, 1054 (fo llo w s MEYER); B a r i A4rW>/. II 4 1 4 (links grur to Lith grudas grain, w heat, Latv grads id ., OHG grz g r o a ts ); M a n n Language X V II 13; M a y r h o f e r I 4 3 9 , 443; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 8; F e is t Goth. 3 0 9 -3 1 0 ; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 6 1 8 -6 1 9 ; V a s m e r II 9 5 -9 6 ; F r a e n k e l 1314; P o k o r n y I 391; LBERG Festschr. Pisani I I 684; H a m p KZ L X X V I 2 7 8 279; a b e j St. I 2 1 8 -2 1 9 ; O r e l Koll. Ig. Ges. 351 (*-///- > *-f- > -ruafter lab ials and la b io v ela rs); JANSON Unt. 8 3 -8 4 .
grusht m, pi. grushte, grushta fist. Early borrowing from (South-Eastern) Slav *gbrstb handful, hand (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; MEYER Wb. 133). B a r i C ARSt 32-33 (related to Slav *g-brstb)\ JOKL LKUBA 33; S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 143; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 126; M a n n Language XVII 13; HAMP LB XIV/2 14. gryk f, pl.gryka throat From PAlb *grlwk related to IE *grlua neck: Skt grivd, Av grv, Latv griva river mouth, Slav *griva mane (OREL Linguistica XXIV 438). 0 CAMARDA 65 (correctly links gryk to IE *g erto swallow, to eat); M e y e r Wb. 133 (compares, without certainty, with Slav *kbrkb neck, ON kverk throat and the like); TAGLIAVINI Strati ficazione 89; MANN Language XVII 15-16; M a y r lio fer 1 3 5 3 -3 5 4 ; POKORNY I 475; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 114 (suffix -k); TRUBACEV SSJa VII 129-1 3 0 ; ABEJ St. VII 25 7 . grryk f, pl. grryqe cool wind. A derivative of grryej: a cool wind described as a scratching one. guall m, pl. guaj shell, skull. From PAlb *gala, a long-grade deriva tive related to the dialectal Indo-European word for head (and, orig inally, also tum or): Arm glux < *ghlu-, Lith galv, Slav *golva. 0 A c a r e a n HAB I 5 6 5 -5 6 6 ; F r a e n k e l 1 3 1 -1 3 2 ; T r u b a c e v SSJa VI 2 2 1 -2 2 2 ; P o k o r n y I 350; a b e j St. VII 2 3 6 . gug f, pl. guga baby shirt. An expressive word. gul adj. hornless. Attested only in Italo-Albanian. From PAlb *gula further related to OHG kalo naked, bald, Slav *gol-b 'naked' *guliti to skin. 0 MEYER Wb. 209 (to ON kolla hornless animal); TRUBACEV SSJa VII 15; D e m ir a j AE 181.
G U LO J
GU RM AZ
127
to
gulm m, pl.gulma w o r r y . A d eriv a tiv e o f guloj co n tin u in g *gulm. gultoj aor.gultova to get rid o ff'. B orrow ed from Lat colluctr to strug g le , to co n te n d . C f. guloj. gun f, pl. guna g oatsk in co a t w ith h o o d . B o r r o w e d fro m M G k
you v a fur (MEYER Wb. 134-135). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 31 (from M Lat gunna); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1046 (fr o m R om
*gunna); M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1 -2 23; Z a l i z n a k VSJa 39; H a a r m a n n 129; ZOJZI St. albanica III 3 1 9 -3 3 7 ; LANDI Lat. 101. gung f, pl. gunga bum p, s w e llin g . F rom P A lb *gunga e ty m o lo g ic a l ly con n ected w ith Lith gug hum p, h illo c k , gung id. (MANN Language X X V III 3 4 ). 0 F r a e n k e l 1 74-175; a b e j St. 1 2 1 9 -2 2 0 . gur m, pl.gure stone, rock. From PAlb *gura continuing the zero-grade of IE *g mountain: Skt giri-, Av gairi-, Lith giri wood, Latv erdziria id., Slav *gora mountain, wood* (CAMARDA I 50; MEYER Wb. 135 with much uncertainty). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 3 1 8 -3 1 9 (follows M e y e r and reconstructs *ger-); ; BARTHOLOMAE 514; JOKL IF XLIV 50, LKUBA 230, Sprache IX 150; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 127; MANN Lan guage XVII 13; P o r z ig Gliederung 198; P is a n i Saggi 126; F r a e n k e l 153; M a y r h o f e r I 335; P o k o r n y I 4 7 7 -4 7 8 ; H am p BSE L 45; T r u b a c e v SSJa VII 2 9 -3 1 ; H u ld 6 6 -6 7 ; O r e l Z a lk XXIII 144; W a t k in s Dragon 164 (from IE *gfH-u-); D e m ir a j AE 181. gurmac m, pi.gurmac sm all round sto n e . D eriv ed from *gurm based on gur. gurmaz m g u lle t. A d eriv a tiv e o f kurm w ith a seco n d a ry v o ic in g o f the anlaut k-. B orrow ed to Rum grumaz. 0 PUCARIU EWR 63-64; PASCU RE 56; P o g h ir c 1st. limb. rom. II 343; ROSETTI ILR I 278; K a l u Zsk a ja - O r e l SBJa Kontakty 17-22 (com p arison w ith G k apocGpov throat).
128
G U SH
GJAJ
gush f, p\.gusha th roat. B o rro w ed fro m Rum gu$ id. (TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 127 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20 (from S la v ic); MEYER Wb. 135-136; PU^CARIU EWR 64; MEYER-LBKE ZfromPhil XV 242; BARIC ARSt. I 106-107 (fro m IE *gursia, related to gryk); PUSCARIU EWR I 64; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 343; ROSETTI ILR I 278; MURATI Probleme 130. gusht m August. Borrowed from Lat augustus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4; MEYER Wb. 136). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 21 1046; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 12; H a a r m a n 112; L a n d i L ai. 91, 177. gushteric i. pl. gushterica lizard. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg gusterica id., SCr gusterica (ABEJ St. I 220). gut f gout. Borrowed from Rom *gutta drop used as a name of the disease, cf. Rum gut id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 31). 0 MEYER Wb. 136 (from SCr guta id.); PUCARIU EWR 65; M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1046 (same as MlKLOSICH); MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 129; a b e j St. 1 220 (follows M e y e r -L b k e ; L a n d i Lat. 101, 127.
Gj
gjaj aor. gjava, gjajta to resemble, to be like; to suit, to become; to seem; to happen. Dialectal forms glaj, glaj require the reconstruction of PAlb *ga-lanja < *ga-lab-nja, a denominative verb based on *lab- etymo logically identical with Lith lbas good, Latv labs id. (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 261). Thus, the original meaning must have been to suit, to become. Note another verbal form gjas to resem ble also belong ing here and continuing *ga-labtja. 0 CAMARDA I 336 (to Gk yXaaoco to shine, an obvious derivative of ytacuKoc shining); MEYER Wb. 137 (related to qas), Alb. Studien V 79 (to Gk aM.a> to launch, to reach, Skt gdlati (he) drops, falls down); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 331 ; JOKL apud a b e j St. I 221 (compares with Germ glnzen to shine); P is a n i Saggi 125; F r a e n k e l 327; abej St. I 221 (reconstructs *galaig- and links it to Goth galeikan to please but this ablaut grade is unknown in *leig- ~ *llg-); OREL IF XLIII 102-104, FLH V III/1-2 43 (from PAlb *janja related to IE *ja- to go, to walk).
GJAK GJALLK
129
gjak m, pl. gjaqe, gjakra ~ gjakna blood. From PAlb *saka related to Gk otc juice, Lith sakdi resin, Slav *sok-h juice and the like con tinuing an Indo-European word fo rjuice *sok*o- (M e y e r Wb. 136, Alb. St. I ll 4 ,4 3 ; P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V I 285). 0 C a m a r d a 1 38 (to Gk ^cp blood); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 128 (reconstructs *o- in the root), Strat ificazione 89; M a n n Language XXVI 386-387; F r a en k e l 756-757; PISANI Saggi 126; F r isk I I 4 0 5 -4 0 6 ; P o k o r n y I 104 4 -1 0 4 5 ; V a s m e r III 708; OREL Sprache XXXI 279, ZfBalk XXIIl 149, VDl 1986/1 130-144 (Alban ian and ancient Indo-Europeans formulas connected with blood); abej St. VII 20 0 , 254; HULD67; KORTLANDT SSGL X 219; DEMIRAJ AE 181182.
gjalm m , p l . gjalma, gjalmitr, gjelmitr rope, lace. From PAlb *salpna, connected with Slav *salpiti to stick out, Lith is-selpineti to get divided. 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 43, 89 (to Gmc *sailaz rope), Alb. St. Ill 43; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIV 286-287; JOKL Studien 47 (agrees with MEYER); FRAENKEL 971-972; VASMER III 714, Alb. Wortforsch. I 36 (rejects M e y e r s etymology as far as Indo-European diphtongs in -i do not yield Alb -a-); PETERSSON LU XIX/6 12-14 (to G k cAajcji chain); LA P ia n a Studi I 58 (agrees with PETERSSON but treats -mit- in gjelmitr as a separate root); ABEJ St. I 222 (to Lat glomus ball and the like); A n ik in timologija 1982 65-70. gjalp m / n butter. Continues PAlb *selpa identical with Gk e'jto'atov, crtccp, eGrjvia (Hes.), Skt sarpis- clarified butter, OHG salba ointment (CAMARDA I 93; MEYER Wb. 137, Alb. St. Ill 31, 4 3 ). 0 PED ERSEN KZ XXXIII 549; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 148; L a P ia n a Studi I 85; M a n n Language XXVI 3 8 3 , XXVIII 36; PISANI Saggi 127; F r isk 1 503; M a y r h o f e r III 4 4 6 ; P o k o r n y 1 901; H a m p Kratylos V 105 (to shtjalp); OREL Sprache XXXI 279; ABEJ St. VII 253; HULD KZ CVII 169 (5-stem); DEMIRAJ AE 182. gjall adj. alive. Reflects PAlb *salwa etymologically close to Skt srvacomplete, whole, Gk oA,o whole, Lat salvus healthy, Tokh A salu completely (MEYER Wb. 137, Alb. St. Ill 43, 75). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 544, Kelt. Gr. I 53; JOKL Sprache IX 122; La PIANA Studi I 78 (to Lat vtvus); M a n n Language XXVIII 39; PISANI Saggi 131; FRISK I 381; C h a n t r a in e 795; M a y r h o f e r III 446-447; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 472-473; POKORNY I 979-980; HAMPSr. Whatmough 82, BSL LXVI/1
130
GJARK.Z -
G JA l'
223, RRL XXI 49-51; VAN WINDEKENS 412; RASMUSSEN Morph. 205, 263; D e m ir a j AE 182-183. gjarkz pl. peritoneum . A dialectal plural form of qark.
g ja rp r ~ g ja rp n m, pl. gjarpinj, gjrpinj, gjarpanj, gjarprinj ~ gjarpninj snake. From P A lb *serpena etymologically related to Lat serpens snake, serpent, serpo to craw l and, further, to IE *serp- to craw l (G i l fe r d in g Otn. 21; C a m a r d a I 79; M e y e r Wb. 137, Alb. St. Ill 31, 43, 72). There is no connection between gjarpr and shtrpinj vermin, reptiles (see shtrep) despite the widely accepted opinion. 0 S t ie r KZ X I 235; J o k l IF X X X V I113-114; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 113; M a n n Language XVII 17, XXVI 383; H a m p Kratylos V 105; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 284; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 129, Stratificazione 137; P isani Saggi 129; W a l d e -H o fm a n n I I 524-525; P o k o r n y 1 912; abej St. VII 268; HULD 67-68; OREL Sprache XXXI 279; JANSON Unt. 26; D e m ir a j AE 183-184. g jash t num. six. From PAlb *sesti-, a derivative in *-ti- close to col ''' c' 1 * T i K M C / A / f . I V V V III
GJAZ
GJELL
131
gjaz f riverside forest. From PAlb *sedj, a derivative of IE *sedto sit, to be settled, cf. in particular Slav *sadi, garden, grove derived from the same root. 0 V a s m e r III 543-544; POKORNY I 884-887. gjedh m. pl.gjedha cattle. From PAlb *sada or *seda, a deverbative based on IE *sed- to go, to walk (ORELFestschr. Shevoroshkin 262). Semantically, cf. other descriptions of cattle as walking, i.e. movable: G k Hpoaxa cattle, sheep, Hitt iiant- ram ' and the like. 0 PISANI Saggi 125; P o k o r n y I 887; a b e j St. I 223 (to IE *g u- cattle and in particular to Slav *go vedo)-, B e n v e n is t e Inst. I 37-45; O r e l IF XLIII 104-105 (from IE *g mdhos connected with IE *g em- to go; however, thr development of the umlauticized *a to -je- is dubious), Fort. 79.
gjej ~ gjj aor. gjeta to find. From PAlb *gadnja < *ght}d- etymologically related to G k xvavoo, aor. e^aSov to seize, to grasp, L atpre-hend id., ON geta id. (MEYER BB VIII 187, Wb. 140, Alb. St. Ill 10). The full grade is represented in refi, gjndem, gjindem to be present. 0 CAMARDA I 285 (to G k y x fy jv o n ai to be born); JOKL Balkangerm. 105-106, Sprache IX 123; BARIC AArbSt. II 383; L o e w e KZ XXXIX 312 (from Goth bigi tan); S c h m id t KZ L V II12-14, 33; T a g l ia v in i Dol or to Slav *$estb six , ana runner reiaiea io ic, -s(u)eks- six: Skt
132
GJET.LZ
GJERB
gjellz f salt. Another variant is gjilles salt, taste. Although the com parison with IE *sali- salt could be tempting, connection with gjell is much more probable. Thus, salt is treated as a taste of food. gjem m bridle. From PAlb *jama identical with Skt ydma- id. and forming one of the isoglosses of Albanian with Southern Indo-Euro pean dialects, particularly, in horse breeding (OREL IF XCIII 105-106). Note gj- as a regular reflex of the initial IE *i- (OREL FLH V III/1-2 43). 0 POKORNY I 505; MAYRHOFER III 2-3; OREL tnogenez 34-36; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 350. gjemb m, pl. gjemba thorn. A Greek-Albanian form glmb preserves the original anlaut gl-. Goes back to PAlb *glamba, comparable with Slav *glb-ok-h deep < ^ hollowed, *glb~b trunk, stump, cabbagestump, cf. also Gk yXxitpco to scrape up (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 262). Rum ghimpe thorn was borrowed from Albanian. 0 M e y e r Wb. 140 (to Lith ge'mb nail used to hang clothes - impossible in view of the initial gl-), Alb. St. Ill 8, 36, 64; JOKL Studien 26-28 (to Lith geliit, ge'lti to stick); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 547 (against MEYER); PISANI Saggi 123; POKORNY I 367; F r is k 1311; ROSETTI ILR I 277; ABEJ St. VII 231; TRUBACEV SSJa VI 141-143; DEMIRAJ AE 186-187. gjep m, pl. gjepa spool. A phonetic variant of djep. (to gjemb and qep).
0 M eyer
Wb. 138
gjer prep. till. Other variants are deri, ndjer, ngjer. From PAlb *(a)jeri identical with Gk rjpi < * T |e p i early further related to Gmc *airiz before, ere (Goth air, ON dr) and Av ayar day (O R E L FLH V III/1-2 43). 0 JOKL Studien 59-60 (to ndr)\ TAG LIAVINI Dalmazia 101; M a n n Language XXVI 383 (to Lat fer near); FRISK I 643; FEIST Goth. 24-25; B a r t h o l o m a e 157; a b e j St. VII 187; K o r t l a n d t SSGL XXIII 175; D e m i r a j AE 288-289 (to Gk nxpi till). gjer m. pl. gjera dorm ouse. Borrowed from Lat glirem id., with the long -I- treated as a short one (MEYER Wb. 138-139). TRUBACEV Slav, jaz. X I 11 (related to Lat glls and the like); L a n d i Lat. 83, 104. gjerb aor. gjer ha to gulp, to d r in k . F ro m PA lb *serba co n n ected with L at sorbed to sup up, to suck in , G k pocpco id., L ith surbiu, surbti id., Slav *shrbati to gu lp , to sup u p (M eyhr Wb. 139, Alb. St. Ill 36,
GJER ~ GJAN
- GJETH
133
43, 72). 0 M e y e r Gr. Gr. 237, 299; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 636; M a nn Language X X V ili 31 (re c o n stru c ts * in the ro o t); PISANI Saggi 131; F r a e n k e l 945; F r is k IT 663; C h a n t r a in e 978; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 561; POKORNY I 1001; V a s m e r III 604; H u l d 143 (su g g ests IE *sorbh-ej-), KZ C V II 169; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 273; ANTTILA Schw. 27; DEMIRAJ AE 187.
gjer ~ gjan adj. broad, wide. There also exists Tosk gjr. From PAlb *saina, a zero-grade derivative in *-no- based on IE *siio n g , late, cf. OE sid long, wide, Goth seipus late, OIr sith long, Lat serus late and the like (JOKL Studien 28). 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 128; HOLTHAUSEN AEW 292; FEIST Goth. 415-416; VENDRYES [S] 120-121; WALDE-HOFMANN II 526-527; POKORNY I 890-891; a b e j St. VII 258; H u l d 68-69; J a n s o n Unt. 28. gjesh aor. gjesha to knead. From PAlb *jesja identical with Skt ysyati to boil, Gk co to boil, to cook (MEYER Wb. 139, Alb. St. Ill 39, 61). 0 M e y e r Gr. Gr. 35, 292; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 327, Kelt. Gr. I 65; PISANI REIEIV 10, Saggi 102, 123; MINSHALL Language XXXII 629; F r isk I 612; M a y r h o f e r ITI 13; P o k o r n y I 506; H a m p Laryn geals 134; K l in g e n s c h m it t Verbum 152; H u l d 99; l b e r g KZ LXXXVI 129; O r e l FLH V III/1-2 38; a b ej apud D e m ir a j (to Germ kneten to knead); D e m ir a j AE 300. gjeshtr f, pl.gjeshtra broom . Borrowed from Rom *genistra (cf. Ital ginestra id.) based on Lat genista, genesta broom-plant, broom. 0 ABEJ St. VII 237. gjeti adv. elsewhere. A number of parallel forms exist, e.g. gjetiu, gjetk, ngjeti, njeti and the like. A fossilized form of aorist of gjej with various other elements including k, acc. of kush, and u, reflective pronoun. 0 C a m a r d a I 307 (to tjetr)\ a b e j St. I 225-226 (treats njeti as an older form and links it to Skt anyd- other). gjetkz f, pl. gjetkza goose-coop. Identical with OAlb gjethk stall, pen (B a r d h i ) continuing *gjerdhk, a deminutive of gardh (ABEJ St.
1 226).
P A lb *gadza with an irre g ular unvoicing o f the auslaut o r, ra th e r, w ith a secondary r/i-suffix. The
134
GJKZDIS -
G JM OJ
variant with a voiced -dh- is registered by some scholars but it may well be an artifact. Etymologically connected with OHG questa tuft, ON kvistr branch, Slav *gvozdb wood, forest (JOKL/FXXX 199204, LKUBA 130, 221). Note the development of the initial cluster *guo> *ga- in Albanian. The form gjeshk dry leaves is derived from gjeth. 0 C a m a r d a I 72 (compares with Gk k M o branch); M e y e r Wb. 138 (develops CAMARDAs etymology); PEDERSEN KZ X X X III547; TAGLI AVINI Dalmazia 130; L a PIANA Varia 103-104; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 230; PISANI Saggi 125; XHUVANI BUShT III/3 93 (connected with gath); V a s m e r I 263; P o k o r n y I 480; T r u b a c e v SSJa V II 185-186; LBERG St. Bonfante 562; ABEJ St. I 226-227 (to L at hasta spear and its cognates); HULD 69; OREL ZfBalk X X III 147; DEMIRAJ AE 187-188.
g jezd is aor. gjezdisa to go for a walk, to roam . An early borrowing from Slav *jezditi to rid e with the initial j- substituted by Alb gj-, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg ja z d a, SCr jezditi (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 262). gj ~ g j f, pl. gj'ra ~ gjana thing. F ro m PAlb *san(s) going back to the participle of IE *e- to be, *sont-s: Skt sant-, Gk cov and the like (M e y e r Wb. 139). 0 M a y r h o f e r III 42 5 -4 2 6 ; F r is k I 46 3 -4 6 4 ; P o k o r n y I 341; a b e j St. VII 201, 212; H u l d 69; J a n s o n Unt. I l ls-, D e m ir a j AE 188.
gjlpr ~ gjylpan f, pl.gjp'ra ~ gjylpam needle. Goes back to *salpan further connected with gjalm and its cognates. The Geg vocalism in gjylpan is secondary. 0 MEYER Wb. 143 (borrow ed from Rom *accula pani)', BARIC ARSt. I 34 (to IE *gfel- to stick, to prick); TAGLI AVINI Dalmazia 131-132; MANN Language XVII 20-21 (from *sauilp?tno- eye-thread).
gjm oj aor. gjmova to resound, to rumble, to thunder, to shout. As the variant glmoj shows, there was gl- in the anlaut. Borrowed from Lat clamare to cry, to shout, with the voicing of the initial group cl-. The noun gjm thunder, shout, illness is a deverbative. 0 M lK LOSICH Rom. Elemente 30 (from Lat gemere to cry, to shout); MEYER Wb. 139-140 (same as MlKLOSICH); M theSCU RESEE IV/1-2 16; HAAR MANN 128.
GJMTOJ
GJIJE
135
gjurmoj, d e riv a tiv e o f gjurm. 0 M e y er Wb. 140 (to gjuaj)', M e y e r L b k e Gr. Grundri 1 I 1048, 1052. gjmtoj aor.gjmtova to collect bit by bit, to gather. Borrowed from Lat colllmitdre to draw boundaries, *to unite. gjndr - gjandr f, pl. gjndra ~ gjandra gland. Borrowed from Lat gianduia gland of the throat with the dissimilation of liquida (H e l b ig 120; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 22). Tosk variants glndr and grndl reflect the anlaut gl- and thus exclude the Italian etymology. Rum ghindur id. continues the same Lat gianduia. 0 MEYER Wb. 140 (from Ital ghi andola gland); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri21 1042, 1050, 1054 (follows MEYER); PUSCARIU EWR 62; SKOK ZfromPhil XLIV 332-334 (from Rum ghindur, Arum glindur id.); JOKL apud WALDE-HOFMANN I 605 (from Rom *glandura); MANN Language XVII 23; HAARMANN 128; ABEJ St. I 227 (follows JOKL); LANDI Lat. 47, 145-146. (T) gjr m so u p . C o rresp o n d s to G eg gjan m udbed, a llu v iu m . Goes back to P A lb *jausna re la te d to S kt neut. ys so u p (cf. in p a rtic u la r gen. sg. ysndh), L a t js id ., L ith jis fish so u p (if not fro m P r u s s ian, cf. BIGA I 478-479), O P ru s iuse s o u p and the like (C a m a r d a I 80). 0 M e y e r Wb, 308 (to L at jentre to b re a k fa s t), Alb. St. Ill 39; J o k l apud W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 734; P is a n i Saggi 248; F r a e n k e l 191, 199; M a y r h o f e r I 26; W a l d e -H o f m a n n 1 734; M in s h a l l Language XXXII 629; POKORNY I 507; H a m p Laryngeals 134; K a r a l i NAS Bal tistica I 116; ABEJ St. I 227-228 (d e riv a tiv e of gj); DEMIRAJ AE 183 (b o rro w e d fro m Slav *glcm, s ilt). gji ~ gj m, pl. gji ~ gj breast, chest. From PAlb *sina identical with Lat sinus curve, fold (MEYER Wb. 140, Alb. St. Ill 67). 0 JOKL IF L 45; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 130, Stratificazione 89; WALDE-HOFMANN II 546; a b e j St. VII 252. gjje f stable, house. A singularized plural of a form attested in Geg as gj stable, pen. Goes back to *saina identical with the Baltic word for wall: Lith siena, Latv sina further derived from IE *si- to bind (O r e l Festschr. Shevoroshkin 262). 0 PISANI Saggi 129; FRAENKEL 782783; P o k o r n y I 891-892; a b e j St. I 228 (important lexical m ateri al but no etymology).
136
GJINDF,
O JO C
G JO I.L
GJUAJ ~
G jU E J
137
gjinde pl. people. Borrowed from L at gentem id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 30; CAMARDA I 42; M e y e r Wb. 141). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 21 1044, 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 131; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 128; L a n d i Lat. 51, 83, 116, 146. 'Ig'f ^ 'wi'fiTTne cluster ~-t Albanian form goes back to IE *semsem- one attested in Arm ez < *sem14). IE *sem- is also attested alone in in Alb gji [dzi] all (TAGLIAVINI Dalji. 0 MEYER Wb. 140 (comparison with f id.); F a y IF XXXII 330-332 (to Germ M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (to Gk Wortb. 106 (from *g-li-sht); POKORNY \ Brandenstein 111 ; ABEJ St. VII 217; -189 (from *siH-ko-, to Gk i). lerivative of an unattested *gjin- (ABEJ ount the cheese-making technology in an animal stomach and tying the latter), Jb *sina identical with OIr sin chain, Av hinu- band and further related to ien 28, LKUBA 89 (to Lat serum watery X 153; B a r ic AArbSt 1 158 (comparison 4 (to Lith gaizus rancid, bitter), AASF itificazione 148; M a n n Language XXVIII i(iT| leaven); VASMER KZ L 247 (to Ir ige XXXII 628; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 124 -892; VENDRYES [S] 112-113; OREL ed from Slav *gliza swelling, cf. SCr ;heese making); D e m ir a j AE 189-190 ke). . Borrowed from Slav *globa having Slavic forms, Bulg globa and SCr globa JOKL Slavia XIII 296). 0 S e liS c e v Slav.
1, 234. ly, p in e -w e e v il. As a n o th e r v a ria n t o f
this word, gjonth, show's, it is a deminutive of gjon historically iden tical with gjon night-owl and going back to the Latin proper name Joannes > Gjon. 0 M e y e r Wb. 141 (on gjon < Joannes).
gjoll f, pi. gjoll clearing or pasture where salt is strewn for sheep; nt Qiidh (cf. also eiilliL < siidh) s e e m t a H to be a direct continuation ot PA Gk akc, id., Lat sal and the like (H a m p GjA VI 45). The Albanian ed as -i-, cf. mish. The Proto stem may well replace the Indo-European athematic stem with a long gho-, a suffix derivative of IE vowel in nom. sg. (OREL IF XCI1I 106, ZfBalk XXIII 144). 0 JOKL Studien gho- ( P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIX 29 (to OE seIma bed, Lith sitlas bench); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione the same meaning, in Dalmati 148; MANN Language XXVI 383 (to Ir siol, Lith skla); F r is k I 78mazia 130), with -i as in nj ~ 79; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 465-466; P o k o r n y I 878-879; D e m ir a j AE Germ ganz all and Kurd gi, gi 190. ganz); A c a r e a n HAB II 4-5 ioxv>strength); CAMAJ Alb. gjor adj. p o o r, m iserab le , w re tc h e d . A suffixal d e riv a tiv e o f gjuaj. I 902-903; LBERG Gedenksch T hus, the o rig in al m eaning o f the adjectiv e is ch ased , p e rs e c u te d . 0 H u l d 69-70; D e m ir a j AE 18i H a h n 30 (to djeg); M eyer Wb. 141 (from T urk kr blind); J o k l Studien 109, IF XXXVII 113 (b o rro w e d fro m Slav *gore g r ie f ); S e l i Scev Slav, naselenie 193, 324; XHUVANI KLetr 1/6 6 (related to djerr); ABEJ St. I 229 (ag rees w ith XHUVANI). gju ~ gj m. pl. gjunj, gjunj k n e e . D ialectal fo rm s p re se rv e the initial cluster gl-. G oes back to PA lb *gluna dissim ilated from *g(a)nuna. The latter is a seco n d ary -d eriv ativ e based on IE *genu- k n e e ; H itt genu, Skt jnu-, G k yvu, L at gen and the like (C a m a r d a I 39). As to the phonetics o f gju, it is close to Or glin id. < *glHno-wiih a sim ilar d is sim ilatio n o f sonants (M e y e r Wb. 142, Alb. St. Ill 9, 67). 0 PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 156; JOKL Festschr. Rozwadowski 237 (on the in a cc u ra cy o f the A lb an ian - C eltic p a ra lle l), Sprache IX 156; PETERSSON apud D e m ir a j (to G k yiyyuno jo in t); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 127, Strat ificazione 89; MANN Language XXVIII 34; PISANI Saggi 131 ; H a m p KZ LXXVI 275-276; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 159; M a y r h o f e r 1 429; W a l d e H o f m a n n I 5 92-593; POKORNY I 380-381; F r is k I 321; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 102 (fo llo w s M e y e r ); a b e j St. VII 229, 231; HULD 70; LBERG Studi Pisani II 685; BoRGEAUD RRL XX 4; JANSON Unt. 2829; R a s m u s s e n Morph. 263; K d d e r it z s c h Festschr. Mac Eoin 62; D e m ir a j AE 190-191. gjuaj ~ gjuej a o r . gjova. gjuajta - gjujta, gjojta to hunt. Goes back to PAlb *jgnja based on the noun *jaga > gjah hunt, hunting. Further
gjiz ~ gjz f goat cheese. A St. I 228-229). Taking into ao the Balkans (putting cheese intc *gjin- may be derived from P> ON sin sinew, OHG senawa. IE *s(i)- to bind. 0 JOKL Stuc part of curdled milk), Sprache with urdh); LlDN KZ LXI 1 XXVn 115-117; T a g lia v in i Str 33; P is a n i Saggi 102 (to Gk seig milk); MlNSHALL Langu. (suffix -z); POKORNY I 891 timologija 1983 137 (borrow gliza calfs stomach used for (to W hufen cream and the 1 gjob f, pi. gjoba fine, p en alt' the sam e m eaning in its South (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 19; naselenie 144, 181; SVANE 20 gjoc
m, pl.
gjoca ap h id , green)
138
G JU H
GJU RM K
etymological connection is OHG jagn to hunt (HAMP Laryngeals 134). 0 C a m a r d a I 122 (to Gk innou to seek); M e y e r Wb. 136 (to Slav *zen, *g-bnati to drive away, Lith gen, giti id.), Alb. Studien III 7; T h u m b IF XXVI 18; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 3 3 0 -3 3 1 ; K l u g e 329; V a s m e r I 4 1 9 (follows M e y e r ); H u l d 7 0 -7 1 ; D e m ir a j AE 1 9 1 -1 9 2 (to Lat sgi to feel, to suspect, OIr saigim to go towards, to seek). gjuh f, pl. gjuh tongue, language. Dialectal forms reflect the initial gl-: Cham gluh, Calabr g luyz. From PAlb *ghisa, further connected with the Indo-European dialectal word for sound *golso-: ON kail shout, Lith galsas echo, Slav *gols~b voice. PAlb *-ul- (> Alb ul-,-lu-) seems to go back to *-/- so that the source of the Albanian form should be reconstructed as IE *glso-, a zero-grade opposed to the full grade of Balto-Slavic and Germanic. 0 CAMARDA 2 6 (connection with Gk yX aoa tongue, language); M e y e r Wb. 142 (to gjuaj to call, a secondary variant of quaj id.); B a r ic ARSt. 35 (to the Indo-European word for tongue, with gjuh < *glundh(u) < *dlonghu); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 89-90; La P ian a 94 (compares with Gk y S ccca); PISANI Saggi 102, /F L X I 146 (borrowed from Gk y ^ t a c a ); P o k o r n y I 350; F r a e n k e l 131; S c h m id t KZ L V II 34 (reconstructs *dlnghu); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 132 (borrowed from Gk yXaaa), Stratificazione 8990; T r u b a c e v SSJa VI 2 1 9 -2 2 0 ; a b e j St. VII 193, 2 6 8 ; O r e l Lin guistica XXIV 4 2 7 -4 2 9 (to IE *geb- ~ *g - to swallow); H u l d 71 eh (from *ghnud-sk-l).
GJUVENG
GJYSM
139
via NGk yop}r(x id.), Wb. 142 (uncertain link to Ital orma footmark, Rum urm id.); BARIC ARSt 103 (to Lat serp to crawl); MAYRHOFER III 471; F r isk II 419; P o k o r n y I 909-910; a b e j St. VII 216, 227.
g ju ven g f harlot. Borrowed from Lat adj. fem. juvenca young, also
gjykoj aor. gjykova to judge, to try . Borrowed from Lat jdicre id.
(CAMARDA I 99; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 33; M e y e r Wb. 142-143). A s to gjyq trial, court, it continues Lat judicium id. (ABEJ St. I 229-
230). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. IV 74; MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 10461048; M ih e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 131; L a n d i Lat. 101, 109, 112. gjymt adj. defective, incomplete, cripple, stunted. Borrowed from Rom *junctus joined or secondarily derived from gjymtyr. 0 O R E L RRL X X X I/1 3 (comparison with gjysm).
140
GJYSH
HA
gjysh m, pl.gjysh, gjyshr ~ gjyshn grandfather. From PAlb *siisa identical with Skt ssa progenitor further derived from IE *seu- to give birth (WIEDEMANN BB XXVII 243). Borrowed to Rum ghiuj old man. 0 C a m a r d a I 72 (from *glysh, related to Gk yocco sister-inlaw); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 5 (from Rom *avsius)\ M e y e r Wb. 143; B u g g e BB XVIII 176 (from Rom *avisius); JOKL LKUBA 2837 (agrees with W i e d e m a n n ), Sprache IX 152; T a g l ia v in i Stratifi cazione 115; M a y r h o f e r III 492; P o k o r n y 1 913-914; P o g h ir c 1st. limb. rom. II 330 (to yuyai- jia7 ioi, Hes.); ROSETTI ILR I 277; NEROZ t7 NAK Paleob. 198 (to Hitt huhhas, Lyc yuga grandfather); O rel Sprache XXXI 280, ZfBalk XXIII 147; A B E J*. VII 258; Huld/sTZCVII 168; LiUKKONEN SSF X 58 (from *sauisia- related to Lith svas own); D e m ir a j AE 192-193.
H
ha aor hngra ~ hangra to eat. Reflects PAlb *eda derived from IE *ed- id. (H a m p St. albanica VIII/2 153-154). In Albanian, it is an accen tual archaism with a stressed thematic vowel in 1 sg. pres. *edd < IE *edom (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 341). Pretonic *-d- > -h-, -0- is regular (OREL SBJa Kont. 22-23), as well as the apheresis. The ^/-participle ngrn ~ ngran is derived from IE *g*er(d)- to swallow (B o p p Alb. 82). The aorist hngra ~ hangra is a secondary formation based on the original *ngra and contaminated with the paradigm of ha (OREL timologija 1982 154), cf., typologically, ME geode contaminated from gdn to go and ode went (K o n e c k a ja Suppl. 421-423). 0 C a m a r d a 132 (compares with Gk %aivco to yawn, to gape); M e y e r Wb. 144 (from IE *(s)khed-, Skt khadati to eat, to devour), Alb. St. Ill 59; BRUG MANN Grundri I 759 (from *ghz-, cf. Skt ghas- to eat); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 341 (compares hngra ~ hangra with Arm 1 sg. aor. eker (I) ate and analyzes h- as a continuation of the augment *e-); JOKL Melanges Pedersen 139-142; B a r ic ARSt 26, 73 (agrees with MEYER), Hymje 43 (follows PEDERSEN in his etymology of ha); TAGLIAVINI Dal mazia 70; LA PIANA Studi I 34, 96; PISANI Saggi 110, Paideia XXVIII 183 (repeats B r u g m a n n s etymology); ClMOCHOWSKI LP IV 196-198; POKORNY I 287-289, 474-475; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 47; KLINGEN-
IIABI'I'
HALL
141
(archaic thematic formations of *ed-); OREL timologija 1982 151-156, Koll. Idg. Ges. 359; Iv a n o v Slav. 92-93, 185 (to Tokh A , B sw- to eat); HULD 72 (to Lat avere to enjoy, to be well); KORTLANDT ArmIE 40; ABEJ apud DEMIRAJ [ngrn - to O E grindan to grind); DEMIRAJ AE 297-298.
habit aor. habita to surprise, to astonish.Borrowed from Slav *xabiti
lenie 191; OREL timologija 1983 133; SVANE 234. hajm adj. thin, lean. Another derivative of the same root is hajthm id. Both forms are based on hal ( a b e j St. I 231). hakl f fish bone. Metathesis from *halk, a deminutive of hal. 0 a b e j St. I 231 (to hoko). hakrri f readiness for copulation (of pigs). From *harkrri, derived from *hark, see hoko. From hakrri the verb hakrrohem to threat en, to frighten is derived ( a b e j St. I 231-232). hal f. pl. hala fish bone, splinter; pine. From PA lb *skala etym ologically related to Lith skal stick o f fir e w o o d , L atv skala sp lin ter (u sed to furnish lig h t). T h is w ord is further co n n ected w ith IE *skel- to sp lit ( M e y e r Wb. 144, Alb. St. Ill 59). 0 JOKL IF XXX 192, XXXVII 99,WuS XII 7 0 (a g re es w ith M e y e r ); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 77; PISANI Saggi 122; F r a e n k e l 7 9 2 -7 9 3 ; P o k o r n y I 9 2 3 -9 2 6 ; H am p Laryngeals 130 (to Gk Jico to grin d ); HULD 151 (to Lat alnus a ld er); OREL ZfBalk XXTII 148 (sam e as H u ld , to Lith alksnis alder); a b e j St. I 233 (recon structs *skoln)\ D e m ir a j AE 1 9 3 -1 9 4 (to elb). halb f scab on the bark. From PAlb *skalba close to Latv skalbs sharp, shrill with a further link to IE *skel- to split, see hal. 0 POKORNY I 923-926; ABEJ St. I 233 (to hal and helm); OREL Orpheus VI 65. hall m, pi. halle trouble, misery, plight, sorrow . From PAlb *skalna connected with Gmc *skallaz thin, dry, shallow (E shallow and the like) ~ *xallaz weak, tired (MHG hel, hellec). 0 M e y e r Wb. 145 (from
142
HA M ULL
HARLIS
H A R M SH O R
HEDH
143
Turk hai state, situation); B a r i cA R St 2 6 (to Skt khil-); O n io n s 816; OREL IF XLIII 107-108 (from *edolos based on IE *ed- to eat).
h am u ll f, pi. hamulla stubble-field. A derivative in -ull based on ha.
e a te n n n .
b. 146, Alb. St. Ill 31, 59). Note hap INY 366-368; OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 mgeals 125 (to Hitt apa afterw ards).
. B orrow ed from Slav *vorhb!b id., here we only find *vorbhch id. (MEYER
harm oj aor. harmova to destroy, to exhaust . Together With another derivative, hanni broken wind, pursiness (in horses), goes back to *harm continuing PAlb *skarima. The latter is based on IE *sker- to cu t, cf. harr (ABEJ St. I 234-235). Note harmo crum bled plaster; stonepine and Geg hartin 'kind of pine also belonging to this root ( a b e j S. I 235). 0 P o k o r n y I 938-947.
*armessarius, also preserved in Rum annasar, a phonetic variant of Lat admissrius id. ( M e y e r Wb. 148). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1042; PUCARIU EWR 11; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 12; .*.7.*A\ 1 11 1 T ri
um r i
r variants are
g u scen id.), hardh continues PAlb vith Lith skerdziu, skersti to slaughto split, and with the o-vocalism -
h arr aor. hurra to weed, to cut dow n. F ro m PAlb *skarna, a denom inative related to IE *sker- to cu t, cf. Goth us-skarjan to tear out, Lith skiriii. skirti and the like (M EY E R Wb. 148, Alh. St. Ill 59, 73). 0 C a m a r d a I 36-37 (to Gk x a p o a c o to sharpen); B u c c e BB XVIII 167 (to Lat sari to hoe); LEWY ZfslavPh 1 4 1 6 (the same); JOKL LKUBA 156; B a ric ARSt 27 (from IE *sker-); F e is t Goth. 534; F r a e n k e l 808; POKORNY I 938-947; ClMOCHOWSKI St. JE 43; ABEJ St. VII 224; HAM P Laryngeals 129-130(to Hitt arnumi to b rin g ); LBERG KZ LXXX VI 126; D e m ir a j AE 196-197. h arrje f. pl. harr je m idge. H istorically identical with harl kind of m ite. A dem inutive of *harr, herr small cre a tu re . 0 ABEJ St. I 2 3 4 (to harr).
S p it z e r IF XXXIX 105-106; B a r i c ARSt. 26 (to Gk a^apc kind of fish), AArbSt. Ill 217; MLADENOV RFV LXXI 454-458; PETERSSON LU XVI/3 40-41 (to Gk KopSo triton); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 239, Stratificazione 137; FRAENKEL 797, 803; VASMER IV 572 (follows JOKL); TRUBACEV SSJa I 88; DEMIRAJ AE 194-195.
har abel m. pl. harabela sparrow a form unattested in South Slavic w . Wb. 17). 0 S v a n e 144. hare m, pl. harca rocky landscape" St. I 2 3 3 ).
t to divide. 0 S t i e r KZ XI 2 23 (to oSeiXto); M e y e r Wb. 147 (a trans- IF XXXVII 110 n. 1 (related to Slav
.1,1,, r a o fn r A n r h n \ -
hardhBl f, pl. hardhla lizard. Othe huc, hardhushk. The source of * hardh. Since other w ords for d ig g ers (cf. Slav *aScerb id., H *skarda to be further com pared ter, to p ric k , Latv skrzu, skrs ; Lith skardiis steep, Latv skrd Gk xapSov tpov jroiov Kpoi form ation o f Lat lacerta id.); JOKi
(for a tim e ). N o te p rothetic h-, 0 ABEJ St. VII
related to Lith skers ram , Latv sfceris id., furth OKaipco to spring, to dance. 0 FRAENKEL 801-8' POKORNY I 934.
h ed h aor. hodha to throw, to shoot. Another v
riant is hjedh. From ioym and other conto throw, to shoot idien 43; SPITZER IF ith sciuju to shoot);
hark m, pl. harqe, herq, herqe bow. Variant of ark id., borrowed from Lat arcus id. (G i l f e r d in g Otn. 26; MEYER Wb. 15),
h a rlis aor. harlisa to bring into high spirits (of a horse). Borrowed
from NGk *xapa^ico, a derivative of %ocpi^a> to do something agreable. 0 a b e j St. I 2 3 4 (derivative of harl, variant of harrje).
PAlb *skeuda connected with ON skjta, OHG .v < tinuants of Gmc *skiutan to shoot < IE *skeud (M e y e r Wb. 150, Alb. St. I ll 28, 59). 0 L i d n St XXXIX 111; BOGA II 200; BARIC ARSt 27 (to L
144
HEDHE
HELM
P is a n i Saggi 122; C im o c h o w sk i LP I I 251; P o k o r n y 1 955-956; H a m p Laryngeals 129 (to Gk ayco), St. Whatmough 88, timologija 1971 268269 (reconstructs *skeud-). St. albanica X /2 86-88; LBERG KZ LXXXV1 126 (against HAMP Laryngeals)', ABEJ St. VII 219, 250; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 352 (metathesis of IE *sk- > P A lb *ks-)\ HULD 72-73; DEMIRAJ AE 197-198 (reconstructs *skedho-).
hedhe f, pl. hedhe dandruff. Singularized plural of *hedh(), deriva tive of hedh. For the semantics cf. Russ sy p rash related to sypat to throw, to drop.
h ej f food supply (for a year). From PAlb *skalja identical with Lith
t-skala supply, stock etymologized as a derivative of skal stick of firewood, see hal. 0 FRAENKEL 7 9 2 .
hejz f,pi. hejza w ater-shed. D erived from hej spear, see hell (G azulli 1 7 3 -1 7 4 ). 0 a b e j * . I 23 7 . h ek f agony. From PAlb *skaka etymologically connected with Lith
so'kti to jump, to dance, Slav *skoki> jump, O h sce'n horror < *skekno~. 0 P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. I 125; F r a e n k e l 1021-1022; V a s m e r III 645; POKORNY I 922-923; VENDRYES [S] 40-41.
h ekur m, pl. hekura iro n . Plausibly borrowed from G k oiyKupa
anchor (JOKL apud ABEJ St. I 236), cf. hekur i anijes anchor, lit. iron of the ship. However, some phonetic details remain obscure. Initial h- may be secondary. As for -e-, it could well appear as a result of umlaut in plural and then in singular - a process widely spread in Albanian. This leads to the reconstruction of PAlb *akura. However, -nkshould yield Alb -ng-. 0 CAMARDA 90 (comparison with G k %a^K copper); MEYER Wb. 150 (compares with Skt sicati to pour out, to sprinkle), Alb. St. Ill 5, 43; PISANI Saggi 120 (to Arm erkaf); IVANOV SBJa Antic. 21 (a farfetched hypothesis close to that of CAMARDA); MlHESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350; H a m p Laryngeals 130 (to Goth aiz ore), StF XXII (V) 121-122; IVANESCU SAO VIII 274-276; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 359. helm m, pl. helme poison; grief, sorrow . From *skal(i)ma connected with hall. (O r e l IF XC 107-108) 0 MEYER Wb. 107 (compares with OHG scalmo pestilence, epidemic, scelmo id.), Alb. St. Ill 59, 64; JOKL
HELL
HERDHF,
145
Elf. Idg. 142 (to Thr GK.jir| sword); ; BARIC ARSt 27; L a P ia n a Studi 1 9 4 (to Gk xX.ijuo (papiaKo, Hes.); ABEJ St. I 2 3 6 -2 3 7 (to hell)-, DEMIRAJ AE 198 (compared with Skt ala- poison; borrowed to Greek as x^xpo). hell m , pl. helle, heje, hej spear, spit. Another form of the same word, hej, is derived from plural. From PAlb *skla identical with Gk ctko pointed stake, thorn (JOK.L IF XXXVI 124). Further related to IE *skelto cut, to split ( M e y e r Wb. 151). 0 M a n n Language X X V I386; Ham p St. albanka VI/1 125-126 (to OPr aycolo needle), StF XXII (V) 119120; FRISK II 745-746; POKORNY I 923-927; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 147; a b e j St. I 237; D e m ir a j AE 199. hep m, pl. hepa furrow, scratch. From PAlb *skapa etymologically connected with hap (ABEJ St. T 237-238; O r e l ZfBalk X X III/1 72). heq ~ hek aor. hoqa ~ hoka to draw, to puli. In dialects, a more con servative form helq is attested. It goes back to PAlb *ska!kja, a causative identical with Gk *,Kco < *solkeiO based on e^kco to draw ( C a m a r d a I 81; M e y e r Wb. 150-151). The initial h- in Albanian is irregular (H u ld 73) so that an assimilative development *salkja > *skalkja must be reconstructed. 0 M e y e r St. Ill 4,43; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 278; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 133; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 664; P is a n i Saggi 120 (heq as a borrowing from Gk ekc); PISANI Saggi 120; PORZIG Namen 236 f. (Greek data for the reconstruction of *,icco), Gliederung 172; F r is k 1 497-4 9 8 ; C h a n t r a in e 340; P o k o r n y 1901; a b e j St. V II 227; H am p Laryngeals 132 (suggests *Huolkei); H u l d 7 3 (groundless com parison with OE ealh temple, sanctuary). herdhe pl. testicles. From PAlb *ardzai related to IE *orghi- ~ *rghiid,: Av dual, drsz, Gk opxi, Arm orjik\ M ir uirgge id. (CAMARDA I 42; M e y e r Wb. 151, Alb. St. I ll 18, 7 2 , 86). The initial h- is a secondary prothetic consonant. 0 MEYER Gr. Gr. 6 7 , 275; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 335; T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 90; P is a n i Saggi 132; F r isk 1 4 3 3 -4 3 4 ; CHANTRAINE 831; HAMP Laryngeals 129 (h- as a continuant of the IndoEuropean laryngeal); POKORNY 1 782; VENDRYES [V] 20-21; HAMP Laryn geals 129; RiX Mnch. St. Spr. XXVII 93 (reconstructs *Hrghija); a bej St. VII 2 3 8 , 251; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 148; LBERG KZ LXXXVI 126; K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 44; H u l d 7 3 -7 4 ; D e m ir a j AE 199.
146
HERDHE -
H N ~
HANF.
herdhe f, pl. herdhe nest. A singularized plural of an unattested *hardh < *skordhos related to Skt srdhas- herd, crow d, W cordd crow d < *kordho-, Goth hairda herd, Slav *cerda id. ( M e y e r Wb. 151). These forms reflect a root with the alternation of *k- ~ *k- in the anlaut. In Albanian, the initial *sk- must be reconstructed. 0 BARIC ARSt 27; JOKL AArbSt I 38-40 (specially on W cordd)\ KLUGE 310; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 113, Stratificazione 144; MAYRHOFER III 310; POKORNY I 579; F e is t Goth. 234; T r u b a c e v SSJa IV 60-63. her f, pl. here time, moment of time, hour. Borrowed from Lat hra hour (MEYER Wb. 151). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 113; MANN Language XXVI 387; a b e j S. VII 2 0 0 , 280; H a a r m a n n 129. hermoj aor. hermova to dig. Initial h- is due to prothesis. Borrowed from Rom *exrmr to hoe, to dig out, cf. Lat rmr to hoe. herr m, pl. herra d w a r f. F rom PAlb *skarna d eriv ed from IE *skerto cu t, see harr (ABEJ St. I 2 3 8 ). hesht aor. heshta to stay silent. Derived from the interjection hesht hush (M e y e r Wb. 151). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 113; a b e j S. VII 220 . hesht f, pl. heshta spear. A derivative in -sht based on hell (JOKL IF XXXVI 124, LKUBA 214, 330). 0 MEYER Wb. 151 (from Lat hasta id.); a b e j St. I 238 (follows Jo k l ). hetoj aor. hetova to search, to inquire, to discover. The initial h- is prothetic. Borrowed from Lat dictre to announce. 0 M a n n Lan guage XXVI 387 (to Lith skaityti)\ ABEJ St. VII 273. h ~ h adv. now , interj. well. From PAlb *skainai, dative-locative of a noun related to Goth skeinan, OHG skinan to shine, with a seman tic development similar to that of E in a twinkling. 0 FEIST Goth. 431; K l u g e 640. hprh ~ hprh adv. just, actually, in fact. A univerbation of h pr h, a sequence including the advedrb h. hn ~ han f hna ~ hana moon. From PAlb *ksand further com-
HI ~
HIJE
147
pared with Skt cndati (he) shines, is bright, candr- shining; moon (MEYER Wb. 151 ,Alb. St. Ill 59). From the point of view of wordformation, the Albanian word is particularly close to Celt *kando-: W cann white, M B ret cann full moon. 0 SCHEFTELOWITZKZ LVI 2 08 (to Av sand- to be visible); GNTERT Ablaut 9 1 -9 2 ; BARIC ARSt 27 (to Skt chandati); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 6 9 -7 0 (reconstructs *skandn); H a s d e u E M R I I 37; E r n o u t -M eillet 92; M a y r h o f e r 1 3 7 2-373; POKORNY I 526; a b e j St. IV 57 (on the development of -nd- > --); HULD 74; SCHRIJVER Latin 4 2 8 ; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 2 (metathesis of IE *sk- > PAlb *ks-); DEMIRAJ AE 1 9 9 -2 0 0 (to hie or to Lat annus year). hi ~ h m ash. From PAlb *skina, a form with s mobile related to Lat cinis dust, ash (MEYER Wb. 152, Alb. St. Ill 5 9 , 6 7 ). 0 BARIC ARSt 2 7 -2 8 ; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 132 (reconstructs *skino-); WALDEHOFMANN I 2 1 7 -2 1 8 ; H am p Laryngeals 126 (to Skt edhas- fire wood); H am p Laryngeals 126 (groundless reconstruction of *Hidhno-); ABEJ St. VII 210; LBERG KZ LXXXVI 124; HULD 74. hidhtadj. bitter, sad. Derived from hidhem to jump, to overflow, to walk over, reflexive of hedh. The verb hidhroj ~ hidhnonj to sadden has the same source. 0 MEYER Wb. 157 (to Pol jdza fury and the like), Alb. St. Ill 16; JOKL Studien 2 9 -3 0 (to Gk a0{o to burn); B a r ic ARSt. I 28; LOEWENTHAL WuS XI 6 0 (to a goat); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 134; H a m p Laryngeals 127 (to hi); ABEJ apud DEMIRAJ (to Lat scindo to split); DEMIRAJ AE 2 0 0 -2 0 1 .
h idhs m, pl. hidhs stin ging n ettle. R elated to hidht (ABEJ St. 1 2 3 8 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 152 (u n certain co n n ectio n w ith Gk k v S ti id.); BARIC ARSt 28; JOKL Studien 2 9 -3 0 (to G k od'0> to b u rn ). hije f, pi. hije shadow. Singularized plural of an archaic h going back
to PAlb *skij. This form is connected with IE *ski- ~ *ski-: Skt chya id., Gk OKi id. (CAMARDA 1 7 1 ; M e y e r Wb. 149-150, Alb. St. Ill 59). 0 Jo k l LKUBA 60-63; PISANI Saggi 119 (separates hije from he); MANN Language XXVIII 39; JUCQUOIS Le Muson LXXVIII 439; H a m p Laryn geals 131; F r is k II 730-731; C h a n t r a in e 1017; M a y r h o f e r I 407; P o k o r n y 1917-918; a bej St. m 139, v n 277; H u l d 74-75; R a s m u s s e n Morph. 33, 61; OREL FLH VIII/1-2 46; Koll. Idg. Ges. 352 (metathe sis of IE *sk- > PAlb *ks-); DEMIRAJ AE 201.
148
H IK R R -
IH R
hikrr f, pl. hikrra sour milk; buckwheat. This form, with a secondary prothetic h-, goes back to PAlb *eikra, an /-derivative of ik, ikj. For the semantic development of the Albanian word cf. Germ gerinnen to coagulate < rinnen to run. hime pl. bran. From PA lb *skeidma, a m orp hological innovation based
on IE *skeid-men-, further co n n ected w ith G oth skaidan to d iv id e , Lith skiedzu, skiesti to m ak e th in and, in p a rticu la r, w ith Lith skiemu o p en in g used to in sert the sh u ttle < *skeid-men-. 0 KLUGE 641; FRAENKEL 805-806; P o k o r n y I 921; F e is t Goth. 427; a b e j St. I 239 (id en tica l w ith imt).
himt
adj.
hingl f, pl. hingla girth. Borrowed from Rom *hinnicula, derivative of Lat hinnus m ule. hinglloj aor. hingllova to whinny, to neigh. Borrowed from Rom *hinniculre, an expressive form based on Lat hinnlre. 0 MEYER Wb. 151-152 (connected with Lat hinnlre to whinny, to neigh); ABEJ St. VII 221. hinje interj. behold, now, there. A sequence of two interjections: hi identical with he and nje, a form of njoh (CAMARDA II 156; M e y e r Wb. 314). 0 a b e j St. 1 239 (follows C a m a r d a but also compares hinje with inf). hip(j) ~ hypi
aor.
can b e su g g ested h ere, the v erb w ith its unusual lo n g grad e co u ld be com p ared w ith Lith kpti to r is e , Latv kupt to gather, to b uild u p . B a r i c ARSt. 17 (to IE *upo o v er , up); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 135; F r a e n k e l 314; P o k o r n y 1 591; H am p Laryngeals 127-128 (to Skt tipa up, hither), St. Whatmough 88, SCL XXVIII/1 74.
hire grace, favor, m ercy. From PAlb *sklra etymological ly connected with Goth skeirs clear, Slav *scirb clean (MEYER Wb. 152, Alb. St. Ill 5 9 , 7 1 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 7 0 (identifies hir with xpi favor, grace); MlKLOSICH Bulg. Siebenb. 123 (from Gk %pi); BUGGE BB XVIII 167 (to Gk aicipov "white parasol born by a priest ess); JOKL LKUBA 67 (follows B ltg g e ); L a P ia n a Studi I 6 6 -6 7 (similar
h i r m, pl.
H IR R
HJEKS
149
to C a m a r d a ); K l u g e 647-645; M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (agrees with M e y e r ); F e ist Goth. 432; P o k o r n y I 917-918; V a s m e r IV 507508; MlHESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350 (borrowed from Gk xpi); a bej St. I 239-240 (singularized plural of *her which, in its turn, is an umlau ticized form of *har; the latter comes from Gk j^pi); D e m ir a j AE 201-202 (possibility of hir borrowed from Gk Ep holy). hirr f whey. From PAlb *ksir to be compared with Skt ksJrd- milk, Osset xsir id. (PEDERSEN IF V 45; KZ XXXVI 277). Note that Alb -rr- seems to reflect an intervocalic *-r-, 0 CAMARDA I 47 (to Gk p id., Skt sar- flowing); MEYER Wb. 152 (to Slav *syro> cheese - pho netically impossible), Alb. St. Ill 43 (to Lat serum)', B a r ic ARSt 28 (to Lith karts bitter1 AArbSt 1/1-2 145-146; OKLLKUBA 273 (follows ), PEDERSEN); LlDN KZ L X I9-10 (to O N skyr sour milk < Gmc *skurjan); P o r z ig Gliederung 132; PISANI Saggi 132 (follows LlDN); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 148-149; MAYRHOFER I 290; M ILLER Osset. 15; HUB SCHMID XII LFR II 978 (connected with Mantuan scaron id. borrowed from Messap *skar-); ABEJ St. VII 234; H a m p LB XXIV/4 49 (links hirr to urdh and reconstructs *skerHina)\ HULD 75; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 144; D e m ir a j AE 202-203. hisll ~ hsll m, pl. hislla ~ hslla burning nettle. Goes back to *hithll, a derivative of hith. Another form belonging here is hiskull id. influ enced by hisk sharp and long (of bulls horns). Nasalization in Geg is secondary. 0 ABEJ St. I 240 (connection between hisk and hiskull). (G) hitas aor. hite ta to hurry. Borrowed from Slav *xytati, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg xitam id., SCr hitati (ABEJ St. I 240). 0 Svane 256. hith m, pl. hitha blight, burning nettle. Apparently, from *hidh with an irregular auslaut unvoicing (but cf. gjethi), further connected with hedh, see JOKL Stud. 29-30. 0 M e y e r Wb. 152 (to Gk icviSr) id.). hjedht adj. slim, long and thin. Derived from hjedh, a phonetic variant of hedh. Note also hjedh chaff coming from the same source. hjeks m, pl. hjeks 'm ediator, accessory, receiver o f stolen g o o d s. D er iv ative o f hjek, a d ialectal variant o f heq (M a n n HAED 160).
150
HO BE
HU ~
H l)
hbe f, pl. hbe catap ult, s lin g . A d ialectal form o f bahe ( a b e j St. I 240). hoje f, pl. hoje h o n e y c o m b . A sin g u la rized plural o f huall ( a b e j St. I 240). 0 M e y e r Wb. 146 (to hal). hok f jo k e , j e s t . An o n o m a to p o eia im itating lau ghter. 0 LA PIANA Studi I 95 (borrow ed from Lat jocus jest, jo k e ); ABEJ St. I 240 (iden tifie s hok w ith ok m easu re o f w e ig h t, from T u rk ish ). hoko m uncastrated boar. Other variants are hako, harko. A suf fixal derivative of *hark ~ *hork imitating pigs grunting. 0 MEYER Wb. 153 (to Pers xuk pig); ABEJ St. I 232 (related to harr). holl adj. thin, fin e , slen d er, s lim . F rom P A lb *skdla further c o m pared with IE *skel- to cu t: Lith skeliu, ske'lti to sp lit, to d iv id e , M ir scilim to let g o and the lik e (JOKL IF XXXVII 99). 0 L e w y ZfslavPh I 416 (to Slav *xoliti); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 210 (fo llo w s JOKL); BARIC ARSt 72 (to Gk c t k c o o picket, stake), Ftymje 34; F r a e n k e l 800; H am p Laryngeals 130 (to Gk Aico to grind); LBERG KZ LXXXVI126 (against H am p); V e n d r y e s [S] 28-29; P o k o r n y I 924-925; a b e j St. V I I 199, 227; H u l d 75-76; C l a c k s o n LR 219; D e m ir a j AE 203 (to Gk avXq
reed flu te ').
hop m, pl. hope instant, moment; jum p. A descriptive stem, cf. E to hop (M e y e r Wb. 153). horr m, pl. horra villain, scoundrel, rogue, pauper, m iser. Together with fem. horre shameless woman, whore, it represents a pair of Ger manic loanwords, cf. Goth hors adulterer - ON hora whore, OHG huora id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 153 (borrowed from Turk hor bad, small); KLUGE 321; ABEJ St. VII 234; O r e l Orpheus VI 65. hu ~ h m, pl. hunj p ick et, stake, p o le , p e n is. C o n tin u es P A lb *skuna w ith a secon d ary n asal su ffix , g o in g b ack to the ea rlier *skuja id en tical w ith Slav *xujb p e n is. Further p a ra llels are rep resen ted by OIr see h aw th o rn , Lith slcuj p in e -n e e d le , L atv skuja id ., S la v *xvoja id. (P e d e r s e n Zb. Jagi2\%). 0 B a r i C ARSt. I 29; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 83-84 (to Gk ^vkov); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 90; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 15; V e n d r y e s [S] 37; F r a e n k e l 821; P o k o r n y I 958;
H LAJ ~
H U EJ ---- H U LU M T O J
151
154, Alb. St. Ill 59-60). 0 CAMARDA II 204 (to Lat hostis stranger, fo r
e ig n e r , g u e s t); M e y e r Gr. Gr. 124; PEDERSEN IF V 59; BARIC ARSt
29 (b ased on ha, cf. Lat hostis - Skt ghdsati to e a t); L a PIANA Studi I 106; JOKL IF XXXVII 93 (fo llo w s MEYER ), L 55; PORZIG Gliederung 178; PISANI Saggi 119; FRISK II 333-334; HAMP Laryngeals 131, Anc. IE 116; ABEJ St. I 240-241 (a d d u ces OAlb uoj as an argu m en t again st M e y e r s e ty m o lo g y ); HULD 76; O r e l Sprache XXXI 282; D em iraj AE 203-204 (sem antically unacceptable hypothesis: from *ouos
that th e r stra n g e). o > h uall ~ h u ell m,pl. hoje honeycomb. Goes back to PAlb *skla further
sented by the variant hurdh continuing PAlb *skurd, etymological ly connected with Gk oKpoSov id. ( C a m a r d a I 50; M e y e r Wb. 154, Alb. St. Ill 28, 5 9 ,7 2 ) . 0 M e y e r Gr. Gr. 160, 331; B a r ic ARSt 29; J o k l Festschr. Kretschmer 7 8 -8 0 , LKUBA 2 3 0 , Sprache IX 121; TAGLIAVI NI Dalmazia 273; F r isk I I 738; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 30, 121 ; C h a n t r a in e 1021; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 344; H A M PL XX 1 1 6 -1 1 7 (recon structs o-grade); a b e j St. VII 237; D e m ir a j AE 2 0 4 -2 0 5 .
hudhroj aor. hudhrova to throw, to fling. Derived from hudh-, a mor-
257).
hulum toj aor. hulumtova to follow up, to track out, to investigate. A parallel form hulmtoj is phonetically closer to the source which is Rom *inventare based on Lat invenlre to find out. The complicated pho netic history of this word includes the assimilation of -v- to the pre ceding -n- and then the dissimilation of two nasals and the loss of the second one. Finally, a prothetic h- was added. The irregularities may reflect an unusual way of the word acquisition (via hunters slang?).
152
H ULLI
H IJR D H
hulli f, pl. hulli furrow . Another variant is holli. A derivative of holl ( a bej St. I 241). 0 M a n n Language XVII 14 (to Lith skivis). humb aor. humba to leave, to lose, to spoil, to m iss, to drown. From a nasal present *skumba compared with IE *skeubh-: Goth af-skiuban to push away, to reject, Lith skumbu, skubti to hurry, to hasten (PISANI Saggi 109). As to hup to lose, to spoil, to m iss, it may be a back fo r mation based on humb. 0 MEYER Wb. 154 (connects humb with hup)', BARIC ARSt 36-37 (hup to Lat stip to upset, to overturn); PISANI Saggi 124; F r a e n k e l 820; P o k o r n y I 955; H a m p Laryngeals 128 (to hipj), SCL XXVIII/1 75; FEIST Goth. 9; ABEJ St. VII 217, 232; OREL IF XCIII 109 (compares with hup and reconstructs *skupa ~ *skumpa further connected with Slav *cupati to pinch, to tear, to break), TBK 192. hund f, pl. hund nose. Goes back to PAlb *skun-t derived from *skuna > hu (MEYER Wb. 152-153). The verb hundohem to sneer, to turn up nose is derived from hund (CAMARDA II 143-144). 0 SCHMIDT KZ LVII 16; B a r ic ARSt 103 (to Lat sentw to feel1 T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia ); 276, Stratificazione 90; LBERG KZ LXXXVI 127 (accepts M e y e r s etymology); HULD 76 (fantastic comparison with IE *nas- nose); ABEJ St. I 240 (on hundohem)-, OREL timologija 1985 180 (against H u l d ).
hupte aor. stale (of bread); forming a hard crust (of snow). Deriva tive of hup, see humb.
hurb f, pl. hurba swallow, mouthful. Another variant is hurp which also functions as a verb to swallow.From PAlb *skurb etymologi cally linked to Lith skerbiu, skerbti to cut deep, Latv slirba fissure, slot, Slav *schrba id. 0 F r a e n k e l 801, 807; V a sm e r IV 503-504; abej St. I 2 4 2 (onomatopoeia). hurdhe f, pl. hurdhe iv y . T he p arallel form is urdhe. A sin g u la rized p lural g o in g back to P A lb *wurda co n n ected w ith other r e fle x e s o f IE *urdho-\ OE word th o rn -b u sh , Lat rubus b ra m b le-b u sh . 0 MEYER Wb. 154 (to Skt pfs'ni- sp o tte d ); W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 445-446; H o l t h a u s e n AEW 405; a b e j St. VII 236. hurdh f, pl. hurdha pond, pool. Another variant is urdh. Continues PAlb *wurd, a derivative in *-dh- further related to Slav *vin> whirlpool, *variti to cook, Lith ve'rdu, virti id. 0 JOKL Studien 30-
(G)
HUT
HYJ ~
HYJ
153
31 (to Skt vdr- water); PISANI Saggi 119; FRAENKEL 1263; VASMER I 275; POKORNY I 1166; ABEJ St. VII 236-237; DEMIRAJ AE 205. (G) hut adj. vain, em pty. The initial h- is prothetic. From PAlb *uta, an adjective in *-to- based on IE *eua- : *u- empty, cf. similar for mations in *-no-\ Skt n- missing, Lat va nus em pty and the like. 0 JOKL Studien 31 (to Gk ocuto vain, empty); WALDE-HOFMANN II 731-732; C h a n t r a in e 382; P o k o r n y 1 345; K o pec n y ESSI 1262; H a m p Laryngeals 126; LBERG KZ LXXXVI 124 (onomatopoeia); KORTLANDT Arm-IE 44; ABEJ St. VII 227; DEMIRAJ AE 205. hut f, pl. vulture, ow l. Another variant is ut. Borrowed from MGk (to horned owl. 0 MEYER Wb. 460 (borrowed from Lat tus horned owl < Gk coto); MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 31 (from Lat tus); ABEJ St. VII 227.
g o d . S in g u la rized plural o f yll, hyll sta r (OREL Linguistica XXIV 4 3 8 ) c o in e d by BOGDANI (ABEJ apud DEMIRAJ). 0 MEYER Wb. 150 (connects hyj with hije); K r is t o f o r id h i 135, 139 (sam e as MEYER); J o k l LKUBA 6 4 -6 5 (re co n str u c ts *hye co n tin u in g IE *skini-); M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (to ON skuggi < IE *skuui-); Hamp St. Whatmough 88.; DEMIRAJ AE 20 5 .
hyj ~ hyj aor. hyra ~ hyna to enter. The anlaut h- is prothetic. Goes back to a denominative PAlb *eiwinja or *eiwanja based on *eiwi- ~ *eiwa, related to IE *ei- to go, to walk and etymologically close to Ski e'va- speedy, Lith at-elvis, at-e'iva newcomer, stranger, pe'r-eiva tramp, vagrant. 0 BARIC ARSt. I 17-18 (reconstructs *supniO, further to Lat sub under and the like); FRAENKEL 119; MAYRHOFER I 129; P o k o r n y I 293-297; H am p Laiyngeals 125-126 (to Skt ava- off); ABEJ St. I 2 4 2 (connects hyj with -y-, reflecting a contraction of *-oi- < *odi-, to IE *sed- to go).
154
ij
im i
i-:
I
ij f, pl. ij hip, side. Borrow ed from Lat pi. Ilia groin, flank (CAMARDA I 70-71; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 32; M e y e r Wb. 158). 0 M e y e r L b k e Gr. Grundri21 1044, 1050; MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 16; HAAR MANN 130; a b e j St. I 243; L a n d i Lat. 126. ikj aor. ikna to go away, to run away. A more archaic form of present is ik; there exists also a form with a secondary initial h-. Continues PAlb *eika further belonging to IE *ei- to go (ABEJ St. I 243). Sim ilarly to Slav *jbd (I) go based on *idhi, an old imperative of *<?/'(POLIVANOV lORJaS XXIV/2 349-350), Albanian present forms ik. ikj are derived from the imperative ik which can be compared with Lith elk, elki go! (OREL Lingv. issled. II 35-36, Baltistica XXI/2 156-157), with the suffix of imperative -k- of dubious origin (STANG NorwJLing. XXX 127-131). 0 M e y e r Wb. 158; B r u g m a n n IF XXIX 404-412; L a PIANA Studi alb. I 193 (compares ik with Gk ikco to come); BUGA REV LVII 240 (on Lith eJki); POKORNY I 293-294; ABEJ St. VII 205, 227; OREL ZfBalk X X II/1 82, Koll. Idg. Ges. 352.
CSM.
245). As to ishull between ishull sunny place and shull). ith prep, behind. From PAlb *its, a form of IE *eghs from, out of (M e y e r Wb. 158, Alb. St. I l l 16). The change of meaning is a part of a wider semantic shift in the system of prepositions (see nga); the old meaning is preserved in the prefix sh- < *is- < *its- (partly influenced by a homonymous prefix of Latin origin continuing Lat dis-). The vowel of ith makes it extremely close to Slavic (*jbz) and Baltic (OPrus is, Lith is, dial. Latv iz). Cf. normal vocalism of the same root in jasht. 0 M e y e r BB XIV 53; P i s a n i Saggi 125; I 98 f.; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVIII421 (*/- as the original vowel in this root); KARSTIEN Festschr. Vasmer 213; E n d z e l in Latys. predi. I 98; F r a e n k e l 188; W a l d e H o f m a n n 1 423 (reject the co n n ectio n b etw e en ith and *eghs); PISANI Saggi 125; P o k o r n y I 292-293; P o l K apud K o p e c n y ESSJ I 82; O r ft Koll. Idg. Ges. 359.
: demonstra te .
Derived from
AENKEL 187;
derived from
INJ
ITH
155
inj prep, up to . A g h o st w ord reg ister ed o n ly by MlTKO and b ein g , in fact, a p h on etic variant o f hinje (ABEJ St. I 2 4 4 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 159 (to IE *eni in ), Alb. St. I ll 66; H a m p Laryngeals 136; D e m ir a j AE 2 07. ir adj. d u n '. R elated to err , w ith i- resu ltin g from the p arad igm atic a lternation e ~ i in n oun s. 0 ABEJ St. I 2 4 4 -2 4 5 (lin k s ire to irmadh h e r o ic but the latter is a com p ou n d o f ire h e r o ism and madh). ir f, wrath, heroism . Borrowed from Lat Tra wrath.
iriq m, pl. iriq, iriqa hedgehog. Borrowed from Lat ricius id. (S tier KZ X I 141; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 23; MEYER Wb. 159). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. G rundri 2 1 1048; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 15; a b e j St. VII 254; L a n d i Lat. 8 4 , 112, 139.
iskr I. pl. iskra spark. B orrow ed from Slav *jbskra id., cf. South Slavic continuants: B u lg iskra, SC r iskra (MEYER Wb. 159). 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 135; SVANF, 57.
ishull m r.i ;
J
I V , O V A JN t, lM-y.
immmmmmmiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiimiiiiiii^j^^iiiMjpiroireiniig
ilq e f, pl. ilqe h o lm -o a k . A sin g u la rized plural o f *ilq b( 1048; H a a r m a n n 130. im pron. m y . A u n iv erb a ted se q u en ce c o n sistin g o f th tiv e p ron oun *is (se e ay) and u n stressed 1 sg . p ron oun im sh t f, pl. imshta oak g r o v e . A nother variant is ipsht.
im t adj. tiny, sm a ll. A nother variant is im. R efle cts P7 tin u in g *s-mos, cf. Skt Tsdt little, a little , s lig h tly , L iti L atv ss id. 0 MEYER Wb. 158 (to IE *em~ to s e iz e ); F f M a y r h o f e r 1 96; P o k o r n y 1 2 9 9 -3 0 0 ; a b e j St. I 2 3 9 ( hi), 2 4 4 (to hime).
156
V C t , p l. I V U C lliu i u i u c i y p d i 11
IV
JA M
V 'U " i 'i k v w i v
u u i u v v v v i H v>ki"O 'uv
m ean in g as rep resen ted by B u lg iva and SCr iva (DESNICKAJA Slav,
zaini. 11). 0 a b e j St. I 245-246; S v a n e 99. izb f. cellar. Borrowed from Slav *istT>ba house, cellar attested in South Slavic in Bulg izba and SCr izba (S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie
149). 0 S v a n e 54.
J
ja interj. behold, here, now. A shortened form of javo, javua id., an early borrowing from Slav *avi.nb manifest, obvious in its adver bial function, with -o, -ua continuing *-wn>. For South Slavic continuants of *avbm> cf. Bulgjaven, SCr javan. 0 M e y e r Wb. 160 (uncertain con nection with Slav *aviti s to appear); a bej St. I 246 (from NGk y i in y i id.); OREL Orpheus VI 65. jak interj. c o m e . A n iso la te d im p era tiv e form in -k (cf. ik) based on IE *ja- to g o . 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 191 (com pou nd co n sistin g o f ja and p ron om in al At?-); POKORNY I 296; ABEJ St. 1 2 4 7 (tra n sfo rm a tio n o f the p hrase eja ktu co m e h e r e ). jam
aor. qesh to b e . From P A lb *es-mi further connected with IE *esid. and id en tical w ith Skt smi, G k e ip i (B O P P 460, 4 7 2 , 526; G i l f e r -
DING Otn. 22; C a m a r d a I 36; M e y e r Wb. 1 6 0 -1 6 1 ). T he a o rist m ay be ten ta tiv ely ex p la in ed as a sig m a tic form ation b ased on IE *k"el- to turn, to r e v o lv e (CAMARDA I 4 5 ), c f. G m c *werdan to b e c o m e in its co n n ectio n w ith IE *uert- to turn, to r e v o lv e . 0 S t i e r KZ VII 9; M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 63, 85; L a P ia n a Studi 1 86; J o k l LKUBA 83; M a n n Language XXVI 383; PISANI KZ LXXI 64 (a o rist com p ared w ith Latv k(t to b ecom e). Saggi 103; MAYRHOFER 1 67; F r isk 1 463-464; POKORNY I 3 4 0 -3 4 2 ; HAMP Festschr. Beeler 3 3 7 -3 4 6 (d e r iv e s 3 sg. sht ~ sht from *en esti to be com p ared w ith G k eveo x t); ABEJ St. I 2 4 7 -2 4 8 ; KLINGENSCHMITT Mnch. St. Spr. XL 113; OREL Lingv. issled. II 3133 (n asa liza tio n in 3 sg . sht ~ sht < P A lb *ensti ex p la in ed by the in flu e n c e o f 3 p l . jan < *enti < *es(o)nti), Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 2 (a c c e n tual o p p o sitio n b etw een 1 sg. jam and 1 pl. jenti in P roto-A lb an ian ); H u ld 7 6 -7 7 ; D e m ir a j AE 2 0 7 -2 0 8 .
JA P
J M J / ' a r i i V i i i I " " i ^ v " / l p m U 11V ^ 1
JA R M
1 U 1 111 IO t i-fS. V J L -g tllA JJ lU S U ild i l U lU
157
PAlb *en-apa while./- in jap is explained as filling hiatus (PEDERSEN Festskr. Thomsen 2 4 7 ) or resulting from the analogical influence of jam (DEMIRAJ AE 79). Thus, for Proto-Albanian, *apa should be recon structed as a parallel for IE *ap- ~ *ep- to seize, to take: Skt apnoti (he) reaches, overtakes, Gk mmo to fasten, to bind, Lat apiscor to grasp and the like (B O PP469; MEYER Wb. 13, Alb. St. Ill 3 1 ). Seman tically, the Albanian word is particularly close to Hitt epzi (he) gives ( H u l d 7 7 ). For the paradoxical semantic development replacing one conversive with another cf. Hitt da- take < IE *d- to give. The aorist dhash < PAlb *e-das-a is based on the zero grade of IE *do- to give ( C a m a r d a i 7 3 ,1 2 7 ; M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 14). 0 C a m a r d a i 7 3 ,1 2 7 (jap compared with Gk ia 7 txco to send, to drive on; dhash derived from *d-); JOKL Studien 3 2 , LKUBA 2 6 , IF XLIII 5 1 -5 2 , Sprache IX 118 (augment in dhash); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I I 475; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 168; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 240; La PIANA Vocale 2 5 , Studi I 23; M a y r h o f e r I 76; F r is k I 1 2 6 -1 2 7 ; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 5 7 -5 8 ; POKORNY I 5 0 -5 1 , 2 2 3 -2 2 6 ; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 30; ABEJ St. VII 195; H am p St. Whatmough 8 2 , Miinch. St. Spr. XL 4 (< IE *epi-d(o)H-i, cf. Gk juopi to give freely); HULD 150; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 4 2 (reconstructs *dodHs- as the source of dhash); KLINGENSCHMITT Miinch. St. Spr. XL 123 (reconstruction of the aoristic paradigm); OREL Etimologija 1982 154 (parallelism of dhash < *e-das-m and Slav *daxrb\ traces of the augment), Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 4 9 , 352; HAMP KZ CIII 291 (repeats JOKL and OREL in reconstructing the anlaut augment); D e m ir a j AE 1 5 4 -1 5 5 .
ja rg f, pl.jarga spit, phlegm. From PAlb *erg related to Av srazantbad, OHG arg bad, evil, Lith arzus lusty. 0 POKORNY I 338; ABFJ
ja rm m yoke. Borrowed from Slav *arbm-b id., cf. South Slavic con-
tinunants: OCS jarhm-b, Bulg jarem, SCr jaram (MEYER Wb. 161). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 156; SVANE 2 8 .
158
JASH T
JES
Gk ^, Lat ex and the like ( C a m a r d a I 36, 87; a b e j St. I 248-249). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 24 (from Lat extra)', M e y e r Wb. 161 (from Rom *extus parallel to Lat intus), Alb. St. IV 49; L a P ia n a Studi I 85 (reconstructs *eghs-to-)\ TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 133 (follows MEYER); M a n n Language XXVI 383; F risk 1527; W a l d e -H o f m a n n 1423; abej St. VIT 232, 257; H u l d 77.
ja v f, plJ a v week. Borrowed from Lat hebdomas id. (MEYER Wb.
162) treated as a nominative in -a. The group -bdm- yields Alb -v-. 0
S k o k AArbSt. II 343 n. 3; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 252; TAGLIAVINI Dal
mazia 133; M ih e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 23; H a a r m a n n 129; H a m p GjA XVII (8) 121-129.
ja z m, pl. jaza mill-stream. Borrowed from Slav *zr dam, w eir, cf. b
South Slavic continuants: Bulg yaz, SCr jaz (DESNICKAJA Slav, zaimstv.
11). S v a n e 44.
je f. p e r m issio n . A p h on etic variant o f leje. 0 MEYER Wb. 162 (to Skt yo's- w elfa r e, h a p p in e ss and the lik e ), Alb. St. Ill 40, 63; PEDERSEN Festskr. Thomsen 253 (again st MEYER); JOKL Studien 32 (to Skt dvifa v o r a b le ); ERNOUT-MEILLET 330; ABEJ St. I 249 (je as a variant o f the p a rticle le sem a n tica lly m isin terp reted by MEYER).
jeh m. echo. A scholarly borrowing from Lat echo id. Used as a basis
for the formation of jehoj to echo and jehon echo. 0 ABEJ St. I 249 (Greecisized Ital eco id.).
jer m m delirium, absent-mindedness. Goes back to PAlb *erma ety
mologically identical with Lith ermas m onster. Latv rms wonder ful apparition, qrmi wonders, miracles. 0 JOKL Studien 32; FRAENKEL 122; POKORNY I 58; D u r id a n o v Trakite 56, 75 (to Thr *ermas); ABEJ St. I 250, VII 205, 247; DEMIRAJ AE 208.
jes aor. jeta to remain. From PAlb *etja, a denominative of jete. 0 M e y e r Wb. 163 (suggests IE *et- or *ed- but without any meaning); BARIC ARSt I 76 (to IE *sed- to sit); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 134, 186; XHUVANI KLetr I 5; ABEJ St. I 250-251 (to Phryg eirou, 3 sg. opt. let
him be).
.JETE
JU
159
jet f, pl.jet life. Goes back to PAlb *eta, related to the isolated group of Gk xe true, real, e t - 0cX.r|0f), yocG (Hes.), tco to test. 0 C a m a r d a I 122 (to jes)\ M e y e r Wb. 163 ( from Rom *aeta > Arum eta world, life, a back-formation of Lat aetas age), Alb. St. IV 12; M e y e r - L b k e Gr. G rundri2 1 1043, 1056; PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 156 (follows C a m a r d a ) ; B a r i c AArbSt. I 216; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 23 (reconstructs IE *aiuot > M W oed world); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 1 33-134; S c h u c h a r d t KZ X X 242; L e w is - P e d e r s e n 9; a b e j St. I 2 51-252; F r is k I 5 78-581; HAMP ERPh. 41 -4 3 (supports M e y e r ); H u ld 78; L a n d i Lat. 71; O r e l Orpheus VI 65. jezull m cloud of dust or smoke; ashes. A secondary formation based on jezer id. - a metaphoric usage of Slav * e zen lake (abej St. I 252). MANN Comp. 7 (to Gk ai'GaXo soot). jo part. no. Borrowed from Germ ja via Slavic languages of AustroHungary (F r ie d r ic h IF LX 164). BARIC ARSt 37 (from IE *eneu: Goth inti without, Skt ano not); ABEJ St. VII 227. jonfi f, pl.jona e c h o . Phonetic transformation o f jehon, see jeh. 0 ABEJ St. I 249 (seco n d a ry attraction o f jo n and jehon). josh aor. josha to curl, to fondle, to caress. From PAlb *jaudsja ety mologically connected with IE *ieudh-\ Skt ydhyate to fight, to strug gle, Tokh A yutk- to take care of, to trouble about, Lith jdudinti to excite, to arouse (OREL FLH VIII 44). 0 FRAENKEL 195-196; POKORNY 1 511 ; M a y r h o f e r III 19-20; V an W in d e k e n s 1 612; a b e j St. 1 252253 (identifies josh with osh skimming, from Turkish hos> pleasant); K o r t l a n d t SSGL XXIII 174 (against O r e l ). josh f, pi. josha grandm other. Originally an element of the nursery vocabulary, this word is based on josh and identical with josh caress (D e m ir a j AE 209). 0 M e y e r Wb. 163 (to gjysh); B a r ic ARSt 1 37-38 (same etymology); JOKL LKUBA 37-39 (to *t-si derived from at)\ T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 115; a b e j St. 1 253; D em iraj AE 209. ju pron. you. From PAlb *ju identical with Lith j s id., Goth jus id., Gk p.e id., Skt acc. yusman id. (BOPP 4 6 4 ; CAMARDA I 95; MEYER Wb. 163, Alb. St. Ill 4 0 ), with the short vowel generalized from the oblique stem. 0 G i l f e r d t n g Otn. 21; MEYER Gr. Gr. 29 1 ; PEDERSEN
160
.JUD
KABISHT
Festskr. Thomsen 252-253 (elim in ates the hiatus j- and recon stru cts * < *ues), KZ XXXVI 103; JOKL IF XLIX 275; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 135 (follow s PEDERSEN); M a n n Language XXVIII 38 (reconstructs MANN Language XXVIII 38; P is a n i Saggi 132 (a g re es w ith MEYER); MlNSHALL Language XXII 627; MAYRHOFER III 24; FEIST Goth. 305; F r a e n k e l 199; F r isk II 963-964; P o k o r n y I 513-514; H u l d 78-79, JIES VII 203-207 (rejects MEYERs etym ology because o f the short vocalism reflected in A lbanian, and reconstructs ju < *ues); OREL FLH VIII/12 43; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X X III174 (cliticized form o f IE *iuH); D em iraj AE 209 (from *usm- p resen t in o b liq u e ca ses based on *ues). jud m mythological m onster. Borrowed from Slav *jud~b ~ *juda id., cf. in South Slavic: Buigjuda. 0 L A M B E R TZ Alh. Mrchen 26 n. 8 (links jud with the name of Judas); A B E J St. I 253 (agrees with L A M B E R T Z ). jug m South, Southern wind'. Borrowed from Slav *jugb id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg jug, SCr jug (M e y e r Wb. 164). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dal mazia 135; SELISCEV Slav., naselenie 197; S v a n e 175.
K
ka m, pl. qe ox. From PAlb *kaxa going back to *koso-, a nominal derivative of IE *kes- to scratch, to cut; cf. Slav *voh, ox ~ *valiti to throw down > to castrate (O r e l ZJ? XXVIII/4 52-53). 0 B opp 491 (from IE *gi u-); S t ie r KZ XI 150 (same as B o p p , adduces Venet ce va cow); G i l f e r d in g Otn. 22 (same as STIER); M e y e r Wb. 164 (compares ka with Lith krv cow, Slav *korva id. and the like); JOKL 'WuS XII 68-69, Sprache IX 150; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 137; MANN Language XVII 22 (to Goth auhsa); PORZIG Gliederung 175; POKORNY I 585; SGGJa I 58; H a m p St. Whatmough 86, Mnch. St. Spr. 59; a b e j St. VII 201; LBERG Festschr. Pisani II 684; O rel Balcanica 114 (a substratum loanword reflecting IE *g"u- bull), LB XXVIII/4 52-53, Koll. Idg. Ges. 360; T r u b a c e v iv. 43-44, SSJa XI 108; TOPOROV PJa IV 47 (repeats M e y e r s etymology); D em ir a j AE 210 (to Gk iceia deers c a lf). kabisht m, pl. kabishta earwig. A derivative in -sht based on an unat tested *kab continuing PAlb *kaba. The latter is related to Lith kaheti
K ACABU ~
KACAB
KA
161
ing of kaca and bu < PAlb *buna, a word of descriptive nature for beetle. As to kaca, it is a form of kac goat (see kec). In several words, it appears as an expressive prefix (cf., for example, kacafik hut, kacafytem to fight), occasionally meaning up, over.
k acad re ~ k acad r m stagbeetle, grasshopper. A compound of kaca
(see kacabu ) and dre deer. 0 M e y e r Wb. 178 (a variant of karkalec). kacagjel adv. A part of an idiom rii kacagjel to brag. Represents a com pound of kaca (see kacabu) and gjel.
kacam it m stag. The word kacamic roebuck is obviously a phonetic
variant of kacamit. A compound of kaca- (see kacabu) and mite. For the meaning of the latter cf. dialectal mitez roe ( a b e j St. I 2 5 4 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 182 [kacamit deer, roe borrowed from Ital *camozzetta chamois, cf. camozza id.).
kacarroj aor. kacarrova to climb, to clam ber. A compound of kaca
164
KAFSHOJ
K A K O LK
kafshoj
aor. kafshova to bite. Another variant is kapshoj. Borrowed from Lat capessere ~ capissere to seize, to snatch at' (MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 11 1055). 0 M e y e r Wb. 176 (from Rom *capsare based on Lat capere to take); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 21 1052 (from Rom *captire to grasp); JOKL I.KUBA 19 n. 1 (to Gk koottcd to snap, to snatch, Slav *xapati to seize, to grasp); MlHESCU RESEE I V /12 21; HAARMANN 115; abej St. I 257 (agrees with JOKL and also adduces kap).
kah prep, from, out, out of. Immediately connected with nga id. Both prepositions require nominative. The underlying Proto-Albanian phraze must have been *(en) kaxa continuing *(en) k"o(d) so (in) which (is) this. The original meaning, therefore, may be reconstructed as in or wherein but the whole system of prepositions was semantically transformed in Albanian, cf. ith. 0 CAMARDA I 66-67 (to Gk 7 in tr| some way, to some place); MEYER Wb. 304 (to Gk Kara down), Alb. St. Ill 4; v o n B l a n k e n s t e i n IF X X I 112 (follows M e y e r ) ; a b e j St. VII 201. kak f excrements. A usual Kinderwort (MEYER Wb. 166). 0 MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 8 (from Lat cacare to defecate).
kakole f, pl. kakole hip bone. A phonetic variant o ko kail bone bor
rowed from NGk kkkocov id.
K A K R K .U K
K A I .ESH
165
with a dialectal change of the unstressed -o- > -a- ( M u r a ti Probleme 79). 0 M e y er Wb. 195 (to Slav *orexT> nut).
kalaki adv. piggyback. A compound of of an expressive prefix kala(n)-
A compound of of an expressive prefix kala(n)- (see kalavesh) and *man, derivative of maj. 0 MEYER Wb. 170 (to Slav *kah> dirt, *kal'avi, dirty); B a ric ARSt. I 94-95; abej St. I 257-258 (from Bulg kalimana female witness at a wedding). kalamend aor. kalamenda to entangle, to confuse. A compound of of an expressive prefix kala(n)- (see kalavesh) and mend.
kalaqafe adv. piggyback. A compound of of an expressive prefix kala(n)-
(see kalavesh) and qaf. kalavesh m, pl. kalavesha grape. A compound consisting of an expres sive prefix kala(n)- (cf. kalamend, kalangr cram p ~ gr id.) and vesh, cf. vesh rrush grape (ABEJ St. I 258). As far as the origin of kala- is concerned, with its original meaning upside down, topsy turvy, it may continue PAlb *kala related to IE *k to turn. 0 MEYER elWb. 167 (kala- to Turk kara black); JOKL LKUBA 214 (kala- to Turk kalan rest, surplus); POKORNY I 639-640; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 102 (pre fixes ka-la-). kalb aor. kalba to let ro t. A denominative derived from PAlb *kalba, see the singularized plural qelb. 0 MEYER Wb. 221-222 (to qelb)\ BARIC ARSt. I 53 (reconstructs IE *go!bh- and compares kalb with Slav *zely tum or); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 137; ABEJ SY VII 203, 284. .
k a le c adv gently, quietly. Other variants are kalehtazi and kaletas.
The original form must have been *ka-leht-az, consisting of the prefix ka- and *leht-az derived from leht. kalesh adj. hairy. A prfixai derivative of lesh (M eyer Wb. 170). 0 Cam aj Alb. Wortb. 104.
166
KALE
(T) K A LTR
kal m, pl. kual, kuaj h o r se . B o r ro w e d from Lat caballus id. (STIER KZ X I 146; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 7; M e y e r Wb. 167). 0 CAMARDA I 66 (to G k KaocX^nq w o rk in g h o r se ); G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 2 2 (to Skt khdra- d o n k e y ); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1050; PISANI AAL VIII 345 (back form ation o f pl. kuaj borrow ed from Slav *kon i>); TAGLI AVINI Origini 190; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 13; HAARMAN 113; L a n d i Lat. 9 7 , 1 3 7 -1 3 8 . kalibe f, pl. kalibe hut. A relatively early borrowing from Slav *kolyba id. Cf. kolibe. 0 O r e l Sov . slav. 1 9 8 5 /5 7 9 -8 4 . kalibob f, pl. kaliboba Mote, n ettle -tre e . Borrow ed from Slav *kalibob'h, a compound of *kaliti to make dirty and *bob% bean unat tested in South Slavic. kalibo adv. on ones back. A compound of an expressive prefix kali(a variant of kala-, see kalavesh) and bo. 0 XHUVANI - ABEJ BShkSh 1956/4 74 (on kali-). kalihum adv. downwards, over and over. A compound of an expres sive prefix kali- (see kalibo) and hum < humb (ABEJ St. I 258). kalis aor. kalita to sharpen, to cleanse (of metal). Borrowed from Slav *kaliti id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg k a la, SCr kaliti (DESNICKA JA Slav. zaim. 16). 0 MEYER Wb. 155,386 (from NGk to carve); a b e j St. I 258; S v a n e 234. kaliva adv. in a group of three on a stem (of fruit and the like). Deriv ative in - of kalivare ( a b e j St. I 258). kalivare adv. trickling down. A compound of an expressive prefix kali(see kalibo) and var (ABEJ St. I 258-259). kaloj aor. kalova to pass, to go past. Borrowed from Rom *coallre < Lat coambulre to go with. kalptoj aor. kalptova to fill with tow, to plug, to caulk. A denomina tive based on a Turkish loanword kallp, kallp form, m odel. (T) kaltr adj. blue, sky blue. From Rom *calthinus yellow, yellowish,
KALL
KAM
167
reflex of IE *ghel- yellow); HAARMAN 114; ABEJ St. VII 218. kail aor. kalla to insert, to thrust, to place, to incite, to set on fire. From PAlb *kalna, a denominative based on *kala. The latter continues IE *k!olo- and must be related to sjell (JOKL LKUBA 266 n. 1). 0 CAMARDA I 149 (to Gk xeXXa to urge, to drive on); MEYER Wb. 168 (repeats CAMARDA s etymology), Alb. St. Ill 3; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 329; PISANI Saggi 123; ABEJ St. I 259 (follows JOKL); JANSON Unt. 161; HULD 106107; D e m ir a j AE 210-211. kalla pl. slander, calumny. Literally, incitation. Derivative of kail (C a m a r d a II 67; M e y e r Wb. 168). 0 a b e j St. I 259 (to kalli). kallzoj aor. kallzova to slander, to tell stories. Derived from an unat tested *kallz, a collective form of kalla. 0 MEYER Wb. 168 (to kail); ABEJ St. I 260-261 (identifies this verb with kallzoj to put ears of corn together, derived from kallz ear of corn). kalli m, pl. kallinj, kallza ear of grain. An archaic variant kail straw, chaff is attested in Italo-Albanian. From PAlb *kalsa related to Slav *kols-h ear of grain (MEYER BB XIV 53; Wb. 168). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 544; JOKL IF XXXVI 124, Sprache IX 151; TREIMER KZ LXV 79; P is a n i Saggi 123; a b e j St. I 270; O r e l Z a lk XXIII 143; T r u b a c e v SSJa X 152-153; R a s m u s s e n Morph. 203; D e m ir a j AE 211-212 (to Slav *koh, picket, stake). kallm m. pl. kallma reed, straw . Borrowed from Lat calamus reed, cane ( a b e j St. I 261). 0 M e y e r Wb. 168-169 (together with kallam reed borrowed from NGk K aX |ii id.); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri2 I 1042; M ih e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 13; H a a r m a n 113; L a n d i Lat. 28, 138-139. kam aor.pata to have. From PAlb *kapmi, an athematic verb based on IE *kap- to seize, to grasp, cf. Lat capul id., Goth hahan to have. The aorist is etymologically related to Lat potior to take possession of and its cognates (MEYER Wb. 171, Alb. St. Ill 36). 0 CAMARDA I 69 (to Gk to possess, to have); MEYER Wb. 171 (to Goth haban and Lat habe to have), Alh. St. Ill 6; PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 93, KZ
168
RAM ARE
- KANUSHF.
IXXXVI 308 (derives the aorist form *pot-to-); J o k l LKUBA 261; JOHANSON IF XIX 115; T r e im e r Slavia III 4 5 5 ; S c h m id t KZ LVII 2 7 -2 8 ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 216; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 97; P is a n i Saggi 9 8, 130; K l u g e 278; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 1 59-16 0 , II 3 5 0 -3 5 1 ; P o k o r n y 1 4 0 8 , 842; F e i s t Goth. 229; CAMAJ Beitr. SOE 4 1 -4 4 (fro m *k'-am. to *t>st o b e ); H u ld 167; J a n s o n Unt. 1 49-15 1 ; a b e j * . Ili 130, VII 253; H am p KZ LXXVII 252; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Koll. Idg. Ges. 230; H u ld 143; DEMIRAJ AF. 212, 3 13-314 (pash treated as a denom inative derived from *poti-). kamare f c o b w e b . A m etap h oric u sag e o f kamare v a u lt b o rro w ed from NGk K ap p a id. 0 MEYER Wb. 171-172 (borrow ed from Lat cammarus se a -c ra b , lo b s te r or Gk K ppotpo id.); ABEJ St. I 263
( fo llo w s M e y e r ).
kandr f, pl. kandra jar, vessel. Borrowed from Lat cantharus large drinking vessel, tankard, pot (LANDI Lat. 116, 145). 0 MlHESCU RESEE IV /3-4 350 (from Gk cvGocpo); ABEJ St. I 264 (borrowed direct ly from Gk m vOapo drinking cup). kandrr f, pl. kandrra insect. Borrowed from Lat cantharis beetle, w orm . 0 MEYER Wb. 173 (to Ital canterella Spanish fly); MlHESCU RESEE IV /3-4 350 (from Greek); ABEJ St. I 2 6 3 -2 6 4 (from Gk r v Gapo beetle, scarab). kan I reed, rush. Borrowed from Lat canna reed, cane (M e y e r Wb. 173-174), with the geminate preventing rhotacism in Tosk. 0 M eyer L BKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1041, 1051; HAARMAN 114. kangjel m song. Borrowed from Rom *canticellum reflected in Rum cntecel id. (M e y e r Wb. 187). C f. kng. 0 ABEJ St. I 2 6 4 (Albanian derivative in -el- based on kng). kanush f, pl. katiuska stork. Borrowed from Rom *cnsus, deriv ative of Lat cnus white MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 21; ABEJ St. I 265). 0 MEYER Wb. 174 (from Ital cicogna stork); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 24 (to SCr kanja vulture and the like); SELISCEV Slav, nase lenie 198; H e l b ig 90 (follows M e y e r ); H a a r m a n 114; L a n d i Lat. 63, 110, 114.
KAP
KAPIS
169
a o r . kapa to seize, to grasp. From P A lb *kapa connected with IE *kap- to seize: Gk rmeo to snap, Lat capi to seize, to take, Goth haban to hold, to have and the like ( J o k l Studien 34 ). See kam. 0 M e y e r BB VIII 185, Wb. 174 (from Turk kapmak to catch); T a g l i a v in i Dalmazia 139-140; M a n n Language XXVI 380; F r is k 1 783-784; F e i s t Goth. 229; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 159; P o k o r n y I 527-528; a b e j St. VII 254; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 350; DEMIRAJ AE 212-213.
kap
kapas f, pl. kapasa oil-b arrel. B orrow ed from NGk ko.kugo. id. (ABEJ
St. I 265). 0 J o k l Studien 33-34 (to kap); ABEJ St. VII 206. 266; D em ira j AE 21 3 .
kap f, pl. kap armful of corn; shock, pile. From PAlb *kapa iden
tical with Gk K07tT| manger, crib, further related to kap (KRISTOFORIDHI 141). 0 MANN Language XXVI 387 (to Slav *kup-h, Lith kaupas); FRISK 1 783-784; ABEJ St. IV 73.
k aprcej aor. kaprceva to cross, to jump over. A prfixai derivative
ative in ka- based on p'rdhe. 0 MEYER Wb. 175 (from Ital capovol gere to turn upside down).
kaprthej aor. kaprtheva to entangle, to entwine. A prfixai deriv
kapina blackberry with -a- < *-q-. 0 a b e j St. I 266 (from Bulg thpina or SCr kupina id.).
k ap is aor. kapita to exhaust, to wear out. Often in passive - kapitem.
Borrowed from Slav *kapiti - *kapati to get tired, cf. Bulg kapa id., SCr kapati (DESNICKAJA Slav. zaim. 16). 0 MEYER Wb. 176 (based on NGk Krco toil, suffering); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 24; JOKL Studien 34 (to c/em); a b e j St. I 266 (to kap); SVANE 247; DEMIRAJ AE 213.
170
K A PRUA LL ~
KA PRUELL
- KARABUSH
kapruall ~ kapruell m, pi. kaproj, kaprej, kaprenj roebuck. Borrowed from Lat capreolus id. with an innovative penultimate stress ( S t i e r KZ XI 136; M e y e r Wb. 176). 0 M E Y E R - L B K E Gr. G rundri21 1045, 1047; M lH E S C U RESEE IV /1-2 13; A B E J St. VII 239; H A A R M A N N 115; L a n d i Lat. 78-80, 118. kapt m, pl. kapte irrigation ditch. A parallel form kapt lee-side of mountain also belongs here. An adjective in *-to- based on kap ( A B E J St. I 266). 0 M E Y E R Wb. 175 (to kaptoj). kaptoj aor. kaptova to cross, to pass through. A more conservative form is kaprtoj. A phonetic variant of kaprcej. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 175 (from Ital capitare to arrive, to turn up); A B E J St. I 266-267 (derivative of kap). kapth m, pl. kaptha path, mountain path. A derivative in -th based on an unattested *kap continuing PAlb *kapa. The latter is related to Lith kpas grave, kop dune, Latv kpa dune continuing IE *(s)kep-. 0 F r a e n k e l 217; P o k o r n y I 932. kapua ~ kapue m, pl. kaponj rooster. Borrowed from Lat cpnem capon ( M E Y E R Wb. 176). 0 M lK L O S I C H Rom. Elemente 11 (from Ital capone id.); M e y e r - L b k e Gr. G rundri21 1046, 1047 (same as M lK L O S I C H ); M lH E S C U RESEE IV/1-2 13; A B E J St. VII 254; H A A R M A N N 115; L A N D I Lat. 143-145. kaq adv. so, so much, so many. For the structure of this adverb see ag. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 167 (related to aq). kar m penis. Borrowed from Gypsy kar id. MRIW 1 366; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 141.
(M
eyer
Wb. 176). 0
TREIM ER
karabobe f, pl. karabobe lo te , n ettle tr e e . V arian t o f kalibob (M a n n HA ED 185). karabush m, pl. karabusha c o r n -c o b . A p rfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f rabush. 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 141 (fro m Turk kara ba b la ck h e a d ); a b e j St. VII 244.
KARAVEL
KARP
171
karavel f, pl. karavela sm all round b read . A nother variant is kravel. A sin g u la rized plural o f the o rig in a l *karaval b o rro w ed fro m Slav *korvajb round bread , cf. in particular SCr kravaj (MEYER Wb. 177). T he g rou p -ara- < South S la v ic -ra- is ex p la in ed by the a n a lo g y w ith Turk kara black. 0 S e liS c e v Slav, naselenie 155; a b ej St. I 268; SVANE 92.
karb r vulture. From PAlb *kar(i)ba related to Lith krti to hang and its cognates, cf. the semantic development of Slav * k o b b C b vulture - to Lith kabeti to hang. In both cases, the basis of the seman tic motivation is the well-known hunting position of the vulture hanging in the sky. 0 MEYER Wb. 178 (to Bulg kraguj, SCr kraguj 'haw k '); JOKL LKUBA 304 (to shkab, with an unorganic -/-); FRAENKEL I 224-225; T r u b a c e v SSJa X 101-102 (on the etymolo gy of *kobbCb). k ark alec m, pl. karkaleca, karkalec grasshopper. A transformation
of Bulg skakalec id. (MEYER Wb. 178 ), probably, under the influence of karkal excrements and similar descriptive forms.
karkashin f, pl. karkashina lean sickly sheep; pottage of pulse and grain.
Derived from SCr karkasa carcass. 0 MEYER Wb. 179 (the word for pottage - from SCr adj. fem. kokosinja belonging or related to hen). karkas a o r . karkata to quack. Borrowed from Slav *ki,rkati to caw, to croak, to quack, cf. South Slavic continuants; Bulg k'brkam, SCr krkati. 0 TRUBACEV SSJa XIII 216.
k arm f, pl. karma rock. From PAlb *karpn further related to karp (J o k l Studien 35). 0 a b e j St. 1 269. karp f. pl. karpa rock. From P A lb *karp related to Lith kerpii, kirpti
to cut, Latv cirpt to shear, to clip, O N harfr harrow and the like
(Jo k l Studien 34-35). 0 K r ist o f o r id h i 144 (related to the name of the
as K r is t o f o r id h i ); F r a e n k e l 257-258; P o k o r n y 1 944; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 119 (suffix -pe)\ a b e j St. I 268-269, IV 74; O r el ZfBalk XXIII 148; D e m ir a j AE 213.
172
KARSH;
KARROQE
karsh m, pl. kersh rocky area. A parallel form is krsh. Continues PAlb *kar-usa, a derivative of IE *(s)ker- to cut, semantically similar to karp. 0 M e y e r Wb. 207 (from SCr krs id.); POKORNY I 938947; ABEJ St. I 269. kart f 4measure of grain. Borrowed from Lat quarta fourth part ( a b e j * . I 269-270). 0 M ih e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 144; L a n d i Lat. 134. karthi f, pi. karthi dry firewood. The same root is represented in karth laburnum, golden rain. A derivative in -th- based on *kar from PAlb *kar etymologically identical with Slav *kora bark, Lith keru, krti to become separated and further with IE *(s)ker- to cut. 0 MEYER Wb. 178 (from NGk icp(po brushwood); FRAENKEL 245; POKORNY I 938-947; T r u b a c e v SSJa XI 44-45. karrabisht m, pl. karrabishta earw ig. A compound of an expressive morpheme karra- (a variant of kala-) and bisht. karrapuc adv. squatting. A compound of an expressive karra- and an unidentified morpheme. Unclear. karravesh m, pl. karravesh stick. A variant of kalavesh. karrem m, pl. karrema rainworm . A prfixai derivative of rrime. karr f, pl. karra cart. Borrowed from Lat carrum two-wheeled wagon (M e y e r Wb. 180). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri2 1 1044; H a a r m a n n
115; L a n d i L ai. 4 6 , 128, 139.
karrig f, pl. karriga chair. Borrowed from Lat quadriga set of four (here, of four legs). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 12 (from Ital cadrega, carega chair); M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1047 (from Ital Venet carega chair); ABEJ St. VII 280. karroqe f, pl. karroqe bushel, milk-can. A parallel form is krroqe measure made of bark, bucket. Borrowed from Gmc *krCik- jug, cf. OHG krche, OE crce. 0 M e y e r Wb. 180 (uncertain comparison with Germanic and Celtic names of vessels); BGA III 721; K l u g e 407; HOLTHAUSEN AEW 61.
K A R R IP
K A T R
173
karrup m, pl. karrupa fish-trap. An early borrow ing from Slav *korup'b attested in Bulg korup (BER 648). 0 KLEPIKOVA Sb. Bernstejna 419-427. karrut f, pl. karruta ferm enter. An ea rly borrowing from S lav *koryto trough, see korit (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 78, 142). 0 S v a n e 67. kasnec m, pl. kasnec, kasneca herald. Borrowed from Slav *kaznbcb id., cf. SCr kaznac (J o k l LKUBA 56-58). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 179, 286; S v a n e 193. kastravec m, pl. kastravec, kastraveca cucumber. Borrowed, with a metathesis, from Slav *kosirovbCb id, cf. Bulg krastavec, krastavica, SCr krastavac (M eyer Wb. 180). 0 SeliSCev Slav, naselenie 162, 286; ABEJ St. VTI 244; SVANE 106. kashr f, pl. kashra reed, rush. From *kashtr related to kasht (ABEJ St. I 270). kashnjet m, pl. kashnjete chestnut grove. Borrowed from Lat castanetum id. See gshtenj. kasht f straw. From PAlb *kalsta, derivative of kalli (JOKL IF XXXVI 124, LKUBA 214, 274). 0 M e y e r Wb. 180 (to Gk kootou- Kpi0ai or aKoaxri Kpi0f| 7 p Kurcpioi, Hes.); T r e im e r MRIW 1 366-367 ia (borrowed from Gypsy kast wood); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 26-27 (to Slav *kosth bone); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 143; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 104 (prefix k- and equivalent of Slav *ostb); H a m p St. albanica X /2 87-88, timologija 1971 270-271; O r e l Sprache XXXI 283; a b e j St. VII 236; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X 221; D e m ir a j AE 213-214. kashtup m, pl. kashtup skin of corn-cob. A derivative in -up based on kasht. katr n u m . four. From PAlb *katur(a) etymologically related to IE *k'ctur- ~ *k etuer- id.; Skt catvara-, Gk z a a a pe, Lat quattuor and the like (C a m a r d a 1 169; G i l f e r d in g Otn. 22; M e y e r BB VIII 185). The vocalism of the second syllable is generalized according to the form eturm. The vowel in the first syllable presents serious of accusative *ke
174
KA TU A ~
K A TU E
K EDH
K EM
KETR
175
difficulties. It may be explained by reduction similar to that of Lat quattuor (M a n n Language XVII 17; H u l d 79 ) and Slav *cbtyre co-existing with *cetyre (but cf. T r u b a c e v SSJa IV 9 7 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 181 (from Lat quattuor); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri21 1051 ; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 144 (agrees with M eyer Wb.); M a n n Language XVII 17; PISANI Saggi 102; FRISK II 883-884; MAYRHOFER 1 371-372; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 4 0 0 -4 0 1 ; POKORNY I 6 4 2 -6 4 4 ; A B E J* . VII 2 2 8 , 244; L a n d i Lat. 75, 79; HAMP Numerals 907-910. katua ~ katue m, pl. katonj stable, basement, cellar. Borrowed from NGk KOrtfflYi < kcxtcoyeiov id. ( M E Y E R Wb. 183). 0 O R E L Subst. 12 (from Iran *xata- basement). katund m, pl. katunde village. A prfixai derivative of tund representing a caique of Slav *kolyba hut as based on *kolybati to tremble, to shake(cf. O R E L Sov. slav. 1985/5 79-84). From Albanian, the word originally, a name of a hut - was borrowed to other Balkan languages. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 10 (from Ital cantone); MEYER Wb. 183; B r c k n e r KZ XLVIII 168; Jo k l IF XXXIII 421-424 (from ka- and tund < *tnto-, participle o f ndej); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 28-30 (from P ro to -B u lg a ria n ); T r e im e r ZfromPhil XXXVIII 388; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 144; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 102; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 339; R o s e t t i ILR I 275; T a n a s , O c a RESEE XXVII/1-2 139-144; a b e j St. VII 200, 230; MOUTSOS KZ LXXXVIII 59-73 (from M G k k o t o i>va ^ l M i^ W ,l ^ K 7 , ^ ,,;..a.aeues m qua quis azia r 4 3 .'rrcjec"'" o k l s en-mology lor 1 ^ ( r e j e c t s jfc^KL s e t y m o l o g y j
T T ./ .1.. .1 .1 .'If.. .1.1. .. .T... a. . .TYr. a. m . . .
130; T r u b a c e v SSJa XII 19-21; M u r a t i Probleme 131. kem m incense. Another form is qem. From PAlb *kapna etymologically identical with Gk k o c tiv smoke and its cognates reflecting IE *kyep- (J o k l Studien 37, IF XLIV 14). 0 M e y e r Wb. 222 (from *kedmo- and to Slav *cad'h fumes, smoke); B a r ic ARSt. 131; F r isk I 781 782; P o k o r n y I 596-597; a b e j St. I 272-273 (borrowed from Gk 0 u n ia |ia incense or Lat thymiama id.); DEMIRAJ AE 215-216. kep a o r . kepa to hew. The basic deverbative is kep quarry; tip, point. Continues the umlauticized PAlb *kapa etymologically related to Gk k o j t t to hit, to hew, Lith kapiu, kpti to hew and the like (M ey er Wb. 185, Alb. St. Ill 4, 31). JOKL Studien 39-40 (connects kep with sqep); M a n n Language XXVI 386-387; P isa n i Saggi 127; F r isk II 914915; F r a e n k e l 218; P o k o r n y I 931; a b e j St. I 272-273 (dialectal form of qep); DEMIRAJ AE 216. keq a d j. bad, evil. From PAlb *kakja related to Gk k o c k c k ; bad (BOPP 490; C a m a r d a I 43; M e y e r Wb. 184-185, Alb. St. Ill 3). The disyl labic keiq, keq seems to be an artefact going back to K.AVALLIOTIS, 0 MEYER Alb. St. V 85 (borrowing from Rom *cadcus), Gr. Gr. 258; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 327; JOKL Studien 35-36 (divides keq > keq into M n'i'Sf'J; feu? 1 Problme ! sick); TAGLIAVINI Da In
Saggi
C*..
T (\A , D ie
- D c u i d . a
A1.
T 1 , 1 . 0 1 ^
e AAVl J D (IO IIO W S Wortb. 100 (from k + eq ; ABEJ St. I 273-274 (borj with the consequent ana80; D e m ir a j AE 216-217. auticized form of karrm,
kazhup m, pl. kazhup peasant coat. An early borrowing from Slav *kozuxr coat made of skin, cf. gozhup. b ke prep, to , at. F rom P A lb *kO c o n tin u in g the p ro n o m in a l fo rm **0/' or *k"d (M e y e r Wb. 218, Alb. St. Ill 2). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 326 (a n a lo g ica l fo rm a tio n based on ku); a b e j St. I 272 (a g re es w ith PE
DERSEN).
128 (follows MEYER); MANN L an g u aj M e y e r Wb.); F r is k I 758-759; C a m a j Alb = Latv Igns); LBERG Festschr. Bonfante 56: rowing from Gk k o ik > Alb *kak, pl. *qe logical transfromation into keq); HULD 79kerrm f, pl. kerrma thorn-bush. The uml variant of karm. kerrnjoj aor. kerrnjova to purr (of cat). A kerrmz p u rr, the verb continues an earli therefore, is a loanword from Lat carminr
; it becomes obvious from ;r form *kerrmnjoj which, z to sing, to make verses. r variants are ketrr, kitr
kedh m, pl. kedh, kedha kid. Other variants are kec and ke. An umlau ticized form of PAlb *kadza related to Slav *koza she-goat (Alb. St. Ill 4, 16; ClMOCHOWSKI L1I 231). 0 POTT KZ IV 70 (to Lat hoedus); MlKLOSICEl Slav. Elemente 21 (from SCr keca sound used to call goats); MEYER Wb. 185 (borrowed from Gmc *kidjaz kid or Turk kci goat);
176
KEZ
KLYSH
KLLAS
+1preux Ke- ionowea oy tysn < '"iuan-sio-, to in teuanM ERM RIW I 357-358 (to Lat lutum dirt); TAGLIAVINI 149; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 105 (prefix k-'y, F r is k II 741; Ik XXV/2 154-156 (from MGk k o v ,o k i ( o v ) puppy, EMIRAJ AE 218-219. i, kalla to put into, to insert, to dig, to instigate. Deriv ate various deverbatives based on kllas, such as kll i f id. 0 a b e j St. VII 257. qe hip bone. Borrowed from East South Slavic conIk-b hip: Bulg fo lk, Maced kolk, khlk. f, pl. kmb ~ kamb leg, foot. From Rom *camba ~ MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 9; MEYER Wb. 178). Note io traces of the variant camba in Balkan Romance. 0 (compares with Gk Kaputt) bend); MEYER-LBKE Gr. 142; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 138; M a n n Language XVII mp, cf. C a m a r d a ); M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 13; H a a r e l Balcanica 114-115; COROMINAS DEC II 645-646; '-94 (borrowed from Gk mprcri foot joint of a horse); 79; HULD 80 (the direction of borrowing is uncertain); 48, 115.
bon f, pl. kmbor, kmbora ~ kmbon, kmbona bell,
KNAQ. , vCon-
177
structed from kuokn dancing party) and Slav *skakati to jump, to spring. At an early stage, borrowed to dialectal South Slavic *katerb, attested in Bulg katerica squirrel (OREL timologija 1980 6 0 -6 1 ). 0 F r a e n k e l 3 1 1 -3 1 2 ; P o k o r n y I 9 2 2 -9 2 3 ; a b e j St. I 2 7 4 (derivative of SCr kita tuft, cluster, Bulg kita id.); GEORGIEV V-hprosi 4 1 -4 2 (Bulg katerica from Thracian, with the ultimate reconstruction of *skokter-y S t a n g LS 86; BER 2 7 1 -2 7 2 (agrees with GEORGIEV); GlNDIN, K a lu Z s k a j a , OREL Bissi. 251; MURATI Probleme 83. womans head-dress, bonnet, hair-net. Another variant is kes. Derivative in -z of an unattested PAlb *kax plaited hair etymologically related to Slav *kosa id., ON haddr womans hair and the like. 0 CAMARDA I 114 (to Gk yaixT\ long hair); ABEJ St. I 2 7 4 (from *krez, derivative of krye); TRUBACEV SSJa XI 1 3 1 -1 3 3 .
kez f k l b o q e f, pl.
k llk
km b ~ kam b
St. I 2 7 5 ). f lim e. Borrowed from Lat fem. adj. calcara pertaining to lime (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 8; MEYER Wb. 186). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1 0 4 3 , 1 047, 1048; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 21; H a a r m a n 114; L a n d i L ai. 4 6 , 8 1 , 111-112.
k lq e r e
*gamba leg ( that there are C a m a r d a 1 55 Grundri 2 1 II 19 (from IE *kc MANN 114; Ol R o h l f s Spr. 9. a bej St. VII 2 L a n d i Lat. Alk m b o r - k n
i Rom *campona, a secondary variant of Lat campana I Rom. Elemente 9; MEYER Wb. 186: directly from ^MARDAI 57 (to Gk Kupr) drinking vessel); M eyertndri 2 I 1042; JOKL Litteris IV 197 (from Dalm canXIII 287. mish shirt. Borrowed from Lat camisia linen shirt, V l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 9; M e y e r Wb. 187). 0 ik Gr. Grundri 2 1 1047; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 13;
(G) k l s h j t m communion cup, chalice. Borrowed from Lat calicem sanctum id. ( M e y e r Wb. 221) both parts of which are preserved in qelq and shenjt. 0 ABEJ St. I 272 (believes the compound to be formed in Albanian rather than in Latin).
k lth a s
Borrowed fror id. (MIKLOSIC campana). 0 C. LBKE Gr. Gr, puone), Slavia
k m is h
aor. klthita, klitha to cry. Together with klcas to make noise, this form reflects a strong secondary influence of krcas. However, originally, these verbs go back to a different source, Slav *klicati ~ *klikati to shout, to call. 0 MEYER Wb. 189 (identifies klcas with krcas); A n t t i l a Schw. 100.
f, pi. kt night-gow n (
M e y e r -L bke H a a r m a n 114
knaq
qa to please, to satisfy. From PAlb *ka-nakja closely ga-nah to be enough, OHG gi-nah id. (OREL Fort. 79). e based on IE *nek-: Skt ndsati to reach and the like, jpment of IE *-ki- > Alb -q- that seems to be phoneti-
k ly s h
m, pl. klysh, klysha young of animal, cub. A derivative in -ysh of an unattested *kul related to Gk KvXXa GKViXat,. H,eoi, Hes. further connected with OKA-ai; young dog, cub (ABEJ apud D em ir a j). 0 S t ie r KZ X I 145 (borrowed from Lat catulus cub); M e y e r Wb. 186 (to Lith kale dog, bitch or W colwyn young dog, cub); JOKL
aor. kna related to Goth These forms ai Note the devel cally regular.
178
KND
KAND
KNET
0 JOKL Studien 36 (to Lith nokti to become ripe, Latv nkt to come); WEIGAND 36 (prfixai derivative of nd); KLUGE 248; MAYRHOFER II 145; POKORNY I 316-318; F e is t Goth. 194; a b e j Sr. I 275 (sup ports W e i g a n d ); D e m ir a j AE 219. ~ k a n d m, pl. knde ~ kande corner, angle. An early borrowing from Slav *ktb id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 174 (from Ital canto id.); MANN Lan guage XVII 19 (to Gk kocv0).
knd k n d pron.
somebody. From PAlb *kan tan, a sequence of two pro nouns continuing IE *k and *to- in acc. sg. See kush. 0 JOKL AArbSt. o1 35 (related to k, acc. sg. of kush); ABEJ St. I 275-276 (follows JOKL).
- k a n d e ll aor. k tide Ila- kandella to make red-hot, to revive. A denominative of kndell (MANN HAED 193). 0 JOKL Studien 40 (ana lyzes a dialectal variant knell as a prfixai form related to Goth ganisan to be healthy); ABEJ St. 1 276 (repeats M a n n s explanation); D e m ir a j AE 219.
k n d e ll k n d e ll
~ k a n d e ll f, pl. kndella ~ kandella la m p . B o r ro w e d from Lat candela w ax-lig h t, ta llo w -c a n d le (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 10). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. G rundri21 1044; MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 21; H a a r m a n 114; a b e j S. I 276; L a n d i Lat. 81, 116.
knd
- k a n d f p lea su re, a p p etite . A p rfix a i d eriv a tiv e fro m nd (MEYER Alb. St. V 85). T he verb knditem to be sated is derived from knd as w ell as kndis to d e c e iv e , literally, to satiate som eb ody (w ith l ie s ) . 0 MEYER Wb. 187 (kndis to d e c e iv e - to T urk ki namak to to rm en t or to gnjej); JOKL Studien 33 (to gdhij). kndirra to choke, to suffocate. A prfixai derivative of djerr: k-n-dirr.
k n d ir r aor.
kndova to sing. B orrow ed from Lat cantare id. ( G i l feR DING Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 10; MEYER Wb. 187). 0 M e y e r LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1047, 1051; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 139; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 13; H a a r m a n n 115; H u l d 80; L a n d i Lat.
k n d o j aor.
40, 155.
k n e t
f, pl. kneta marsh, valley. Borrowed from Lat canntum reeds, thicket of rushes*.
KNG
K A N G ft
KRBA
179
kng ~ kang
f, pl. kng ~ kang song. Borrowed from Lat canticum id. ( M e y e r Wh. 187). As to kngjel - kangjel id., it continues Rom *canticella. 0 M E Y E R -L B K E Gr. Grundri 2 1 1042; M a n n Language XVII 23; a b e j St. VII 236; M lH ESC U RESEE IV /1-2 26; H A AR M A NN 115. f, pl. kpuc shoe. Derived from kput sole, see kpus. 0 I 67 (from NGk TraTroxcn slipper); M E Y E R Wb. 188 (from Turk papu$ slipper); A B E J St. VII 214, 216.
CAM ARDA
kpuc
k p u j
f, pl. kpuj, kpuja round fruit, drop. Borrowed from Slav *kapula , derivative of *kapati to drip.
k p u r d h f,pl. kpurdha fungus, mushroom . Another variant is krpudh. A derivative in -dhe of an unattested *kpur related to Lith kpur cap, Latv cpure id. Thus, the mushroom is described as having a cap. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 187 (borrowed from Bulg pecurka id., SCr pecurka id.); ClM O CH O W SKI LP III 163-165 (prfixai form related to Gk rcapaK); C A M A J Alb. Worth. 105 (prefox k-); FR A E N K E L 241; NEPOKU PNYJ BSS 40 (follows M e y e r ); a b e j St. V I I 221. k p u s aor.
kputa to tear off, to pluck. Another variant is krpuc to pinch, to pluck. From PAlb *karputja, a derivative verb based on an adjective in *-uta reflected in kput sole. As to PAlb *karputa, it is further related to karp. 0 CAMARDA I 56 (to Gk icnico to strike, to hew); M e y e r Wb. 187-188 (from Rom *carputi, to Lat carpo to pick, to pluck); abej St. VII 258.
k p u s h f,
pl. kpusha tick, cattle-tick. Other variant, with an unorganic -r-, is krpush. Derivative of kap ( A B E J St. I 276-277). B or rowed to Rum cpu$. 0 M e y e r Wb. 188 (to SCr krpelj sheep louse); PU ^C A R IU Dacoromania II 594 (from Rum cpus id. based on cap head); J o k l 1J XXIII VII 176 (derived from Lat capere to take); P o g h i r c 1st. limb. rom. II 338; RO SETTI ILR I 274-275; D e s n i c k a j a Slav. zaim. 13 (from Bulg kapus id.).
k q y r aor.
Wb. 230)
kqyra to look, to observe. A prfixai derivative of qyr (MEYER 0 J o k l Studien 22; a b e j St. VII 258.
180
KRB
KRCLLOJ
to scratch , to b rea k , cf. SCr korbac (DESNICKAJA Slav, zaini. 11). 0 SVANE 48.
krb f, pl. krba tub, barrel. From PAlb *karb related to Lat
corbis basket, Lith karbas id., Latv karba birch bark vessel, Slav *korb-h basket. 0 MEYER Wb. 188 (to SCr krbulja small basket for berries and the like); FRAENKEL 220; TRUBACEV SSJa XI 52-54.
krcej
krclloj
aor.
KRCNOJ
KRLESII
181
on krcyell stem, stalk which is, in its turn, derived from krc. 0 C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 107 (analyzes kr-cyell as a prfixai form); a b e j St. VII 199, 239. krcnoj aor. krcnova to threaten. A recent derivative of krcej. 0 ABEJ St. I 2 77 (identical with krclloj). krcu ~ krc m, pl. krcunj stump, block, log, root. Derived from krc (JOKL LKUBA 264). Used in semi-pagan Christian rites (TOPOROV tim ologija 1974 3 f.; ROSETTI Rom. slav. 1960 6 5 -7 0 ; Z o jz i BUShT 1949 4 9 f.), krcu as a name of a sacral log was borrowed into Slav *korcun-b Christmas day, winter solstice from where it was passed on to Rum crciun Christmas; ritual bread baked at Christm as (DESNICKAJA Slav. jaz. 1978 1 69-171). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23 (from Slavic); ABEJ St. I 2 7 7 -2 7 8 (reconstructs *kortjo-); VAILLANT JF X X IV / 1-2 7 2 -7 6 (krcu < Rum crciun < Lat quartum jejnium)\ MLADENOV 2 5 6 (Rum crciun < Lat caltionem)\ D en suIA N U Hist. I 2 62 f. (Rum crciun < Lat cretinem); PCARIU EWR 3 5 -3 6 ; SCHUCl LARDT AfslPh IX 526 (Rum crciun < Lat Christi jejnium); M e lic h MNr XXXVII 177 f. (Slav *korum, from *korkh leg, *ko r citi to walk); PREOBRAZHENSKIJI 361 (Slav *korcum, from *korciti to walk as a caique of Lat adventus); ROSETTI Etudes 204-206; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 106 (prefix kr-)\ ROHLFS Spr. 1 91-196; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 6 1 . krep m, pl. krep stump, log, branch. A derivative of krc. 0 ABEJ St. I 278 (reconstructs the original sg. *krap and explains it as a pr fixai derivative of ap). krdhokull f, pl. krdhokulla hip bone. See krrokull. krkoj aor. krkova to look for, to seek. Borrowed from Rom *circare id. with the assimilation of velars in the original *qrkoj (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 14; M e y e r Wb. 188). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. G rundri2 I 1048, 1051; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 158-159; a b e j St. VII 253; H a a r m a n n 117. krlesh aor. krlesha to stand on end (of hair), refi, krleshem to quarrel. A derivative of lesh with a prefix k(r)- (CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 104). Cf. also ngrleshem to bristle, to stand on end (of hair).
184
KRRAB
KF.SULfc
krris aor. krrita to grunt (of pigs), to gurgle. A descriptive stem imi
tating corresponding sounds.
krrl f
sloppy m ud, slim e . A nother variant is krl. F rom P A lb *karil related to ON hqrr s n iv e l, OHG horo e x c r e m e n t, Gk Kpua s n iv e l. A d erivative krrnjot m ucus from n o se, sn iv e l also b elon gs h ere. 0 FRISK I 924; POKORNY I 573.
aor.
krrus
krrusa to bend. From PAlb *karnutja, based on a nominal derivative in *-ut- further connected with Gk KUpt curved, bent, Lat curvus id. (CAMARDA I 178; MEYER Wb. 190). The origi nal nominal form is represented by krrut hunch-backed old woman. 0 SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 248 (to Lat curv id.); M a n n Language XXV ili 33 (to ON hnjpa < *kneudhy, FRISK I I 55; WALDE-HOFMANN 1 317-318; P o k o r n y I 309, 935; a b e j St. VII 258; D e m ir a j AE 220 (to ON hverfa to turn).
krrut f, pl. krruta ewe with horns. Borrowed from Lat fem. adj.
cornuta horned (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 18; MEYER 11-7;, 190, Alb. St. Ill 7 3 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 178 (to Gk Kepocxioc horned one); KRISTOFORIDHI155 (to Gk KDpo curved, crooked); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grund ri 2 1 1049; BariC AArbSt 1/1-2 148 (from *ko-Hru-to- horned); PASCU RE 4 0 (from Rumanian); KLEPIKOVA SPT 75 (from Arumanian); a b e j St. IV 76; H a a r m a n n 120; L a n d i Lat. 88, 9 9 , 114.
ksen impers, to ache (of the stomach), to have griping pains. Based
on PAlb *kantsa < *kankja related to Lith kenkiu, kekti to damage, to harm , ON ha to torment < Gmc *xanxn and the like (BariC ARSt. I 39-40). 0 M e y e r Wb. 190 (from Turk ki smak to pinch); FRAENKEL 240; POKORNY I 565; ABEJ St. I 281 (dialectal form of kcej ~ krcej).
ksul
f, pl. ksula bonnet, cap. Borrowed from Rum cciul cap, with -ci- > PAlb *-ts- > -s-. The Rumanian word itself goes back to Alb kaule. 0 MEYER Wb. 190-191 (from Lat casula hooded coat via Gk KucovXa thick coat); PUCARIU EWR 21; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 338; R o se t t i ILR I 274; MOUTSOS ZfBalk X IX /1 48-65 (from NGk
K o e a o X o c ).
KilSHKTE
KIK
185
kshtall f, pl. kshlaUa splint (in medicine). From PAlb *ka-stal, a derivative related to Goth stols chair, Lith stias table, Slav *stolr b table, pole. 0 VASMER III 764-765; FRAENKEL 893; KLUGE 761; FEIST Goth. 455-456. kshtr ~ kshtn adj. C h ristia n . B o r ro w e d from Lat christinus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 13). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri21 1042; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 14; HAARMANN 117. kshtjell f, pl. keshtjella c a stle , fo r t. B o r ro w e d from Lat castellum id. ( a b e j St. I 2 8 1 -2 8 2 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 191 (fro m Ital castello id.); M ih e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 22; H a a r m a n n 116; L a n d i Lat. 5 0 , 81. kshyre f, pl. kshyre mountain path, path in the ravine. Borrowed from Lat clausura, clsra lock, bar, bolt; castle, fort (ABEJ St. I 282). 0 M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 29; H a a r m a n n 117; L a n d i L a i. 68, 103, 110. ktu
adv.
< IE *k and adverbial *tu, cf. Skt t now, but (BOPP 496-497; VASMER o-
Alb. Wortforsch. 5-6). While the prevailing form for there is aty, certain dialects preserve atu (E l e z o v i C AArbSt. II 2 4 9 ). 0 TAGLIAVINI Dal mazia 161; M a y r h o f e r I 507; a b e j S. I 282; H u l d 8 0 -8 1 . kic
aor.
kij aor. kiva to prune, to trim . Another variant is kiej. From *kinj < PAlb *kadinja, a denominative verb related to kadh ( A B E J St. I 2 8 2 283). Derived from kij is kiz pruning-hook. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 2 2 6 (from Lat incdere to cut); B A R IC ARSt. I 4 0 (to shc/yej, from *kledni)\ A JE T I ZfBalkW11 1 3 9 -1 4 0 (to Slav *kyjb stick) . kik f, pi. kika top, tip; mane. Borrowed from Slav *kyka tuft of hair,
186
K IN S E
kllan
plaited hair, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg kika, SCr kika (S vane 181).
k in se conj. as, just as, as i f . A univerbation of kini se you (pl.) have
that, you assume that (ABEJ St. I 283-284). Cf. also kish if only from 3 sg. imperf. kish, form of kam.
k ish f, pl. kisha ch u rch . A nother variant is qish. B o rro w ed from Lat
ecclesia id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 23; MEYER Wb. 2 2 8 ). 0 CAMARDA I 4 6 (to late Gk K K lrjaia id.); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grund ri 21 1044, 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 146; ABEJ St. VII 2 3 0 , 279; H a a r m a n n 123; L a n d i Lat. 81, 119, 125.
k it f, pl. kita icicle. Borrowed from Slav *kyta tuft, bundle, branch,
cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg kita, SCr kita. This Albanian word is historically identical with the singularized form kite sheaf; ear of grain (ABEJ St. I 284). 0 SVANE 103.
k ith m veil of m ist. A derivative of kite. k lek f, pl. kleka splinter, piece of wood. Borrowed from Slav *klecbka
id., cf. Bulg klecka, SCr klecka (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 172, 308). 0 S vane 81.
k lek f, pl. kleka kind of mountain pine. From PAlb *klak related to
*klapati, with an irregular substitution of *-p- > -b-. A more phonet ically regular reflex of the same loanword is kllap fetter, chain (BER 419). Note a derivative kllabz door-bolt. 0 TRUBACEV SSJa IX 184.
k llan f last day of the year, New Year eve, first snow. Other vari
ants are kullana, kollan, kllan, klland. Borrowed from Rom *calandae, a form of Lat calendae first day of a month attested in Romance and borrowed to Celtic ( a b e j St. I 296-297). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 8; MEYER Wb. 196 (from Slav *kolda New Year day); M e y e r -L b k e REW 115; M ih e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 27; H a a r m a n 113; L a n d i Lat. 98, 116.
K LLAP
KOCK
187
rowed from Slav *klapiti ~ *klapati to sound, to clatter, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg klapam, SCr klapati (SVANE 2 2 2 ). kllashe f, pl. kllasha cape of sheep and goat wool. Borrowed from South Slavic: Bulg klasn'a woolen shawl, SCr klasnje kind of cloth.
k llo is aor. klloita to brood, to cluck. Borrowed from Slav *klociti
to cluck, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg klocam, Slovene klociti. As to kllukas id., it is a local borrowing from dialectal Bulg klukam < klokam. 0 MEYER Wb. 191 (adduces various Balkan forms but is uncertain of the actual source of the Albanian verb); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 31 (from Bulg kloca id.); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 147; S v a n e 2 3 6 . kllupit aor. kllupita to gulp. From a dialectal form of Bulg klupam < klopam to clap, to beat, to quack belonging to Slav *klopati ~ *klopiti, cf. also SCr klopati id.
k m es f , pl. kmesa billhook, sickle. Another form is kames. D er iv ed
from kame. 0 Jo k l Studien 9 (to kep, suffix -es); HULD 145, 154 (recon structs *Hekmrt-tieIf); DEMIRAJ AE 220-221 (crossing of kiz id. and kame).
k o b f th eft, au gu ry, d e c e p tio n , d is a s te r . B o r r o w e d fro m S la v
*kobb, *koba id., c f. B u lg koba, SCr kob, koba (MEYER Wb. 193, but
treats kob th e ft as an Italian lo an w ord ). 0 K r i s t o f o r i d h i 149, 493; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 32; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 185: SVANE 2 22, 23 6 . k oc m, pl. koca, kocinj bone, sk u ll. Borrowed from Slav *kostb id. with
a metathesis in the consonantal cluster *-st- > -ts- (SELISCEV Slav, nase lenie 195). The Slavic deminutive *kostbka id. is the source of Alb kock id., kosk id. 0 MEYER Wb. 202-203 (from Ital coccio cracked pot); a b e j St. VII 203.
k o c f, pl. koca black goat; girl from 8 to 10 years old. An allegro
188
KOG
KOH
cf. in South Slavic: Bulg koce, SCr kotac. ko m penis. Another form is pl. koet testicles. Borrowed from Bulg koc ram . 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 22 (from Slav *kocam> head of cabbage); S eli SCe v Slav, naselenie 162, 194; TAGLIAVINI Dal mazia 149 (to kok); OREL timologija 1983 140-141.
k od r f, pl. kodra hill, angular stone, corner. Borrowed from Rom
*codrum < Lat quadrimi square on which also Rum codru forest is based (SCHUCHARDT Vokalismus II 510). 0 MEYER Wb. 193 (com pares kodr with Rum codru); PEDERSEN KZ XL 212-213 (from Rum codru); C ap id an Dacoromania 1509 (follows P ed e r se n ); S c h e f t e l o w i t z BB XXVIII 157 (to Alb katar peak); PUCARIU EWR 34; TAGLIAVI NI RivAlb II 185 (repeats PEDERSENs etymology); SKOK AfslavPhil XXXVIII 83-84 (agrees with SCHUCHARDT); B a r iC ARSt. I 40 (to Lat castrimi castle, fort); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 340; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 29-30; HAMP SCL XXXI 664 (from early Rumanian); PlCClLLO Rl.iR XLV 146-157 (from Rumanian); a b e j St. I 284-285 (follows
S c h u c h a r d t). k o fs h f, pl. kofsh hip, thigh. B o r r o w e d fro m Lat coxa h ip ( C a m a r d a 1 65; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 18; MEYER Wb. 193). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1045; T a g l i a v i n i Origini 2 4 6 , 366; H a a r m a n n 120; L a n d i L ai. 9 9 , 124, 134. k o h f. pl. ko he time. From PAlb *kx etymologically related to Slav
*casb id. (M e y e r Wb. 194, Alb. St. Ill 3). 0 P e d e r s e n BB XX 279, KZ XXXVI 279; JOKL Melanges Pedersen 144, Sprache IX 151; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 148; S c h e f t e l o w it z KZ L V I209 (reconstructs an inlaut cluster *-sk-); MLADENOV 1st. 226; M a n n Language XXVI 383, XXVIII 35; PORZIG Gliederung 174; PISANI Saggi 124 (follows S c h e f t e l o w it z and reconstructs *kesk), R E IE IV 6; E c k e r t ZfSlaw VIII 890; LBERG Festschr. Bonfante 567; H a MP StFil XXVII (V)/3 68 (reconstructs *ksk or *kks), St. albanica X /2 86-87, Etimologija 1971 268-269; H u l d 81; O r e l Sprache XXXI 279, ZfBalk XXIII 143; S c h m a l s t ie g 265; R a s m u s s e n Morph. 66; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X
KOj
KOT,LB
189
222; D emiraj AE 221-222 (to OPrus kisman, reconstructs koh < *ksu). koj
aor.
kok L pl. kok, koka head, bulb, berry, grain. Borrowed from Lat coecum b erry (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 15; WEIGAND 37). 0 MEYER Wb. 165 (from Rom *coca, Lat cauca kind of dish, bowl), 194 (on kok berry, grain); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 149; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 14; HAARMANN 117; a b e j St. I 285-286 (agrees with
WEIGAND).
kokrr f, pl. kokrra berry, grain. Derived from kok (JOKL ArRom XXIV 2 9 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 195 (from Ital coccola globular fruit ( o f plants)); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 149 (to kok)\ a b e j St. I 2 8 6 -2 8 7 (agrees with
JOKL).
koleshk f. pl. koleshka cart. An early borrowing from Slav *kolesT>ka id. otherwise unattested in South Slavic. kolibe f, pl. kolibe hut. Borrowed from Slav *kolyba id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg koliba, SCr koliba. Cf. kalibe (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 165). 0 O r e l S ov . slav. 1 9 8 5 /5 7 9 -8 4 ; SVANE 52. kolm adj. pretty, winsome. From P A lb *klima, a suffixal deriva tive of IE *kal-: Skt kaly- healthy, Gk Horn kcA, beautiful. The long vowel in Proto-Albanian remains unclear. 0 FRISK I 766-767; P o k o r n y I 524; a b e j St. VII 202. koll m plow-beam. Borrowed from Slav *ko!i> pole, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg ko I, SCr kolac. koll f cough. From PAlb *ksl identical with Slav *kaslb id., Lith kosulfs id. (M e y e r Wb. 195, Alb. St. Ill 2, 63). These forms are derived from IE *ks- to cough. 0 PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 79; JOKL Sprache IX 117-118; V a s m e r II 214-215; F r a e n k e l 284; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 150; M a n n Language XXVI 380, XXVIII 35-36; PISANI Saggi 125; P o k o r n y 1649; H u l d 81; O r el Sprache XXXI 280; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X 220; D e m ir a j AE 222.
190
KOM
KOQE
kom m inane. Another variant is kom. Borrowed from Lat coma hair (JOKL Studien 110). 0 B a r i C ARSt. I 40-41 (from *(s)kep-no-, related to Germ Schaf sheep); MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 26; HAARMANN 118; ABEJ St. I 287 (agrees with JOKL). kongjill m, pl. kongjij charcoal. A variant of thngjil with a different prefix *k-. 0 ABEJ St. VII 254. kopr f, pl. kopra fennel. Borrowed from Slav *kopri, id., cf. South Slavic continuants; Bulg kop'hr, SCr kopar (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 162, 287). 0 S v a n e 109. kopic f, pl. kopica m oth. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *kopica id. (M e y e r Wb. 198). kopil m, pl.kopil, kopila lad, chap, bastard. Borrowed from Slav *kopyli> shoot, sprout, bastard, cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg kopil, kopile, SCr kopil. Rum copil is of the same origin. 0 CAMARDA I 162 (to Gk ktco toil and trouble); MEYER Wb. 198 (from Rom *cplis son born from cpa, tavern-keeper); VASMER IORJaS LXXXVI 96 (from Gk KOTiiXka girl); OS tir WuS V 220 (prefix ko- and -pii related to pjell); JOKL LKUBA 6, 14, 311 (follows OSTIR), IJb XXIII 227 (from Modern Greek); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 116-117; SCHTZ WSl III 17-18; R e ic h e n k r o n Dakisches 112-113 (from Dacian *kolp!los, to IE *guelbh- cub, uterus); HUBSCHMID ZfBalk XVI 61-63, ZfromPh XC1X/5-6 497-511; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 340; ROSETTI ILR I 276; A b a e v II 279 (to Osset qbl child); TRUBACEV timologija 1979 129-130, 177; ABEJ St. VII 230. kopsht m, pl. kopshte, kopshtinj, qipshte garden. A derivative in -sht based on PAlb *kapa identical with Gk Kf|7to id., OHG huoba plot of land' (M e y e r Wb. 1 9 8 -1 9 9 , Alb. St. Ill 4 , 3 1 ). 0 Jo k l Sprache IX 118; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 153; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 123; PISANI Saggi 127; F r is k I 842; K l u g e 318; P o k o r n y I 529; a b e j St. Ill 2 7 5 -2 7 6 ; D e m ir a j AE 222. koqe f, pl. koqe corn, berry. A singularized plural of kok (CAMARDA I 112; ABEJ St. I 287-288). The latter is the source of Rum coacz.Q SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 249 (from Rom *cocceum, b ased on Lat coccum, or from Ital coccia); MEYER Wb. 194-195, 210 (repeats SCHUCHARDTs
KORB
KORP
191
etym ology); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri2 1 1045 (the same explanation); SKOK ZfromPhil X L V III 3 9 8 -4 0 0 (from R om *cocceum); ROSETTI ILR 1 276; a b e j St. V II 23 8 .
korb m,pl. korb, korba raven. Borrowed from Lat corvus id. (STIER KZ XI 136; GlL-HERDING Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 18; MEYER Wb. 200). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1045, 1054; MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 14; ABEJ St. VII 268; HAARMANN 120; LANDI Lat. 139140. korbull f, pl. korbulla keg, cask, wooden pail. Borrowed from Lat corbula little basket. kordh f, pi. kordha gut string. Borrowed from Lat chorda gut, catgut (MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 14; HAARMANN 119). kordh f, pl. kordha sword. Borrowed from Slavic, cf. CS kor-hda id., SCr korda id. (MEYER Wb. 199). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri21 1052 (from Romance); M u r a t i Probleme 131. kor f, pl. kora crust, bark. Borrowed from Slav *kora bark, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg kora, SCr kora (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 22; M eyer Wb. 199). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 173; SVANE 94, 121. kore f, pl. kore chicory. Borrowed from L at cichoream id. (M e y e r Wb. 201). 0 M ih e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 27; H a a r m a n n 1 17. koris aor. korita to shame, to dishonor. Borrowed from Slav *koriti id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg kora , SCr koriti (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 22; MEYER Wb. 2 0 0 ). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 1 5 3 -1 5 4 ; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 191; SVANE 2 3 6 . korit f, pl. korita trough. Borrowed from S la v *koryto id., cf. Bulg korito, SCr korito (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 22 -2 3 ; MEYER Wb. 200). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 142, 1 70-171; a b e j St. VII 254; SVANE
67.
korp m, pl. korpe b ody. B orrow ed from Lat nom. corpus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 18; MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1045). 0 TAGLI AVINI Stratificazione 84.
192
K O RSM
KOS
korsm adv. perhaps, as if. Another variant is korse. A univerbated phraze kur se ( a b e j St. I 288-289). 0 B a r i C ARSt. I 89 (from *kosrem based on *kos < IE *k e). -k kort f quarter of a slaughtered animal; liquid m easure. Borrowed from Lat quarta fourth part, quarter ( a b e j St. I 289). Cf. kart. korube f, pl. korube beehive. Borrowed from Slav *koruba hollow trunk, beehive, cf. Bulg koruba, SCr koruba (SELISCEV Slav, nasele nie 167). 0 MEYER Wb. 170 (connected with kolibe); ABEJ St. I 2 8 9 (agrees with SELISCEV); S v a n e 159. korr aor. korr to reap, to harvest. Goes back to PAlb *kasra. Related to Lith kasu, ksti to dig, Slav *kosa scythe (MEYER Wb. 2 0 0 ). The name of July korrik as well as korriqe measure of grain are derived from korr. 0 P e d e r s e n IF V 4 6 (follows M e y e r ) ; J o k l IF XXXVII 1 0 0 -1 0 2 (to IE *sker- to cut); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 153; PISANI RIL CXII 12 (from Ital corre < cogliere to reap); FRAENKEL 2 2 6 -2 2 7 ; POKORNY I 585; T r u b a c e v SSJa XI 133-135; LBERG Festschr. Bon fante 567; O r e l Sprache XXXI 280; a b e j apud D e m ir a j (from IE *kr-n); DEMIRAJ AE 2 2 2 -2 2 4 . korropitet refi, to become tired. A prfixai derivative related to rropatet to strain. korropesh adj. dark, dark-haired. A compound of korr and pesh struc turally similar to korr ozi id., a compound of korr and zi. .korrovesh m, pl. korrovesh jug with a handle; grape, adj. without ears. A compound of korr and vesh. kos m yogurt, clotted curds. Borrowed from Slav *kvasi, sour sub stance, cf. in South Slavic: OCS kvas-b, Bulg kvas, SCr kvas (MEYER Wb. 201). 0 TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 149; HA VIP LB XIV/2 14. kos f, pl. kosa scythe. Borrowed from Slav *kosa id., cf. South Slavic: Bulg kosa, SCr kosa (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; MEYER Wb. 2 0 1 ). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 157; S v a n e 2 3 6 .
KOSE
KRAH
193
k o s f, pl. kosa plait. Borrowed from Slav ^kosa id., cf. South Slavic:
Bulg kosa, SCr kosa (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; MEYER Wb.
2 0 1 ). 0 S v a n e 181. k o sis aor. kosita to mow. Borrowed from Slav *kositi id., cf. South
Slavic: Bulg kosa, SCr kositi (MEYER Wb. 201). 0 SeuSC evSlav, nase lenie 157; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 155; S v a n e 236.
k o so r e f. pi. kosore small scythe. Borrowed from South Slavic
*kosoFh scythe, pruning knife: Bulg kosor, SCr kosor (SVANE 33).
k osh m, pl. kosha, koshe b a sk e t. B o r ro w e d from S lav *kosb id.: B u lg
kos, SCr kos (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; M e y e r Wb. 201-202). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 151, 154; SVANE 67, 159.
k o sh z f, pl. koshza b o t-fly . A nother form is koshas < *koshaz. A c o lle c tiv e form o f *kosh b o rro w ed from Lat cossus k ind o f la r v a ( C a n d r e a GS III 4 3 0 ). 0 M i h e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 14; H a a r m a n n 120; a b e j St. I 289; L a n d i Lat. 138. k o t m. pl. kota useless, vain. From PAlb *kkta related to Lith kokths
disgusting. The latter is further explained as a derivative of koks which, Slav *kakb how. 0 C a m a r d a I 132 (to Gk k t o rancor); M e y e r Wb. 202 (to kot darkness and Gk c i k t o id.); FRAENKEL 280; T r u b a c e v SSJa IX 118-119. kot m darkness. From PAlb *kata further related to Or scth shadow < *skto-, Gk o k o t o darkness and the like (MEYER Wb. 202). 0 F r is k II 739-740; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 19; V e n d r y e s [S] 36; P o k o r n y I 957.
k o v a m, pl. kova smith. Borrowed from Slav *kovacb id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg kovac, SCr ko vac (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; M e y e r Wb. 203). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 172,181; T a g l ia v in i Dal mazia 156; a b e j St. VII 268; S v a n e 87, 197. k ozh u p ni, pi. '(ozhiipe shepherds fur jacket. A variant of kazhup. krah m, pl krah arm, shoulder, side. Borrowed from Slav *kraji, end,
194
KRAHROR
KRAHNUER
K R A I'
KRAI
KREPULL
195
side, extrem ity. For the semantic development cf. Bulg krajnik arm, leg, kraiste id. (O r e l FLH V III/1-2 46). Note the development of -j> -h- characteristic of early loanwords from Slavic. 0 M e y e r Wb. 203 (comparison with Lith kdrka shin, shank and Slav *korkh id., morphonologically difficult), Alb. St. Ill 6, 71; LlDN Studien 92, Arm. St. 43 (comparison with Skt kisku- forearm); WIEDEMANN BB XXVII 251 (derives krah from *krok-sk)\ SCHEFTELOWITZ KZ LVI 209 (recon structs *kar-ska and compares krah with Skt kard- hand, elephants trunk); B a r i C AArbSt. II 384-385; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 18; TAGLIAVI NI Dalmazia 156 (agrees with WIEDEMANN), Stratificazione 91; PISANI Saggi 126 (follows LlDN); POKORNY I 945-946; ABEJ St. VII 207, 210, abej apud D em iraj (from *korok-); H u l d 81-82; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 361; K o r t l a n d t SSGL XXIII 174 (against O r e l ); D e m ir a j AE 224 (to Arm srunk1calf (anat.), Lat crus shank).
k rah ror ~ krahnuer m. pl. krahror ~ krahnuer b reast, c h e s t. D er iv ed from krah (CAMARDA II 66; MEYER Wb. 203). 0 WIEDEMANN BB XXVII 250 (to krehr)-, WEIGAND Grammatik 55 (fo llo w s WIEDE MANN); Jokl LKUBA 154 (agrees w ith W e ig a n d ); a b e j St. I 290 (sup ports C a m a r d a ) . krahin f, pl. krahina region, area. An early loanword from Slav *krajina
(with an irregular unvoicing of the anlaut) to Lith grebti to rake, Slav *grebo, *grebti to row, to rake (MEYER Wb. 204-205, Alb. St. Ill 8, 71). Derived from kreh are krehr ~ krehn comb, a singularised plural of *krah, and kres curry-com b. 0 FRAENKEL 165-166; POKORNY I 455-456; a b e j St. I 290 (on krehr)-, T r u b a c e v SSJa VII 109-100.
krej aor. kreva to pull out. From PAlb *krebnja connected with kreh
~ kref ( M e y e r Wb. 205). id,; OCS kraina. Maced kraina, SCr kraina id. (J o k l LKUBA 175). 0
LANDT SSGL XXIII 174 (-h- is a hiatus filler).
rain, s k u ii . t-or me semani\ Metathesized in kler curly, fizzy. pilarized plural of a less usual kremt. kreme is attested. A suffixal form in
OHIO C l . lU w <Vw p 3Y w ^T avwiy, w ~ * yi/*uuvxiwu; V Y wt. " from Slav *krajiti to cut, to winnow, otherwise unattested in South Slavic.
IS it
krap m, pl. krep carp. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg krap id.,
SCr krap id. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; M e y e r Wb. 2 0 4 ). 0 M l KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 11 (from Lat carpio or Ital carpa). iticized form of PAlb *krapa related 1 greppo steep, rocky bank and the > a b e j St. I 268-269; O r e l ZfBalk ; constructs *krHp- or *krop-).
w ed fro m R o m *crpulus, c f. Lat krap m collar-bone. From PAlb *krapa related to W craff strong
< *krap nos, ON hrfa to tolerate, to bear with, Slav *krprhkh strong, firm continuing IE *krep- strong. The same root is found in krape
ovary. 0
POKORNY
I 620;
TRUBACEV
SSJa XII 1 3 5 -1 3 8 .
k rep u ll adj. inebriated. Borre
196
I / I-1 /.
KRESHKf: KRI ~ KR
crupuiti
iin/ui l u u u i i ^ zyu-zy I , w ith an altern ative link to Ital crepare to burst, to s p lit).
c A tc ivt n iiiL -u i n u k in g ,
kreshk f foliage. A suffixal derivative in -shk of krnd (attested also as krend). As to kreshk fish scale, it also belongs here. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 19 (from Ital crusca); JOKL LKUBA 166 (to kreshte). kreshm pl. fast. Borrowed from Lat quadragesima Lent, fast of forty days, cf. Ital quaresima id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 53; M e y e r Wb. 2 0 5 ). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1051 (from Ital quaresima)-,
H a a r m a n n 144.
om *car-
ase of u; PEDER3; T a g li P is a n i
kreshnik m, pl. kreshnik hero, knight. Borrowed from SCr krajisnik inhabitant of a border region (SCHMAUS apud ABEJ St. I 291). 0 JOKL Balkangerm. 116 (to kresht). kreshp f, pl kreshpa sheep with long and rough wool. From Lat fem. adj. crispa curled, crisp, uneven. The verb kreshproj to anger is based on the same Latin adjective in its different meanings - quiver ing, trem ulous. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 19; MEYER Wb. 205 (on kreshproj)-, HAARMANN 120. kresht
f
onnected v krapis
1; P isa n i M ladeAENKEL
com b , crest o f a h e lm e t (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 19; M e y e r Wb. 2 0 5 ). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. G rundri1 1 1054; MlHESCU RESEE I V / 12 14; H a a r m a n n 120; L a n d i Lat. 5 7 , 102, 119.
XIII 43-
~ krishtlom. Ele-
krnd ~ krande m, pl. krnde ~ krande foliage; brushwood; leaves used as fodder; chips; branch without leaves.. From PA lb *ka-randa, a prefix formation connected with IE *rendh- to tear (asunder) and, in par ticular, with OHG rinda, rinta rind, OE rinde id. and the like (OREL IF XLIII 111). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 0 4 (to OIr grend side-whiskers, OHG grana mustache and the like), Alb. St. Ill 8, 71; JOKL Festschr. Rozwad owski I 240; M a n n Language XVII 20 (to Gk K p v o v ) ; POKORNY I 865; H o l t h a u s e n AEW 261; O r e l IF XCIII 111 (to IE *sker- to cut); D e m ir a j AE 22 5 . kri ~ kr f, pl. kri ~ kr w o o d w o r m , m o th . F rom P A lb *kriwi- c o n tin u in g a d ialectal In d o-E u rop ean form *k i'ui-: S la v *cbrvt w o r m (O r e l FLH V I I I /1-2 4 6 -4 7 ). N azalisation in G eg is secondary. 0 TRAUT-
j. *cruda
d to Goth
K R IF E
KRODH
19 7
MAJNIN B O I V V O . 1 JH-; V S M t K i V j J J - J J O , I K U B A L B V C J O J U 1 V
krife f, pl. krife mane. Borrowed, with the irregular unvoicir voiced consonants, of Slav *griva id. (D e sn ic k a ja Slav, zaini influence of kri ne m ane borrowed from Romance cannot b ed. 0 HAMP KZ CV I/2 305-306.
kriklloj aor. krikllova to creak (of wheels). Borrowed from P riculre based on Lat car rus wagon.
krimb ~ krym m, pl. krimba, krminj ~ kryma w orm . Re tit *krim- connected with IE * k jm i- id.: Skt kfm i-, Lith kirmi like (S tier KZ XI 247; G il f e r d in g Otn. 22; C a m a r d a I 6: Wb. 2 0 6 ). Geg -y- remains unexplained: could it be a rare c umlaut suggesting P A lb *krimu-i 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 4, SEN Kelt. Gr. 1 43; JOKL LKUBA 23, 191-192, 318, Sprache IX 12 A viN i Dalmazia 160; M a y r h o f e r I 2 6 1 -2 6 2 ; F r a e n k e l 25 Saggi 132; B a r i Hymje 36; POKORNY I 6 4 9 ; ABEJ St. VII 2 II 323; H u l d 82; O r e l IF XLIII 116, ZfBalk XXIII 148, Koll. 351 (irregular -ry-, -ri- < IE K D D E R IT Z S C H Festschr. 64; D e m ir a j AE 2 2 5 -2 2 6 .
krip - kryp f, pl. kripra ~ krypna salt. From PAlb *krp < with ON hrufa scab, Lith kraupus rough, kraupis scab, Lai frail, brittle, Slav *krupa groats (M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 4, 31, 7 Saggi 124). 0 M e y e r Wb. 206 (borrowing from Slav *krupa) N o v 1st. 220; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 161 (follows M e y e r ); F 290; P o k o r n y I 623; O r e l IF XLIII 106; T r u b a c e v SSJ 45.
Krisht m Christ. Borrowed from Lat Christus while krishten en Christian goes back to Lat Christianas id. (MlKLOSICH mente 14; M e y e r Wb. 191). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 158. kroc
f,
krodh f, pl. krodha bread crust. Borrowed from Lat fem. ac < cruda crude, rough. krodh f, pl. krodha beehive. Goes back to PAlb *krd relate
198
KROM
K RU SH K
hrot ro o f, Slav *krada heap, pile. 0 POKORNY I 617-618; FEIST Goth. 270-271; T r u b a c e v SSJa XI 58-60.
krom r, pl. kronia scabies; d o g ro se. D erived from kruaj. Another deriv ative from the sam e so u rce is kros sc a b . 0 MEYER Wb. 130 (to grij),
krongjill m, pl. krongjij icicle. Borrowed from Rom *corniculus based on Lat corna horn. krua ~ krue m, pl. kronj, kroje spring, fountain. From PAlb *krana < *krasna with compensatory lengthening of the vowel. Related to Gk Kpfjvr] id., OE hrn wave < Gmc *xrazn (CAMARDA I 50; MEYER BB v n i 185, Wb. 207). 0 M e y e r /M . St. Ill 4, 71; T o r p IF V 204; T hum b IF XXVI 3-14 (borrowed from Greek); PETERSSON IF XXIV 50 (from *krnuo-); H o l t h a u s e n AEW 146; JOKL IF XXXVII 92 (prefix k- and root -rua identical to that of pernia); B a r iC ARSt. I 81-82 (to krye and Skt khnati to dig); RlBEZZO/frM/fr II 137 n. 3 (agrees with T h u m b ); M a n n Language XXVI 381; PISANI Saggi 120; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 107 (prefix k-); F r is k II 16; l b e r g Festschr. Pisani II 685; a b e j S. I 292-293. kruaj ~ kruej aor. krova to sc ra tch . F rom P A lb *kmbnja w ith a lo n g grade o f ablaut, further con n ected with kreh. 0 MEYER Wb. 130 (to grij); JOKL Studien 23-25 (sam e identification with grij), IF XXXVII 99; M a n n Language XVII 19, XXVI 3 81(to Gk icvfko, Lith knoju); a b e j SiF I I I / 1 26; D e m ir a j AE 2 2 6 . krunde pl. bran. Another form is grnde. Derivative of kruaj ~ kruej. 0 M e y e r Wb. 1 32-133 (exp lain s grnde in con n ection w ith O E grindan to g r in d ), Alb. St. Ill 8; J o k l Studien 23 (reco n stru cts ze r o grad e un- < *--); T r e im e r M RIW I 3 5 8 (to S la v *krupa g r o a ts); a b e j Si. 1 2 9 3 (to Gk Kpivoj to separate). krup aor. krupa to lo a th e . F rom P A lb *krupa e ty m o lo g ic a lly related to L ith krauphs e a s ily s c a r e d , krupus id ., krupti to s c a r e . 0
F r a e n k e l 29 1 .
krushk m, pl. krushq brides man, unmarried relative. A metathesis of *kushk(e)r, borrowed from Lat consocer father-in-law > Rum cuscru (M e y e r Wb. 207). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. G rundri2 1 1039, 1045; Pu-
K R Y B E ----- K R R O K
199
cartu EWR 41; M ih e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 26; T a g l ia v in i Origini 189; H a a r m a n n 119; L a n d i Lat. 61, 117-118.
krybe f, pl. krybe oakum, tow. From PAlb *krba, a derivative in *-b-, connected with Gk Kpimico to hide (where old *-bh- may be alleged), Lith kruti to pile up, Slav *kiyti to cover, to hide'. 0 Fr a en k el 291; SCHWYZER I 333 (on the nature of the labial in KpnTco); F r isk II 29-30; POKORNY I 617; TRUBACEV SSJa XIII 71-72.
k ryd h aor. krydha to plunge; to steal, to rob. An Elbasan form. Con
compensatory lengthening of the root vowel. Etymologically identi cal with G k Kpvov skull, head (MANN Language XXVIII 33) and further related to IE *keras- head (G il f e r d in g Otn. 23). The word for head is the source of kryej to finish. 0 MEYER Wb. 206 (bor rowed from Lat cerebrum head, brain); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri2 I 1054; T r e im e r M RIW I 360 (reconstructs *kreunom connected with Slav *krusiti to destroy, to grind); B a r i C ARSt. 181 (comparison with OIr centi head); Jo k l IF XLIV 47; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 160, Strat ificazione 91-92; MANN Language XVII 16, XXVIII 33; PISANI Saggi 120; F r is k II 6-7; P o k o r n y I 574-577; H a m p S. Whatmough 86, KZ LXXVI 279-280; LBERG Festschr. Pisani II 684; H u l d 83 (reconstructs *irlLeuno-).
k ryq m, pl. kryqe, kryqa c r o s s . B o r r o w e d from Lat crucem id. with an irregu lar su b stitu tion o f the sh ort Lat -u- ( C a m a r d a II 201; MiKLOsiciT Rom. Elemente 19; M e y e r Wb. 207). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grund
ri 21 1054; T a g lia v in i Origini 198; M ih e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 121; L a n d i Lat. 68, 83, 146. krril f, pl. krrila crane. Other forms are korril, kurril and kojrril. Borrowed from Gmc *kran-ila, a deminutive of *krcmaz id.: OHG krano, OE cran. 0 KLUGE 399-400; HOLTHAUSEN AEW 59; ZALIZNK timo logija 1964 179; MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 31; HAARMANN 129 (from Rom *gruilla).
k rrok aor. krroka to caw . A descriptive stem similar to Lat crocio id.
200
KRROKULL
KU
krrokull f, pl. krrokulla hip bone, joint, knuckle. An allegro form of krdhokull id. The latter is a derivative of *kerdhok round object pre served as a singularized plural in krdhoq eye-ball. As to *krdhok, it reflects a suffixal derivative based on the unvoiced variant of gardh. krrokull f, pl. krrokulla saffron. Borrowed from Rom *crocidimi, deminu tive of Lat crocum id. kshet f, pl. kshet nymph, m erm aid. Identical with kshet plait, a variant of grshet. kthej aor. ktheva to tu rn . A p rfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f thyej. 0 CAMARDA I 101 (to Gk eK-u0r]jui to set o u tsid e); MEYER Wb. 185 (from Lat convertere to turn ro u n d ); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1054; JOKL Studien 94 ( fo llo w s MEYER); ABEJ St. VII 258. kthetr f, pl. kthetra claw (particularly, of vulture). Derivative in *-ter of kthej. kthill aur. kthilla to make clear, to brighten. An older Tosk form is kthiell. A prfixai derivative (CAMARDA I 101) of unattested *thiell reflect ed in thjesht. 0 M e y e r Wb. 184 (to Italo-Alb jjejonem to clear up); BUGGE BB XVIII 191 (from *kthej diell)', JOKL Studien 37-38 (to IE *ski- attested in hije); ABEJ St. I 294 (to fill). ku pron. where. From P A lb *ku identical with Skt kiiha id., Slav *hbde id., Lith kur id. and the like, originating from IE *kw a variant of u-, the pronominal stem *k"o-. 0 CAMARDA I 67 (to IE *k"o-); M e y e r Wb. 218 (follows C a m a r d a ); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 317, 326; T a g l ia v i n i Dalmazia 161; P o r z ig Gliederung 168; F r a e n k e l 314; M a y r h o f e r 1249; P o k o r n y 1 647-648; abej St. VH 232, 254; H u l d 83-84; D em iraj AE 226-227. kuar ~ kuer m measure, order, free time. Borrowed from Lat chorus dance in a ring, harmony, harmonious motion. 0 MEYER Wb. 333 (prkuar m oderate based on *prkoj < Lat parcere to spare); ABEJ St. I 294-296 (to korr, IE *sker- to cut). ku m dog. Borrowed from South Slavic *kucq dog, cub, cf. Bulg
K UEDR
KULA
201
kuce, SCr kuce. 0 M e y e r Wb. 218-219 (various Slavic and Romance parallels); BUGA II 220; M a c h e k ZfslavPh XXI 154 (onomatopoeia); MURATI Probleme 131.
k u ed r f. pl. kuedra dragon (with many heads). Another variant is
kulshedr. Borrowed from Lat chersydrus kind of snake (MlHESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 31 ; HAARMANN 116). 0 CAMARDA I 192 (compound of kulish whelp, young or ku and gen. of \58poc hydra); MEYER Wb. 2 1 9 (from Lat excetra snake, serpent); POLK EBTch V 2 9 -3 0 .
k uh et refi, to redden (of skin). Derived from kuq. kujtoj aor. kujtova to remember, to think. Borrowed from Lat cogitare ( C a m a r d a I 99; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 15; MEYER Wb. 194). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri2 1 1049; BARIC ARSt. 141-42 (to OIr ciall
reason); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 162, Origini 190; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 117.
kuk adv. alone. From PAlb *kuka continuing IE *kv u-k whoever, o-
fixal derivative of *kukborrowed from *kuka hook, cf. South Slavic continuants; Bulg kuka, SCr kuka.
kula m, pl. kula, kule pancake. Borrowed from Slav *kolach round bread, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg kolac, SCr kolac (MlKLOSICH
Slav. Elemente 22). O S eli SCev Slav, naselenie 155, 303; H a m p L/i XIV/2 14; S v a n e 93.
kular m, pl. kular cu rved p ie c e o f w o o d , o x -c o lla r . B o r ro w e d from Lat collare co lla r ( M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri2 1 1049) 0 MlHESCU
RESEE I V /1 - 2 14; HAARMANN 118; LANDI Lat. 2 8 , 88, 9 9. kulb f, pl. kulba kind of freshwater fish. Anolher form is kubl. Early Slavic loanword: note Alb -u- rendering Slav - t>-. The source is (South) Slav *ia,lba ~ *h,lhi, (Pol kielb, Rus kolba), see M e y e r Wb. 212; O r e l timologija 1983 143. 0 MlKLOSICH EW 154 (the Slavic and Albanian words are genetically related); B e r n e k e r I 659; VASMER II 286; OREL timologija 1983 143; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 22; HAARMANN 117; ABEJ St. I 2 9 6 (from Rom *cuplea)\ OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 61.
k u l f h ern ia . A n early b o rrow in g from Slav *kyla id., w ith *-y- ren dered as A lb -u-. 0 MEYER Wb. 212-213 (from Lat culleus leather sack); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 34; SVANE 182.
kulrn m, pl. kulrne ridge, peak; wave. Borrowed from Lat nom. culmen id. (MEYER Wb. 2 1 3 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 19 (from Lat culmus); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 21 1046; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 15; D o d b ib a St. Leks. 2 4 4 (to Gk Kotabvri hill, Lat columen top); H a a r m a n n 121; L a n d i Lar. 147.
KU LTES.
KUM B
203
of Lat cucurbita gourd (MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 15; ABEJ St. I 296) 0 L a n d i Lat. 114. kultr f. pl. kultra pillow, cushion. Borrowed from Lat calcitra id. (M eyer Wb. 2 1 3 ) 0 H a a r m a n n 121. kulloj aor. kullova to sieve, to sift, to filter. Borrowed from Lat colare to filter, to strain (MEYER Wb. 2 1 2 ). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri1 1 1049; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 117. kulloshtr f beestings. Borrowed from Lat colostra id. (MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 118). 0 K l e p ik o v a SPT 116 (from Italian). kullos aor. kullota to put out to pasture, to graze. A derivative of kulloj. 0 C a m a r d a I 295 (to Gk ou-icoXeco to tend cattle); M e y e r Wb. 212 (from Lat colere to cultivate); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 163 (against M e y e r ). kullumbri f, pl. kullumbri blackthorn, sloe; turtle dove. A derivative of *kullumbe borrowed from Lat columba dove, the plant being called after the bird as Rum porumb maize, corn after palumbes dove (M eyer Wb. 2 1 2 ). 0 P u c a r iu EWR 119; S c h u c h a r d t KZ X X 2 4 9 (from Lat palumbes); H a a r m a n n 118. kullusm f, pl. kullusma thicket. A metathesis from *kullumes (cf. gjysm) borrowed from Rom *olumntia, cf. Lat columnti supporting
204
KUM BULL
KUNDR
kumbull f, pl. kumbulla plum tree. Other variants are kumull and kumll. Borrowed from G k K O K m priX ov id. ( M e y e r Wb. 2 1 3 ) . 0 SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 249 (from Rom *columbula)\ TA G LIA VIN I Dalmazia 1 6 3 ; M A N N Language XXVIII 31; M i h e s c u RESEE IV/3-4 350; a b e j St. I 297 (borrowed from Doric). kumer f fear, fright. A prfixai derivative of mer, truer. kumerq m toll, duty. Borrowed from Lat commercium trade, com m erce (G i l f e r d in g Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 16). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1048. kumt m news, announcement. Borrowed from Lat commonitus, par ticiple of commonere to remind, to put in mind. From kumt the verb kumtoj to announce is derived. 0 ABEJ St. I 297-298 (from Lat computare to sum up, to reckon); HAARMANN 118. kumtr m, pl. kumtr godfather. Borrowed from Lat compater id. (MlK LOSICH Rom. Elemente 16; M e y e r Wb. 214). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grun dri 2 1 1 045 , 1048; H a a r m a n n 118; a b e j St. I 2 9 8 -2 9 9 (based on fem. kumtr borrowed from Lat commater godm other); LANDI Lat. 4 1 , 115, 143. kunat m, pl. kunetr ~ kunetn brother-in-law. Borrowed from Lat cogntus kinsman, blood relation. The feminine form cognata is reflected as Alb kunat (C a m a r d a I 158; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 15; M e y e r Wb. 214). Note a derivative kunatoll brother-in-law (wifes brother) that may continue Rom *cogntelus. 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1041, 1048; T a g l ia v in i Origini 189; M ih e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 117; L a n d i Lat. 27, 125, 138. kund adv. somewhere. Goes back to PAlb *kum to(m), acc. sg. of ku and a pronominal stem *to-, see ay. 0 WEIGAND 4 1 (to Lat unde whence); JOKL AArbSt I 35-36 (acc. sg. of *k and a pronominal *to-); a b e j oSt. I 299-300 (phonetic transformation of kit). kundr prep, again st. Borrowed from Lat contra id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 17; MEYER Wb. 214). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri21 1045, 1048; M i h e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 119.
KUNDOJ
KUQ.
205
id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 16; M e y e r Wb. 214). As to kung altar (of the Orthodox church), it is a back-formation derived from the verb. 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 163; M ih esc u RESEE IV/1-2 14,22; H a a r m a n n 119; abej St. 1300 (kung borrow ed from Lat concha sh ell-fish , m u ssel, *vau lt); L a n d i Lat. 117. kungull m, pl. kunguj marrow, pumpkin, bottle. From PAlb *kunkula identical with Lith kukulas bubble (M a n n Language XXVI 387). 0 M e y e r Wb. 214 (from Lat cucumis cucumber); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 163 (against MEYER).
kunj m, pl. kunja peg, wedge. Borrowed from Lat cuneus wedge' (MEYER
Wb. 215). The verb kunjoj to close a sack with a peg continues Lat cuneare to wedge. 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 21 1046; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 15; HAARMANN 121; L a n d i Lat. 138.
kup m h eap, p ile . B o r ro w e d from S lav *kupr. id ., cf. South S la v ic form s: B u lg kup, SCr kup. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 15 (from R om *cuppus kind o f v e s s e l); SVANE 4 3 . kup f, pl. kupa g la ss, bowl. Borrowed from Lat cuppa tu b (M lK LOSICH Rom. Elemente 19; M e y e r Wb. 215). 0 M ih e s c u RESEE IV /12 15; H a a r m a n n 121; L a n d i Lat. 100. kuptoj aor. kuptova to u nd erstan d . B o r ro w e d from Lat computare to sum up, to re ck o n ( M e y e r Wb. 215). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 1
1 1048; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 250; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 118: a b e j St. I 300-301 (derived from kap).
kuq adj. re d . Borrowed from Rom *cocceus, cf. Lat coccineus scarlet (MEYER Wb. 210). 0 BOPP 490 (to Skt siici- fiery, bright); C a m a r d a I 164 (compares with NGk kokkivo red); M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri2 1 1045; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 249; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 162; M i h e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 117; H u ld 84.
206
KUR
KURR
kur adv. when. From PAlb *kur formally identical with Arm ur, Lith
kur where, Latv kr id. (VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 34 ), derived from IE *k (see ku). 0 SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 2 5 0 (from Lat qua hr at uwhat hour, when, with an irregular development of the inlaut vocalism); M e y e r Wb. 2 15 (accepts S c h u c h a r d t s etymology); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 3 1 7 , Kelt. Gr. I 127; MEILLET MSL X 2 5 9 , XX 92; TAGLI AVINI Dalmazia 164 (follows VASMER); ACAREAN HAB III 6 1 3 -6 1 4 ; P is a n i Saggi 123; F r a e n k e l 314; P o k o r n y 1 6 4 7 -6 4 8 ; K o p e c n y ESSJ 1 324 (on -r); HULD 84; HAARMANN 144; OREL Sprache XXXI 280; D e m ir a j AE 227-228.
k u ror ~ k un or f. pl. kur ora ~ kunora c r o w n . B o r ro w e d from Lat
corona id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 18). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri21 1046, 1048; ERNOUT-MEILLET 144; MlHESCU RESEE I V / 12 14; a b e j St. VII 277; HAARMANN 120; J a n s o n Unt. 52-53; LANDI Lat. 63, 88.
kursej aor. kurseva to spare. Derived from *kurt short borrowed from
Lat curtus id. 0 CAMARDA I 101 (to Lat curtus); MEYER Wh. 2 1 6 (from Rom *curtire)\ MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri21 1051; HAARMANN 122.
kurt m, pl. kurte yard. Borrowed from Lat cortem id. (MEYER Wb. 216).
0 GlUGLEA Dacoromania I II 472 (from N G k Koprn id.); MEYER-LBKE Gr. G rundri21 1045; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 15; HAARMANN 122; ABEJ St. I 301 (on Old Alb kurt id. preserving the gender of Lat cortem).
kurth m, pl. kurthe snare, trap. Derivative in -th of kurp ~ kulp, cf.
kulpr. Somehow connected with Rum cursa id. M ey er Wb. 216 (from Turk kurs disk); BARIC ARSt 42 (to OHG hurt wicker-work); MANN Language XVII 14 (to Lat cratis, Goth haurds)', ROSETTI 1ER I 276; a b e j St. VII 237.
k u rv f, pl. kurva whore, prostitute. Borrowed from Slav *kury, gen. *kui~bve id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg kurva, SCr kurva (MlKLOSICH
Slav. Elemente 24; MEYER Wb. 216). 0 S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 194; S v a n e 200.
k u rr adv. never, ever. Goes back to PAlb *kur ne of which the first
element is identical with kur and the second reflects the Indo-Euro pean negation *ne not ( P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 3 17). 0 MEYER Wb. 215
K IJ R R IZ
- K -U S H T R IM
207
(id e n tifie s w ith kur); PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 145; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 164; H am p HSyn. 177; a b ej St. I 302 (phonetic variant o f kur); D em ir a j
AE 22 8 .
kurriz m spine, backbone, hump'. A derivative in -iz based on PAlb
*kurna < *kfnos related to Lith kras stump, kirna pointed end of a trunk, bush, Slav *korenb root. 0 MEYER Wb. 190 (to krrus); TAGLI AVINI Stratificazione 92; F r a e n k e l 241; POKORNY I 573; T r u b a c e v SSJa X I 6 2 -6 6 .
kush pron. who. From PAlb *kusa going back to an Indo-European
pronominal compound *k"u-so- consisting of *kl a morphonologiu-, cal variant of *kv id., and demonstrative *so-. The Albanian form is, oIhus, quite close to Tokh A kus id., B kuse id. < *k u-so- (MEILLET Idg. Jb. I 13; OREL LB X X X /1 57-58). Note -sh- < *-s- explained by the ruki rule (OREL Die Sprache XXXI/2 114). As to acc. k ~ k, it con tinues PAlb *kam < IE *kl'om (MEYER Wb. 217, Alb. St. Ill 2, 88). 0 BOPP 463 (to IE *k"o-); G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 22; CAMARDA I 212 (to IE *k M e y e r Wb. 217-218 (kush treated as a borrowing from Lat quis o-); with some reserve); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 317 (related to IE *k o-), Kelt. Gr. I 128; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 165; M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (follows M e i l l e t ) ; V a n W in d e k e n s I 246; P o k o r n y I 647-648; a b e j St. I 275-276, 302-303; H u l d 84; O r e l Sprache XXXI 280, LB X X X /1 58-59, Koll. Idg. Ges. 351; DEMIRAJ AE 218, 228 (from *t e siti).
k u sh r i ~ k u sh r m, pl. kushrinj cousin. Borrow ed from Lat
consbrnus id. (CAMARDA I 120; MEYER Wb. 218). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri21 1049; TAGLIAVINI Origini 189; MlHESCU RESEE IV /12 14; H a a r m a n n 119.
kush t m, pl. kushte vow, bet, boundary, condition. Back-formation of kushtoj to cost continuing MLat constare id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele mente 17; M e y e r Wb. 217). 0 a bej St. I 303 (borrowed from Ital costo
price).
k u sh trim m h u e-a n d -cry , w ar cr y , ca ll-u p , en ro llm en t, a la rm . A r e gular d ev erb a tiv e in -im b ased on *kushtroj b o rro w ed from R om *conscrptre, cf. Lat conscrTbere to en ro ll ( o f tr o o p s). 0 WEIGAND BA I 2 5 7 (to kusht); LAMBERTZ Volkspoesie 247 (d iv id es into kush trim
208
KUSHULL
LAB
kushuU m consul. Borrowed from Lat consulem id. (M lK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 17). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1046, kut m, pl. kut m easu re o f le n g th . B o r ro w e d fro m Lat cubitus c u b it (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 19). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri21 1046; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 121; L a n d i Lat. 138, 141. kut f, pl. kuta young dog, cub. Borrowed from Slav *kute id. attest ed in East Slavic (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 198). Cf. ku. kutndoj aor. kutndova to thank. Borrowed from Lat contentare id. (M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1049) 0 H a a r m a n n 119. kuvend m. pl. kuvende sp eech ; c o u n c il, m e e tin g . B o r ro w e d fro m Lat conventus m eetin g, a sse m b ly (CAMARDA I 340; MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele mente 17; M e y e r Wb. 219). A p arallel form pl. tantum kuvise sp e e c h e s, w o r d s co n tin u es R om *conventiae. 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grund ri 2 1 1039, 1044, 1048; JOKL Idg.Jb. XI 190 (kuvise as a d ev erb a tiv e o f *kuvij b o rro w e d from Lat *convenire); TAGLIAVINI Origini 190; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 29; H a a r m a n n 119; a b e j St. T 304 (kuvise as a p lural o f kuvend, cf. h is in terp retation o f vise : vend)-, LANDI Lat. 55, 88, 148-149. ky pron., f. kjo this. From PAlb *ka-ei, f. *ka-ja, based on a pronom inal element *ka- and a demonstrative, see ai, ajo. 0 PEDERSEN Pron. 315; H u l d 84-85 (to ko-)\ K o r t l a n d t SSGL XXIII 174 (from *ku-i, with *-/ < IE *eiom): D e m ir a j AE 217-218. ky m, pl. key. Other forms are kly and qy. Borrowed from Slav *kluch id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg k luc, SCr kljuc (MlKLOSICHSlav. Elemente 21 ; MEYER Wb. 193). 0 JOKL Slavia XIII 296; S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 144, 150, 308; H a m p L S XIV/2 12; SVANE 84.
L lab m, pl. lab, lebr ~ leben Lab, inhabitant of Laberia, Back-formation based on Labri L aberia borrow ed from an unattested South
LABRGOJ
T.AFSHF,
209
Slavic *labanbja < *olhattbja rendering the native pre-Albanian name of the country: Albania, AAosvia. 0 DESNICKAJA VI 194 (directly from ancient *arb-/*alb-)\ ABEJ St. VII 193. labrgoj aor. labrgova to undo, to untie'. A phonetic variant of the same word is represented in lahrkoj to reduce, to diminish, to wear out. A derivative of an unattested *laprk based on laper ( a b e j St. I 304). labi m 'ghost, bogey, adj. importunate, rotten. From *lami. a deriva tive of lamj bogey (from NGk X ap ia , cf. M e y e r Wb. 2 3 1 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 3 0 (from Ital * larvicelo, based on Lat larva specter, shade); JOKL LKUBA 77-78 (from Slav *l'ubicb lover). labrik m sea-w olf. Borrowed from Gk XPpixo id. 0 M lK LO SICH Rom. Elemente 34 (from Lat labrax); M EY ER Wb. 233 (from Rom *labracum < Gk A,apa, id.); M lH ESC U RESEE IV /3-4 350; OREL Orpheus VI 65. lac f gusset, inlet; white goat. Continues *larc, a phonetic variant of larz id., a derivative of lare ( a b e j St. I 304-305). 0 B a r d h i apud ABEJ ibid. (to IE *leuk- white). lak f, pl. laka household goods. One of the rhyming words appear ing together with plak thing, booty (of Modern Greek or late Slavic origin, cf. M EYER Wb. 344): me lak e me plak bag and baggage, plak e rak id. ladut m, pl. rogue, rascal. Probably, borrowed from an unattested Bulg *kbgut liar derived from Slav *lbgati to lie. lafat f, pi. lafata Judas tree. Another phonetic variant is lajthat. A form lofat is also attested. Derived from lajthi. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 4 8 (from Ital siliquastro Judas tree). lafsh f, pl. lafsha crest (of bird), comb". Borrowed from Lat laxa (cutis) loose (skin) (MEYER Wb. 234). 0 K r ist o f o r id h i 197 (to lape): M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1055; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 84 (deminutive of lap); MlHESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 31; H a a r m a n n 133; a b e j St. IV 7 7 -7 8 .
210
LA G
L A JK
lag aor. laga to wet, to soak, to bathe, to wash'. From PAlb *lauga to be further compared with legate. 0 G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 23 (to Skt iTto m elt); CAMARDA 140 (to Gk Xovm to wash); M e y e r Wb. 235 (from Slav *volga liquid); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 37 (related to Slav *volga); BARIC ARSt I 45-46; S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 159 (follows M e y e r ) ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 166; M a n n Language XVII 17 (same as V a s m e r ) ; P o l k Z a lk I 83; a b e j * . I 319-320; H am p apud DEMIRAJ (to Lith liugas swamp); OREL Linguistica XXIV 429430; DEMIRAJ AE 229-230. lagater f p erio d o f ch an geab le w eather (in M arch - A p r il) . A c o m pound o f lag and ter (JOKL LKUBA 2 9 3 ). lagje f, pl. lagje district, quarter. Singularized plural of *lag etymo logically identical with Gk X%oq ambush, place for lying in wait, Slav *log-h den, narrow valley and other continuants of IE *loghos, a deverbative of *legh- to lie (JOKL RIEB I 58-60). 0 POKORNY I 658659; F r is k II 110-112; P o l k ZfBalk I 79 (borrowed from Gk taixo); ABEJ St. I 305 (agrees with JOKL, adduces sg. lag 'band, horde); T r u b a c e v SSJa X V 248-250; D e m ir a j AE 230. laj ~ lj aor. lava to wash. Originates from P A lb *launja related to Gk ot id., Lat lavo id. (PEDERSEN Krit. Jahresbericht IX 211, 215). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35 (b o r ro w ed from Lat lavare)', M e y e r Wb. 2 3 5 (a g re es w ith MlKLOSICH); M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1050; JOKL IE X L III 51; VASMER A lb. W o rtfo rsch . 8 4 -8 6 (to R uss solovyj); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 175 (fo llo w s M e y e r ) ; F r is k II 138139; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 7 7 3 -7 7 4 ; P o k o r n y 1 692; K l i n g e n s c i i m i t t
Verbum 117, Mnch. St. Spr. 109; HAMP A/CW-L II (X III) 186 (fo llo w s PEDERSEN); a b e j St. V II 2 1 1 , 247; HULD 85 ( if b o rro w ed , Lat lavare w ou ld y ie ld *lvoj or *loj); DEMIRAJ AE 2 3 0 -2 3 1 . lajk f, pl. lajk caress; flattery. From *lark further related to lare. Semantically, the development is identical with that of laroj to speckle, to spot and to flatter ( a b e j St. I 305-306). 0 C a m a r d a 1 37 (to Gk ,aiK(o to wench); MEYER Wb. 235 (borrowed from or related to Slav *laska caress); JOKL LKUBA 204-205 (to Gk XoKto to shout and its cognates); a b e j St. VII 207, 276; D e m ir a j AE 231 (to laj).
L A JLE
LAKUR
2 11
p ass (in the m ou n tain s), b en d, c u r v e . F rom P A lb *laka bend, c u r v e co n n ecte d w ith IE *lk- ~ *tek-, see flak (OREL ZfBalk X X III/ 1 7 5 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 3 4 (from Lat laqueus n o o s e , sn a re); MEYER Wb. 2 3 5 (from R om *laquus, c f. Lat laqueus); MEYER-LBKE
Gr. Grundri 2 I 1041; JOKL IF XXXVI 160; DESNICKAJA Gr. str. 9; POKORNY I 674; ABEJ St. VII 2 0 7 , 22 7 .
lak f defil, valley. Borrowed from Gmc *lakaz brook, river, swamp,
cf. OHG lahha, OE lacu and the like. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 34 (from Lat lacus); MEYER Wb. 235 (from Ital lacca deep bottom , itself from Germanic); KLUGE 416.
lakr ~ lakn f, pl. lakra ~ lakna cabbage, greens. Borrowed from Gk }.a%avov greens ( T h u m b IF X X V I 14; M e y e r Wb. 236). 0 J o k l LKUBA 208; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 166; l b e r g SPhAen 41; M i h e s c u RESEE IV /3-4 350; JANSON Unt. 41.
lakmi f, pi. greed, avarice. Derived from *lakm greedy borrowed from Slav *olkom-b id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg lakom, SCr lakom (M lK L O S IC H Slav. Elemente 24; M E Y E R Wb. 236). As a result of erroneous segmentation of *lak-m, a new form lakut greedy, glutton was produced. 0 M L A D E N O V 1st. 77. lakshte f dew. Derivative in -sht() from lag.
lakuq adj. red (of earth). A prfixai derivative of kuq. lakur adj. naked. From PAlb *lauk-ura derived from IE *Ieuk- to
212
LA LE
LA PA RO S
shine, to be white. The derivative *lauk-ura > lkur skin, bark also belongs to the same root. For the semantic motivation of words for bark. From lakur the word for bat lakuriq, laskuriq is derived. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 2 3 6 (to Gk rcco to peel), Alb. St. Ill 3; J o k l Studien 4 6 , n. 1 (compares lkur with Gk .<xk tear, break, crack, Slav *lgcg, *Igeiti to split), 51 (prefix l- in lkur); T A G L IA V IN I Dal mazia 166 (agrees with J o k l ), Stratificazione 9 2 -9 3 ; E R N O U T M e i l l e t 335; T R U B A C E V Remesl. term. 1 6 5-166; P O K O R N Y I 6 8 7 -6 8 9 ; H u l d 86; O r e l Z a lk XXIII 145, Orpheus VI 66; D e m i r a j AE 2 3 2 2 3 3 , 2 40-241 (dialectal form of lakuriq, further related to lkur and based on IE *skeua- to cover). lale f, pl. lale ornamentation, decorations. A result of assimilation of liquida in the plural form of lar.
laparos
aor. laparosa to make dirty. Together with Bulg lapardosvam id. borrowed from a Modern Greek formation based on Gk xxra.p
L A P
LAR
213
s o f t . 0 JOKL Studien 4 7 -4 8 (to laprdhi), LKUBA 90; D e m ir a j AE 2 3 3 (n e w form ation in -os b ased on laper c lo th ).
lap f, pl. lapa hard piece of meat or skin; peritoneum; le a f. Con tinues PAlb *lap related to Lith lapas leaf, Gk xm shell, husk, bark and the like. Derived from lap are lapet peritoneum (of a slaughtered animal); triangular patch of cloth and laper peritoneum, dewlap, adj. foul, evil, bad. As to labe bark, it is a secondary dialec tal variant of lap, cf. ABEJ St. I 307. 0 MEYER Wb. 237 (to Lith lpas spot and its cognates); JOKL Stud. 44 (lab to Lith lobas bark), LKUBA 88-89; MANN Language XXVI 387 (to Slav *lup'b scale, ON lauf leaf), XXVI 386 (lab to Gk Xop pod); F r a e n k e l 339-340; F r is k II 105-107; C h a n t r a in e 632; P o k o r n y I 678; a b e j St. VII 208, 230; OREL Z a lk XXIII 147; DEMIRAJ AE 229, 233. laprdhi f, pl. laprdhi d ew lap ; o b sc e n ity , dirty j o k e . D e r iv a tiv e o f lapr, cf. lap (DEMIRAJ AE 2 3 4 ). 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 36 (to Skt lpati (h e) w h isp e r s, S lav *lepetT> b a b b le); JOKL Studien 4 7 -4 8 (togeth er w ith laparos to m ake d ir ty related to IE *leip- fat, g re a se , d irt), LKUBA 90. laps aor. lapsa to exhaust, to wary. Although in other cases the cluster -ps- indicates the Greek origin, this word may continue PAlb *lapitja related to Gk taxrap weak, la n a ta ) to weaken (JOKL Studien 4 8 ). 0 FRISK II 8 4-85; ABEJ St. I 3 07 (from Gk X.outTto to disable, to weaken); DEMIRAJ AE 23 4 . laps aor lapsa to wish, to want. From P A lb *laubitja related to Skt hibhyati to wish, Slav * lubiti to love and the like (JOKL Studien 48). 0 M a y r h o f e r III 107-108; P o k o r n y 1 683-684; a b e j St. I 308 (identical with laps to exhaust, to w ary); T r u b a c e v SSJa XV 174176. lapush adj. big-eared. Borrowed from Slav *lapusa plant with big leaves, cf. SCr lapusa kind of oak. The Albanian usage is obviously metaphorical. lar m laurel. Borrowed from Lat laurus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele mente 35; MEYER Wb. 237). From lar a deminutive larth holly as well as larz wild vine and larushk id. are derived. 0 M e y e r -
214
1.ARA
LASHT
RESEE IV /1-2 17 (larushk from Lat labrusca); H a a r m a n n 132; L a n d i Lat. 72, 110, 140. lar a pl. menstruation; rinse water. Substantivized form of lare ~ lane, participle of laj. laracoj aor. laracova to variegate. Together with laraman motley, spotted and laragan id. derived from lare. lardh m fat bacon . Borrowed from Lat laridunt, latdum id. (MlKLO SlC H fom Elemente 34; MEYER Wb. 238). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grund
ri 2 I 1052; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 169. lar f, pl. lara white spot, adj. spotted, m otley. From PAlb *laur, derivative in -r- based on laj. 0 MEYER Wb. 238 (to laros, cf. laroj). lar g
adv. far (a w a y ). B orrow ed from Lat
largus b ig, la r g e ( G i l f e r -
d in g Otn. 25; M ik lo s ic h Rom. Elemente 34; M e y e r Wb. 238). 0 M e y e r L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1042, 1050; HASDEU EMR 1 583; TAGLIAVI NI Dalmazia 169; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 17; HAARMANN 132; HULD 85 (g r o ss m isin terp retation o f MEYERs v ie w ); L a n d i Lat. 49.
laroj aor. lar ova to speckle, to variegate; to flatter. Another m or phological variant is laros. Derived from lare. 0 M e y e r Wb. 238 (bor rowed from NGk .p(va> to dirty); BARIC AArbSt I 153 (laroj to flatter to Slav *laskati); JOKL / . / X VII 67 (united laroj to speckle and laroj to flatter by comparing it to Gk jioikA.c to speckle, to paint, to flatter); ABEJ St. I 308 (follows JOKL). lart - nalt adj. high. Based on the adverbial Lat in altum id. (M lK
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 2; MEYER Wb. 297). 0 MEYER BB XIV 54, Wb. 238 (rejects his earlier explanation); JOKL LKUBA 228 (from PAlb
*laudra, to IE *leudh- to grow ); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 34 (on prothetic /-), 201; BARIC AArbSt 1/1-2 147-148 (< *th-ro-, to Lat toll); M ih e sc u RESEE IV /1-2 16; a b e j 5/. VII 246; H a a r m a n n 130; L a n d i Lat. 49. lasht adj. old; early, premature (of fruit). A parallel form is lash. An adjective in -t going back to PAlb *lausa related to Goth laus
L A IE
LE
215
empty, loosen, with further connection with Gk Xvm to loose, to release. Semantically, the development may be compared to that of Gmc *alda- old if, in our case, an intermediate link to release > to let grow > to grow old is admitted. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 3 8 (from Lat lassus faint, languid); JOKL LKUBA 2 2 6 -2 2 8 , Slavia XIII 39 (to IE *leudh- to grow ); KLUGE 446; FRISK II 149-150; POKORNY I 6 8 1 68 2 ; F e is t Goth. 325; HAARMANN 132; LlUKKONEN SSF X 56 (to Lith 'ilgas long); ABEJ St. I 3 0 8 -3 0 9 (derivative of lag); OREL Orpheus VI 66. late f, pl. lata small axe. From PAlb *lapt related to lap (JOKLStudien 4 7 , LKUBA 88) and reflecting a derivation close to (thematic) Slav *lopata spade, Lith lpeta id. and (athematic) OPrus lopto (D em iraj AE 234). On the semantic link between leaf and spade see TRUBACEV SSJa XVI 4 3 . 0 MANN Language XVII 17 (related to Slav *de lb to); T o p o r o v PJa IV 3 5 8 -3 6 3 . latredh m, pl. latredha uncastrated ram or g o a t. A p rfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f tredh (C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 110). latyr f, pl. latyra rinse water. Borrowed from Rom *lavatura from Lat lavare to wash (M e y e r Wb. 2 3 7 ). lavare f, pi. lavare noose, hangmans rope. Singularized plural of lavar dog-collar. A prfixai form of var ( a b e j St. 1 309). The corresponding verb is lavirem to hang down. lavij aor. lavila to become mad. Another variant is lavem id. His torically identical with lavos to wound, to injure from NGk Xacovco id. ( a b e j St. I 3 0 9 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 3 9 (on lavos); B a r i c ARSt I 108. lavire f, pl. lavire filthy rags; whore; brook, rill; ridge (of a hill). Derivative of lavirem, see lavare (ABEJ St. I 3 1 0 ). lbardh
aor.
le part. Accompanies verb in jussive. Goes back to PAlb * laide iden tical with the Baltic particle of optative and permissive: Lith la!, Latv li, le, OPrus -lai. It coincides with the old unattested imperative as well as with 2 sg. pres, of l (CAMARDA I 255; PEKMEZI 7 6 -7 7 ). 0 F r a e n k e l 329; a b e j St. 1 3 1 0 .
218
LEL
I.E P T Y R
le l f, pl. lela dirty woman, slut. Borrowed from Slav *lel'a aunt, cf. South Slavic continuants: OCS lla, leia. Bulg lela, SCr Ijelja (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 25). lem arak m, pl. lemarak glutton. Another variant is lemacak. Expres
Slavic origin. The specific term is connected with the salmon spawn ing.
len oj aor. lenova to mitigate, to soften, to relieve. Borrowed from
Ital lenire id. ( M e y e r Wb. 2 4 4 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 173 (to Lat lenire to make soft, to alleviate); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1048; ABEJ St. I 3 1 4 (derived from leh, leht).
lep r f le p r o s y . B o r ro w e d from Lat lepra id. (ABEJ St. I 3 1 5 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 241 (from N G k -rcpa id .). leptyr f muddy place. Borrowed from Rom *lippirra, cf. Lat lippitdo
blearedness, rheum .
LEPUR
I.ESH
219
lepur m, pi. lepra, lepuj h a r e . B o r ro w e d from Lat leporem id. (S tier KZ XI 139; G il f e r d in g Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35; M eyer Wb. 241). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 21 1043, 1049; JOKL LKUBA 9; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 17; H a a r m a n n 133; L a n d i Lat. 51, 83, 144-145. ler f, pl. ler dirt, mud. From PAlb * laura etymologically identical with Lith lar dirty person, further related to *leu- reflected in lum. 0 CAMARDA 1 146 (to epv- K rcpov, Hes.); MEYER Wb. 238 (to laroj, epv); JOKL LKUBA 67 (derivative in -r' of lyej), Reallex. Vorgesch. 1 86; LAMBERTZ KZ LIII 12 (follows M e y e r ); F r a e n k e l 346-347; ABEJ Sr. I 315 (agrees with JOKL); DEMIRAJ AE 237 (dialectal form of lyr, cf. lyej). ler f, pl. lera heap o f sto n es, p eb b le b an k . C o n tin u es P A lb *laura
related to Gk Xorpa a lle y , p ass b etw e en r o c k s (JOKL RIEB I 43-
46). 0 F r is k II 91; P is a n i Saggi 85; P o k o r n y I 683; G in d in JaDN 164; POLK ZfBalk I 79 (b o rro w ed from a p a ); OREL ZfBalk XXIII 149; D e m ir a j AE 237-238 (o rig in a lly G eg ). lerth m ivy. Another variant is lerdh. Deminutive in -th of lar. les f, pi. lesa harrow, wicker-work, frame. Borrowed from Slav *lesa id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg lesa, SCr Ijesa (SELISCEV Slav, nasele nie 156). A parallel form le she id. belongs to an earlier layer of Slavic loanwords. 0 SVANE 31. les f, pi. lesa cleaning rag, cloth. A derivative of lyej (ABEJ St. I 315). leskr f, pi. leskra scale (of fish), shred, slate, thin metal shavings. A derivative of *lesk borrowed from Slav *lisfhk-b small le a f, cf. South Slavic continuants: Maced listok, SCr listak. 0 ABEJ St. I 316 (from SCr liska metal plate); S v a n e 149. lesh m, pl. leshra ~ leshna wool, fleece, hair. From PAlb *lai$a ety mologically connected with the Balto-Slavic word for foliage: Lith laiskos leaf, Latv lai ska leaf on a linen stalk; stalk, Slav *listh leaf. 0 M e y e r Alb. St. I (to Slav *volsi, hair); Wb. 241 (comparison with Gmc *fleusaz fleece), Alb. St. Ill 24, 38, 61; Jo k l Studien 49 f. (to
220
LSHKO
LBY R
Skt lavi- sickle, Gk Xaov id.), Slavia XIII 2 9 2 (borrowed from Slav *lsa); K r i s t o f o r i d h i 2 05 (to Gk tax%vr| down, fleece, frizzy hair); BARIC ARSt 45 (to Gk oXo curly), Hymje 26 (same as KRISTOFORIDHI); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 3 8 -3 9 (to ON vlh hair, Gk M%vr|. same as K r is t o f o r id h i) ; R ib e z z o Riv. indo-gr.-it. I 16 (to Gk Xaxoc, hairy, covered with hair); T a g l i a v i n i Stratificazione 92; P is a n i Saggi 122 (agrees with M e y e r Wb.); PUDIC IX Ling. Cong. 8 6 2 (follows M e y e r ); P o g h i r c 1st. limb. rom. I I 331; a b e j St. 1 3 1 5 -3 1 6 , IV 78; F r a e n k e l 333-334; VASMER II 5 0 0 -5 0 1 ; POKORNY 1 681; NEROZNAK Paleob. 198 (borrowed from Slav * v o Ist,); T r u b a c e v SSJa X V 1 4 3 -1 4 4 (Slavic and Baltic words derived from IE *lei- to spring up [of plants]); HULD 8 5 -8 6 (to OS wlh fringe) ; DEMIRAJ AE 2 3 8 -2 3 9 (to Lat vellus wool). leshko m, pl. leshko credulous, gullible. This homonym of leshko hairy one (to lesh) is borrowed from Bulg lecko, Ihcko, adv. lightly, cf. lecok light. leshnje f m oss. Derivative of lesh. lez m,pl. leza, lez wart, mole, pimple, birthmark. Another morphological variant is lez. There exists a dialectal form lemz that reflects the original structure of the word and allows to identify it with lemz ~ lemc and, in the long run, with lej (JOKL ArRom XXIV 31). For the semantics cf. E birthmark. 0 ABEJ St. I 316-317 (to lyej). l ~ l aor. lash to let. From PAlb *laidna, a present in *-ne/o- replac ing a more archaic *laida (see lej). Related to IE *leid- attested in Baltic and Germanic: Lith le'isti id., Latv last id., Goth letan id. (MEYER Wb. 2 4 2 , Alb. St. I ll 2 8 , 6 5 , IV 2 4 ). 0 JOKL LKUBA 2 5 2 , Sprache IX 118; PISANI Saggi 130; FRAENKEL 351-352; POKORNY I 666 ; F eist Goth. 3 2 9 -3 3 0 ; ABEJ St. I 3 17 (to Lat Ieri is soft, smooth - semantically difficult); D e s n ic k a j a Sravn. 227; O r el IF XLIII 113; H u l d 155; Ja n s o n Unt. 81 (on part, ln); D e m ir a j AE 2 3 9 . lbarke f d y se n te r y . A p rfixai d eriv a tiv e o f bark (MEYER Wb. 2 4 2 ). 0 JOKL Studien 51; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 109. lbyr aor. lbyra to dazzle, to maze, to confuse. A prfixai deriva-
I .W O R K
L K IJN D
221
inine form lfos is attested in a different meaning - woman or animal with hanging breasts.
l fy t m, pl. lfyta pipe, tube. A prfixai derivative offy t (MEYER Wb.
~ lang. From PAlb *leugata connected with Illyr eo Aoyeov tcatanjiievov (Strabo 7 .4 3 ), Lith liugas id., Slav *luza pool' (MEYER Wb. 2 4 2 ). 0 M e y e r Alb. Studien IV 52 (to G k A.p<po mucus); BARIC ARSt 4 5 -4 6 (to lag) JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 86 , IF XLVI 383; KRAHE , BNF XIV 1 20-124 (Illyrian parallels); FRAENKEL 379; POKORNY I 686 ; a b e j St. I 3 1 9 -3 2 0 ; OREL Linguistica XXIV 4 2 9 -4 3 0 ; DEMIRAJ AE 2 3 9 -2 4 0 (to lag, lag).
l k o r e f, pl. lkore chicory. A prfixai derivative of kore id., prob ably influenced by lkur. lk o str f bast. A prfixai derivative of unattested *kostr borrowed
from Slav *kostra bark, grass. In South Slavic only a derivative *kostrava kind of grass has been registered: Bulg kostr'ava, SCr kostrjava. (G) l k u e m, pl. lkonj water lily. Borrowed from Lat (lilium) Lacnem Spartan (lily).
lk u n d aor. lkunda to rock, to swing, to sway, to shake. A prfix
ai derivative of an unattested *kund, a nasal present reflecting PAlb *kunda and related to Gmc *xutan to swing: MHG hutzen. 0 BUGA RFV LXV 3 1 7 (compares Germanic forms with Lith kuzdeti to trem ble, kudulti to pull hair or beard); POKORNY I 9 5 6 -9 5 7 ; ABEJ St. VII 2 6 9 .
222
LKUQ.
I. M O S H
lkuq aor. lkuqa to tinge red, to dye red . A prfixai derivative of kuq (CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 101). lkur f, pl. lkur skin, h id e. D erived from lakur. 0 TAGLIAVINI Strat ificazione 92-93; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 335; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 102, 108 (p refix l-)\ DEMIRAJ AE 240-241. lmaqe f, pl. lmaqe expanse of rubble, stoneslide, pile of stones. A singularized plural of *lmak, a derivative in -ak of lm. lmashk m, pl. lmashqe mud, scum, moss, fur on tongue. Another variant is lmyshk moss, fur on tongue. A prfixai derivative from my shk. lmaz f, pl. lmaza thin skin, shell. A prfixai derivative of maz (C a m a j Alb. Worth. 108). lmehem refi, to put on make-up. A reflexive form of lmoj to smooth, to polish. 0 ABEJ St. I 318 (derived from lyem, participle of lyej ). lmekem reti, to become wet; to faint. A prfixai denominative (CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 110) of an unattested *mek w et continuing PAlb *maka and connected with mak. 0 ABEJ St. VII 242. lm ~ lam f, pl. lm ~ lam, lmnj ~ lamnj, lmenj ~ lamenj thresh ing-floor, wine-press. There also exists a more archaic masculine form lm ~ lam. From PAlb *lam etymologically identical with OHG lam lame, Slav *lonrh breaking; crow-bar; broken branches, reflect ing *lomos further derived from IE *lem- to break (M e y e r Wb. 243, Alb. St. Ill 64). 0 S c h m id t KZ L V II17 (to lej); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 167-168 (follows M e y e r ); P is a n i Saggi 124; P o k o r n y I 674; a b e j St. I 318-319 (to Lith lom pit, hole); O rel ZfBalk XXTII 145; T r u b a c e v SSJa XVI 25-27; DEMIRAJ AE 241 (to Gk astori threshing-floor). lmoj lmova to file, to polish. Borrowed from Lat limare id. ( M e y e r Wb. 243). 0 a b e j St. VII 184.
aor.
lmosh f, pl lmosha alms, charity. Borrowed from Germanic, cf. OHG alamuosa id., OS alemsa id. Based on lemosh is lemoshtr
LMSH ~ LAM S H
LNDOJ ~
LNDOJ 2 2 3
lmsh ~ lamsh m, pl. lmshe ~ lamshe ball (of wool, thread), globe (of earth), pool, spellet. The meaning globe of earth < *broken lump of earth may be one of the oldest. The word goes back to PAlb *lemesja and is formally identical with Latv lemesis sharp edge of the plouw, Slav *lemesb plouwshare, with a parallel form with a voiced auslaut in Lith lmezis wooden part of plough to which the ploughshare is fixed, Slav *lemezb plouwshare. The resulting IE *lemesjo- is a derivative of *lem- to break, cf. lm. 0 M e y e r Wb. 24 3 (from Rom *glemus, cf. Lat glomus ball, clue of yarn, thread); M e y e r -LBKF, Gr. Grundri 1 I 1054; JOKL LKUBA 2 3 -2 4 (follows M e y e r ); T r eim er Slavia III 451 (against M e y e r for phonetic reasons: Lat gl- cannot yield Alb /-; suggests a comparison with Slav *lomiti to break); SPITZER M RIW I 3 2 4 {-sh explained as the ending of loca tive!); SCHMIDT KZ LVII 2 0 (to Or loman cord); TAGLIAVINI Dal mazia 168; FRAENKEL 354; a b e j St. I 3 1 9 (from IE *ulo-m- based on *uel- to turn); TRUBACEV SSJa XIV 108-110; O r e l Orpheus VI 66 . lmuq
adv. in a heap, p iled up, m p ile . A nother variant is
lmu.
lnd ~ land f, pl. lnd ~ land wood, timber, m aterial. Goes back to PAlb *lenta etymologically related to Gmc *lend linden (OHG Unta, OE lind). Lith lenta board, Slav *lti, bast (MEYER Alb. Studien IV 117; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 3 6 ). 0 JOKL LKUBA 152, Reallex. Vorgesch. I 93; MANN Language XVII 20; HOLTHAUSEN AEW 203; F r a e n k e l 357-3 5 8 ; V a s m e r II 536; Z a l iz n a k timologija 1964 217; a b e j * . VII 277; T r u b a c e v SSJa X V I 15 0 -1 5 1 ; H u l d 87; C l a c k s o n LR 135, 2 2 7 . lndin f, pl. lndina untilled land, fallow field, grassland. Borrowed from Slav *ldina id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg ledina, SCr ledina (S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 187). 0 S v a n e 166. lndoj ~ lendoj aor. lndova ~ lendova to irritate, to make sore, to hurt. Borrowed from Lat tentare to make flexible, to bend. 0
224
LNG
LANG
L P IZ
M e y e r Alb. St. V 9 2 (to linda); ABEJ St. 1 3 1 9 (from Lat laedere to hurt, to w o u n d ).
lngje ~ langje ju ice, liquid, broth. From P A lb *langa o b v io u sly co n n ecte d w ith lag and legate but re flec tin g an u n e x p e ct ed nasal in fix. M orp h o n o lo g ica lly not clear. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 4 4 (to Slav *slknti to b ecom e w et); ABEJ St. I 319-320; OREL Linguistica XXIV
m. pl.
lng ~ lang
4 2 9 -4 3 0 .
lngat f, pl. lngat illness, sickness, ailment. Another variant is ligate liver phthisis (in sheep). From PAlb *ligata derived from *liga > lig. The inlaut -n- has appeared under the influence of lngoj. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 4 4 (to lngoj). lngoj aor. lngova to weaken, to languish. Borrowed from Lat langure to be faint, languid (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 34; MEYER Wb. 244). Note a nominal derivative lngjyr typhus. 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 1 1 1047; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 28; HAARMANN 132. lngor adj. p lian t, su p p le. D er iv ed from lngoj (MEYER Wb. 2 4 4 ). 0 JOKL Studien 5 0 (to Lith lekti to b en d ); ABEJ St. I 3 2 0 (to lng); D e m ir a j AE 24 2 . lnur - lnuer
aor.
*lnrius w ork er in w o o l). lpec m old ox or cow ; ailin g p e r s o n . D e r iv a tiv e o f lop (M e y e r Wb. 2 4 8 ). 0 a b e j St. I 3 2 0 (to lap). lpisk f, pl. lpiska scale (of fish). A prfixai derivative of pisk. lpitk f, pl. lpitka slipper. A derivative of lap with a Slavic suffix. A homonymie lpitk blade (of knife) is borrow ed from Bulg lepidka, deminutive of lepida id., itself a Modern Greek loanword (BER 3 6 4 ). 0 MANN HAED 241 (explains lpitk blade directly from Greek). lpiz f, pl. lpiza shelf, rack. As well as lpoz roof, related to lap (J o k l LKUBA 8 6 -9 5 ).
L P JE T
LEVARE
225
lpjet f, pl. lpjeta orach, dock. Borrowed from Gk ojcaov id. (Thum b
IF XXVI 14-16) or, rather, from an unattested *A.a7te9ov. 0 M e y e r Wb. 241 (from Lat lapathum id.). Alb. St. V 92; JOKL LKUBA 119 (agrees with T h u m b ); M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 31; H a a r m a n n 132; a b e j St. I 320 (Albanian and Greek forms derived from the same M editer ranean source).
l p lu n g f, pl. lplunga webbing for tying cradle to m others back,
cheese-cloth used as a strainer. A secondary phonetic variant of naplung. 0 a b e j St. VII 254.
l p u sh f, pl. lpusha mullein; broad-leafed plant. Derived from
lap.
lroj aor. lrova to cultivate, to till. Borrowed from Lat laborare to
clematis. Borrowed from Lat labrusca wild vine (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 34; MEYER Wb. 244). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri2 1 1049;
H a a r m a n n 132. lsh oj aor. lshova to let, to leave, to free. Borrowed from Lat
lassare to render faint, to tire, *to let ( M e y e r Wb. 244). 0 CAMARDA 1 86 (to Gk A-ooopat to beg, to pray); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35 (from Ital lasciare to let); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1047 (agrees with MlKLOSICH); MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 17; ABEJ St. VII 228, 243; H a a r m a n n 132.
l ti ~ l t adj Italian, Latin, Catholic. Borrowed from Lat Latlnus
L atin (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35; MEYER Wb. 238-239). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri21 1044, 1047; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 169170; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 23; H a a r m a n n 132; a b e j St. I 309.
lvare f, pi. levare waterfall. Another variant is livare. A prfixai deriv
ative of var (ABEJ St. I 310) structurally close to ujvar id. < uj var hanging water. For the original meaning of lvare cf. a deriv ative livarz catkin < *hanging.
226
LVERE -
U D II
being a prfixai derivative of var, cf. lvare (ABEJ St. I 309-310). 0 MEYER Wb. 244 (with a metathesis, from Lat velarium covering, screen);
C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 109. l v ir e m ~ l v y r e m refi, to beg, to beseech. A semantic development of an older lvyrem to scratch oneself (as a sign of grief), the latter being based on lvyr to scratch, to lacerate, a prfixai derivative of var, vjerr. l v iz aor. lviza to move, to stir . Related to luaj from which it is derived
with a different vocalism (ABEJ St. I 321). 0 CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 108 (prefix l-).
lvorzoj aor. lvoriova to peel. Based on lvorz~ lvorx peel, skin, derived from lvore. lvozh g f, pl. lvozhga hard shell, peel, skin. Other variants are lvezhg, lvexhg, levoxhg. Derivative in -k or -shk of lvorx. 0 MEYER Wb. 476 (borrowed from Slav *luska ~ * luska peel, shell); ABEJ St. I 321 (derived directly from lvor). li ~ l m, pl. linj flax, linen. Borrowed from Lat linum id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 36; MEYER Wb. 244-245). 0 CAMARDA II 161 (com pares li with Gk Mvov id., Lat linum id.); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grund ri 21 1044, 1056; JOKL LKUBA 256; M a n n Language XXVI 384 (same as C a m a r d a ); M ih e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 17; H a a r m a n n 133; J a n s o n Unt. 53. lic f, pl. lica flax tow. A metaphoric usage of Slav *lice face as
face side or upper part, cf. such meanings as Bulg lice upper part or SCr lice id. lidh aor. lidha to bind, to tie. From PAlb *ldza etymologically close to Lat ligare id. ( C a m a r d a I 42; M e y e r Wb. 2 4 5 , Alb. St. Ill 17). 0 BARIC ARSt 4 3 -4 4 (to Lat volv to ro ll1 JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I ); 89; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 173 (agrees with M e y e r ); C im o c h o w s k i
L IFQ E R
LIJE
227
LP II 230; E r n o u t -M e ill e t 358; M a n n Language XXVI 384; P is a n i Saggi 129; JUCQUOIS Le Muse'on LXXVIII 448; H a m p 1F LXVI 53; a b e j St. VII 254; H u l d 86-87; D e m ir a j AE 242-243. lifqer m , p l. lifqere waterfall. Another form is lifqar. Borrowed from Rom *lav cr um < Lat lavcrum bath. The vowel of the first sylla ble results from the development of the unstressed -- to 0 XHUVANI KLetr 1/5 9 (from Lat liquor liquid); a b e j St. I 321-322 (related to lvare); OREL Orpheus VI 67. lig a d j. bad, ill. Reflects PAlb *liga while lig illness goes back to PAlb *ligd. Further connected with Gk Myo small, few, Axny destruction, death, Lith lig illness, Latv liga id. (CAMARDA I 66 on Aop/oq; MEYER Wb. 2 4 5 , Alb. St. Ill 7). The related adjective ligsht ailing is identical with Lith ligustas ill (DESNICKAJA Sravn. 2 0 3 ). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 6 0 -6 1 ; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 173 (follows MEYER); L a p i a n a St. Varia 45; M a n n Language XXVI 385; PISANI Saggi 127; FRAENKEL 370; FRISK II 376; CHANTRAINE 645; H a m p 4/W L II (XIII) 190; POKORNY I 667; a b e j St. VII 199; H u l d 87; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 149; RASMUSSEN Morph. 164; DEMIRAJ AE 2 43. ligj m, pl ligje law . Other morphological variants of sg. are ligje and ligj. The word is borrowed from Lat lege(m) id. (CAMARDA II 69; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35; M e y e r Wb. 2 4 5 ). Note Alb -i- < Lat -- (explained by the Sicilian dialectal mediation in MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1044). 0 JOKL LKUBA 4 3 (ligj vs. zakon), WuS XII 83; S ir o k o v ZEL X X IV / 1 15 (related to Lith lygs equal, OPrus lgan court); T o p o r o v SBJa tnokult. 25 (follows SlROKOV); ABEJ St. VII 266; H a a r m a n n 133; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 6 1 -3 6 2 ; L a n d i Lat. 5 3 , 85. ligje pl, m ou rn in g, d ir g e . H isto r ica lly id en tical w ith ligj. 0 M e y e r Wb. 245 (from R om *elegium in stead o f Lat elogium) MEYER-LBKE , Gr. Grundri 2 I 1044. lij f, pl. lija smallpox. Borrowed from Slav *lixo evil. 0 MANN Language XXVI 384 (to Lat lira furrow ).
228
LIK
L IN G
I.TNGF,
LLSM
229
lik m lev el. Borrowed from Slav *li!cb face, surface, cf. Bulg lik, SC r lik ( a b e j St. I 322). 0 S v a n e 126. likardh f chickenpox. Probably, from *lkurdh, a suffixal deriv ative of lkur. As to the unexpected -a- in likardh it could be explained by the analogy with the dialectal likar doctor of Serbo-Croatian origin. 0 ABEJ St. IV 369 (to R uss k o r chickenpox); RUSAKOV U s 1980 173.
'to run (unattached). For forms with a nasal infix cf. Lith lingoti to sw ing. 0 M e y e r Wb. 246 ( ling trotting from Turk link trot); F eist Goth. 319-320; F r a e n k e l 330-331; M a y r h o fe r III 72; P o k o r n y I 667.
lin g f, pi. Unga small bell. From PAlb *ling etymologically identi
cal with Lith fnge flexible pole; bend, Latv liga loop. 0 F r a e n k e l 331; P o k o r n y I 676; a b e j St. I 322 (onomatopoeia). linj f, pl. Unja linen shirt; linen. Borrowed from Lat llneum linen garment (M e y e r Wb. 245). The homonymie linj line either goes back to Lat linea thread, line or to its continuations in Romance. 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1044; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 26; H a a r m a n n 133.
lip f, pl. lipa lime-tree. Borrowed from Slav *lipa id., cf. South Slavic
likogjone pi. sacrum, loins, lumbar regions. An adaptation of the unat tested Slavic compound *ldvo-gom, place from where hips begin, based on *ldva hip, kidney, loin. 0 MEYER Wb. 245 (to Gk KO'/cvr) part between the pudenda and the anus); ABEJ St. VII 195. likoq m animal with one testicle. A prfixai derivative of koqe one
of the meanings of which is testicles. liktyr f rope for binding a bundle o f wood; band, bandage. Another variant is lyktyr. Borrowed from Lat ligatura band, bunch (MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 17). 0 HAARMANN 133; ABEJ St. I 327-328. lil m, pl. lila lily. Borrowed from Lat lllium id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35).
continuants: Bulg lipa, SCr lipa (ABEJ St. I 322). 0 SVANE 126.
liq m woof, w eft. A singularized plural o f *lik going back to PAlb
*lika. A nominal deverbative o f IE *leik to leave, to remain: Skt rinkti to leave, Lat linqu id., O H G llhan and the like. 0 MAYRHOFER
III 59; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 808-810; P o k o r n y I 669-670; O rel Orpheus VI 67.
liroj aor. lirova to free. Borrowed from Lat liberare id. (MEYER Wb. 5, fle x ib le ai IC IU C U T atv l i l c id 6 M R V R BiiihuflfeA ariha lim f, pl. lima file . Borrowed from Lat lima id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35; MEYER Wb. 246). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri21 1044; M i h e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 23; a b e j St. VII 28 1 ; H a a r m a n n 133. lin d aor. linda to bear, to beget; to be born. A nasal present of lej (O r e l IF XCIII 1 1 2 -1 1 3 ). 0 P e d e r s e n Alb. Texte 12; Jo k l Studien 63; S c h m id t KZ LVII 3 3 -3 5 ; P is a n i Saggi 120; a b e j St. VII 2 0 5 , 2 1 7 ; D e m ir a j AE 2 4 3 -2 4 4 . lin g m hurry, haste. From PAlb *linga, a substantivized nasal present
d, lurttier, to netas o ig ,
,-r,,. H ! b b w b c t i w . * . . . i . . w .. MlHESCll RfcSEE [ V / l - 2 23; HAAKMANN 133. lis m, pl. Usa oak, high tree. A borrowing from Slav *les7, wood, forest, tree (M E Y E R Wb. 247). The Slavic dialect from which the word was borrowed must have had a narrow *e > Alb i, i.e. it may be iden tified as ikavski Serbo-Croatian (J o k l LKUBA 177). 0 B a r i c ARSt 48 (to Gk a^ao holy grove1), AArbSt 1/1-2 205-206; H U LD 87 (compares lis with leude and lnd as a parallel o f vise ~ vend).
lis f, pl. lisa woof, weft. Goes back to PAlb * lit s continuing *leik ia and related to liq. 0 ABEJ St. I 322 (borrowed from Bulg lesa fishing-line, rope, plaiting'); OREL Orpheus VI 67. lis m f, pl. Usma slate, fr a g ile earth, ston y fie ld , c la y . F rom P A lb
lil f, pl. / U n . Limali irnn ria Inon-rinp. link. From PAlb *U'il_____
230
I.O C
LO PA T
* litsim. A derivative of liq, lise. The original meaning of the word might be remaining (earth), rem ainders.
lo c m dear, darling. As demonstrated by the derivative lok pupil
(of the eye), also used metaphorically as a synonym of loc, the orig inal meaning of the latter must have been pupil. It is, therefore, a continuation of PAlb *latja, derivationally connected with lot. Another derivative of toc is loke dear (addressed to mother).
lod roj aor. lodrova to spring, to dance, to play. Derived from lodr
game, play based on loz (SPITZER MRIW I 326). 0 TAGLIAVINI Dal mazia 175. lodh aor. lodha to tire, to w eary. From PAlb *lada related to Goth letan to let, Gk i i S e v Komv, k e k l i i i Kvai (Hes.) and the like (MEYER Wb. 242, Alb. St. Ill 28). 0 CAMARDA I 124 (to Gk toii m altreat ment); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 250; M a n n Language XXVIII 32, 36; PISANI Saggi 130; P o r z i g Gliederung 104; F r is k II 114; K l u g e 424; F e i s t Goth. 329; POKORNY I 666; HULD 143; B e e k e s IF XCI11 36; RAS MUSSEN Morph. 54; DEMIRAJ AE 244-245.
lo g m, pl. logje meadow. Borrowed from Slav *logb ravine, low place (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 7 5 , 187). Note that in these meanings the
word is not attested in South Slavic where it usually stands for lying or den. 0 SVANE 167.
lo g o r i f, pi. logori wailing, mourning, dirge. Assimilated from *legori.
Borrowed from Lat allegoria allegory. 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 4 5 (to ligje)', KRISTOFORIDHI 211 (related to Gk xiyo used to denote dirge); J o k l WuS XII 88 (from NGk pupo-oyco to m ourn); ABEJ St. I 3 2 2 (iden tical with llogaris to count, of Modern Greek origin), IV 78.
lojc adj. unstable. Literally, playful. Derived from loj play < *lo
related to loz.
lop ate f, pl. lopata shovel, oar. Borrowed from Slav *lopata id., cf. South Slavic continuants: OCS lopata, Bulg lopata, SCr lopata (M lK LOSICH Slav. Elemente 25; MEYER Wb. 245). The derivative lopatz
tadpole has derived its unusual meaning from the South Slavic usage in which Bulg lopata and SCr lopata may stand for unpro-
LO PF,
LOZ
231
portionately large parts of the body. 0 T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 176; S eli SCev Slav, naselenie 169, 303; POLK ZfBalk I 81 (from SCr lopata)', H a m p LB XIV/2 12; a b e j St. VII 254; S v a n e 76. lop f, pl. lope cow. Continues PAlb *leip related to Latv lups cattle ( E n d z e l i n KZ XLIV 6 2 ). 0 S t i e r KZ XI 206; M e y e r Wb. 2 4 8 (par allels with Alpine words for cow); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. II 22 (to Celt *ldpego- calf: Or leg, Bret leue); JOKL IF XLIII 5 7 , Sprache IX 149; MlKKOLA BKIS XXI 2 1 9 -2 2 0 (to ON lamb lamb); PETERSSON Heter. 22; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 175-176, Stratificazione 138; POKORNY I 654; a b e j Ciotta XXV 51; H am p RomPh XII 153; S c h r i j v e r BC
309; D e m ir a j A E 24 5 .
loqe f, pl. loqe penis; testicles. A singularized plural going back to a paradigm sg. *lok ~ pl. loqe. From PAlb *luka closely related to Lith liauk gland further based on IE *leuk- to shine; shining, white (ABEJ St. I 3 2 2 -3 2 3 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 4 8 (compares with SCr lokanja belly, Bulg Gypsy lokatsi penis); PEDERSEN St. Balt. IV 152 (on Lith liauk); T a g l i a v i n i Stratificazione 93; F r a e n k e l 3 6 1 -3 6 2 ; POKORNY I 6 8 7 -6 9 0 ; OREL Linguistica XXIV 4 2 7 . lorz f parrot. Used in a phrase fla s si lorza to chat like a parrot. A suffixal diminutive of an unattested *lori parrot lori, one of the Lorinae. losh
adj.
lot m, pl. lot tear. From PAlb *la(i)ta, an adjective in *-to- based on IE *li- to pour, to flow (BARIC AArbSt I 1 4 8 -1 5 0 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 2 4 9 (from Lat fltus weeping, wailing); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 176 (agrees w ith B a r ic ) ; P o k o r n y I 6 6 4 -6 6 5 ; a b e j St. VII 25 8 . loz aor. lojta to move, to shake, to play. From PAlb *ldja, a denom inative verb based on . T h e latter is etymologically identical with Slav *lad-b order, peace from which a similar verb *laditi to make order, to make peace is derived. 0 CAMARDA I 50 (related to luaj); MEYER Wb. 248 (related to Lith palo'da lack of restraint, licentiousness and separated from luaj); PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 152 (connects loz with luaj); J o k l Studien 75, LKUBA 224; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 177; ABEJ St. I 323-324 (to OIr luaid to move); TRUBACEV SSJa XIV 9-12.
232
LOZ E
LUCE
LU FT
LUKR
233
loze f, pl. loze tendril (of a plant). A singularized plural of a less wide spread loz id. Borrowed from Slav *loza vine, tendril, cf. South Slavic continuants: OCS loza, Bulg loza, SCr loza (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 164). 0 SVANE 118.
swamp, marsh; podzol (a kind of soil)); KORTLANDT SSGL XXIII 174 (against OREL). luft f, pl. Iufta, luftra ~ luftna fight, w ar. Borrowed from Lat lucta wrestling > Rum lupt fight (CAMARDA I 65; MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele mente 37; MEYER Wb. 250). Note the East Romance type of the devel opment of -ct- in this word. The verb lftoj, luftoj to fight corre sponds to Lat luctri id. 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 21 1046, 1049, 1054; PUCARIU EWR 86; MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 17; TAGLIAVINI Origini 145, 366; a b e j St. VII 230, 267; Di G io v in e Gruppo -ct 5556; H u l d 86; H a a r m a n n 133; L a n d i Lat. 22-123, 135. lug m, pi. lugj, lugje trough, water-trough, long gutter, pipe. Related to lug spoon with which it continues PAlb *luga ~ *lug etymo logically connected with Slav *li,ga spoon, blade, *li>zica id. (JOKL LKUBA 143-145. Reallex. Vorgesch. I 93). Both Albanian and Slavic forms are based on IE *leugh- to break, cf. Skt rujdti to break. Note lugat oar derived from lug under the structural influence of lopat and lukth stomach based on lug (MEYER Wb. 250). 0 M lK LOSICH Slav. Elemente 250 (lug borrowed from Slavic); MEYER IF II 368-369, Wb. 250 (lug treated as a Turkish loan, from oluk, uluk channel; for lug follows MlKLOSICH); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 101; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 177; M a n n Language XVII 14; M a y r h o f e r III 64; P o k o r n y I 686; H a m p SCL XXVII/2 183; a b e j * . VII 201, apud D e m ir a j (to OE long vessel); T r u b a c e v SSJa XVI 257-260; D e m ir a j AE 245-246. lugat m, pl. luget, lugetr bogey, vam pire. Another variant is luvgat. Borrowed from an early Romance compound the first element of which was, undoubtedly, Lat lupus wolf (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 37;
luaj ~ luej aor. lojta ~ luej ta to move, to shake, to play. From PAlb
*ladnja, a denominative verb closely connected with loz (CAMARDA I 50). 0 MEYER Wb. 248 (borrowed from Lat ladere to play); S c h u c h a r d t KZ X X 250; M ih e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 23; a b e j St. VII 227; H a a r m a n n 133.
luan ~ lu m. pl. luaj ~ luanj, luan iio n . Borrowed from Lat lenem
id. ( S t i e r KZ XI 141-142; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35; M e y e r Wb. 249). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1046; JOKL LKUBA 89, IF L 49-52 (from Slav *lbVb id.); M a n n Language XXVI 384 (related to Gk wv id.); a b e j St. I 324 (follows M e y e r ) .
lubenic f, pl. lubenica water-melon. Borrowed from Slav *lubenica id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg lubenica, SCr lubenica (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 25; MEYER Wb. 249). 0 S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 162, 304; S v a n e 106. lubi f, pl. lubi ogress, dragon-woman with seven heads. Another variant
is luvgi. Note also luvgji voracity, greed representing a metaphoric f 'bis word. It seems DrobaW based on luvgat, see lugat. 0 JOKL LKUBA 12-1A (to Slav */ 'ubiti to love).
e r to r m s a r bjuce, juci a n a Wb. 251). 0 C a m a r d a XOSICH Rom. Elemente 37 Gr. Grundri 2 I 1050; ) llucc0; MlHESCl RESEE I I I / 1-2 44 (to L ith judra
ter
* luxati to strike, cf. in South Slavic - Bulg Vuxam to strike at a short stick while playing chelik.
lukr f. sheep. Borrowed from Lat lucrum gain, profit, wealth (JOKL LKUBA 257-259). 0 MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 28; ABEJ St. I 324 (agrees with Jo k l ); H a a r m a n n 133; L a n d i Lat. 118.
juzi. B o rro w ed fro m Lat lutea m u d d y (M e I 88 (co n n ected w ith L at Iut um m u d ); Mil (b o rro w e d fro m lutum); MEYER-LBKE F r a e n k e l 198-199; K r is t o f o r id h i 143 (t IV/1-2 31; H a a r m a n n 133; O r e l FLH V
234
LULL - LUNDR iu n g e f, pi. lunga 'swelling, tumor . hrom F A lb ' lunk, a derivative
LUNG
LUSP
235
q u estio n s M e y e r s ex p la -
ULD 87-88.
of IE *leu-k- to bend with a nasal infix, similar to that of OPrus lunkis angle, Lith lukanas supple, Latv lunks id. 0 MEYER Wb. 252 (to bul, bulung); BUGA RR I 369; JOKL Studien 53 (to Skt ro'gapain, illness); FRAENKEL 390; POKORNY I 681-682; a b e j BUShT XV /4 76-77 (follows M e y e r ), apud D e m ir a j (Lat volv to ro ll); D e m ir a j AE 248 (to lng).
lu p esh m glutton. Derivative of Ilup (P e d e r s e n Alb. Texte 153). 0 ABEJ St. I 326 (from a non-existent Bulg lupez thief). lu qerb ull f, pl. luqerbulla werewolf. Other variants are ruqerbull, riqe-
ancient Balkan loanword from an oriental s hr ri, Mli lily < Eg hrr.t id. The same ; evptov id., Lat llium id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 1 > u after /-); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 178 i nation); M a n n Language XVII 16; F risk II 109 (prefix /-); ABEJ St. VII 203, 254; F
ro m PAlb *lubna, an adjec)ve, to w ish (JOKL Studien icu lar G oth liufs d e a r . 0 a b e j St. I 325 (to lus);
)ther fo rm is lmak. A su f-
bull. Borrowed from Rom * lupus cervulus, cf. a more usual Romance * lupus cervarias as in Fr loup-cervier id. (L a PIANA Prefisso 21). 0 ABEJ St. I 326 (a prfixai derivative of qelb).
lu q er f lamp, lantern. Borrowed from Lat lucerna id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 37; MEYER Wb. 250, Alb. St. IV 80). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. G rundri2 1 1049; MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 23; HAARMANN 133; ABEJ St. I 326 (adduces Old Albanian data); L a n d i Lat. 89, 112-114. luroj a o r. lurova to howl, to wail. A phono-morphological variant of
lum adj. blessed, happy, lucky, fortunate. I tive in *-no- derived from IE *leubh- to 1 52-53, Reallex. Vorgesch. I 86), cf. in par F e ist Goth. 333; P o k o r n y I 683-684; D em ir a j AE 247-248.
lu m ak m , p l. bud, shoot; lichen, m oss. An
itinuing P A lb *lubna. T he
*leubh- to p eel, to sk in , luba bark, b o a rd , O Prus . 0 M e y e r Wb. 251 (from C ARSt I 48 -5 0 (a p rfixai n k e l 388; a b e j St. I 325125-228; O r e l Orpheus VI
fixai derivative of an unattested *lum coi latter is an adjective in *-no- based on IE cf. Lith lub board (of a ceiling), Latv lubbo board, Slav *h,b-h forehead, skul Lat limcem snail), Alb. St. IV 94; BAR derivative of mak); POKORNY I 690; F r a i 326 (from lum); TRUBACEV SSJa XVI ; 67.
ta ety m o lo g ically identical d to IE *leu(a)- d ir t. 0 VltKLOSlCH Rom. Elemente YERWfr. 251 (follow s MlK) p o u r ); F r i s k II 144-145; ULD 88 (to IE *(s)leub- to
lurtoj a o r. lurtova to cajole, to flatter, to caress. A phonetic modifi cation of *lartoj, to laroj (ABEJ St. I 326-327). lu s a o r. luta to pray, to invoke, to beg. From PAlb *lugtja related to
lu m m, pl. lumenj r iv e r . F rom P A lb *lur, w ith Gk not d irt, and further relatt CAMARDA 1 38 (to Gk tamco to w a sh );
rrowed from Rom *lunter, fe 36; M e y e r Wb. 251). 0 /1-2 17; H a a r m a n n 133;
Lith lgate to ask, to pray, Latv Ihdzu, lugt to ask, to invite, OHG lockOn to lure, to entice ( T r e im e r MR1WI 377-378), further related to IE *leugh- to lie, to cheat. 0 CAMARDA I 53 (to Gk iaaonou to beg, to pray); MEYER Wb. 251 (repeats CAMARDA s etymology), Alb. St. Ill 25; B a r i c ARSt 150-51 (to IE *leubh- to love, to wish); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 177; MANN Language XXVIII 31 (to Slav * lutiti to be fierce, to be violent); KLUGE 444; FRAENKEL 389; POKORNY I 686687; J o k l Die Sprache IX /2 150 (agrees with T r e im e r ) .
lu sp f, pl. luspa scale ( o f f is h ) . B o rro w e d fro m Slav *luspa scale,
s h e ll, cf. in S outh S lavic: B ulg luspa, S C r ljuspa ( a b e j St. I 327). 0 S v a n e 119, 237.
236
LU SH
LYP
bitch; berserk woman. As far as the latter has a parallel form lute bitch, glutton, lush must be explained as resulting from *lut-sh based on an unattested *lut, borrowed from Slav *l'utb angry, wild, violent (in particular, of animals).
luzm f swarm (in particular, of bees). From *luazm ~ luezm, deriv ative of loz. 0 a b e j St. VII 195. lu zh i f flo o d . B ased on *luzh b o rro w e d fro m Slav *luza p o o l, cf. in South Slavic: OCS hi za, SCr luza (ABEJ St. I 327). 0 XHUVANI Shkndija III/4 5 (re la te d to lgat); SVANE 170. ly adv. in a mess, in a muddle, out of joint. Derived with an adver bial marker - from lyej.
lyej aor. leva, lyejta to smear, to oil. Since the original meaning seems to be to cover with oil, the expected Proto-Albanian form may be reconstructed as *elaiwanja, with -ye- resulting form the contraction of the inlaut cluster *-aiwa-. This is a denominative verb based on an unattested *elaiwa borrowed from G k eX ai(f)ov oil. Note lyre fat- derived from lyej. 0 C a m a r d a I 242 (to G k a t a n c o to oil); M e y e r Wb. 2 5 1-252 (borrowed from Lat lino to daub, to besm ear or related to IE *M - to flow, to pour); B a r ic ARSt I 50 (to IE *leipfat, thus repeating C a m a r d a s etymology); JOKL LKUBA 67; TAGLI AVINI Dalmazia 177; ABEJ St. I 327 (to IE *lei- to flow, to pour).
ly ly v e r m, pi. lylyvere rainbow . A phonetic variant of y liber. ly m m, pl. lyme mud, alluvium. Borrowed from Gk d irt, cf. him. 0 JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 86 (to ler); ABEJ St. VII 225; ABEJ apud D e m ir a j (to lum); D e m ir a j AE 248-249.
lyp aor. lypa to beg, to ask, to seek, to need. In Tosk also lip. Despite an irregular development of the root vowel, continues PAlb *leipa related to Gk rcxojaou to be eager, to long for, Lith liepiu, liepti to order. 0 M e y e r Wb. 247 (to lipsern to miss, itself a Modern Greek loanword); B a r ic ARSt I 50-51 (to IE *leubh- to love, to wish); TAGLI AVINI Dalmazia 179 (against M e y e r ); F r a e n k e l 367; F r is k II 127128.
LYR
LLAPUSH
237
lyrdhz f, pl. lyrdhza w art. Apparently, from *lyr-th-z, a deriva tive of lyre. Cf. yih. lyshtr f, pl. lyslttra flotsam, alluvium; crow d. Borrowed from Lat lustrum slough, bog, morass, puddle; house of ill-repute, debauch e ry . 0 a b e j St. I 328 (to lyej). lyth m, pl. lytha, lyth w a rt, c o r n . A d e riv a tiv e in -th o f lyej ( a b e j St. I 328).
LI llabi m, pl. Ilabi bogey, vampire; glutton. From *lubi, derivative of lubi. llac f. pl. 11ac ladder. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *lazbca related to *laziti to climb. 0 OREL Orpheus VI 67. llall f, pl. llalla wet-nurse; moth. An onomatopoeia. In its second meaning llall may be a caique of Slav *baba woman, grandmoth er; butterfly, moth. llap aor. llapa to lap up (of animals). From P A lb *lapa compared with Gk X.nTK> to gulp, to drink greedily, Lith lape'nti to swallow food (of pigs), Slav *lopati to eat u p ' (C a m a r d a 127; M e y e r Wb. 237). 0 F r a e n k e l 340; F r is k II 85; P o k o r n y I 651; O r e l Linguis tica XXTV 429. llap f, pi. llapa tongue, language. From PAlb *lapel connected with the verb llap. 0 MEYER Wb. 237; OREL Linguistica XXIV 429. llapush adj. long-eared. An early borrowing from an unattested Slav *lop(o)usL, id., cf. *lopouxr id. b llapush f, pl. llapusha broad-leafed cabbage, covering leaf of m aize. Borrowed from Slav *lopusb. derivative of *lopuxb burdock, broad-
238
L L A S K O N JE
LLOM
leafed plant, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg lopux, SCr lopuh. 0 S v a n e 112; OREL Orpheus VI 67. llaskonj f twig, shoot. A derivative in -onj of *lask borrowed from Slav *loz-bka, deminutive of *loza vine. Another form of *laske is attested as llashk shoot. llazur f agitation, noise, swarm . Borrowed, with dissimilation of liquids, from Slav *orzoi~b ravage, destruction, cf. SCr razoriti. llnjz f mud, silt. A derivative from PAlb *slinj related to Lith slinas saliva, mucus, slim e, Slav *slina saliva. FRAENKEL 826; VASMER III 672; O rel Orpheus VI 67. llr ~ llan f, pl. llr ~ llan, llra ~ llana fo rea rm , e l l . F rom P A lb *alena related to G k cvti e lb o w , Lat ulna, O H G elina and the lik e (MEYER Wb. 233). 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 76 (b o rro w ed from R om *ulnna)\ PEDERSEN KZ XXX111 44, Kelt. Gr. II 59; TAGLIAVINI Strat ificazione 93; MANN Language XXVIII 37; F r is k 1146-1147; WALDEH o f m a n n I I 812; Po k o r n y 1 307; H uld KZ XCIX 247 (from Gk cvri); H a m p AlON-L II 185-187; J a n s o n Unt. 30; O r el Z a lk XXIII 149; D e m ir a j AE 249-250. llo m mud, mire, sludge. Derived from lloh. 0 ABEJ St. I 328 (from Bulg locka mud). lloh f rain w ith sn o w , sn ow broth, d a m p n e ss. A n early b o rro w in g from Slav *lojb * anything liq u id (SLAWSKI V 259) > fat, lard; flooded area; crater, fu n n el (OREL FLH V III/1-2 46). 0 MEYER Wb. 233 (co m pares with S lav *loky p ool, pit); SvANE 173; KORTLANDT SSGL XXIII 174 (again st O r e l ). llokm f, pl. llokma lump, chunk. Another variant is llomk. Borrowed from Turk lokma id. (M e y e r Wb. 233). 0 a b e j St. I 328 (from Bulg dial, lomka id.). Horn m mud, sludge, sediment. Derived from lloh. 0 MEYER Wb. 233 (from the non-existent Slav *lonrh swamp); MANN Language XXVIII 36.
L L O M IS
M ACE
239
llomis aor. llomita to pound, to crush. Borrowed from Slav *lomiti id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg lom a, SC r torniti (DESNICKA JA Slav. zaim. 16). 0 S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 188; S v a n e 91, 237. llomotis aor. llomotita to brawl, to chatter. Borrowed from Slav *lomotiti id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg lom ota, SCr lomotiti. llosk f, pl. kind of fish, roach. Borrowed from Slav *loska unat tested in South Slavic except for Slovene losk kind of insect, Ixodes ricinus. llosh m, pl. lloshe nest, den. Borrowed, with the unvoicing of the anlaut consonant, from Slav *loza ~ *lozb id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg loza, SCr loza, loz. lloz m, pl. lloze bolt, bar'. Another variant is loz. Derived from the verb loz. Illibate f sediment. A derivative from llurb as well as lluburdin id. lluk f, pl. lluka lime-tree. An early Slavic loanword, from *lyko bast and, in particular, lime-tree bast. 0 OREL Orpheus VI 67. lluk f, pl. lluka foul egg. From PAlb *luk related to ler and derived from IE *leu(a)- dirt. 0 POKORNY I 681. llup aor. llupa to gulp down, to swallow. Continues P A lb *lupa ety mologically connected with Skt lumpti to break, to injure, Lith liipti to peel, Latv lupt to peel; to eat, Slav *lupiti to peel (hesitantly - M e y e r Wb. 233). 0 F r a e n k e l 391-392; P o k o r n y I 690-691; M a y r h o f e r III 108-109; T r u b a c e v SSJa XVI 183-184. llurb f sediment, mud. Continues PAlb *lur(i)ba derived from */r-a, a form related to ler.
M
mac f, pl. maca cat. Borrowed from Slav *maca id., cf. South
240
M ACOLLE
MAGAR
Slavic forms: Bulg maca, SCr maca (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 25; M e y e r Wb. 2 6 3 ). Derived from mace is mache cat; bush (on wheel). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 166; S v a n e 138. macoll f, pl. macolla m allet. Dissimilated from *malolle, borrowed from Lat malleolus id. macuk f shepherds staff. A lexicalized phonetic variant of matuk. ma f, pl. maa hard soil. Borrowed from Slav *maca swamp, marsh4 (Czech maca) unattested in South Slavic. madh adj. b ig , la r g e . F rom P A lb *madza rela ted to H itt mekkis id., Skt mahnt- great, la r g e , G k |i iy a id ., Lat magnus id. and the lik e (B op p 4 8 9 ,4 9 1 ; G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 23; C a m a r d a 1 6; M e y e r Wb. 252).
The irregular vocalism m ay be explained by an unusual reduction (MANN
Language XXVI 3 8 5 , XVII 17); in any ca se, it is rem in isce n t o f -ain Lat magnus and OIr maige id. R um mare id. se em s to h ave b een b o rro w ed fro m dial. A lb mall w ith -II- < -dh-. 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 18, 6 3 , 8 1 , Gr. Gr. 277; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 535; JOKL IF XLIV 57; PUCARIU EWR -88-89; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 180-181; M akn Lan guage XVII 17; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 379; F r isk II 189-190; C im o c h o w s k t LP II 230; M a y r h o f e r II 6 0 9 -6 1 0 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 10-12; POKORNY I 708; P o g h i r c Ist. limb. rom. II 344; ROSETTI ILR I 279; JUCQUOIS Le Museon LXXVIII 448; HULD 8 8 -8 9 ; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 146; D E M IR A J StF XXVI/3, 9 5 -9 6 (reco n stru cts *magios), AE 2 5 0 251.
magar m, pi. magare d o n k e y . A nother variant is magjar. A s it is clear from marga id ., the o rig in a l fo rm o f magar w as *margar, w ith the
d issim ilation o f sonorants. B oth w ord s are d eriv a tiv es o f an unattested
*marg. T h e latter appears to b e a b o rro w in g from Gmc *marxj, cf. OHG mar(i)ha m a re, mar(a)h h o r s e , ON merr m a re and the lik e. T he form magar w as b orrow ed to other Balkan languages. 0 CAMARDA II 73 (from gomar); M e y e r Wb. 2 53 (rep eats C a m a r d a s e ty m o lo gy); B a r ic ARSt 5 4 (p refix ma- + krric); KLUGE 4 5 4 ; lL lNSKIJtfoc/a ree VII 9 -1 0 (to IE *mek- ~ *meg- to b e llo w ); SKOK AArbSt IV 124132; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 345; Z a l i z n AK timologija 1964 180; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 218; a b e j St. I 3 2 9 (p r fix a i d eriv a tiv e o f O ld A lb gare s h e -a ss), Etim. 14-15.
M A I IA J R
M A JM
241
m ahajr f fallow'. A compound mah ajr "feeds the air, cf. for the
semantic motivation Russ pole pod parom fallow = field under the vapor. 0 Jo k l Gioita XXI 121-124 (from Rom *majrium, cf. Ital maggiatico id.); M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 31 ; a b e j St. I 329 (agrees with Jo k l ); H a a r m a n n 134.
m ahnis aor. mahnita to astound, to stu p e fy . A nother variant is manis. B o rro w ed from S lav * maniti to lu re, to ch a rm , w ith -h- in flu en ced by *maxati to w a v e . 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 5 4 (from *maxati). 0 S v a n e 2 50. m aj ~ m j aor. majta to feed, to fatten. Another morphological
variant is mah id. From PAlb *mazdnja, a deverbative based on IE *mazd- feeding: OHG mast, Skt me'das- fat, m arrow ( D e m iraj AE 251-252). 0 C a m a r d a I 37 (to TE *megh- big); M e y e r Wb. 259 (to Lat mand to chew), Alb. St. Ill 28, 63; JOKL Studien 54, LKUBA 183 (to Skt mddati to boil); KLUGE 465; MAYRHOFER II 683-684; P o k o r n y I 694.
maj m May. Borrowed from Lat Mjus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele mente 38; M e y e r Wb. 255). 0 H a a r m a n n 134. maj m, pl. maja hammer. Borrowed from Lat malleus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 38; MEYER Wb. 255). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 536 (uncer tain of Latin origins of the word); M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 21 1050 (from Ital maglio id.); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 180; MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 17; a b e j St. I 330; H a a r m a n n 134. m ajere f terraced land. Derived from maj. 0 ABEJ St. 1 3 2 9 (from
From PAlb *mal, a feminine form of mal (M e y e r Wb. 2 5 5 ). Derived from maj is majos to fill to the brim . 0 CAMARDA II 6 9 -7 0 (from IE *megh- big); MEYER Alb. St. Ill 63 (to Lat mns mountain); JOKL LKUBA 1 62-163 (from *moli): P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 542; T a g l i a v in i Dalmazia 8 8 -1 8 9 ; HULD 89; DEMIRAJ AE 2 5 2 -2 5 3 .
m ajm adj. fat. Derived from maj to feed, to fatten (C A M A R D A I
242
M A JT
M JT
M AKTH
M KTH
37; M e y e r Wb. 259). 0 G r ie n b er g e r Got. 156-157 (to Goth mats food ', Skt mdati to b o il, M ir mat p ig ).
majt ~ mjt adj. left. Borrowed from Rom *manctus, based on Lat mancus maimed, infirm , cf. also Ital manca left hand (MEYER Wb. 273). Cf. mngjr. 0 ABEJ St. VII 203. makar adv. at least. The word is also used as an interjection. Based on M G k p a ic p i < p a ic p to v , neut. blessed (F il ip o v a -B a j r o v a Gr. zaemki 122). The same word is attested in other Balkan languages. 0 MlKLOSICH EWb 181 (from Turk meyer but, however, only < Pers meger); MEYER Wb. 255 (follows MlKLOSICH ); SKOK II 359 (from NPers m not and gr < Iran *hakaram unless, maybe). mak f, pl. maka glue, scum, skin (on the milk or other liquids). Goes back to P A lb *makd related to Lith makenti to walk through a swamp, Slav *mokrr w et, *moknti to become wet (M e y e r Wb. b 2 5 5 ). 0 P o k o r n y I 698; F r a e n k e l 3 9 9 -3 4 0 ; T r u b a e v SSJa XIX 7 0 -7 1 ; D e m ir a j AE 2 5 3 -2 5 4 . makrr m stagnant g re en on p o n d s. A d eriv a tiv e o f make (D e m ir a j AE 254) reflecting PAlb *makra, an exact correspondence o f Slav *mokrh w e t . F rom *makra other fo rm s are d eriv ed : makrohem to get covered with a film (o f liq u id s) and makros stagnant green on p on d s. 0 OREL Orpheus V I 67. makth ~ mkth m kind of clover. A parallel form is mokth. Derived from mak opium poppy. The latter is borrowed from Slav *makT, poppy. 0 O r e l Orpheus VI 67. makth ~ mkth m place where the cattle gives birth to their young. Based on an unattested *mak ~ mak derived from maj. 0 T a g l ia v i n i Stratificazione 138. makth ~ makth m bogey, nightmare. Other variants are mangth, mankth. A secondary formation based on ankth with an expressive prefix m-. 0 D e m ir a j AE 25 4 . makth ~ m kth m le v e r e t . D e r iv e d from mang. 0 JOKL IF XLIII 57 6 0 (related to G oth magus y o u th and co n tin u in g IE *maghu-)\ BARIC
M A KUSH
M A L L N G JF J
243
ARSt. 16 -17; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 138 (agrees with JOKL); D emiraj AE 254. makush m, pl. makush ostrich. Derived from makut. makut adj. greedy, gluttonous. Suffixal form in -ut based on an unat tested *mak ~ mk derived from maj. Cf. also makth. 0 a b e j St. VII 195. mal m, pl. male mountain. From PAlb *mala identical with Lith mala land, Latv mala bank, shore (JOKL LKUBA 162 f., 320, Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87); cf. also *mal- reflected in the ancient Balkan toponymy: Illyr Maluntum, Dac Dacia Maluensis vs. Dacia Ripensis. Note an archaic derivative in PAlb *malj > maj summit, peak (MEYER Wb. 273, Alb. St. Ill 63, 78; OREL FLH V III/1-2 39). From Proto-Albanian *mala was borrowed into Rum mal bank. 0 G tl f e r d in g Otn. 23 (to Skt mar- mountain); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 543; JOKL ZONF X 198200; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 181, Origini 149; KRAHE Balkan-ill. 5355; K r e t sc h m e r Ciotta XIV 90; M h l e n b a c h - E n d z e l in II 556; M a y e r II 73-74; La P ia n a Studi I 112 (to Skt mrdhn- top, summit, O E molda forehead); M a n n Language XXVI 386-387, XXVIII 36 (to rare Ir mol heap); PISANI Saggi 126; FRAENKEL 400-401; POKORNY I 722; P o g h ir c 1st. limb. rom. II 331; R o se t t i ILR I 278; H u l d 89 (follows La P i a n a ); D em iraj AE 254-256. malcoj aor. malcova to inflame, to make sore. Borrowed from Rom *malitire, cf. Lat malitia badness, spite (MEYER Wb. 256). 0 M ih e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 23; ABEJ St. I 330 (euphemistic use of mlcoj); H a a r m a n n 134. mall m h o m e sick n ess, lo n g in g , a ffe c tio n . B o r ro w e d from Lat malum e v il, m isfo r tu n e (M e y e r Wb. 256). 0 MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 23; a b e j St. VII 255; H a a r m a n n 134; L a n d i Lat. 142. malles f, pi. mallesa pasture, meadow. A variant of mballes, see mballoj. mallngjej aor. mallngjeva to touch, to move, to stir. Used in the figurative sense only. Borrowed from Lat malum angere to cause pain, instead of angere proper (MEYER Wb. 256). 0 a b e j St. VII 233.
244
M A L I.K O J
M ARAJ
m allkoj aor. mallkova to curse, to excommunicate. Another form is malkoj. Borrowed from Lat maledcere id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele mente 38; M e y e r Wb. 256). 0 C a m a r d a I 105 (to Gk pa,ocic soft, gentle); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1047, 1050; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 23; a b e j St. VII 253; H a a r m a n n 134. m allth m pad under the claw (of animals). Based on an unattested
*mall continuing P A lb *maldwa and related to Lat mollis < *molditis soft, Skt mrd- id. and the like. 0 POKORNY 1 7 1 8 ; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 1 03-104; M a y r h o f e r II 676; O r e l Orpheus VI 67.
m a m ic f, pl. mamica wet-nurse, m idwife. Borrowed from Slav
*mamica m other, cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg mamica, SCr mamica (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 25). 0 SVANE 190.
m am u z m, pl. mamuza, mamuze, mamuz spur. A suffixal derivative
of mamis to allure, to embroil, to spur borrowed from Slav *marniti. id., cf. Bulg mam'a, SCr marniti.
m an m, pl. mana, mane m ulberry. Other variants are (T) mn, (G)
mand. From PAlb *manta. The same word is attested in Dac ^xavxeia blackberry, Diosc. 4.37, mantla, App. Herb. 87 ( P o n A'Z XIV; M eyer Wb. 257). 0 W e ig a n d BA II 213, III 236; BERTOLDI Ciotta XXI 258260 (Dac pavieicc to Gk pxo blackberry); JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 88; M a n n Language XXVIII 32; P is a n i Saggi 124; a b e j St. I 330331 (quotes mani straw berry of the Alpine Romance).
m an d ile f, pi. mandile kerchief. Borrowed from Lat maritile towl, napkin (M e y e r Wb. 258). m ang m small (of animals); urchin. Borrowed from Lat mancus maimed,
infirm . The adjective mangt id. with a recently added suffix -t and the adverb mangut less, missing, short go back to the same source. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 38 (mangut from Ital manco maimed); M a n n HAED 262 (metaphorical usage of mang flax-breaker, see mng)-, T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 182; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 17; ABEJ St. I 331 (to IE *men- little); LANDI Lat. 48.
m araj m fennel. Other variants are mraj and maraq. Borrowed from Rom *marathrium, derivative of Lat marathrum fennel (M e y e r
M ARAUZHG
M ARTE
245
Wb. 259) or, as reflected by maraq, from *marathricum. The inter mediate form *mararja was borrowed to R um murar. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 39 (from Lat marathum or G k ppotGov); MlHESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350 (from Gk *papa0piov); R o se t t i ILR I 279; a b e j St. VII 280; H u l d KZ XCIX 247.
m arau zh g f, pl. marauzhga horse-fly. Borrowed from an unattest ed Bulg *maravuska, deminutive of dialectal marave ant (DESNICK AJA Slav. zaim. 13). 0 OREL Orpheus V I 68. m ardh f chill, frost, ice. Goes back to PAlb *mardz etymologi cally identical with Slav *morzi, frost (MEYER Wb. 260, Alb. St. Ill 17, 63, 72). Both forms continue IE *mergh- to rot, to soak. The verbs mardh to chill, to freeze and mrdhij id. are deverbatives. 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 535, Kelt. Gr. I 105; LA PIANA Studi 141; MANN Language XVII 18; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 231; PISANI Saggi 124; POKORNY I 739; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 147; T r u b a c e v SSJa XX 1014; DEMIRAJ AE 256. m are f, pl. mare bearberry, strawberry-tree. Borrowed from Lat marum
0 K o n it z a Albania VIII/Ser. 9 52 (from Rom *marctum ~ *merctum m arket). (G) m argjn uer m ledge of a rock serving as a cover. A suffixal derivative of *margjen borrowed from Lat marginem edge, brink (ABEJ St. I 332).
m arm ur m m arble. Borowed from Lat marmurem id. (M e y e r LU b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1049). 0 ABEJ St. I 332. m ars m M arch. Borrowed from Lat Martins id. ( M e y e r Wb. 261). 0 M ih e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 17; a b e j St. VII 215; H a a r m a n n 135. m art f, pl. marta Tuesday. Borrowed from Lat Martis (dies) (day
246
M ARTES
- MAS
of) M ars, T u e sd a y (MEYER Wb. 261). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 40 (from Ital marte id.); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 183 (supports MEYER); M ih e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 17.
martes
f, pl.
*mer y o u n g w o m a n ); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 183 (q u estio n s JOKLs ety m o lo g y ); ABEJ St. VII 266; HAARMANN 135; DEMIRAJ AE 2 5 6 257.
mora to take, to grasp. From PAlb *marna, a deverbative based on the heteroclytic word for hand preserved in Gk (lpti, Lat manus ( N e is s e r BB XIX 1 2 1 -1 2 2 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 261 (to Skt mrsti to touch); P e d e r s e n BB XX 231 (to Gk ppirrco to grasp, to seize); JOKL Studien 5 3 -5 4 (agrees with N e is s e r ) ; L a PIANA Studi I 9 4 (to Gk neipo|ioa to divide); P o r z ig Gliederung 178; FRISK II 175;
aor.
marr
C h a n t r a i n e 667; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I I 34 -3 5 ; P o k o r n y 1 740; C im oCHOWSKI St. IE 43; H am p Laryngeals 140 (compares marr with Gk apv-oni to take and reconstructs *(s)med-Hern), Norw. JLing. XXIII 13-14, Sprache XXX 157; HULD 89-9 0 ; DEMIRAJ AE 2 5 7 -2 5 8 (to Skt pr-mrna, imper. to pack).
marre adj. mad, foolish, crazy. Literally, dim, m urky. See marrt.
0 G il f e r d in g Otn. 23 (to Skt milra- stupid); M a n n Language XXVIII 37 (to Hitt marsas). marrt murky, cloudy, dim. dull. A suffixal derivative of PAlb *marsa related to Slav *morx~b dusk, fog. 0 TRUBACEV SSJa XIX 222; OREL Orpheus VI 68.
mas aor. mata to m easure. From PAlb *matja, a denominative verb based on an adjective in *-to~, *ma-ta- further related to IE *me- id.: Skt mimti, Tokh A me- and the like ( C a m a r d a I 35; M e y e r BB VIII 190, Wb. 262-263, Alb. St. Ill 24, 63, 81). 0 P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. II
MASI IK
MATUKF.
247
575; JOKL Sprache IX 118-119; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 184; PISANI Saggi 123; P o k o r n y 1 703-704; a b e j StF I (XIX)/3 41; C im o c h o w s k i St. 1E 44; M a y r h o f e r li 638; V a n W in d e k e n s I 295-296; H u ld 95; DEMIRAJ AE 258. mash f gum, paste, glue. Borrowed from Lat massa lump, mass,
adhering stuff.
(G) mashn f barn, hayloft, cowshed. A singularized plural of *mash borrowed from Lat nom. mansi place of abode, dwelling. 0 ABEJ St. I 3 3 2 (from Lat massa). mashkull m, pl. meshkuj m a n , adj. m a le . B o rro w ed from Lat masculus m a le, m a sc u lin e (CAMARDA I 86; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 40; MEYER Wb. 2 6 2 ). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 1 1 1042, 1049; JOKL LKUBA 143; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 184; MlHESCU RESEE I V / 1 2 17; H a a r m a n n 135; L a n d i Lat. 9 4 , 1 3 7 -1 3 8 .
m. pl. mashkuj hook. Borrowed from Lat masculus male, masculine used to denote the part of the hinge which is inserted into another called fem ina fem ale. Thus, Lat masculus et fm ina > Alb mashkull e fem r hook and eyelet. 0 OREL Orpheus VI 68.
mashkull
mashurk f, pl. mashurka green bean, pod. Derived from mash. mat m bank, shore. Continues PAlb *mata < *mnto- related to Lat mns mountain ( V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. I 3 9 -4 0 ). 0 J o k l LKUBA 3 1 4 -3 1 5 (borrowed from Gk |aa0o sand, sandy soil); B a r i c Lingv. stud. 17 (agrees with V a s m e r ); W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 1 0 8-109; POKORNY I 726; a b e j St. I 3 3 3 -3 3 4 (related to OIr math sand). matk f, pl. matka queen-bee. Borrowed from Slav *matbka id., cf.
South Slavic forms: Bulg matka, SCr matka ( J o k l LKUBA 2 8 6 -2 8 7 ). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 167; SVANE 158.
248
M A ZA ! O R K -
M BARRSHTOJ
MBAROJ
M BA TI I
249
...................n m mM m ,o..,., , _, o ; ,J : \n. s o n WUi 01- M c v fr Wh ......t w n - g sjuo .if r a . F ' / w ttw im m w
nt.
0 SK T
tenie
54.
i, to end, to complete. A prfixai deriv55 (to mbar)-, T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 1 8 5 St. VII 230. egnant, to fecundate. Derived from the gnant. The latter continues PAlb *engive birth ( M e y e r Wb. 2 8 ) . 0 P o k o r n y with *bher- to bear); ABEJSr. I 334dentical with Illyr [equa] bardia preg-
mazatore
see mz.
to fin is
maz f, pl. maza cream, skin on the milk. The same word is attest
ed as madh. maz corn skilly with cream. Borrowed from Slav *mazb ~ *maz-h fat, ointment, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg m a z\ SCr maz. 0 JOKL Studien 5 4 (to maj); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 1 4 9 ; ClM OCHOWSKI LP II 2 5 1 ; D e m ir a j AE 2 5 0 (madh- to Skt mdas- fat); ABEJ apud DEM IRAJ (to Goth mats food, meal); DEM IR AJ AE 2 5 8 2 5 9 (related to Slav *mazb); OREL Orpheus VI 6 8 .
adjective mbars, bars pn hartja related to IE *bher- to I 1 2 8 - 1 3 2 (presented togethe 3 3 5 ; M a n n Comp. 7 2 (bars nant [mare]).
:arry (back). Continues PAlb *en-barta - and related to mbar. ihonetic variant is marre. The original ed from mbar. d . A prfixai variant of pas id. These -tsi from *en apo k id , cf. pa. 0 M e y e r ter, behind); HAMP KZ LXXV/1-2 23.
om mba(j) se (M e y er Wb. 264). 0 abej
mbas mball
rnbolla to bung. A prfixai derivative of ball. Wb. 264 (to Gk epocMuo to throw in, to put in).
aor. 0 M
eyer
prep, after, adv. behir forms continue PAlb *en-apa Wb. 3 2 2 - 3 2 3 (to Skt pascal a
mballoj
aor. mballova to turn out to graze. The noun mballes meadow, pasture is derived from mballoj. From an earlier *mblloj reflecting a loan from Lat ambulare to walk (around).
mbasi mbar
mbara to bring (back). From PAlb *en-bara, further related to mbaj and bie (BOPP 5 4 0 ; C A M A R D A I 1 3 5 ; M e y e r Wb. 3 5 ) . 0 JOKL IF XXXVII 1 0 4 ; TAG LIA VIN I Dalmazia 1 8 5 ; ABEJ St. I 5 4 aor. 55.
conj.
s in c e As elea
(shoes). From PAlb *amb(i)-autsa, a < *ou-k-. The latter is an extension of it on (clothes), Lat ex-uO to draw out, lav *uti. Q M e y e r Wb. 264 (from Rom /ea r); BARIC ARSt. 54-55 (from IE he above *eu-); TAGLIA v in i Dalmazia ) (to IE *auedh-)\ A c a r e a n HAB I 76; sN 1 434-436; P o k o r n y I 346; V a s m e r o Slav *bosT> barefooted, Lith basas root!); OREL Orpheus VI 68.
Wh.
35
(to mbar);
A BEJ
St. VII
230.
mbarshtoj
aor. mbarshtova to arrange, to dispose, to administer. Another variant caused by the analogical influence of shtroj is mbarshtroj. Goes back to the phraze mbar shtoj (ABEJ St. I 334). 0 Jo k l ZfromPhil XLI 233 (from Lat ministrare to take care of, to
mbath aor. mbatha to put on prfixai verb based on *autso IE *eu- id.: Arm aganim to p to pull off, Lith aunu, ati, S *bassus lower part, under; *ambhi-oudh, derivative of 186; L a P ia n a St. Varia 18-21 F r a e n k e l 27; W a ld e - H o f m a III 109; a b e j St. I 335-336 ( id. - but there is no *fc in this
250
M BES
M B R R IJ
M B R R J
mbes aor. mbeta to remain, to stay. A prfixai derivative of jes I 134; M e y e r Wb. 163). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 186.
(C a m a r d a
mbes f, pl. mbesa n ie c e , gran d d au gh ter. B o r ro w e d from Lat neptia id. known only in Dalmatia, > O D alm nepoa (M EYER-LBKE Gr. Grund ri 21 1 0 4 0 ; TAG LIAVINI Stratificazione 1 1 7 - 1 1 8 ) . 0 M EYER Wb. 2 6 4 2 6 5 (phonetically incredible com parison with Lith msa sister-in -la w ); BUGGE BB XVIII 1 8 0 (from R om *neptia); PEDERSEN BB XX 2 3 2 (recon stru cts IE *nepti), KZ XXXVI 3 0 8 , Kelt. Gr. I 9 3 ; JOKL LKUBA 2 7 (again st the Latin e ty m o lo g y ), WuS XII 8 2 ; W IED EM A N N BB XXVII 2 0 1 ; T a g l i a v i n i Stratificazione 1 1 7 - 1 1 8 ; E R N O U T -M E IL L E T 4 3 8 ; H u l d 9 0 ; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 1 4 9 ; D e m ir a j AE 2 5 9 . mb prep, at, in. Another variant is me. From the atonic form of PAlb *ambi continuing IE *ambili: Gk ot|u<pi about, around, Goth bi, OIr imm- < Celt *mbi and the like ( M e y e r Wb. 2 6 5 , Alb. St. Ill 3 5 , 6 4 ) . 0 B o p p 4 9 9 (to Skt dpi)-, C a m a r d a I 1 7 0 (to Gk n t upon); F e i s t Goth. 8 7 - 8 8 ; F r i s k 1 9 8 ; P o k o r n y I 3 4 ; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 9 5 ; H a m p Laryngeals 1 3 0 , riu XXVIII 1 4 5 ; M a n n Language XVII 2 2 ; L B E R G KZ LXXXVI 1 2 8 ; K O R T L A N D T Arm-IE 4 5 ; D E M IR A J ZfBalk XXIX 6 4 6 7 , AE 2 6 0 - 2 6 1 . mbltoj aor. mbltova to plant. Borrowed from Rom * implantare to plant, cf. Lat plantare id. 0 K r is t o f o r id h i 227 (derived from balte)', a b e j St. IV 79, VII 230. mbrdhe adv. on the ground. A compound of mb and dhe with an epenthetic -r-. mbrthej aor. mbrtheva to fasten, to button. A prfixai derivative of birth (see birk). For the semantic development cf. Germ knpfen to button ~ Knopf button, knob, bud. 0 M e y e r Wb. 265 (from Lat invertere to turn upside down); ABEJ St. I 336-337 (phonetic trans formation of mbath). mbrrij ~ mbrrj aor. mbrrita ~ mbrrina to arrive. Another variant is mrrij. Derived from arrij (M EY ER Wb. 17). 0 ABEJ St. I 337 (related to mbar).
M BSH EL
M BLED H
251
mbshel aor. mbshela to shut, to c lo s e , to lo c k '. O ther variants are mbel and mbrshel. A p rfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f el (JOKL Studien 5 5). mbshtet aor. mhshteta to stand, to prop. From PAlb *ambhi-stata based on an adjective *stata identical with IE *st(h)atos standing, cf. Skt sthit-, Gk oiax id., Lat status id. (JOKL LKUBA 250). 0 F risk I 739; M a y r h o f e r III 526-527; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 596-599; P o k o r n y I 1006; D e m ir a j AE 259. mbi adv. on, upon. Oiginally, an adverb. From a tonic form of PAlb *ambi, cf. mb. mbiatu adv. immediately, at once. A Calabrian phonetic variant of mbi ato on this > at once ( a b e j St. I 337). 0 C a m a r d a II 153 (mbi + Ital atto act); M e y e r Wb. 265 (repeats CAMARDA s etymol ogy). mbij - mbij aor. mbiva to th riv e, to g ro w , to sh o o t. F rom P A lb *enbiinja related to IE *bheu- : *bhu- to g r o w , to b e (CAMARDA I 48; M e y e r Wb. 36-37, BB VIII 189). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 35; J o k l apud WALDE-HOFMANN I 504 (to IE *bher- to b r in g ); POKORNY I 146150; a b e j St. I 66 (to IE *bhei- to beat, to strik e); D e m ir a j AE 100-101 (fo llo w s a b e j). mbjell
aor.
mblat f, pl. mblata shew bread. Borrow ed from Lat oblata id. (M ey er Wb. 38), with a non-etymological nasal in the anlaut. 0 JOKL LKUBA 292; a b e j St. I 337-338. mbledh aor. mblodha to gather, to collect. Continues P A lb *ambiledza, a prfixai verb related to Gk Xeym id., Lat lego to read, *to gather ( M e y e r Wb. 265, Alb. St. Ill 17). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 335; B a r i c ARSt I 13; JOKL LKUBA 8; L a P ia n a Studi I 56; M a n n Lan guage XXVI 382; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 231; PORZIG Gliederung 192, 211; P is a n i Saggi 129; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 350; F r i s k II 94-96; C h a n t r a i n e 626; W a ld e - H o f m a n n 1 780; P o k o r n y 1 658; S ir o k o v ZFL XXIV/1 15 (to Goth lisan to gather); KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 28; a b e j St. VII 243; H u ld 145, 156; D e m ir a j AE 261-262.
252
M B LO I
M BRO D H
mbloj aor. mblova to fill. Borrowed from Lat implre id. (M E Y E R Wb. 265). 0 C a m a r d a T 125 (related to piote)-, L a m b e r t z LVII 71 (follows C a m a r d a ); M a n n Language XXVI 383; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Verbum 254-255; ABEJ St. I 338. mbloj aor. mblova to betroth. Historically identical with mbloj to fill. mbrapa adv. behind, back, prep, behind. Together with prapa id. continues PAlb *(en)-per-apa, cf. per and pa (C A M A R D A 161; M e y e r Wb. 351). 0 J o k l MRIW I 302; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 188. mbraz adj. empty, void. Results from the recombination of mbrazm < *(m)brazen, borrowed from Slav *porzdbm> id., cf. Bulg prazen, SCr prazan (MEYER Wb. 266). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 193, 323325; H AM P LB XIV/2 15. mbrej aor. mbrejta to harness, to yoke. Another variant is mbreh. From PAlb *en-breunja, further related to brez (M E Y E R Wb. 46). 0 T A G L IA VINI Dalmazia 1 8 8 . mbrenda mbres
adv.,
aor.
mbret m, pl. mbretr ~ mbretn king. Borrowed from Rom *impertus for Lat impertor em peror. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 32; MEYER Wb. 266 (directly from impertor)-, MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1043; T a g l ia v in i Origini 191, 256; R o se t t i RRL XXVII/6 495; M ih e sc u RESEE IV /1-2 26; a b e j * . VII 239,280; H a a r m a n n 130; L a n d i Lat. 145. mbrma ~ mbrama adv. in the evening. From PAlb *en-prama the second element of which is identical with Gk 7tpp,o foremost man, Goth from from , OHG fram id. (M E Y E R Wb. 266, Alb. St. ITT 64, 72). 0 F e ist Goth. 164; M a n n Language XVII 20; F r is k II 600; P o k o r n y 1 814. mbrodh aor. mbrodha to h elp , to do g o o d . A su ffix a l d eriv a tiv e o f prodh to p r o d u c e , a b a ck -form ation o f prodhoj. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 6 6 (con tin u ation o f Ital prode b rave, v a lia n t); MANN Comp. 4 (from IE *en-pro-ago).
M BRO J
M BU TO J
253
mbroj aor. mbrojta to defend, to protect. Borrowed from Rom * imparare id. (HAARM ANN 140). mbruaj ~ mbruej aor. mbrujta to k n ea d . F rom P A lb *brunja related to brume ( M e y e r Wb. 266) and, furth er, to Lat ferveO to b o il (JOKL LKUBA 263). D er iv ed from mbruj is mbrits to stu ff fu ll . 0 M a n n Language XVII 15 (to OE beorm b arm , Lat fermentimi); P is a n i Saggi 126; D e m ir a j AE 111. mbufas aor. mbufata to inflate, to swell. A prfixai derivative of *bufas borrowed from Slav *buxati to beat, to swell ( a b e j St. I 338). 0 MEYER Wb. 54 (to Ital buffare to blow). mbulim m source; burial, grave. Deverbative o f mbuloj. 0 ABEJ St. I 339-340 (to buie). mbuloj aor. mbulova to cover, to bury. Another variant is mbloj. Bor rowed from Rom *manipulare to dig in handfuls, cf. Lat manipulus handful. 0 MEYER \\1t. 267 (from Rom *invlre to cover); M e y e r LBKE Gr. Grundri 11 1049; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 538 (agrees with M e y e r ) ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 187; H a a r m a n n 131; K l i n g e n SCHMITT Verbum 172; ABEJ St. I 339-340 (identical with mbloj). mbuloj aor. mbulova to seal. Attested only in BUZUKU. Based on *bul borrowed from MLat bulla seal (ABEJ St. I 340). 0 H e lb i g 84 (from Ital bolla id.). mburr
0 M aor.
ann
(M
eyer
Wb.
5 5 ).
mbush
aor. mbusha to f i l l . C on tin u es P A lb *en-busa rela ted to Gk uveco < *vo-v-co to fill up and its cognates (CAMARDA I 52; MEYER
Wb. 267, Alb. St. Ill 32, 61, 80). 0 L a P ia n a Studi 191; M a n n Lan guage XXVIII 39 (to Gk (pXt); F r is k I 276-277; C h a n t r a i n e 202; P o k o r n y I 101; D e m ir a j AE 262 (reco n stru cts a n asal p resen t for
P ro to -A lb an ian ).
mbutoj tub.
aor.
254
M BYLL
M EH
MF.F
mbyll aor. mbylla to shut, to fasten. Continues PAlb *ambi-wela, orig inally, * to encircle, related to Skt vaiati to turn, Gk eiXm to roll tight up, to close, OIr fillid to bend and the like (HAMP Evidence 139-140). 0 LBERG KZ LXXXVI 130; F r is k I 457-458; M a y r h o f e r III 161; POKORNY I 1140-1143; a b e j St. VII 230, 233. mbys aor. mbyta to strangle, to drown, to kill. From PAlb *ambiwitja with the regular development of *-iwi- > -y-. Further related to Skt vythate to sway, to rock, Goth wipon to pour. 0 JOKL Studien 56 (to Lat confutare to suppress, to restrain, ON bauta to strike); P o k o r n y I 1178; C i m o c h o w s k i St. IE 130; a b e j St. VII 233, 254; H u l d 90-91; LBERG KZ LXXXVI 130; HAM P Laryngeals 139 (derived from IE *ijed *ud- w ater, cf. also zhys to dive); DEM IRAJ AE 262-263 (derived from pi). me m insufficience, lack, adj. insufficient, scanty, not full. From PAlb *manu etymologically close to Gk pvir piKpv. A0uuvf (Hes.), pav thin and Arm m am small, thin (O REL Linguistica XXIV 430). The form mete insufficient is derived from me after the fall of the final nasal. Related to me is mej ~ mj to reduce, to diminish. 0 MEYER Wb. 273 (comparisons with Lat minu to lessen, Ital meno less or Slav * n ib n b small(er)); M EILLET MSL VIII 164; KRISTOFORIDHI 227 (to mangut, mungoj)\ A C A R E A N HAB III 257; M A N N Language XVII 20-21 (mej < IE *nu}i)\ FRISK II 171-172; POKORNY I 728-729; NEROZ NAK Paleob. 199 (to IE *(s)meik- small); ABEJ St. IV 79. me prep. with. From PAlb *me(t) etymologically connected with Goth mip id., Gk p ta in the middle, between (M a n n Language XXVIII 32). 0 C a m a r d a I 314 (identifies me with NGk n); M e y e r Wb. 268 (borrowed from NGk |a); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 188 (against M e y e r ); F e is t Goth. 364; F r isk II 216; P o k o r n y I 702; Wmav Laryngeals 140, NTS XXTII 13 (follows M a n n ); H u l d 91. mek f, pl. meka she-bear. Borrowed from one of South Slavic tabooistic names for bear: Bulg mecka, SCr mecka. < ABEJ St. VII 184. ) mefsht
adj.
slow, sluggish.
meh - m ef aor. meha ~ mefa to soak. From PAlb *meu-ska related to Latv mat to dive, Slav *myti 'to wash' and other continuants of
MEHEM
MEMEC
255
mehem refi, to f a il. G o e s back to P A lb *nwja related to O H G muoan to w ork d ilig e n tly , G k n>.o toil ( o f w a r ), S lav *majati to w o rk s lo w ly . 0 FRISK II 282; P o k o r n y I 746; BER 702; T r u b a C e v SSJa X V II 132-134; OREL Orpheus V I 68. mekem
r e f i to gasp , to c h o k e . R elated to
meke't w e t
(JO K L apud
w ord s for b ein g sile n t and m e ltin g . 0 M e y e r Alb. St. I ll 4 , 63 (to S lav *mblcati to be sile n t); PEDERSEN KZ X X X III 549; TRUBACEV
PlEJa 1 00-105 (ex a m p le s o f this sem an tic d ev elo p m en t); A n i k i n 6 7 78 (sem a n tic p arallels); DEM IRAJ AE 2 6 4 (e x p r e s siv e w o rd ). mekt adj. w e t. C f. a lso the v erb mek to m ake w e t. C on tin u es P A lb *maka related to mak (ABEJ apud DEMIRAJ). 0 J o k l apud WALDEH o f m a n n I 50 8 (to Lith minkau to k n ead ); C im o c h o w s k i LP V 193; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 1 10; DEMIRAJ AE 2 6 3 -2 6 4 (b o rro w ed from SCr mek, Bulg mek). meksh m, pl. meksha buffalo-calf. Another variant is meshk bull-calf. From *megsh continuing PAlb *magusa related to OIr maug slave, Goth magus youth (from IE *maghu- : *maghos). 0 F e ist Goth. 339; P o k o rn y I 696; abej St. I 3 4 0 (related to meke't). mel m m ille t. B o r ro w e d from Lat milium id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele mente 523; M e y e r Wb. 2 6 8 ). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 189; M e y e r L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1045; MIHESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 18; HAAR
MANN 136.
mell f clay, lo e s s . B orrow ed from S lav *meh, ~ *melb chalk, lo e s s , c f. B u lg mel, SC r mel. memec m, pl. memec, memeca deaf-mute, dumb. Borrowed, with assimil atio n of nasals, from Slav *nembcb stranger, mute person, cf. Bulg nemec, SCr nemac, nijemac (M E Y E R Wb. 269). Such assimilation is, in fact, attested in Bulg dial, memkina < nemkin'a kind of haricot, originally, Germ woman, fem. of * n e m b C b . 0 S c h u l z e Kl. Sehr. 2 1 4 ; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 1 9 5 - 2 8 6 ; SV A N E 1 8 5 .
256
M EM ZI
M ER
memzi
menati
me nate w ith
(JOKL
mend pl. m in d . B o rro w ed from Lat mentem id. (G i l f e r d in g Otn. 25; C a m a r d a I 306; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4 0 -4 1 ; MEYER Wb. 2 7 4 ). N o te the d en o m in a tiv e verb mendoj to think, to c o u n t . 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri21 1044, 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 189; M a n n Language XVII 20-21 (from IE *mt}tis), XXVIII 32 (from Latin); M ih e s c u RESEE IV / 1-2 17; a b e j St. V II 255; H a a r m a n n 136; L a n d i Lat. 5 5 , 8 3 -8 5 , 116. mendr f, pl. mendra m int. A suffixal derivative based on *mende borrowed from Lat menta id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 41; MEYER Alb. St. I 55 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 7 2 (from Ital menta id.); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1044; JOKL LKUBA 232; ABEJ St. I 3 4 0 (from Gk |iiv0T| id.); L a n d i Lat. 5 5 , 135. mendull f almond. Borrowed from Rom *amendula, cf. Ital dial, ammennola < *amendula (ABEJ St. I 3 4 1 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4 8 5 (from Ital Venet mandola id.); MEYER Wb. 258-259 (follows MlKLOSICH); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 189-190; M ihescu RESEE IV / 1-2 21; H a a r m a n 110 (from Lat amyndala). (G) meraj f w inter pasture. A derivative o f mera pasture, o f Turkish o rig in ( a b e j St. I 3 4 1 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 5 9 -2 6 0 (from Lat hibernlis
w in tr y ); JOKL LKUBA 2 65 (fr o m R om *invernlia ); MlHESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 31; H a a r m a n n 129.
merendoj aor. merendova to a rr a n g e. A recen t fo rm a tio n b ased on the ad verb merend in o r d e r , a le x ic a liz e d p hrase me rend, cf. rend. mer f fea r. A p hon etic variant o f tmerr (TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 190). mer f m ea su re. B o rro w ed from S lav *mra id., cf. in South S lavic;
M ER
(Cr)
M ETEH
257
Bulg m ara, dial, mera, SCr mera, mjera (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 26; M e y e r Wb. 270). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 182; S v a n e 89.
m erfi f scent, fragrance. Borrowed from Lat myrrha m yrrh > Rom
*mirra.
m erim a n g t' spider. Other variants are merimag, mirmang, mil-
imang, milingon and merimajk. Tabooistic transform ations of merming id. borrowed from NGk pt>p|ifjyYi ant, midget (M e y e r Alb. St. I 77). 0 M e y e r Wb. 274-275 (compound the first element of which is compared with Slav *palch spider); KRISTOFORIDHI 220, 234 (to Gk juppri); MlHESCU RESEE IV /3-4 350 (from Gk Dor pppai; ant); ABEJ St. I 341-342 (follows MlHESCU).
m es skin (of onion), milk-skin, film . Goes back to PAlb *mats related to make and reflecting IE *mokv Thus, Albanian seems to i-. reflect a labiovelar in this root. m esn ik m meat pasty. Borrowed from Bulg mesnik id. 0 M e y e r Wb.
86; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 42; MEYER Wb. 270). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 26 (from Slavic); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri21 1045; JOKL LKUBA 22; MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 23; ABEJ St. VII 209; HAAR MANN 136; L a n d i Lat. 56.
m esh n o h em refi, to become senile, to dote, to be childish. A pr
fixai derivative (in me- < mb-) of *shenoj borrowed from Lat senre to be old.
m etale f, pi. metale snow-drift. Borrowed from Slav *metadlo heap,
cf. in South Slavic: Bulg metalo, SCr metalo. 0 ABEJ St. I 3 4 2 (from Bulgarian). 0 S v a n e 174. (G) m eteh m boundary, frontier. Another variant is metef. A dever bative based on an unattested *meteh to partake, to share. The latter is borrowed from MGk hetx id. From MGk ^etxiov priory, farm , metoq stable has been borrowed. 0 a b e j St. I 3 4 2 (borrowed from MGk hetjciov priory, later - farm ).
258
M E T
M KRES
met f, pl. meta swallow, mouthful. A deverbative based on Slav *metati to throw (depicting a swallow as a throw of food into the mouth).
m ezh d f, pi. mezhda baulk, strip of land between fields. Reflects a
Bulgarian continuant of Slav *medja boundary > mezda. Another regional loanword, megj id., reflects a Serbo-Croatian continuant of the same provenance, SCr medja (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 26).
m ~ m adv. m ore. Continues P A lb *mai from IE *males with a
secondary nasalization. Related to Goth maiza id., Osean mais id. 0 MEYER Wh. 271 (borrowed from Lat ma gis id.); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1042; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 86-88 (< IE *maison-); M a n n Language XVII 23 (same as M e y e r ); K l u g e 470; F e i s t Goth. 342; P o k o r n y I 704.
m gash tr f, pl. mgashtra sage. Another variant is mugashtr. Bor
rowed from Rom *medicaster reflected in Ital medicastro (JOKL LKUBA 211-213). 0 MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 31; a b e j St. I 342; H a a r m a n n 136; L a n d i Lat. 82, 109, 136.
m kat m, pl. mkate sin. Borrowed from Lat peccatimi id. (MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 48; C a m a r d a II 199; M e y e r Wb. 271). The initial mresults from mp- as demonstrated by the form mpkat in B o g d a n i (WEIGAND BA III 205) and seems to be a prefix added already in Alban ian. 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1051; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 180; M ih e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 18; a b e j St. I 343; H a a r m a n n 141.
m k eq aor. mkeqa to anger. A prfixai derivative of keq. m k m b ~ m k am b aor. mkmba ~ mkamba to set up, to erect. A
to cure (M e y e r Wb. 282). 0 M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 23; a b e j St. VII 184, 244; HAARMANN 135.
m k re s f, pl. mkresa tombstone. Together with its morphonologi-
M LCOJ
M LT.EZ
259
mlcoj aor. mlcova to sweeten. Other variants are mblcoj ~ amblcoj. Derivative of mbl (M a n n HAED 279; a b e j St. I 343). 0 M e y e r Wb. 281-282 (from Rom *melltire based on Lat melltus of honey, related to honey); i O K L LKUBA 212, 287-288 (derivative of mjalt in -soj); PEDERSEN Philologica II 111 (agrees with J o k l) . mli f, pl. mli lung, liver. Also used in phrases mli e bardh lung and mli e zez liver and, originally, representing a word for spleen borrowed from Ital milza id. (MEYER Wb. 2 7 1 -2 7 2 ). 0 H a m p Festschr. Kahane 3 1 0 -3 1 8 , Festschr. Shevoroshkin 95. mlmej aor. mlmeva to add fat and oil to food. Based on majm even though the origin of -I- is not clear. mltoj aor. mltova to graft, to wed (of plants). Borrowed from Lat maritare to m arry, also used in the sense of mltoj. mllag f, pl. mllaga marsh mallow. Another variant is mullag. From the original *mllak, with an unexplained sonorization of the auslaut. Borrowed from G k paA-axil id. (M e y e r Wb. 2 7 1 ). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dal mazia 193 (considers g < x to be strange); ABEJ St. I 3 4 3 -3 4 4 (from the same pre-Indo-European source as Lat malva mallow and G k |aoc?uxxr| id.); ABEJ St. VIT 208; H u l d KZ XCIX 2 4 7 . mllenj f, pl. mllenja blackbird. There exist also phonetic variants mllnj, mllinje and the like. Continues PAlb *melanja from IE fem. adj. *mebnia black > Gk pouva id., cf. also Skt malina-, fem. malin! dirty, unclean, Latv mns black (V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 4 2 -4 3 ; a b e j St. I 3 4 4 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 45 (borrowing from Gk |.i,ociva); S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 2 07 (Greek origin); M e y e r Wb. 271 (from Rom *mer(u)lanea, derivative of Lat menda blackbird); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 5 3 7 (accepts M e y e r 's etymology); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1048; W e ig a n d 5 8 (from Rom *merlnia, cf. Rum merloi < Rom *merlnius)\ Jo k l LKUBA 1 93-194; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 138; POKORNY I 7 2 0 -7 2 1 ; M a y r h o f e r II 598; F r is k II 1 9 8 -1 9 9 ; a b e j St. Pisani I 1 7 6 -1 7 7 , St. Ill 259; JANSON Unt. 205; OREL ZjBalk XXIII 149, Koll. Idg. Ges. 362; DEMIRAJ AE 2 6 4 -2 6 5 (to OHG amasia, amsala thrust). mllez f, pl. mlleza kind of elm; blackbird'. Another variant is mullez.
260
M ELLE
M L 'L L
M N G
M AM G
A d eriv a tiv e in -z o f mllenj (VASMER Alb. St. I 42; JOKL LKUBA 1 9 3 -1 9 4 ). 0 ABEJ Festschr. Pisani I 1 7 6 -1 7 7 , St. I 345; DEMIRAJ AE 2 8 0 -2 8 1 .
mll - mull m, pl. mllnj ~ mullanj grief. From PAlb *melana black, the masculine form of the adjective represented in mllenj (MEYER Wb. 283). 0 MEYER Wb. 285 (from Ital malanno m isfortune); JOKL LKUBA 195 (follows M e y e r Wb. 283); M a n n HAED 298 (figurative use of mll swelling). mll ~ mull m, pl. mllnj ~ mullanj s w e llin g , lu m p . D er iv ed from mull (ABEJ St. I 3 4 5 -3 4 6 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 53 (fro m R om *bullna, to bulla b u b b le); B a r i c AArbSt I 145 (p rfix a i form ation w ith -ll b ein g related to lung); SCHMIDT KZ L 2 3 6 (related to bul); T r e im e r Slavia III 5 4 5 (co n n ected w ith mall p rop erty, g o o d s , a T urkish lo a n
w ord ).
mllug f, pl. mlluga scale; scar, m ark. Related to mll. L~:zr -.MmrvJvfbYm7il?."Srrif 6$ (iWfT'Sk jianjia);
T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 117; ERNOUT-MEILLET 381; ABEJ St. V II 21; D e m ir a j AE 26 5 .
m nd m. pi. mnde m o m e n t. B o r r o w e d fro m Lat momentum id. (M e y e r Wb. 2 7 4 ). mnd aor. mnda to suckle, to feed. Continues P A lb *manzda, a nasal present further related to maj. 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 6 4 (to Gk |ia ); T o m a s c h e k BB IX 101; K r e t s c h m e r Glotta X V I 182; L a P ia n a Studi 1 1 1 3 ; M a n n Language XVII 2 0 (to Lat mentum); D e m ir a j AE 2 6 5 (related to mme). mndafsh m, pl. mndafshra ~ mndafshna silk. Borrowed from Lat metaxa raw silk (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 40; MEYER Wb. 2 7 2 ) or from M G k p t a l a id. (CAMARDA I 4 5 ), in both cases, through an intermediary stage of Rom *mentaxa. 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1050; H a a r m a n n 136; L a n d i Lat. 135, 140. mng ~ mang f, pl. mng ~ mang armful, sleeve. Borrowed from
M N GR
M A N G EN
M N JA N
261
Lat manicae s le e v e (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 39; M e y e r Wb. 272). N o te a d eriv a tiv e mngore short jack et, fu r -c o a t. 0 MEYER-LBKE
Gr. Grundri 2 I 1042; M a n n Language XVII 23; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 17; H a a r m a n n 135; L a n d i Lat. 48, 111. mngr - mangn
f,
ro w ed from Gk p y y a v o v a x is o f a p u lley , b o lt (THUMB IF XXVI 9 ) or, rath er, from M G k p a y y a v o v m ach in e, c o n tr iv a n c e . 0 M e y f.r
Wb. 272 (from N G k p a y y a v o v p r e s s ); JO K L/F XXXVI 250, XLIV 24-27; MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1042, 1050; M a n n Language XVII 23; MlHESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350; ABEJ St. I 346 (a G eg variant mang resu ltin g from the d eco m p o sitio n o f mangn); LBERG SPhAen 42; JANSON Unt. 42. mngoj aor. mngova to rise e a r ly . B o r ro w e d from Lat manicare to co m e in the m o rn in g , d erivative o f mane m o rn in g (MEYER Wb. 272273). 0 CAMARDA I 141 (to Lat mne); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1039, 1047; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 26; ABEJSr. VII 184; HAAR MANN 135. (T) m ngjr adj. left. Borrowed from Rom *mancinus, cf. Lat mancus maimed, infirm ( M e y e r Wb. 273). 0 HAARMANN 134; R o h l f s Spr. 161; a b e j St. VII 203. mngji ~ man gji f, pl. mngji ~ mangji sorcery, witchcraft; medicine. Borrowed from Lat magia magic, sorcery (M e y e r-L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1050) influenced by the popular etymology linking it to mngjr. 0 MEYER Wb. 253 (from Gk payera sorcery); JOKL IF XLIV 24-27 (from Gk pyyavov charm, drug); ABEJ St. I 346-347 (de rived from mjek). mnoj aor. mnova to halt, to be la te . P h o n etic variant o f vnoj id. ( M e y e r Wb. 274, IF VI 105), see von. C a m a r d a 1 44, 61 (to von); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 39 (from Lat manre to stay, to re m a in ); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1047 (a g r e e s w ith MlKLOSICH); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 287; M i h e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 17; H a a r m a n n 134.
mnjan adv. at the s id e . A u n iverb ation o f me nj(') an. F rom it,
a verb mnjanoj to a v e r t is d erived .
262
M N J
M RKUR
M RLAQET
M SOJ
263
VI g l i ,
1UO V . -
ll
EYER Wb. 2 7 3 -2 7 4 ) with the further assimilation 4IHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 23 (from Lat mane vigil);
I
I
*m'hrmr hrati id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg m w rnora, SCr mrmrati.
m rq in j f jujube, kind of b rie r. Borrowed from Rom *myrcnia
i sapling, shrub, shoot. Borrowed from Lat malleith a dissimilation of sonorants (MEYER Wb. 274). <111 542; ABEJ St. I 347 (from Ital Venet magli134. fascinated, to be charm ed. Borrowed from Lat be astonished. 0 exile, to drive away. Borrowed from Lat mergere ;M e y e r Wb. 274). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundscu RESEE IV/1-2 28; H a a r m a n n 136; H a m p
\.
to die: Skt mriyte, Lith mirti. Slav *merti and the like. 0 FRAENKEL 4 5 7 -4 5 9 ; MAYRHOFER II 6 9 6 -6 9 7 ; POKORNY I 7 3 5 ; TRUBACEV SSJa XVIII 101-102.
m rsh in f, pl. mrshina wineskin. Borrowed, with an epenthetical
from Slav *msina id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg mesina, SCr mjesina, mesina (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 26; MEYER Wb. 2 7 5 ). 0 ABEJ St. VII 185; SVANE 68.
m ru ~ m ir m, pl. mrur ~ mrun handle. Borrowed, with a
id of mr- < Maria and gji, M arys breast. 1 ~ mni hate, wrath. Borrowed from Lat mania Wb. 273). Note, however, that an alternative xavia with its stress corresponding to that of the ^ a r m a n n 134; J a n s o n Unt. 54-55. sha man lying in w ifes bed after childbirth and ver. Borrowed from Rom *mricsus husband man m ale. For the formation cf. bellicsus CUBA 10-13 (related to Skt mrya- young man, ABEJ apud D e m ir a j (borrowed from a poorly \is m iserable, broken); DEMIRAJ AE 267-268 meraki hypochondriac); OREL Orpheus VI 68. ! Wednesday. Borrowed from Lat Mercurii (dies), !. Elemente 5 1 6 . 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 190;
\RMANN 136.
Based on a compou metathesis, from Rom *manurus. The latter is a derivative of Lat manus hand. 0 M e y e r Wb. 275 (from *manbrium or mamibrium handle); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 T 10 5 4 .
m rzej aor. mrzeva to rest at n oon ( o f a n im a ls). B o r ro w e d fro m Lat m ri ~ m n i f, pl. m i
meridire to take a m id-d ay n a p (MEYER Wb. 274). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 21 1052; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 17; HAARMANN 136.
m r z is aor. mrzita to bore, to hate. Borrowed from Slav *nibrziti
receiving visitors; lc like, based on Lai warlike. 0 JOKL L. lover and the like): attested Bulg mi.rh (derived from Turk
264
M SY J
M SHTEKOHEM
Gk p.av0vc to learn); a b e j St, I 3 4 7 -3 4 8 (a prfixai derivative of psoj). msyj aor. msyta to attack. A prfixai derivative of sy, cf. Germ ins Auge fassen (MEYER Wb. 276; ABEJ St. I 3 4 8 ). 0 WEIGAND BA I 2 5 9 (from mb syj)\ JOKL Mlanges Pedersen 149-150 (related to qoj)\ LBERG B K X IV 109; DEMIRAJ AE 3 5 7 -3 5 8 .
m shere f small piece of cheese. Borrowed from Rom *mensra for
of the anlaut, from Lat vesica bladder (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 70; MEYER Wb. 2 7 6 -2 7 7 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 2 6 (from Slavic); M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1 0 4 4 , 1053.
m shir f pity, m ercy. Borrowed from Lat miseria wretchedness.
0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 42; MEYER Wb. 2 7 7 (based on an unat tested *m sh(ijroj borrow ed from Lat miserere to feel p ity ); MlHESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 18; ABEJ St. V II 224; HAARMANN 136. m sh k en j f, pl. mcshkenja cad aver, c a r r io n . D er iv ed from mrsh.
mshoj aor. mshova to be heavy, to bear down. Another variant is pshoj. Borrowed from Lat pensare to weigh > Rom *pesare (MEYER Wr 3 3 6 ). 0 P is a n i Saggi 124. b. m shqerr f, pl. mshqerra heifer. A prfixai derivative of shqerra
(MEYER Wb. 4 1 7 ).
M E T R IK
M IE T I,
265
m tr ik m disease of cattle, tumor, gangrene of intestines. Borrowed from Rom *mricus based on Lat matrix womb MlHESCU RESEE
Rom. Elemente 39 ( fro m Ita! manzo ta m e o x ); TOMASCHEK BB IX 101; KRETSCHMER Einleitung 266; PUCARIU EWR 94; CHARPENTIER KZ X L 436 (to L a t mandas); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 184, Stratifi cazione 138; J o k l Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 384; P o r z i g Gliederung 150; PISANI Saggi l i ; SCHMIDT KZ L V II 33; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 332; ROSETTI ILR I 279; POKORNY I 729; HAMP St. What mough 79; ABEJ Ciotta X X V 51-52; St. V II 204, 212; JANSON Unt. 27; D e m i r a j AE 267.
m i ~ m m, pl. minj m ouse. From PAlb *m(s) related to IE *ms
id.; Skt mus-, Gk p>, Lat mils and the like (M e y e r BB V III 190, Wb. 278). The nasalization in Geg is secondary. 0 STIERZ X I 139 (bor rowed from Greek); MbYLR Alb. St. I ll 63-64, 81; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 282; J o k l Studien 77; T a g l ia v i n i Dalmazia 190, Stratificazione 138; L a P ia n a Studi I 95; M a n n Language XXVI 387; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 424; F r is k II 275-276; M a y r h o f e r II 668; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 132133; p o k o r n y 1752-753; H u l d 91-92; O r e l ZfBAlk X X III 149; D e m ir a j KZ CVI 100-103, AE 267-268.
m ic f, pi. mica cat. A word of onomatopoeic origin represented in
Romance: Rum mita, Ital micio. 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 25 (from SCr mica id. - but there is no such word); M e y e r Wb, 263 (follows M i k l o s i c h ); T a g l ia v i n i D abm zia 192.
m id r f, pl. ntidra raspberry. Another variant is miter. A figurative
related to OHG melo id., ON mjl id., Slav *melvo grain for grind ing and continuing IE *melyo-, further - to *mel- to grind (MEYER Wb. 2 8 2 , Alb. St. I l l 6 4 , 7 5 ). 0 T a g l ia v i n i Dalmazia 191; K l u g e 4 7 0 ;
266
M IH
M IF
M IL I.
MANN Language XXVIII 36; PISANI Saggi 122; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 9; K l in g e n s c h m it t Verbum 145; T r u b a c e v SSJa XVIII 92-93; P o k o r n y I 716-718; D e m ir a j AE 268.
mih ~ mif aor. miha ~ mifa to dig, to hoe. F ro m PAlb *mik-ska related to Skt mimiksati to mix, Gk jjiayco < *(jiyoKco id. (with a voiced velar), Lat misce id., OHG miskan id. and the like. 0 FRISK II 192-193; M a y r h o f e r I I 632-633; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 95-96; P o k o r n y 1 714; C o p A IV 294-295; H a m p Sprache XI 139 (< IE*(s)mi(d)-sk-)\ a b e j St. VII 254. mij f, pl. mije, mija, mijra thousand. A phonetically more archaic variant is mile. Borrowed from Lat ml lia id. (CAMARDA 1171; M l KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 41; MEYER Wb. 278). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1044, 1050; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 18; ABEJ St. VII 193; H a a r m a n n 136; H a m p Numerals 920.
m ik m. pl. miq f r ie n d . B o r r o w e d f ro m L a t amicus id. ( G i l f e r d in g
1044, 1049; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 192, Origini 209; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 21; HAARMANN 110; H u l d 92 (o n th e a p h e r e s is o f th e p r e to n ic v o w e l); a b e j St. VII 257; L a n d i Lat. 59, 136. milak m, pl. mi lake leveret. Borrowed from SCr milak dear one. 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 78 (to milor young ram , of Rumanian origin); PASCU RE 65 (suffixal derivative of *mel borrowed from Rum mel lam b); M ih e s c u RESEE IV /3-4 350 (from G k |iA.a^ boy); a b e j St. I 350 (follows M i h e s c u ). milingr f b ligh t on le a v e s . A su ffix a l d eriv a tiv e o f *miling b o r ro w e d from S lav *melirn>ka crum b, p in c h , o th e rw ise unattested in S outh S la v ic . 0 M e y e r Wb. 279 (c o m p a r iso n w ith SCr medljika
m ild e w ); SCHUCHARDT ZfromPhil XI 489-490 (fr o m G k -R o m
melandrya). mill m , pl . mille sheath. From PAlb *meila fastening (of a knife) related to Skt minoti to fasten, OIr -tuidmen id. and the like. 0 POKORNY I 709; a b e j St. VII 233.
.M IRE
M IS H K O N J
267
mire adj. good. From PAlb *mira forming a separate isogloss with Slav *mii~b peace ( V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 43-44; as to OLith mieras, it was borrowed from Slavic despite VASMER II 626). Further con nections are OPrus mils nice, Lith meilus dear, Slav *mil'b nice, pleasant (MEYER Wb. 279, Alb. St. Ill 64, 78) and other continua tions of IE *mei- ~ *ml- mild, weak, nice. 0 G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 23 (to Skt mitra- friend ); PEDERSEN KZ XXX111 541; iOKL LKUBA 228 (on suffixes *-/- ~ *-r- in this stem); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 192; MANN Language XXVI 386-387 (from Lat mints wonderful, amazing); P i s a n i Saggi 125 (follows V a s m e r ) ; H o l u b - K o p e c n 224 (follow V a s m e r ) ; F r a e n k e l 449; P o k o r n y I 711-712; P o g h i r c 1st. limb, rom. II 345; HULD 92 (confused account of JOKLs analysis); ABEJ apud D e m ira j (to G k oppi emery); O r e l Koll. Idg, Ges. 362; DEMIRAJ AE 268-269. mis m, pl. misa limb, m em ber. Continues PAlb *mitja related to Lith miklas supple, mitrs id. (for the semantics, cf. Germ gelenkig as a usual translation of miklas), Latv mikls id., mitrs id., mikt to knead. 0 F r a e n k e l 447-448, 452. misk f, pl. miska turkey. Unclear. misur m, pi. misure deep plate. Derivative of an unattested *mise bor rowed from Slav *misa plate, cf. South Slavic reflexes; Bulg misa, SCr misa (MEYER Wb. 280). 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 44. mish m/n, pl. mishra ~ mishna flesh, m eat. From PAlb *misa further related to IE *memso- id.: Skt mmsa- flesh, m eat, Arm mis, Goth mimz, Slav *mso (G i l f e r d in g Otn. 23; M e y e r Wb. 280, Alb. St. Ill 61, 64, 68). The development of *-em- to *-i- seems to precede the ruki rule. 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 56, Kelt. Gr. I 82; JOKL LKUBA 326; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 192, Stratificazione 93; L a PIANA Studi I 113-114; BARI Hymje 39; A C a r e a n HAB III 323-324; PISANI Saggi 100; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 395; M a y r h o f e r II 615; F e is t Goth. 361; P o k o r n y I 725-726; T r u b a c e v SSJa XIX 7-11; H a m p S SL LXVI/1 222; a b e j LP VIII 128, St. VII 242; H u l d 92-93; OREL Sprache XXXI 280; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X 221; D e m ir a j StF I X /1 359, AE 269-270. mishkonj f, pi. mishkonja midge, gnat. Another variant is mushkonj . A feminine derivative of *mushk ~ *mushkue borrowed from Lat
268
M IT
M JA L 'l'
M JA L L O J
M JE K R
269
HAARMANN
onomatopoeic origin.
ulberry; tares. Other variants are mjetrr, sed ti a phrase mane mjedhra id. A suffixlated to Lith mdis tree, Latv mezs wood, as a wood berry. 0 FRAENKEL 4 2 3 -4 2 5 ; l BEJ St. I 3 5 0 -3 5 1 (from *mer-d related to
mit f, pl. mita shoot. Continues PAlb *meita related to Skt methipillar, post, ON meir beam, Lith mitas post, stake. 0 FRAENKEL 451; M a y r h o f e r I I 683; P o k o r n y 1 709; a bej St. 1 350 (to Gk pixuo hornless). mit f bribe, tip. Borrowed from Slav *myto payment, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg mito, SCr mito (M e y e r Wb. 2 8 1 ). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, nase lenie 181, 299; S v a n e 2 0 8 . miz f, pl. miza fly. A derivative in -z of PAlb *mj identical with ON my id., further connected to Gk ju n a d., Lat musca id. and the like (CAMARDA I 75; MEYER BB VIII 190, Wb. 2 8 1 , Alb. St. Ill 6 4, 81). 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 168 (derives miz from *tints- rather than *mj); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 193, Stratificazione 139; L a P ia n a Studi I 9 3, 107; P is a n i Saggi 131 (to Arm mzil); E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 4 2 4 ; F r i s k II 2 6 5 -2 6 6 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 133; P o k o r n y I 7 5 2 ; a b e j 5/. VII 2 5 4 , 268; DEMIRAJ AE 2 7 0 . i z( aor. mizova to rage, to snarl, to hate. Borrowed from Rom *invidiare id., cf. Lat invidia envy, jealousy (M E Y E R Wb. 268). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1049; H A A R M A N N 131. mizon aor. mizoi to sn o w ( o f ght f lo c k s ) . D er iv ed from miz ( a b e j St. I 3 5 0 ), a fig u r a tiv e u sa g e w lespread both in R o m a n ce and S la v ic. mjalc f, pl. mjalca b e e . C o n tin u es PAlb *melitja id en tica l w ith G k ,u/U oaa ( *|xtxja id. (C a m a r d a 1 7 9 ). Cf. mjalt. 0 M e y e r Wh. 281; Jo k l LKUBA 287; F r is k II 2 0 0 -2 0 1 ; a b e j St. VII 2 0 3 . alt m /n / f honey. Continues PAlb *melita related to Hitt milit id., Gk (L .1 id., Goth milip id. (C A M A R D A I 79; M e y e r Wb. 281-282, Alb. tX St. Ill 64, 78). 0 M lK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 40 (from Lat mel); P E D E R SE N Kelt. Gr. I 162; JO K L LKUBA 287-289; T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 190; F e i s t Goth. 359-360; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 394; P i s a n i Saggi 132; M a n n Language XXVI 383; P O R Z IG Gliederung 203; P O K O R N Y I 723-724; F r i s k II 200-201; C h a n t r a i n e 682; l b e r g IBK XVII 38; A B E J St. VII 230; D e m i r a j AE 270-271.
B
mjedhr f, pl. mjedhra r miter and mjedr. Also i al derivative of *mjedh r thus defining m ulherrj P o k o r n y I 706-707; ^ OIr merenn m ulberry)
d . O ther variants, mjergull and njegull, are 1., S la v *mhgla d ark n ess, m ist (CAMARDA e w ord with an unusual vocal m w as reshaped idard pattern w ith *-e- in the root. 0 M e y e r fro m Lat nebula c lo u d or co g n a te o f S lav JGMANN - DELBRCK I I / 1 362; JOKL Studien
by in v o k in g the in flu e n c e o f *mergl! d ark , LIAVINI Dalmazia 191; MANN Language XXVI ;; ClMOCHOWSKI LP IV 2 0 2 -2 0 4 (derived from 0; F r is k II 387; F r a e n k e l 451; V a s m e r II .; H a m p St. Whatmough 80; l b e r g Festschr. 3 5 1 -3 5 2 ; H u l d 93; O r e l Z a lk XXIII 149; j Lat nhs c lo u d , W nudd f o g and a lso
mjegull f, pl- mjegulla cl< secondary ( A B E J St. 1 35 fog, m ist, Lith migl i 1 70). In Proto-Albanian, t according to a more stai Wb. 283-284 (borrowing *ntbgla and the like); B R 57-58 (explains mjergul cf. ON myrkr dim); T ac 385-386; PISA N I Saggi 121 *mjerg with suffix -ull 587-588; P O K O R N Y I 7L Pisani II 687; A B E J St. D e m i r a j AE 271-273 (t to nate).
ian, doctor. Borrowed from Lat medicus id. mte 40; M e y e r Wb. 282). 0 M e y e r -L b k e 352; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 23; a b e j Si. 6; L a n d i Lat. 51, 109, 137, 139.
i, b ea rd . F rom P A lb *smekra e ty m o lo g ic a l-
mjek m. pi. mjek physic (M lK L O S IC H Rom. Elem Gr. Grundri 2 1 1043, 1 VII 184; H A A R M A N N \ z
kur- b ea rd , Skt s'mdsru- id ., A rm mawruk (M e y e r Wh. 282, Alb. St. Ill 4, 58, 71, 84). P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. I 86; Jo k l LKUBA 268; 191 ( f o llo w s MEYER), Stratificazione 93; [ANN Language XXVIII 39; PORZIG Gliederung , 839; M a y r h o f e r III 382; P o k o r n y I 968; LBERG Festschr. Pisani II 683, 687; HAMP 33-94; A d a m s JIES X V I/1-2 76; K o r t l a n d t
mjekr f, pl. mjekra chii ly related to Hitt zamar id., Lith smkras chin 0 BUGGE XVIII 169; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia A c a r e a n HAB III 375; N 75, 126, 161; F r a e n k e i C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 11( BSL L X V I/1 222; HULD
270
M JE L
M JE T
SSGL X 220;
RASMUSSEN
Morph. 263;
D E M IR A J
AE 273.
mjel aor. mola to milk. From PAlb *melga identical with Gk aue^y id., Lat mulge id., Lith mlziu, meliti id. and the like ( C a m a r d a I 40; MEYER Wb. 283, Alb. St. Ill 17, 64). The loss of -g- may be rather late if the variant mjelg adduced by CAMARDA is not an artefact. 0 MEYER Gr. Gr. 23; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 550, Kelt. Gr. I 43; JOKL LKUBA 275; BARIC ARSt 20; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 192; M a n n Lan guage XXVI 382, XXVIII 37; FRAENKEL 434-435; FRISK 1 91; WALDEH o f m a n n II 121; POKORNY I 722-723; H am p Laryngeals 139; H u ld 94-95; D e m ir a j AE 273-274. mjellme f, pl. mjellme swan. Derived from miel, cf. similar connec tions of Slav *olbdb swan related to Lat albus white, Gk cccpt barley flour. 0 MEYER Wb. 283 (to Slav *belbmo wall-eye, white spot); V a s m e r II 470; P o g h ir c LB VI 98 (follows M e y e r ). m jer adj. unhappy, unfortunate. Borrowed from Lat miserem id. > Rom *mis rem (CAMARDA I 133). 0 MEYER Wb. 283 (to TE *mehnblack), Alb. St. Ill 64, 78; JOKL LKUBA 193-194 (from *mel-); PED ERSEN KZ XXXIII 541 (to Lat morior to die); M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (to Lat miser); ABEJ St. VII 254, 264, apud DEMIRAJ (to OIr meirb lifeless); D e m ir a j AE 274 (to Gk puxp stained). mjeshtak m, pl. mjeshtak brother-in-law . Borrowed from Rom *domesticus, cf. Lat domesticas belonging to the house, mjeshtr m, pi. mjeshtr, mjeshtra m aster, b u ild e r . B o rro w ed from Lat magister m a ste r (CAMARDA II 204; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 37; M e y e r Wb. 284). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1045; M ih e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 17; ab ej St. V II252; H a a r m a n n 134; L a n d i Lat. 56, 136, 139. mjet p re p /a d v . (up) to, among, between, m, pl. mjete means; bound ary. From PAlb *meta related to Gk p e t , p ra among, Goth mip with (JO K L Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87). 0 T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 191192; a b e j St. VII 187; D e m i r a j AE 274-275. mjet f coarse wool, lint, yarn. Borrowed from Gk pixo thread
M J E Z D IT
M O DHULL
271
( o f the w o o f ) w ith the ch an ge o f v o w e l sim ila r to that o f mjegull. 0 C a m a r d a I 4 4 (to Gk p iio ) ; M e y e r Wb. 2 8 4 (fro m R om *migetta
rowed from Rom *maris lcius sea pike, even though in Albanian the word refers to a sweet water fish. 0 M e y e r Wb. 284 (a hesitant comparison with Ital merluzzo cod, hake), NGr. St. Ill 39; ABEJ St. I 352 (from Lat lcius pike); MTHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 23; HAAR MANN 133. (G) m lle f m rancor, wrath. (ABEJ St. I 352-353).
A
m ner f fear, frig h t. A p h on etic variant o f tmerr. m o m. pl. moa one year old wether. From PAlb *matusa derived
from mot.
m ooj aor. moova to insult, to offend'. Borrowed from Lat monstrre
*madzula d e r i v a t i o n a l l y c l o s e t o L i t h mazidis s m a l l ( P E D E R S E N KZ XXXVT 335) a n d f u r t h e r r e l a t e d t o L i t h mazas i d . ( M E Y E R Wb. 284285, Alb. St. Ill 16, 64, 83). B o r r o w e d t o R u m mazare. 0 C A M A R D A I 178 ( t o G k j i o ' k i n d o f p l a n t ); J O K L LKUBA 182-186 ( t o G o t h mats d i s h , f o o d , OIr maisse i d . ) ; B A R I C ARSt 55-56 ( t o S k t msab e a n ); T R E I M E R Slavia III 453 ( t o mot) C lM O C H O W S K I LP 11 233; ,
272
M OKR ~
M OKN
- M O LL
limb. rom. II 332; ROSETTI ILR I 278; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 218; H a m p SCL XXX 89; BURROW Hennins 95; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 149; DEMIRAJ AE 2 7 6 . mokr ~ mokn f, pl. mokra ~ mokna millstone. Borrowed from Gk (XTixavTi device, instrument (THUMB IF XXVI 16). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 37 (from Lat machina machine, instrument); MEYER Wb. 285 (from Latin); BARIC ARSt. I 19 (follows THUMB); JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 89; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 195 (prefers the Latin etymol ogy); M ih e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 31; O l b e r g SPhAen 42; H a a r m a n n 134 (from Latin); JANSON Unt. 43; LANDI Lat. 27, 112. m okrr f, pl. mokrra millipede, woodlouse. Borrowed from the sub stantivized Slavic adjective *mokra, fem. w et, cf. *mokrica milli pede. molar adj. dirty, muddy. A prfixai formation based on lare, a par ticipial form of lyej. mol f, pi. mola moth. Borrowed from Slav *molb id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg mol, SCr molj. A parallel form molic continues S lav *molica id. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 26; MEYER Wb. 285). The verb molis to eat away (of m oth) is derived from mol. 0 S e l i SCev Slav, naselenie 198; SVANE 154. molik f, pl. molika silver fir . An early b orrow in g from S lav *moldika y o u n g tall tr e e , cf. B u lg mladika, SC r mladika. 0 JOKL LKUBA 196197, 2 0 0 (to mllenj and its cogn ates); SELlSEV Slav, naselenie 164;
S v a n e 127.
molis aor. molisa, molita to make tired, to weaken. Borrowed from Slav *m'bdbliti id., cf. CS mbdliti, Slovene medliti. moll f, pi. molle apple, apple tree. Borrowed from Lat mlum id. ( G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 25; M lK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 38; M E Y E R Wb. 285). 0 C a m a r d a I 46 (compares with G k jafi^ov id.); M i h e s c u RESEE IV/3-4 350 (from G k ia.TjA.ov); a b e j St. VII 210, 254; H U L D 94 (molle described as a cognate of Lat mlum and G k jxrjov).
M OLLOK
M ORTH
273
mollok m, pl. mollok boulder, rock, lump. Derived from molle. mora f fennel. Borrowed from South Slavic *moracb id.: Bulg morar, SCr morac (M ik l o s ic h Slav. Elemente 26; MEYER Wb. 259). more interj. A vocative particle used in a call to a man. Other variants are mre, bre, ore. In feminine forms mo] and mori are used (but vore in Italo-Albanian). The same interjection is used in all Balkan lan guages. The source of more may be one of the aoristic forms of marr. 0 CAMARDA I 323 (to Gk pco to see); MEYER Wb. 28 6 . more f bogey, nightmare. Borrowed from Slav *mora id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg mora, SCr mora (MEYER Wb. 2 8 6 -2 8 7 ). 0 SVANE
2 1 6 , 23 7 .
mori f swarm, mass, crowd. Borrowed from Slav *m ore sea; (fig.) large amount, swarm , cf. in South Slavic: Bulg more, SCr more. 0 ABEJ St. VII 2 0 9 , 281 mornica pi. shivering fit. Borrowed from Slav *morbnica shiver ing; kind of illness, cf. Bulg mornica, Slovene mornica (SVANE 184). morovic f ant. Borrowed from South Slavic *mor\ica id., cf. Bulg mravica, SCr mravica (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 27; M e y e r Wb. 287). Alb -oro- seems to reflect an analogical change of *morvica to *morovica, cf. Ukr muravic'a and the like. 0 S e l i SCev Slav, naseleriie 198; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 196 (contamination with morr). morovin f sultriness. Borrowed from Slav *morovina, deverbative of *moriti to destroy otherwise unknown in South Slavic. 0 SVANE
172.
m ort m death. Borrowed from Lat mortem id. (G il f e r d in g Otn. 25; CAMARDA II 145; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 42; M e y e r Wb. 2 8 7 ). 0 M e y e r -LBKE Gr. Grundri21 1045, 1048; MTHESCU RESEE IV / 12 18; H a a r m a n n 137; L a n d i Lat. 85. morth m chilblain. Derivative of morr, cf. a similar semantic rela tionship in Rum paducci chilblain ~ pducel small louse, n it
274
M ORR
MOT
(ABEJ St. I 353). 0 MEYER Wb. 260 (to mardh)\ MURATI Probleme
91. m orr m, pi. morra lo u s e . F rom P A lb *merwa based on IE *mer- to d ie as Gk q>0eip lo u s e is b ased on (p 0 e ip r o to d e s tr o y (OREL Fort. 79 ). 0 STIER KZ XI 2 4 5 (to Lat mordeO to b ite or to NCik K o p ) ; M e y e r Wb. 2 8 7 (fo llo w s S t ie r ) ; J o k l Studien 58 (to Skt marcdyati to en d a n g e r); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 196, Stratificazione 139; F r is k II 1 0 1 2 -1 0 1 3 ; D e m ir a j AE 27 7 . mos
adv.
pean prohibitive *m is directly reflected in a simple form mo. The second element may go back to IE *k and so that mos continues e *me k^e as reflected in Gk nr|te and not (OREL SBJa Leksikol. 149150). 0 BO PP497 (identifies -s in mos with s not so that mos is treated as a double negation); MEYER Wb. 2 8 7 (-s = s not < Lat dis-)', PE DERSEN KZ XXXVI 322; JOKL AArbSt. I 3 7 -3 8 (connects - i with the pronominal stem ~ *k TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 197; M a n n Lan i-); guage XXVI 383; ClMOCHOWSKl LP IV 205; LA PIANA Studi I 2 2 , 90; P is a n i Saggi 110; P o k o r n y 1 703; C h a n t r a i n e 692; a b e j St. 1 3 5 3 3 5 4 (analyzes mos as two subsequent negations mo + s; HAMP SCL X X X / 1 89; H u l d 9 4 -9 5 (follows O r e l ) ; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 349; ; D e m ir a j AE 2 7 5 -2 7 6 . mosh f age. In dialects, a more phonetically archaic form moc is preserved. Goes back to PAlb *mtus derived from *mti- > mot. Borrowed to Rum mos, grandfather after the change of *-t(u)s- to *-s- (JOKL LKUBA 33: reconstructs *met-sio-). 0 M e y e r Wb. 263 (to mas): POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 345; ROSETTl 1LR I 279; ABEJ St. I 354; H u l d 95; D e m ir a j AE 278. mot m, pi. mote time, weather, storm, thunderbolt. Goes back to PAlb *mati- etymologically identical with Skt mti- m easure, Gk nfjxi id., OE rne'd id. derived from IE *me- to m easure and, in particu lar, to Iran *maty a- day; Sogd my 8, Yagn met, Yazg mlO, and also Osset met, mt snow (T r u b a c e v timologiia 1965 14). Semantical ly, mot is also close to Lith mtas time, year (G il f e r d in g Otn. 23; M e y e r Wb. 263, Alb. St. Ill 23, 63, 87) which, however, displays a
M OTR
M REKULL
275
short vowel in the root, and to Hisp-Celt maTus (favorable) period of time reflecting a zero-grade. 0 JOKL LKUBA 33, 40, 326, Sprache IX 117; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 197; L a P ia n a Studi I 114; M a n n Lan guage XXVI 383; PORZIG Gliederung 176; F r a e n k e l 445; F r is k II 232-233; M a y r h o f e r II 638; P o k o r n y I 703-704; M o r g e n s t ie r n e Frontier II 24, 229 (Baltic ~ Iranian comparison); A b a e v II 124 (iso lates the Ossetic word from the rest of Ianian); ABEJ St. VII 187, 252; H u ld 95; ESKA Botorrita 75-76; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 148; D e SNICKAJA Sravn. 203; D e m ir a j AE 278. motr f, pi. motra sister. From PAlb *mater going back to IE *materm other: Skt matar-, Gk |ar\xnp. Eat mater and the like (G i l f e r d ING Otn. 23; CAMARDA I 72; MEYER BB VIII 190 ( m other > elder sister), Wb. 287-288, Alb. St. Ill 24, 64, 72, 82). 0 PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 48; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 197, Stratificazione 118; L a P ia n a Studi I 22; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 390; F r isk II 232; C h a n t r a in e 699; M a y r h o f e r li 619-620; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I I 49-50; P is a n i Saggi 99; B a r i Hymje 38, 71; POKORNY I 700; HULD 95-96 (reconstructs the Omaha-kinship system for Proto-Albanian); OREL ZfBalk XXIII 146; D e m ir a j AE 278.
m o to v ile f. pi. motovile reel, spool'. Borrowed from Slav *motovid-
lo id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg motovila, SCr motovilo (MEYER Wb. 287). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 171, 306; ABEJ St. VII 254; SvANE 46, 252.
m pij ~ m pj aor. mpiva ~ mpiva to benumb, to make stiff. Goes back to PAlb *en-paginja related to Gk rcnyv\)(ii to make firm, to make stiff, Lat pang id., Goth fhan to catch and the like (CAMARDA II 157; M e y e r Wb. 265). 0 F r is k II 525-526; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 245246; F e i s t Goth. 134-135; POKORNY I 787; ABEJ St. I 354-355 (reconstructs *en-paginja). m raz m, pi. mraze rain-storm, bitter frost. Borrowed from Slav
*morzT> cold, frost, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg mraz, SCr mraz ( S v a n e 174, 237). mrekull f, pi. mrekull, mrekullra m iracle. A singularized plural of *mrakull borrowed from Lat mirculum id. (M IK I.O S IC II Rom. Elemente
276
M RET
MUF
41-42; M e y e r Wb. 288). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri21 1043, 1048; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 536; a b e j St. I 355; H a a r m a n n 136; L a n d i
mrezh f net. Borrowed from Slav *merza id., cf. South Slavic: Bulg mreza, SCr mreza (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 27; M e y er Wb. 2 8 8 ). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 170; SVANE 153. m ti ~ m t tri churn. Other variants are bti, peti, muti, tp. Borrowed from Rom *patina for Lat patina broad dish, pan. 0 MEYER Wb. 295 (based on Slav *msti to sweep or *moliti to stir); ABEJ St. I 355356 (to tire barrel). mu ~ m adv. just, right, exactly. Borrowed from Lat imnnlne freely, absolutely. 0 CAMARDA I 311 (to me)-, ABEJ St. I 356 (to me m ore). muaj ~ muej m, pi. rtiuaj ~ muej month. From PAlb *msnja, derived from an earlier *mesn-, metathesis of IE *mns- moon, month: Skt ms-, Gk |xt|v, Lat mnsis, Or m i and the like.The same metathesis may be supposed for Slav *msqcb < *msen-ko- id. 0 BOPP 4 6 7 (direct comparison with reflections of IE *mns-)\ CAMARDA I 58 (follows BOPP); MEYER Wb. 2 8 8 , Alb. St. I ll 64; PEDERSEN Festskr. Thomsen 2 4 7 , Kelt. Gr. I 86; JOKL IF X L IX 2 7 6 , WuS X II 8 1 , Sprache IX 150; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 194-1 9 5 ; L a P ia n a St. Varia 44; M a n n Lan guage X X V I 383; CiMOCHOWSKJ LP II 223; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 398;
F r is k II 2 2 7 -2 2 8 ; M a y r h o f e r II 6 3 1 -6 3 2 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 7 1 72; L e w is - P e d e r s e n 24; V e n d r y e s [MJ 46; P o k o r n y 1 731-732; K lin GENSCHMITT Mnch. St. Spr. X L 127; T r u b a c e V SSJa X V III 192194; HULD 9 6 (treats -j in muaj as a suffix similar to -i in ari % O r e l Z a lk X X III 142; D e m ir a j AE 2 7 9 -2 8 0 .
muf adj. unripe. From PAlb *muska (with -/< -h) related to IE *meuw et, cf. Latv mat to plunge, to swim, Slav *myti to wash and, formally, Lat muscus m oss belonging to the same root. 0 POKORNY
1 7 4 1 -7 4 2 .
M U FA S
MUND
277
smoke, Or mch id., Arm mux id. (ABEJ St. I 356). 0 C a m a r d a I 131 (to Gk p/ujc in sid e ); MEYER Wb. 272-273 (to mngoj); BARIC ARSt. I 104 (to Gk x^v, m ist, g lo o m < IE *ipgh-); ACAREAN HAB III 353; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. I 45 (to O N mykr d u n g ); L e w is P e d e r s e n 41; V e n d r y e s [M ] 69-70; POKORNY I 971.
m u gu ll m, pi. muguj shoot, bud, sprout. Another variant is mungali.
From PAlb *mugula identical with Lith *mugulas on which mugulioti to move is based. The latter is further related to mugti to go through the mud, miiginti to touch, to move and the like. Borrowed to Rum mugur. 0 MEYER Wb. 288 (quotes the non-existent Skt mulula- bud); BARIC ARSt 54 (prefix mu- and a cognate of Gk (iaox sprout, shoot'); JOKL LKUBA 267 (suffix -ull); FRAENKEL 468; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 345; ROSETTI ILR I 279; I o n i t a SCL XL 485 ( fr o m an unattested R o m *muculus)\ OREL Orpheus V I 68.
muj ~ muej aor. mujta, mufta to be able, to prevail. From PAlb *mundnja,
Wb. 289). 0 JOKL LKUBA 285; M a n n Language XXVIII 33 (to Skt miirdhan-).
mulli ~ m ull m, pi. mullinj mill. Borrowed from Lat mollnum id. (MEYER
Wb. 289), 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 43 (from Ital molino id.); M ey ERL bke Gr. Grundri 2 1 1044, 1049; JOKL IF L 47; T a g l ia v in i Dal mazia 199; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 411; M ih e SCU RESEE IV /1-2 23; HAARMANN 137; JANSON Unt. 55; LANDI Lat. 88, 137, 158.
m und aor. munda to be able. Continues PAlb *munda, a nasal present
related to Lith muda possibility, mudoti to try, to attempt, Skt mo'date y to rejoice, to be m erry. 0 M e y e r Wb. 291 (to OHG muntar
278
MUNGOJ
M L 'R T A J
'fresh, Lith mundrits cheerful, m erry), Alb. St. IT 64, 80; JOKLStudien T 58 (adds Lith mandrils high-spirited, Slav *mdr'b wise to M e y e r s parallels), Reallex. Vorgesch. I 91, IF XXXIII 127, XXXVI 131; B a r ic ARSt. I 105; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 198; S c h m id t KZ LVII 37; L a P i a n a Studi I 23; F r a e n k e l 467; C h a n t r a in e 664; M a y r h o f e r II 693; POKORNY I 741-742; HAMP Laryngeals 138 (adduces Lith isminfis to be able); ABEJ St. I 357-358 (to OHG magari to be able or to Gk (yo trouble, distress); D e m ir a j AE 281-283 (follows ABEJ). mungoj aor. mungova to lack. A more archaic variant is mngoj. Bor rowed from Rom *mancare > Ital mancare id. (MEYER Wb. 273). 0 ABEJ St. VII 251. murg ~ mung m, pi. murgj ~ mungj m o n k . B o r ro w e d fro m Lat monachus id. (MEYER Wb. 289). 0 M a n n Language XVII 14; ABEJ St. I 358; LBERG SPhAen 49; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 23; HAARMANN 137; J a n s o n Unt. 45-46; LANDI Lat. 61, 138-139. murg adj. dark, grey. From PA lb *murga related to Lith margas m ul ticolored, mirgoti to sparkle, to shine, Latv mirga gleam, murgs fantastic image. The word for mould, murgjan, is derived from murg. Borrowed to Rum murg brown. 0 SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 250 (from Lat amurca); MANN Language XVII 14 (to ON myrkr)\ FRAENKEL 410411; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 333; PISANI Saggi 122; ROSETTILR I 279. murg f lees of oil. Borrowed from Lat amurga id. 0 C a m a r d a II 163 (from Gk |apyri id.). murm adj. 'dark, grey. Related to murret. 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 8 6 (related to muer ~ mor id. borrowed from Turk mor id.). murmuroj aor. murmurara to m urm ur. B orrow ed from Lat murmurare id. ( M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 43; M e y e r Wb. 2 9 2 ). murtaj f plague. Another variant is mortaje. Borrowed from Rom *mortalia, based on Lat mortlis (M e y e r Wb. 287). M e y e r -LDBKL Gr. Grundri 2 I 1049; HAARMANN 137; LANDI Lat. 28, 88, 147.
M U RRASH
MUS HK
279
m urrash m, pl. murrash sparrow . Identical with murrash dark, dark grey, cf. tnllenj. m urrel f, pl. murrela horsefly, gadfly. Related to murrt. m urr ~ m urr m North wind. Borrowed, with an assimilation of the initial b-, from Rom *borenus, an adjectival formation of Boreas id. (M e y e r Wb. 42). 0 M e y e r -LU b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1052; a b e j St. I 358-359 (to murrt). m urrt adj. dark. A derivative in -t based on *murr continuing PAlb *mura. The latter is etymologically related to Lith muras mud, murinas dirty, Latv mrt to besm irch and other reflexes of *meu-rodirt. 0 F r a e n k e l 419; POKORNY I 7 4 2 . m urriz m, pi. murriza brier, hawthorn, whitethorn. Since it is also translated as Schwarzdorn by M e y e r , murriz may be linked to murrt. 0 SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 250 (connected with Ital marruca Christ-thorn); M eyer Wb. 292 (from *mburniz- connected with NGk Ttpouveaa briar); JOKL/F XXXVI 148 (agrees with SCHUCHARDT); TREIMER Slavia III 455 (from a compound *moll driz)\ .ABEJ St. I 359 (to morr). mushic f, pi. mushica midge. Another variant is mushiqe. Borrowed from Slav *musica id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg musica, SCr musica (M ik lo sic h Slav. Elemente 27). 0 S e li SCev Slav, naselenie 198; S v a n e 155. mushk m, pi. mushqe mule. Together with Bulg nibsk id., ORuss mi,ski, id. and other Slavic forms (presumably, spreading from the South), mushk forms an areal Balkan word for mule. Rum mucoi id. is derived from *mucu borrowed from Albanian. 0 M i k l o s i c h Slav. Elemente 26 (from Slavic); C a m a r d a II 158; S t i e r KZ XI 149; HlRT IF XII 2 2 5 (to Lat mains id., G k jju x^ id.); M e y e r Wb. 2 9 3 -2 9 4 (to Lat mulus id. < *muslus; adduces Ital dial, musso ass), Alb. St. Ill 64; BARIC A& 56; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 139; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 420; P is a n i Saggi 129; P o g h i r c 1st. limb. rom. II 346; R o s e t t i H R I 279; C h a n t r a i n e 7 2 0 ; H a a r m a n n 137; C l a c k s o n LR 23 1 . mushk m shoulder. Results from the recomposition of mushkull. 0
280
M U S H K I.L Y E R
MUT
MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 5 4 9 (borrowed from Lat musculus muscle); CAMARDA II 1 5 8 ; M e y e r Wb. 2 9 4 (follows M i k lo s ic h ) ; B a r i c ARSt
56
200; abej
St.
3 5 9 -3 6 0 : H a a rm a n n 137.
mushkllyer adj. dun, grey-brown, red-brown. A parallel form is mushkylluar. Borrowed from Rom *muscellrius colored like a m ouse, cf. Lat muscellrium m ouse-trap. mushkri ~ mushkni f, pl. mushkri ~ mushkni lu n g, liv e r . A s mli, this w ord m ay be used in phrases mushkri e bardh lu n g and mushkri e zez liv e r . D er iv ed from mushk sh o u ld er. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Ele mente 4 3 (from Lat musculus). mushkuar ~ mushkuer m buffalo steer. A prfixai derivative of shkuar, participle of shkoj. Here a wide-spread pattern of calling cattle as walking is used (cf. B e n v e n i s t e Inst. I 1 4 5 ). 0 ABEJ St. I 3 6 0 (somehow related to Gk (io%o young bull). mushkull f m uscle. Borrowed from Lat musculus id. mushllinz f, pi. mushllinza clambering vetch. A parallel (secondary) form is bushlliz. Based on *mushll borrowed from Rom *mustlna. The latter is a derivative of Lat mustla weasel. For the semantic development cf. Russ mysij gorosek mouse vetch. 0 A BEJ St. I 3 6 0 (from *mbshtlliz, to mbeshtjell). Rom. Elemente 43; MEYER Wb. 294). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1046, 1053; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 18; HAARMANN 137. mushtkohem refi, to settle down. Borrowed from Rom *domesticare based on Lat domesticus belonging to the house. mushtuar ~ mushtuer adj. adult, ripe (of human beings). A participial form of mushtoj to train, to accustom, to make ferment (of wine), derived from musht. mut m, pi. mutra ~ mutna excrement. Continues PAlb *mukta for
MUZ
MYS
281
mally identical with Skt mukt- released ( M e y e r Wb. 294, Alb. St. Ill 5, 64). The latter is derived from mucti to loose, to free, cf. also Lith mukti to get free, to flee and the like. 0 FRAENKEL 418; M a y r h o f e r II 649-650; P o k o r n y I 744. muz m corn-m easure. A rare word from a Shkodran document in Turkish reflecting a Latin loanword from modius id. ( A BEJ St. I 360). muzg m dusk. From PAlb *muzga borrowed from to Slav *tm,zga rainy weather. The position of muzg m ud is not clear: it may be related to muzg or, less probably, to represent a borrowing from Slav *muzga sap, mud (but neither Bulgarian, nor Serbo-Croatian pre serve the meaning m ud). (T) mvrojtur adj. dark. A secondary phonetic form of mvrjtur, a participle of mvrj to cloud over. The latter is a prfixai derivative of vrr. myc f, pi myca brushwood. Derivative in -ce of my je. myj f hardwood interior of trees, medulla. Another variant is my ~ mi, m id. Borrowed from Lat medulla id. 0 JOKLLKUBA 195 (related to mllenj and based on IE *m eh- black). myk
m
M.HJ
myk f back edge (of knife). From PA lb *mk etymologically related to Gk |iD% innermost part, A rm mxem to put into, to insert. 0 M e y e r Wb. 360 (identical with pyk); F r isk II 279; POKORNY I 745. myll m mule. Borrowed from Lat mlus id. (M ey er Wb. 295). 0 MEYERL BKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1046; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 24. mys m clod (of earth); bread crust. From PAlb *mtja, based on IE *meu3- wet, dirty, to wash. For the development of meaning, cf. LGerm
2H4
NDES
N I) R
Rom. Elemente 31 (b orrow ed from Lat honorem id.); M e y e r Wb. 2 9 8 2 9 9 (co n tin u es an unattested *ner b o rrow ed from Lat honorem id.); MEYER-LbkE Gr. Grundri2 1 1046, 1049; T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 20220 3 (fo llo w s M e y e r ) , Origini 366; T r e im e r ZfromPhil XXXVIII 4 0 2 (p r fix a i form ation in nd-)\ MANN Language XXVI 3 8 6 -3 8 7 ; ABEJ St. I 3 6 1 -3 6 3 (to ndrr)', L a n d i Lat. 6 4 -6 5 , 101. ndes aor. ndesa to have troubles, refi, ndeset to get tangled up (of threads). Goes back to PAlb *en-datsa reflecting IE *dek-- and closely related to the isolated Lith dkyti to mix up, to put in disor der, dhknyti id., dkanoti id. 0 FRAENKEL 80-81; ABEJ St. VII 184; OREL Orpheus VI 69. ndesh aor. ndesha to meet. Continues PAlb *en-da-sja etymologically related to Gk rjco to find (OREL Orpheus VI 69). 0 PEDERSEN IF V 47 (to Slav *desiti to meet - but it continues IE *dek~); JOKL Studien 60-61 (follows and compares ndesh with ndieh)\ TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 203; F r is k I 383; P o k o r n y I 217; D e m ir a j AE 285. ndez aor. ndeza to set alight, to ignite. From PAlb *en-dadzja, a causative formation based on djeg and continuing *-dog hew (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 323-324). 0 JOKL LKUBA 333; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 208; La P ia n a Studi I 74, St. Varia 33; ABEJ St. Ili 124, VII 217, 219; HULD 147; D e m ir a j AE 286. nd prep, in, into. A frequently used parallel form is n; in Old Alban ian the initial vowel was still preserved in ende (B U Z U K U ) . Goes back to PAlb *en-da composed of IE *en in (cf. Gk ev, Lat in and the like) and IE *do: Slav *do to, Gmc *t id. (M E Y E R Wb. 299). 0 T A G L I AVIN I Dalmazia 201; M A N N Language X V II22; F R ISK I 508-509; W A L D E H o f m a n n I 687-688; O N IO N S 927; P O K O R N Y I 181-183, 311-313; K O P E C N Y ESSJI 59-66; T r u b a c e v SSJa V 37-38; H u l d 97-98 (sep arates nd from n and derives the latter from IE *eni).
ndr
prep, under, between. Borrowed from Lat inter ( M E Y E R Wb. 299). 0 B O P P 500 (related to Lat inter); P E D E R S E N Krit. Jahresbericht IX 213; M a n n Language XXVIII 32; H a m p Laryngeals 136 (recon structs *I/enter)-, a b e j St. VII 201, 208; D E M IR A J AE 286-287.
NDRGOJ
N D IEJ
285
ndrgoj aor. ndrgova to suck. Borrowed, with a metathesis, from Lat integrare to restore, to refresh. ndrliq aor. ndrliqa to tangle up threads; to interlace, to w ea v e. Another variant is ndrlik p reser v in g the o rig in a l form o f the auslaut v elar. D e r iv e d from liq ( K r i s t o f o r i d h i 2 7 1 ). T he d ia lecta l form ndrliks id. < *nderliks is d eriv ed from ndrlik (ABEJ St. I 3 6 4 ). 0 CAMARDA 1 4 2 (to G k vxn X aao) to ro ll, to wrap u p ); M e y e r Wb. 301 (fo llo w s C a m a r d a ) ; a b e j Sr. IV 80. ndrtoj aor. ndrtova to build, to construct. A derivative of Rom *direttre, cf. Lat directus straight ( M e y e r Wb. 66). 0 CAMARDA I 123 (derived from drejt)\ WEIGAND 6 0 (follows CAMARDA); MIHESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 25; ABEJ St. I 3 6 4 -3 6 5 (to trajtoj). ndrzej aor. ndrzeva to m a te . A p rfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f z. 0 MEYER Wb. 3 0 0 (b o r ro w ed from S la v *drazniti to irritate, to a r o u se ); a b e j St. V II 2 5 0 . ndrroj aor. ndrrova to change, to alter. Borrowed from Lat alterare id., with an irregular change of the sonorant (MEYER Wb. 3 0 0 , Alb. St. IV 15). 0 C a m a r d a I 45 (to tjetr); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 203; H a a r m a n 110; ABEJ St. I 3 65 (to Skt ntara- other and the like); M a n n Comp. 27 (same as ABEJ). ndshkoj aor. ndshkova to punish. A prfixai derivative of *dshkoj borrowed from Lat dspicr to despise. 0 MlHESCU RESEE I V / 12 14; a b e j St. I 3 6 5 -3 6 6 (from Lat castigare to correct, to chastise, to punish); H a a r m a n n 116 (same as a b e j ). ndi adv., conj. well, at any rate. Another form is ndish. Goes back to n di if you know ( a b e j St. I 366). ndim adj. old, withered, stale. Another form is ndishm. Histori cally identical with ndishm sensitive, an adjectival derivative of ndiej. ndiej aor. ndjeva to fe e l, to p e r c e iv e , to h ea r. A p rfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f di ( M e y e r Wb. 66). 0 C a m a r d a 1 8 1 (to Gk voeco to se e , to p er c e iv e ); M e y e r Alb. Gr. (to gjegj, variant o f dgjoj); J o k l Studien 6 0 , IF XXXVI 112; B a r i c ARSt. I 3 3 -3 4 ; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 5 4 7 (to
286
d'gjem); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 203; a b e j St. I 366-367 (related to Goth pagkjart to think); DEM IRAJ AE 287-288.
ndih - n d if aor. ndiha ~ ndifa to help. Continues P A lb *en-diska related
to Gk iepai to hurry, to drive, Skt dlyati to fly, to soar and the like. For the semantic development cf. Russ s-po-spes-estvovat to assist, to help ~ spesit to hurry. 0 CAMARDA I 135 (to Gk xet^o wall or Tt>XT) luck, fortune); MEYER Wb. 3 0 0 (to Goth peihan to thrive, to flourish), Alb. St. Ill 6-7; SCHEFTELOWITZ KZ LVI 2 0 8 -2 0 9 (to the non-existent Skt day- to take care); F r is k I 3 8 9 -3 9 0 ; ABEJ St. I 367-368 (continues IE *deik- to show); MAYRHOFER I I 46; POKORNY I 187.
ndikoj aor. ndikova to influence. Borrowed from Lat indicare to impose, to inflict. 0 ABEJ St. VII 257-258. ndjej aor. ndjeva to pardon, to forgive. More archaic forms are ndjej
and ndlej. Borrowed from Lat indulgere to be indulgent, to concede (MEYER Wb. 299). Note the development of the group -Ig- as in mjel. 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 21 1050; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 23; H a a r m a n n 130.
n d jek aor. ndoqa to fo llo w , to ch ase, to p u r su e. F rom P A lb *en-teka, a p refix form ation related to IE *tek to run, to f lo w : OIr techim to f le e , Lith teku, tekti to ru n , Slav *tekg, *tekti to flo w , to ru n ( M e y e r BB VIII 185, Wb. 300-301, Alb. St. Ill 3, 24). A n oth er v erb ,
*awa-teka , is r e clec te d as vdjek to p u r su e instead o f *ftjek under the in flu e n c e o f ndjek. 0 F r a e n k e l 1074-1075; L e w is - P e d e r s e n 291; V e n d r y e s [TJ 40; V a s m e r IV 37; P o k o r n y I 1059; P is a n i Saggi 120 (to G k SicoKG) to p u rsu e); CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 96; H a m p Laryngeals 126 (on V- in vdjek); ABEJ St. VII 269; HULD 97; KLINGENSCHMITT Koll. Idg. Ges. 227; DEMIRAJ AE 288.
n d jell aor. ndolla to entice, to lure; to call (to an animal). Continues
PAlb *en-delna, a denominative related to the Balto-Slavic word for palm (of the hand): Lith dlna, Slav *dolnb. 0 MEYER Wb. 301 (to Lith dlka fishing-rod); FRAENKEL 87-88; TRUBAEV SSJa V 6364. ndodh
aor.
(T)
NDOHT
NDREQ,
287
*en-tdza continuing IE *tg- (or *tg- as implied by Baltic): Gk xooco to arrange, to put in ord er, Tayp ordering, array, Lith pa-togus com fortable, su-togti to m arry. 0 MEYER Wb. 301 (to Lat tang to touch or to Goth tekan id.), Alb. St. Ill 17; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 335; B ark? ARSt. I 5 7 -5 8 (to Lat cad to fall); F r isk II 8 4 5 -8 4 6 , 859; F r a e n k e l 551; POKORNY I 1055; a b e j St. I 3 6 9 -3 7 0 (to Gk T\)X to prepare). (T) ndoht adj. d irty, f o u l. B ased on ndoh to m ake d irty , an in ch o a tive d eriv a tiv e o f ndyj (MEYER Wb. 301; KRlSTOFORlDHl 2 2 9 ). 0 JOKL Studien 6 1 -6 2 (to dhjes)\ DEMIRAJ AE 2 9 0 -2 9 1 . ndor f charge, tutelage, patronage. A back-formation based on ndoroj to manage, to control, to protect. A metathesized borrowing from Rom *pantrre < Apatronare, cf. Lat patrnus protector, defend e r. ndorm adj. unleavened; ordinary. Derived from dor with the orig inal meaning handy, easy to m ake (ABEJ St. I 3 7 0 ). 0 ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 321 (to Skt truna- young, fresh); a b e j St. VII 2 1 2 ,
242.
ndorrina conj. although. Other variants are ndorina and ndori. More frequent variants use the adverbial element -na but the original con junction is ndori, a form of ndor ~ ndor. The underlying meaning is (even) with the protection of. 0 ABF.J St. I 3 7 0 -3 7 1 (from ndo rri although you are sitting). ndoshta adv. perhaps, maybe. Derived from ndosh to happen, a sec ondary formation based on ndodh (KONITZA apud a b e j St. I 3 7 1 ). 0 WEIGAND BA I 2 6 0 (from n do t ishte)\ ABEJ St. I 3 7 0 -3 7 1 (from SCr doista truly); MURATI Probleme 92. ndrag aor. ndraga to m ake d ir ty . F rom P A lb *en-traga, a d en o m i native verb related to OHG dree dirt, dung, O N Iprekkr id., Gk axepyvo d u n g (H es.) and the like ( M e y e r Wb. 3 0 1 ). 0 K l u g e 141; F r is k II 790; POK O RNY I 1032. ndreq aor. ndreqa to put in ord er, to a rra n g e . D er iv ed from ndreq ~ ndrejt, adv. straigh t, d ir e c t, c f. drejt.
288
N D R IK U I.I,
NDUK
ndrikull f, pi. ndrikulla godmother; midwife. Borrowed from Lat matrcula used in the sense of Roin *mtrna id. > Ital madrina (M IK LOSICH Rom. Elemente 40; M EYER Wb. 301).0 M E Y E R -L B K E Gr. Grund ri 2 I 1054 (from Lat nutrcula); H a a r m a n n 135. ndriz f, pi. ndriza band, bandage. Continues *n-dridh-ze related to dredh (JOKL Studien 18). ndrydh aor. ndrydha to press, to squeeze, to tw ist. From PAlb *en trada etymologically connected with Lat trd to thrust, to push, to press on, Goth us-priutan to burden and the like. The verb ndrydh is a source of secondary expressive forms ndryp to press, to squeeze and ndi-ys to massage (the later may be a derivative in *-tja). 0 M e y e r Wb. 301 (from Rom *intrudo)', TAG LIAVINI Dalmazia 261; W a l d e H O FM ANN IT 710; F e i s t Goth. 535-536; P o k o r n y 1 1095-1096; a b e j St. I 372 (to dredh). ndryj aor. ndryva ~ ndryna to lock. Derived from dry. guage XVII 16 (from dru). (> A BEJ St. VII 243. ndryqem ~ ndriqem
i
M ANN
Lan
refi,
N D U I.K F .M
NEM AK
289
Language XXVI 384; KLUG E 885; FEIST Goth. 4 7 8 -4 7 9 ; W a l d e - H o f m a n n I 3 7 7 -3 7 8 ; POKORNY I 2 2 0 -2 2 1 ; a b e j St. I 3 7 3 -3 7 4 ; D e m i r a j AE 291.
E R N O U T -M e i l l e t 186; M A N N
ndulkem refi, to ripen. From PAlb *en-tulka etymologically linked to Lith telkiii, telkti to gather, to bring together, Slav *telkti to beat, to pound. M e y e r Wb. 313 (derived from Lat dulcs sweet'); V a s m e r IV 7 3 -7 4 ; F r a e n k e l 1078; a b e j St. I 3 7 4 (to tul); O r e l Orpheus V I
6 9.
ndyj ~ ndyej aor. ndyra to make dirty, to soil, to dip, to imm erse. From PAlb *en-dnja related to Gk 8co to sink, to cause to sink, to plunge in . 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 0 7 (to OHG thhan to immerse); F risk
I 4 2 7 -4 2 8 ; POKORNY 1 2 1 7 - 2 1 8 .
ne pron. we. From PAlb *n(s) etymologically related to Skt nas-, Av no, Lat nos id. and other continuations of this stem in Indo-Euro pean (BOPP 464; G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 23; CAMARDA 1 2 1 6 -2 1 7 ; M e y e r Wb. 2 9 6 , Alb. St. Ill 6 3 , 6 5 ). Oblique cases have na from the IndoEuropean form of accusative with a short vowel. In some dialects, na appears in nom. sg. while ne represents oblique cases. 0 JOKL Sprache IX 142; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 204; L a P ia n a Studi I 8 5 , 90; E r n o u t -
290
NEM EC
NEVO) E
nemec m, pl. nemeca dumb, stuttering person. Borrowed from Slav *nembci, id. a lso denoting Germans, cf. in South Slavic Bulg nemec, SCr nijemac, nemac (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 2 7 ). The form nemc G erm an goes back to the same source, 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 204; S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 195, 286. neprk f, pl. neprk adder, viper. A more archaic form is neprtk. Borrowed from Slav *nepr rtkb attested in Bulg neprhthk buttercup, b yellowgold (its other name being zabun'ak related to toads) con nected with some other marginal Slavic forms such as *jbzportbk b miscarried fetus and *vyporthkb id. The original form being the source of neprk described a freshly hatched snake. The Albanian word was borrowed to Rum nprc.0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 71 (from Lat vpera viper); MEYER Wb. 303 (follows MIKLOSICH); TAGLIAVINI Strat ificazione 139; V a SMER I 369; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 346; ROSETTI 1LR I 279; ABEJ St. V il 195. 204; MOUTSOS Z a lk XXXII/2 204 (borrowed from Rum nprc continuing Rom *natricipertica) OREL , Orpheus VI 69. nesr adv. tom orrow . From PAlb *natsr continuing *nok tir, an adverbial derivative of ^nok^t- night, cf. W neithiwr, neithwyr last night, Bret neizr, neiziir id. (M a n n Hist. Gr. 2 0 4 ). 0 CAMARDA I 3 09 (to Gk axepaoc the day after tom orrow ); M e y e r Wb. 3 0 3 (to Goth neha near and the like), Alb. St. Ill 13, 65; PEDERSEN BB XX 2 3 6 -2 3 7 , KZ XXXVI 3 3 6 (from an earlier *nati her at the hour of night), Kelt. Gr. I 123; B a r i ARSt. I 5 8 -6 0 (from *en auso- at dawn); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 20 4 (supports P e d e r s e n ) ; L e w is - P e d e r s e n 4 1 , 109; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 4 5 -4 6 (compound of nes- < *en kuswift and her)\ a b e j St. I 3 7 4 -3 7 5 (from n esll her at the time of morning fast); DEMIRAJ AE 2 9 2 -2 9 3 . neveris aor. neverita to d esert, to n e g le c t. B o rro w ed from Slav *ne vriti not to b e lie v e (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 27; MEYER Wb. 3 04). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 192; SVANE 24 6 . nevoj f, pi. nevoja need. Borrowed from Slav *nevola lack of freedom, necessity, cf. South Slavic parallels: Bulg nevol'a, SCr nevolja (M I KLOSICH Slav. Elemente 27; MEYER Wb. 304). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, nase lenie 178; S v a n e 222
NM E
NAM
NNT
N A N I)
291
nm ~ nam f, pl. nm ~ name curse. From PAlb *nam related to nm ~ nam to curse from PAlb *nama. Etymologically connect ed with Gk vepco to distribute, Goth niman to take and the like, with the semantic shift justified by the development in Greek, cf. v(ieai wrath (CAMARDA I 36; M e y e r Wb. 2 9 7 , Alb. St. Ill 6 4 -6 5 ). 0 F r i s k II 3 0 2 -3 0 4 ; F e i s t Goth. 3 7 5 -3 7 6 ; P o k o r n y I 7 6 3 ; a b e j Festschr. Pisani I 184; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 145; D e m i r a j AE 293. nmroj aor. nmrova to number, to count. Borrowed from Lat numerare id. ( M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 44; MEYER Wb. 3 1 2 , Alb. St. IV 19). Other similar forms, such as numr num ber, are of Italian or learned Latin origin ( a b e j St. I 3 8 4 ). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. G rundri21 1046, 1050; MiHESCU PESEE I V / 1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 138. nn prep, under. A more conservative variant is nd'n. An extended form of nd ( M e y e r Wb. 299). nn ~ nan f, pl. nna ~ nana m other. An onomatopoeia compara ble with that of SCr nana id., Rum nana id. and the like (MEYER Wb. 291, Alb. St. Ill 6 5 ). 0 MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 27 (fro m Slavic); SCHMIDT KZ LVII 18; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 2 0 1 , Stratificazione 118; H u l d 98 (traces nn ~ nan back to Indo-European); JANSON Unt. 9 7 -9 8 ; D e m i r a j AE 29 4 . nnris
aor.
nng ~ nang
cf. Lat numquam ( M e y e r Wb. 3 0 4 ), but then the vowel remains unex
plained. Is it a double negation from *ne nuk developed to *nenk > nngl 0 H u l d 99. nngj m knot. Borrowed from Rom *nodunculus Grundri 2 1 1054).
(M E Y E R -L B K E
Gr.
nnt ~ nand num . nine. The Tosk form is an analogical innovation that has replaced *nnd. Continues P A l b ne unti- representing a tiderivative of IE *neyn id.: Skt nava, Lat novern, Goth niun and the like (BOPP459; M e y e r Wb. 304, Alb. St. Ill 65). 0 JO K L Reallex. Vorgesch. I 85; P E D E R S E N Kelt. Gr. I 61; L a P i a n a Studi I 84; P i s a n i Saggi 106;
292
N PER
N GALEM
a n n Language XVII 2 0 ; MAYRHOFER II 1 4 1 - 1 4 2 ; W a l d e - H o f m a n n II 1 7 9 - 1 8 0 ; F e i s t Goth. 3 7 8 - 3 7 9 ; P o k o r n y I 3 1 8 - 3 1 9 ; H a m p IF LXXXI 4 3 - 4 4 (to Ulyr Neunt(i)us), Numerals 9 1 5 -9 1 6 ; H ULD 154; D e m t r a j AE 2 9 4 - 2 9 5 .
npr nse
prep,
ABEJ
193.
eonj.
( A BEJ
3 7 5 ).
nga prep. out. Goes back to PAlb *en-ka, a compound consisting of *en- identical with IE *en in and *ka (also preserved as dialectal ka out), a reflex of IE *kom, cf. Slav *k'b to, towards (O R E L SBJa Leksikol. 1 5 0 ) . A particularly interesting parallel of PAlb *en-ka is found in Slav *vbn-kT> (Czech venku, Ukr vonka) < IE *en-kom. The unusual semantic shift of nga is a part of a general transformation of prepositional meanings in Albanian, cf. ith. 0 C A M A R D A 8 4 ; M EYER Wb. 3 0 4 - 3 0 5 (ka < Gk Koci down with an inexplicable loss of the second syllable); POK O RNY I 3 1 1 - 3 1 2 , 6 1 2 - 6 1 3 ; K OPECN Y ESSJ I 1 0 5 - 1 0 6 (on Slavic prepositions); A BEJ St. VII 2 1 1 . ngac aor. ngaca to check, to halt. A denominative based on *ngalc derived from ngalem. ngacmoj aor. ngacmova to incite, to tease. A form parallel to ngallmoj and based on *ngac me, derivative of *ngac - ultimately, to nga s. ngaj aor. ngava, ngajta to run. Another variant is nga(h). From PAlb *en-ganja related to the reduplicated Skt jhti to leave, to abandon, OHG gn, gn to go and the like (M E Y E R Wb. 3 0 5 , Alb. St. Ill 6 - 7 ) . Other morphological variants of the verb are nga(h) < *en-gaska and ngas < *en-gatja. 0 C a m a r d a I 4 0 (to NGk to touch); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 3 3 1 (borrowed from Slav *nukati to prompt, to urge); TAG LIA VIN I Dalmazia 2 0 5 ; K LUG E 2 4 1 ; ClM OCHOW SKI St. IE 4 4 (to Slav *kotiti to roll); MAYRHOFER I 4 2 6 ; POKORNY 1 4 1 8 ; ABEJ apud D e m i r a j (to Lat quati to shake); D e m i r a J AE 2 9 5 - 2 9 6 . ngalem refi, to be limping, to be lame, to be paralyzed. From PAlb *en-gala, a denominative based on an unattested *gala end, obsta cle related to Lith galas end, Latv gals id., OPrus gallan death. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 0 5 (from Ital incagliare to halt); H e l b ig 2 3 - 2 4 (from Rom *incallere); O S tir Anthropos VIII 1 6 5 - 1 6 8 (to gui hornless);
N GALLI S
NGAS
293
skin). ngallis aor. ngallita to sprout, to shoot. Another morphological variant is ngalloj. Denominative based on ngall flowering head of an onion <*sprout, shoot. The latter is derived from *ngall to sprout, to shoot, a prfixai verb built from kail ~ kalli (ABEJ St. I 376-377 with differences in details). A related form with a different prefix cis ckalloj id. (ABEJ Et im. Ill 51). JOKL Studien 80 (to shkal, shqelm). ngallis aor. ngallita to annoy, to irritate. A derivative of ngas based on an unattested nominal form *ngall(e). ngallmoj aor. ngallmova to urge, to irritate, to arouse. Based on *ngallme, a deverbative noun in -me related to *ngall, see ngallis (ABEJ St. I 376). 0 M e y e r Wb. 305 (from Ital incalmare to inoculate or Rom *incalamre); JOKL LKUBA 269 (to akull and Slav *kaliti to temper [iron]); HAARMANN 130. ngardhuliqe f, pi. ngardhuliqe goldfinch. Borrowed, with a secondary n- and an additional suffix -iq-, from Lat cardulis id. 0 MEYER Wb. 305 (reconstructs Rom *cardellicula). ngarend aor. ngarenda to run fast. A univerbation of nga rend or ngas rend still preserved in Old Albanian (ABEJ St. I 377). ngarkoj aor. ngarkova to load, to charge, to burden. Borrowed from Rom *incaricare id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 11). 0 M e y e r Wb. 305 (from Ital incaricare id.); M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2I 1048 (from Italian); MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 14, 16; a b e j St. VII 184; H a a r m a n n 130. ngarmoj aor. ngarmova to drive away, to incite, to irritate. A pho netic variant of ngallmoj. Cf. also ngrmoj id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 12 (from Ital angheria oppression, tyranny); KRISTOFORIDHI 261 (to grmoj); a b e j St. I 378-379 (agrees with K r is t o f o r id h i ). ngas
aor. ngava to u rg e, to in cite , to a n n o y . F rom PAlb *en-gatja, a ca u sa tiv e related to ngaj. 0 M e y e r Wb. 221 (to qas)\ P e d e r s e n KZ
294
NGASTR
N G RDHFJ
N G R IIIS
N G O R D II
295
XXXVI 331 (borrowed from Slav *nukati to urge, to say nu')\ a b e j St. VII 154, 218. ngastr f, pi. ngastra piece, part, section; block, quarter. Another variant is ngascr. Derived from ngas ( M E Y E R Wb. 221). Note a secondary cluster -st- < -s-, 0 A B E J St. I 377 (from NGk yoxpa wide part of a ja r ). ngashrej a o r. ngashreva to touch, to move, to affect. Another variant is ngashroj. The Geg form is preserved in ngashnjej to incite, to rouse. Built on the basis of Rom Hnmusinare, cf. Lat causa cause.
ngrhis a o r. ngrhita to snore, to snort. Another variant is ngrhas. A prfixai derivative of grhas. ngrthej a o r. ngrfheva to press, to encircle. A prfixai derivative of k(e)thej with an epenthetic Cf. kthej. 0 a b e j St. I 379 (to gardh). ngrzis aor. ngrzit to annoy. A prfixai derivative of an unattested *grzis borrowed from Slav *groziti to threaten, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg groza, SCr groziti.
ngij ~ ngj a o r. ngiva ~ ngina to sate, to suckle. Dialectal forms pre ngatrroj a o r. ngatrrova to entangle, to complicate. The antonym is | serve gl- and gj-. From PAlb *gleinja related to Lith gliejit, glieri to shkatrroj to undo, to disentangle. Derived from ngatrr hair 1 sm ear, OHG klnan id. and the like. 0 B A R I ARSt. I 62 (from *niribbon < *thread. The latter is based on ngas. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 305 (to g no- swallowed down); F r a e n k e l 157; P o k o r n y 1 362-363; a b e j f .... ............. . /,'.7wVn'lK(Vrn ' 7nqualrhr)\"QAkid' R'S'r.' o u -o'i (io sntie ana sntriy, fvo, ,\I ?,,, ,TT\o ,, f y,< > A B E J St. I 377-378 (back-formation of shkatrroi based on katr). _________ neoio ngalth related to ngoloj af. ngolova 'to try, to taste. Histo: w*** t # jgffw stilt l-rom 1 ically identical with ngojoj ngalem. Derived from gol, a phonetically archai ; variant of goj. . Derived from golle on the MEYER Wb. 3 0 6 (from Slav ARSt. 61 (prefix n- followed nge f, pi. nge time, leisure, chance, opportunity. Goes back to ngae preservec: in dialects. From PAlb *en-gada etymologically related to Slav *godr time, year with which it shares the temporal meaning h (JOKL Studien 6 2 - 6 3 ) . 0 M EY ER Wb. 3 0 5 - 3 0 6 (to Lith gaivs cheer ful, m erry), Alb. St. IIT 7 , 3 9 ; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 4 6 ; T r u b a c e v SSJa V I 1 9 1 - 1 9 2 ; M U R A T I Probleme 9 2 - 9 3 . ngec aor ngeca to get stuck, to halt, to hesitate. A morphonological variant of ngac. ngel aor. nge Ia to get stuck, to rem ain. A morphonological variant of ngalem. 0 ABEJ St. VII 238-239. ngeq
aor,
ngollar m sodomite; sodomite sexual act basis of an intermediate verb *(n)golloj. 0 *gozlari,, to *gQzi, anus, bottom); BARIC? by a cognate of Gk kt|A.t|).
to gop greedy, gluttonous, related to IE *gep-l*gebhs back to *en-gaptja (ClMOEJ St. I 3 7 9 (ngos borrowed
ngop aor. ngopa to sate, to cram . Related The latter continues PAlb *gapd probabb to eat. A parallel form ngos to sate goe CHOW SKlLV 194). 0 POKORNYl 382; AI from NGk *yx<i)vo) to choke).
) stiffen, to become erected Continues PAlb *kr(i)da t , hence - to stiffen and, cf. Lith kras root, Slav cordare, cf. kordh); K ris TOlow o ff); F r a e n k e l 241; Cl 62-65; abej St. IV 80,
ngr m cramp, stiffness. Derived from kr. ngrdhej aor. ngrdheva to mock, to sneer, to mimic. Another variant is ngrdhesh. Derived from ngrydh.
ngordh aor. ngordha to die (of animals), t (of penis). A synonymic form is kordh going back to IE *kr dh- to take a ro< finally, to die. For the first componen! *korenb id. 0 MEYER Wb. 3 0 6 (from Rom *ii FORIDHI 2 6 5 (to NGk Kopvonoci to s POK O RNY I 5 7 2 - 5 7 3 ; T r u b a C e v SSJa ' VII 184.
296
NGRAT
NGRYS
ngrat adj. wretched, m iserable, unhappy. Borrowed from Lat ingratus id. (MEYER Wb. 306). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 21 1041; HAARMANN 131. ngre aor. ngrita, ngrejta ~ ngrjta to lift, to r a is e . A p arallel form is ngreh ~ ngref r e fle c tin g an in ch oative in *-sk-. C o n tin u es P A lb *engrada and *en-gradska related to Lat gradior to step, to w a lk , G oth a cc .grid step , OIr in-grenn- to pursue, S lav *grd, *grsti to w a lk . 0 CAMARDA I 5 6 (to G k yepoo to ro u se, to stir u p ); MEYER Wb. 3 0 6 (rep eats CAMARDAs e ty m o lo g y ), Alb. St. Ill 8 , 7 1 ; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 5 4 5 ; JOKL Sprache IX 1 2 8 ; L a PIANA Studi I 9 3 ; W a l d e HOFMANN I 6 1 5 - 6 1 6 ; FEIST Goth. 2 2 2 ; POKORNY I 4 5 6 - 4 5 7 ; HAMP Laryngeals 1 3 9 ; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 7 6 ; T r u b a c e v SSJa VII 1 2 3 - 1 2 4 ; DEMIRAJ AE 2 9 6 - 2 9 7 (to Lat cresco to g r o w ). ngrij ~ ngrj aor. ngriva ~ ngrina to freeze. From PAlb *en-kreinja, a denominative verb related to Lith krenh film, thin skin (on m ilk), Latv kriena id. For the semantics cf. another Baltic cognate - Lith kryg floating pieces of ice. 0 MEYER Wb. 306-307 (to Gk K p o frost); JOKL Studien 63-64 (to Slav *cbrstvb hard, dry); SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 245 (to Frioul criure cold); FRAENKEL 297; POKORNY I 618; ABEJ St. VII 243. ngroh ~ ngrof aor. ngroha ~ ngrofa to warm . From PAlb *en-grja etymologically identical with Slav *grejy, *greti id. ( M e y e r Wb. 3 0 7 , Alb. St. Ill 8 , 7 1 ; O REL FLH V III/ 1 -2 4 6 ) , continuing IE *g her- to burn . 0 PEDERSEN KZ X X X V I 3 2 1 , 3 2 4 - 3 2 5 , Kelt. Gr. I 1 0 8 ; PISA NI Saggi 1 2 5 (follows M e y e r ); V a s m e r I 4 5 6 {ngroh from *en-grsko)\ P o k o r n y 1 4 9 3 - 4 9 5 ; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 4 8 ; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Verbum 7 7 ; A BEJ St. VII 2 1 7 , apud DEM IRAJ (to Lith kdrstas warm ); H U L D 9 8 (on -formations in Albanian), KZ CVII 1 6 9 ; D e m i r a j AE 2 9 8 . ngrydh - ngridh aor. ngrydha ~ ngridha to work up, to foment, to ferment, to be in heat (of horses). From P A lb *en-krda etymological ly related to Lith gruziu, grusti to stamp, to punch, Latv grst id. 0 MANN Language XXVIII 33 (to Slav *sbrditi s to get angry); F r a e n k e l 173-174; P o k o r n y I 460-462; l b e r g Festschr. Pisani II 684 (to Skt gfdhyati to wish).
aor.
refi,
ngrys
NOUC
NOUS
297
ngujoj aor. ngujova to e n c lo se , to lock u p . A p rfixai d eriv a tiv e o f kunjoj. 0 WEIGAND 62 (d en o m in a tiv e based on kunj p eg , w e d g e ); a b e j St. I 380 (fo llo w s W e ig a n d ) . ngul
aor.
grade etym ologically related to Lith kulti to thresh, Latv knit to strik e and further co n n ected w ith IE *kel(a)- to str ik e (MEYER Wb. 307, Alb. St. Ill 4). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 206; M a n n Language XVII 14; F r a e n k e l 211; P o k o r n y I 545-546; a b e j St. VII 243.
ngulmoj
aor.
nguq aor. nguqa to red d en . A p rfix a i d erivativ e o f kuq (MANN HAED 322). nguroj aor. ngurova to growl, to howl. Based on an unattested noun *gur etymologically related to Skt gavate to sound, Gk yo lamen tation, Latv gaura chatter, Lith guti to howl and the like. 0 M ey er Wb. 307 (onomatopoeia comparable with Germ gurren to coo and similar); FRAENKEL 141-142; MAYRHOFER I 445; F r is k I 317-318; P o k o r n y I 403. nguroj
aor.
ngurroj aor. ngurrova to hesitate, to falter, to stop. From late Lat incurrere to commit (a fault), see WEIGAND BA I 259. 0 ABEJ St. I 380381 (to gur and nguroj). ngus aor. nguta to urge, to force. From PAlb *en-kutja related to Lith
298
N G U SH
N G JE L M T
kuti to s tr ik e , Slav *kovati to f o r g e , L at cd to s trik e , OHG houwan id. 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 46-47; BOGA li 153; FRAENKEL 232; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 300-301; POKORNY I 535; OREL Orpheus VI
69.
ngush a o r. ngusha to annoy, to irritate. Continues PAlb *en-kusa related to Lith klisti to move, Latv kustint to move, to touch. 0 FRAENKEL
321-322.
ngush
aor.
ngusht adj. narrow . Borrowed from Lat angustus id. ( G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 25; CAMARDA II 61; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 2; M e y e r Wb. 307). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1046; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 206; MlHESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 12; ABEJ St. VII 184; H a a r m a n I I I ;
H u l d 98.
ngushulloj a o r . ngushullova to comfort, to give consolation. Another variant is ngushlloj ~ ngushllonj. Based on an unattested *kushulloj borrowed from Lat consolare, id. (MEYER Wb. 307) 0 HAARMANN
119.
ngjal f, pi. ngjala eel. A back-formation of *ngjel understood as an umlauticized plural. The latter is borrowed from Lat anguilla id. (MIK LOSICH Rom. Elemente 15; MEYER Wb. 308). 0 CAMARDA I 36 (to Gk eyy.tD id.); PEDERSEN BB XX 232, KZ XXXVI 283; MlHESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 21; H a a r m a n 110; ABEJ St. I 3 81-382 (from Illyr *engella related to Lat anguilla). ngjat adv. near. Derived from gjat, cf. Ital lungo along, beside, Fr le long de along and similar coinages (ABEJ St. I 382-383). 0 C a m a r d a I 323 (to ngas); M e y e r Wb. 2 20 (to qas); W e ig a n d BA I 254 (to ngjis). ngjelmt adj. salty, briny. Another variant is ngjelbt < ngjelmt. The source of this word is PAlb *en-salma related to IE *sal- salt: Gk aX, Lat sal, O Ir salanti, Arm ai and the like (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 285). 0 J o k l Studien 64 -6 5 , LKUBA 231; ACAREAN HAB I 114-116; L a P ia n a Studi I 41; F r is k I 78-79; V e n d r y e s [S] 17-18; W a l d e H o f m a n n II 4 6 5 -4 6 6 ; POKORNY I 8 7 8 -879; OREL IF XCIII 106 (reconstructs PAlb *en-salima); DEMIRAJ AE 298-299.
N G JE S H
N G JIZ E M
299
ng jesh aor. ngjesha 'to gird. From PAlb *en-jusa etymologically con
nected with Av yarjhayeiti id., Gk covv'um. id., Lith josti id., Slav *jasati to tear clothes <*to tear into bands, *po-jasr belt (M e y e r h Wb. 308, Alb. St. Ill 39, 61). The development of PAlb *-s- to -sh is explained by the ruki rule rather than by derivation of -sh- from *-sj-. 0 MEYER Gr. Gr. 105; L a P ia n a Studi I 92; P is a n i Saggi 102, R E IE IV 10; POKORNY I 513; F r a e n k e l 198; V a s m e r III 351; F r isk I 617-618; HAMP Laryngeals 134; B a r b e r JIES ITI/4 294-320; a b e j St. VII 219; HULD 99, KZ CVII 169; LBERG KZ LXXXVI 129; OREL FLH V III/1-2 38, IF XCIII 103; DEMIRAJ AE 299-300.
n g jesh
a o r.
n g j ro j aor. ngjrova to try, to sample, to taste. The corresponding Geg form is gjinonj. Borrowed from Lat jjnre to fast, with the further semantic development from not eat to taste only. The meaning to fast is preserved by Geg ngjinoj. 0 MEYER Wb. 308 (to gjr): OREL Orpheus VI 69.
a o r. ngjrova to encircle; to jump over, to wade through. Another variant is gjeroj. Derived from gjer. A relatively rare case of a verb based on a preposition/adverb.
ngjroj
n g jir m, pi. ngjire whirlpool. Another form is ngjirr. Derived from gjer. 0 SCHMIDT KZ L 241-242 (to Skt sira stream ). n g jire m refi, to get hoarse. The same verb is attested without prefix
as qirem to get hoarse, cf. also shqirem id. An onomatopoeia (H e r m a n n KZ XLI 47). 0 M e y e r Wb. 308 (to Gk Kp/vo hoarse ness or E hoarse)', PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 329 (to Gk icpxvo); a b e j St. I 383 (to shqerr)-, D e m ir a j AE 300-301. ngjis aor. ngjita to stick to. Continues PAlb *en-gleitja related to Lith glieju, gliti to sm ear, glits sticky, Gk yXoio sticky stuff and similar (MEYER Wb. 309). 0 CAMARDA I 135 (to Gk eyiceiiioa to press upon); B a r i C ARSt 62-63 (to Skt sjati)-, F r a e n k e l 157; F r is k 1312313; POKORNY I 363; a b e j St. VII 219, 243.
n g jizem
refi,
300
N G JO K
N O FK
n g jo k aor. ngjoka to knock'. Derived from qok (ABEJ St. I 383). 0 MEYER Wb. 192 (derived from klok hooked stu ff of Romance
origin). ngjyej aor. ngjyeva to dip, to p lu n g e, to dye, to c o lo r. B o rro w ed fro m Lat unguere to sm ear, to anoint (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 69; M ey er Wb. 308). 0 C a m a r d a I 67 (to G k %eco to p o u r ); MlHESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 20; a b e j St. VII 225; H a a r m a n n 156. nin f cradle. Borrowed from Rom *ninna id.: Ita! ninna iu lla b y , Sard ninna cradle and sim ilar (M e y e r Wb. 3 09). The lack of rhotacism may be explained by a specific development of the gemi nate. Derived from nine is ninnile lullaby. nip m, pl. tlipa, nipr nep h ew , g ra n d s o n . B o rro w ed fro m L at neps g ra n d s o n (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 44; MEYER Wb. 310). A ra re case o f a L atin lo a n w o rd based not on the oblique stem neptem but on the re s tru c tu re d nom . sg. *nepos. T h e vocalismi o f nip m ay re fle c t a re la tiv e ly late b o rro w in g fro m D alm L a t nepo < L at neps. 0 CAMARDA I 200 (tre a ts nip and L at neps as cognates); PEDERSEN BB XX 99 (from IE *nept-), Kelt. Gr. I 92; B a r t o l i Daim II 414; JOKL LKUBA 15-28; S k o k AArbSt. I 221 (fro m D a lm atian R o m an ce); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 207 (agrees w ith PEDERSEN), Stratificazione 118119; H uld 99 (follows P e d e r s e n ); L a n d i Lat. 51, 143-145; O r e l Z alk X X III 146; B e e k e s CIEL 139 (sam e as P e d e r s e n ); K l in g e n s c h m it t Koll. Idg. Ges. 226; D e m ir a j AE 301-302.
Unclear.
nofk f, pi. nofka nickname. Borrowed from an unattested South Slavic
N O FU LL
NU HAS
301
on the borrowing of Lat in offulae, cf. offula small piece, little bit St. I 383-384), with a semantic evolution opposite to that of buk, cf. Ital dial, gnoffele jaw of the same origin. 0 M EYER Wb. 310311 (compares nofull with Ital ganascia jaw, jow l; similarity with offula is accidental); B a r k ' AArbSt. I 150-151 (compound of no- related to Lat gena face, cheek and of -full compared with Slav *celustb jaw ); T r e i m e r KZ LXV 114 (to Skt snpayati to make wash); TAGLI AVINI Stratificazione 93-94.
( A B E J
n o k r adj. small, tiny. Derivative of *nok borrowed from Lat innocuus harmless, innocent. 0 CAMARDA I 137 (to G k piKp id.); M e y e r Wb. 311 (repeats C a m a r d a s etymology). n o sh t r f, pi. noshtra sprout, young plant, sapling. Borrowed from
Rom *novaster > Ital dial, novastro id. (JOKL IF XXXVI 98-100, LKUBA 2 1 2 -2 1 3 ). 0 MlHESCU RESEE IV / 1 -2 31; HAARMANN 138; LANDI Lat.
129, 136.
classical Lat natre id. (M IKLO SICH Rom. Elemente 43-44; M e y e r Wb. 311). 0 MANN Language XXVIII 39 (from IE *sne- id.); M lHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 18; HAARM ANN 138.
n o zik f knife worn at the belt. An early loanword from Slav
*nozikb unattested in South Slavic, a diminutive of *noib knife (MEYER Wb. 311). Note a peculiar substituion of Slav *-z-. 0 S v a n e 85. nu adv. when. Continues P A lb *nu etymologically identical with IE *nu now: Skt n, Gk vv, Goth nu, OHG n and the like. FRISK II 325; K L U G E 515-516; F e i s t Goth. 380; M A Y R H O FER II 175; P o k o r n y I 770.
nuhar m, pl. nuhar lair of young deer. Derivative of nuhas, cf. also
its derivative nuhuris to track (of hounds). 0 (nuhuris from Slav *nuxati to smell).
M EY ER
Wb. 311
304
N JE G U IX
N J
N JT
similation of sonorants, from Lat reiterare to repeat. 0 ABEJ St. I 386 (onomatopoeia).
Nj
n je g u ll f fog, m ist. A dialectal phonetic variant of mjegull ( A BEJ St. 1 386). 0 MEYER Wb. 283-284 (from Lat nebula fog); JOKL Studien 57. njeh - n je f aor. njeha ~ njefa to count, to consider. From PAlb *nemska
further connected with IE *nem- to divide, to take, to arrange, to count, cf. Gk v|aro to divide, Goth niman to take, Lat numerus member, element, num ber and minimus coin, money (OREL IF XLIII 113114). 0 MEYER Wb. 314 (identifies njeh with njoh which is not very plausible semantically); BENVENISTE Inst. I 81; FEIST Goth. 375-376; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 186-187; F r is k 1 302-304; P o k o r n y 1 763-764.
n je ri m, pl. njerz man, person, human being. A more archaic form of sg. njer is preserved in Geg dialects. Goes back to PA lb *nera further connected with Skt ndr- m an, Gk vr)p id., Arm ayr id. (BOPP 461 462; G i l f e r d i n g O /l 23; CAMARDA I 186; M e y e r Wb. 313, Alb. St. Ill 66, 71). Note a rare plural in -z < *-adja (JOKL LKUBA 89). 0 PEDERSEN Krit. Jahresbericht IX 242; JOKL Studien 102; ACAREAN HAB I 173-174; F r is k I 107-108; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 208-209; M a n n Language XXVIII 38; PORZIG Gliederung 155; PISANI Saggi 131; M a y r h o f e r II 148-149; P o k o r n y 1 765; H u l d 100-101; O r e l Z a lk XXIII 142; D e m ir a j AE 304-305.
njerk f, pl. njerka stepm other. Borrowed from Lat noverca id. (M I KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 44; M e y e r Wb. 313). The masculine form njerk is built on the basis of njerk ( a b e j St. I 3 8 6 ). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1 043, 1048; MlHESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 18; HAARM ANN
138.
N JIC
N JO M
N G JO M ,
N GLO M
305
Wb. 313-314 (p refers an erron eou s com p arison with Skt any- o th er,
Gk v io i s o m e ), Alb. St. I l l 66; B a r i ARSt 64-65 (fro m *rt-sem-); Ham p Anc. IE 113 (follow s M e y e r and connects nj w ith M essap enran); T r a u t m a n n APSpr. 296-297; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 209 (a g rees w ith M e y e r ) ; F e i s t Goth. 24; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 821-823; P o k o r n y I
286; HULD 101 (w ith ou t any serio u s reaso n , p o stu la tes a b a ck -fo r m ation from fem . *smieH ); OREL FLH V I I I / 1-2 39; H am p Numerals 903 -9 0 4 ; CLACKSON LR 175.
njic f, pi. njica big fish in g n e t. F ro m *ngjic, d e riv e d fro m ngjis in view o f the ex p re ssio n (peshku) ngjis (the fish) sticks to the n e t = gets into the n e t (ABEJ St. I 386-387).
njil
306
OBORR -
O P 1N G
ngjyej)', DEM IRAJ AE 306-307 (to Goth hnasqiis soft, fine or to OHG naz w et).
o
ob orr m, pi. oborre yard , c o u r t. B o r ro w e d from Slav *obvori> id., c f. South S la v ic continuants: B u lg obor, SCr obor (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 3 1 4 ). 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 210; S e lt S c e v Slav, naselenie 1 5 0 -1 5 1 ; MLADENOV 1st. 77; SVANE 5 8 . o fiq m, pi. ofiqe service, function. Borrowed from Lat officium id. o fsh m glow, heat. Variant of afsh. 0 MEYER Wb. 3 (to afe breath). o fsh f, pi. o f sha curse. Derived from ofsh. 0 a b e j St. VII 220. o graj f, pi. ograja pasture. Borrowed from Slav *ogordja fencing, cf. SCr ograda. As to Alb -j-, it may either reflect an early South Slavic *-dj- or, rather, go back to *-gj- < SCr -dj-. 0 MEYER Wb. 315 (to SCr ograda fence, yard); JOKL Slavia XIII 305-306 (from Chakavian ograja)', ; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 159; RUSAKOV Lis 1982 195; S v a n e 58. okr f kind of grain, Einkorn. Borrowed from Gk (rpoq birds pease,
Lathyrus Ochrus (ABEJ St. I 389) or, rather, from substantivized d>xp pale-yellow . 0 MlHESCU RESEE IV /3-4 350 (from Gk
(S k ih o v ).
*ob(iy)kytb id., cf. SCr okit id. (DESNICKAJA Slav. zaim. 14).
o k o ll adv. around. Borrowed from Slav *okolT> id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg okol, SCr oko, okolo (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 22; MEYER Wb. 3 1 5 ). 0 B e r n e k e r I 548; S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 197, 303; a b e j St. I 3 8 9 (local borrowing from Serbo-Croatian); SVANE 2 7 1 . o p in g f, pi. opinga sandal. Other variants are opang, openg. Bor rowed from Slav *ob(-b)pbm>k'b sandal, shoe, cf. SCr opanak (MIK LOSICH Slav. Elemente 28; M e y e r Wb. 3 1 5 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, nase-
ORENDl
PAD IS
307
lenie 175-176; H A M P L X IV /2 13; ABEJ St. V II 216; F l o r e s c u REF I X /6 5 9 4 (on the Dacian origin of this type of sandals); SVANE 100.
o r e n d i pi. e q u ip m e n t, u t e n s ils . A n e a r ly b o r r o w in g fro m S la v
*ordbje id. (ABEJ St. I 3 8 9 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 3 1 6 (from Ital arredo fittin g s, fu r n ish in g s); S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 173, 192; SVANE 65.
orok m time, term, limit, appointment. Borrowed from Slav *oh(i,Iraki,
id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg obrok, SCr obrok. Note that oroqe wish is a singularized plural of orok. 0 SVANE 176.
orrl m eagle, buzzard. Borrowed from S la v *orbh, id., cf. Bulg orel,
harrow . Thus, the original meaning of the adverb was trailing as a harrow .
osh t f, pi. oshta p o le, d raw b ar. B o rro w ed from S lav *ojiste id.: B u lg
P
pa prep, without, conj. before, then, particle let (in imperative). From
PAlb *apa reflecting IE *apo: Skt dpa away, off, Gk rco from , Goth a f from and, in particular, Lith pa- (prefix), Slav *po on, along (B op p 500; C a m a r d a I 320; M e y e r Wb. 3 1 7 , Alb. St. Ill 3 0 ). 0 J o k l IF X X X V II 1 0 7 -1 0 8 {pa before < *parj related to prej)\ T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 224; F e i s t Goth. 3; P o k o r n y I 5 3 -5 5 ; M a y r h o f e r I 37; F r a e n k e l 519-520; V a s m e r III 292-293; a b e j St. I I 5 (against J o k l) , apud D e m ir a j (to Ose perum without); H u l d 156; O r e l SBJa Leksikol. 1 5 1 -1 5 2 ; DEMIRAJ AE 3 0 7 -3 0 8 (to Goth faw ai few, little).
p ad is a o r .padita to a c c u s e . B o r ro w e d , w ith a sem an tic ch a n g e, fro m
308
PAGZOJ
PA K
Slav *padati to fall, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg pcida, SCr padati (MIK
LOSICH Slav. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 3 1 7 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, nase-
lenie 181, 294; J o k l Slavia XIII 303 (from Slav *pgditi)\ SVANE 238. pagzoj aor. pagzova to baptise. A parallel form is pakzoj. Bor rowed from Lat baptizare id. (MEYER Wb. 317, Alb. St. IV 25). The unusual development of *bapt- > *pagt- is a combination of a dis similation and shift of voicedness. 0 C a m a r d a 1 139 (to Gk ocTm^co id.); MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 6 (from Italian); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 538; M e y e r -L O b k e Gr. G rundri21 1055; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 212; M i h e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 13; H a a r m a n 112; a b e j Sr. II 5-6. pah m scab , d u st. F rom P A lb *pauja con n ected w ith IE *peu- to b low up and, in particular, with A rm hogi breath < IE *pouio- (O rel FLH V III/ 1-2 4 5 ). 0 K r is t o f o r id h i 3 0 4 (to G k m x v r | f r o s t 4); A c a r e a n HAB III 107 -1 0 8 ; P o k o r n y I 847; a b e j St. IV 80. paj f side, party, dow ry. Also attested as pale. Historically identi cal with pale pair. 0 M e y e r Wb. 318 (in the meaning dow ry, bor rowed from Lat pallium cover, coverlet); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 212 {paj dow ry from Ital palio prize, rew ard); H a a r m a n n 140. pajt p rep, thanks to. Borrowed from Lat abl. pacto, cf. hocpact this way, ali pact otherwise and the like. 0 a b e j St. II 6 (from *per an te from the side of). pajtoj
aor.
Rom. Elemente 45; M e y e r Wb. 3 1 9 ) in w h ich d eriv a tiv es o f Lat px p e a c e and pciscor to m ake a b a rg a in h ave co n v e r g e d ( C a m a r d a I 105). 0 G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 26; M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2I 1054; JOKL LKUBA 3 2 4 (on -jt- < Lat -ct-), RIEB II 6 4 (A lb an ian d eriv a tiv e in -toj o f paq); Di G io v in e Gruppo -ct 5 6-60 ; a b e j St. II 6 -7 (fo llo w s J o k l RIEB)\ H a a r m a n n 139; L a n d i Lat. 8 3 -8 5 .
adv. a little, f e w . B o r ro w e d from Lat paucus fe w , little (MIK LOSICH Rom. Elemente 48; C a m a r d a I 53; M e y e r Wb. 3 1 8 ). 0 M e y e r L BKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1047; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 212; MANN Lan guage X X V I 382; MIHESCU RESEE I V /1 -2 24; HULD 102; HAARMANN 5 9 , 141; L a n d i Lat. 72.
pak
PAK F.
PA LN J
309
pak f, pl. pake side of ham, buttock. Borrowed from West Gmc *bakkon
ham, flitch (Frankish bako, OHG bahho), derivative of Gmc *bakan back ( A B E J St. II 7).
palavi f,pi.palavi obscenity; pus. Two historically unrelated homonyms
of which one palavi pus is a compound of pa- not and laj, cf. palare unwashed (M EY ER Wb. 237) and another palavi obscenity contin ues NGk 7iaA.(xpa talking big, of Romance origin. 0 ABEJ St. IT 8 (treats both words as one compound pa-lav- dirty, unwashed).
p a lc f marrow, pith. Note that the same word appears as pals and palz (JOKLLKUBA 115, 284). Derived from pal pair; fold. Seman tically, an important tertium comparationis is found in Slavic paral lels of pal - *pol-h h a lf and *pol~b hollow, since palc designates a substance with which hollow spaces in a bone or a plant are filled (OREL Linguistica XXIV 430-431). 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 47-48; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 213. pale part, ev e n so, a n y w a y (in request or indirect sp eech ). A seq u en ce o f tw o p a rticles, pa and le (KRISTOFORIDHI 2 9 9 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 319 (to S lav *le)\ a b e j St. II 8 (fo llo w s K r is t o f o r id h i ). p al f, pl.pal pair; fold; group, class, party. Goes back to P A lb *pala
further related to Slav *poh, half; hollow, Lat palam evidently, man ifestly, Hitt palhi- wide (JOKL Studien 6 6 -6 7 , 83; OREL Linguisti ca XXIV 4 3 1 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 3 2 0 (to Gk 7 tXo|aoci to turn but the Greek word belongs to IE *k'el-), Alb. St. TII 30; JOKL Studien 83 (com pares with shpall to declare but this verb is a phonetic variant of shprrall, derived from prrall < Lat parabola); M a n n Language XVII 18 (to Gk x-nXoq); P o k o r n y I 8 0 3 -8 0 5 , 9 8 5 -9 8 6 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 237; M ihESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 2 4 (from Lat pla)\ H u ld 143, 147 (from *polteH)\ O r e l Z a lk XXIII 145; D e m ir a j AE 3 0 8 -3 0 9 (to O N fe l fold).
palnj f, pi.palnja maple. Other variants a re panj, pnj. Borrowed
from Rom *platania derived from Lat platanus plane-tree, with a metathesis in the first syllable. As shown by an Albanian loanword in Rum paltin maple < *paiten, the form platanus was also borrowed.
310
PA LL
PA R
0 M e y e r Wb. 332 (from SCr panj stump); PUCARIU EWR 109; JOKL LKUBA 188-190 (to Lat palpre to stroke, to pat); ABEJ St. II 9 (cognate of Gk nXxavoq, Lat platanus); D e m ir a j AE 309-310. pall aor.palla to bray, to bellow. A variant of prrall to jest, to trifle with compensatory long [a:] reflecting the fall of an intervocalic con sonant. For the phonetic development cf. shpall. 0 CAMARDA I 240 (to Lat palam evidently, manifestly); J o k l Studien 83-84 (repeats C a m a r d a s etymology); ABEJ St. II 9-10 (adds non-existent Tokh pal- to celebrate). pall f, pi .palla p o le, clu b , w a sh in g -stick , sw o rd , m a lle t. B o rro w ed from Lat pala sp ad e, s h o v e l ( M e y e r Wb. 319-320). 0 MEYER L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1042; L a n d i Lat. 28, 111. pall f rest, quiet. In a phraze be] palle to rest, to be quiet. Bor rowed from Gk Jtotax rest, pause. 0 M EYER Wb. 320 (from NGk
TtaXa).
synonym of pa, it is
compound of pa and m
( A BEJ
pamta adv. a g a in . A parallel form is pameta. A co m p o u n d o f pa and meta again, from N G k pex afterw ards (C a m a r d a 1 310; M e y e r Wb. 2 7 0 ). 0 L a m b e r t z KZ LITI 295; a b e j St. II 10. pander f apron, em broidered sash. B orrow ed from R om *panticarium based on Lat pantex p au n ch , cf. a sem an tica lly d ifferen t but fo rm a lly c lo se R um pntecaraie d iarrh ea (M e y e r Wb. 3 2 0 ). 0 ABEJ St. II 1011 (b o r ro w ed from Ital dial, bandiera ~ bandera f la g ). paq m peace. Borrowed from Lat pacem id. (CAMARDA I 305; MIK LOSICH Rom. Elemente 48; M e y e r Wb. 318-319). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. IV 47, V 97; M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 21 1041, 1048, 1051; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 18; a b e j * . II 11; H a a r m a n n 139. paqyll adj. d u ll, lim ited , stu p id . D e r iv e d from pak. 0 a b e j St. II 11 (a p rfix a i d eriv a tiv e in pa- < *po- o f quii, qull't).
par m, pi .par
PA R A
PARZM
311
para adv., prep, before. A parallel form is pare. From PAlb *para related to IE *per- before, forw ard: O H G /ri, Lat prae and the like (CAMARDA I 303; MEYER Wb. 3 2 1 -3 2 2 ). This word appears as a first element in such compounds as paravesh slap in the face ( a b e j St. 11 12), pardje the day b efo re y e ste r d a y (TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 2 1 4 ) and the lik e. 0 BOPP 5 03 (to pare); PEDERSEN Krit. Jahresbericht 213; J o k l IF XXXVII 1 0 7 -1 0 8 ; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 2 1 4 ; W a l d e H o f m a n n II 351; P o k o r n y 1 8 1 2 ; W a t k in s 1ER 4 9 -5 0 ; a b e j * . Ill 193; HAMP Numerals 9 0 4 -9 0 5 (reco n stru cts IE *pjH-uo-); DEMIRAJ AE 310. pare f, pi .pare fish s c a le . A sin g u la rized plural o f *par co n tin u in g P A lb *para, a d ev erb a tiv e rela ted to Lith periU, pefti to str ik e , Slav *pbr, *perti to p r e ss. 0 FRAENKEL 578; V a s MER III 240; POKORNY
1 8 1 8 -8 1 9 .
pare adj. first. From PAlb *para etymologically identical with and derived from the adverb para (C A M A R D A I 303). T h e adjective parm front is derived from pare. M EY ER Wb. 321-322 (connection with para and Indo-European words for first: Lith pirmas and the like), Alb. St. Ill 30, 71; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 544; J o k l IF XXXVII 108 (to Skt purva- id.), Sprache IX 141; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 214; PORZIG Gliederung 186; M a n n Language XVII 18; H a m p St. Whatmough 82, BSL LXVI 223, LB XXIV/3 48; l b e r g KZ LXXXVI 133; K l i n GENSCHMITT Verbum 68; H u l d 68; D e m i r a j AE 311. parmnd ~ parmend f, pl. parmnda ~ parmenda plow. Borrowed from Rom *peraramentum, cf. Lat perorare to plow through, to scratch ( M e y e r Wb. 3 2 2 ). 0 J o k l IF XXXVI 155, LKUBA 136 (agrees with M e y e r ) ; M i h e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 30; H a a r m a n 111; a b e j * . II 12 (from Rom *parmentum or Lat apparmentum preparation). parzm f, pi.parzma b reast. A parallel form , parmz, reflects the o rig inal structure o f the w ord, a d erivative in -z o f parm , cf. par (ABEJ St. II 1 2-13). 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 2 2 (to Slav *pbrsi b reast); V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 4 8 (from Lat parma kind o f s h ie ld ); S k o k RIEB I 298
312
A R R I /
PAT
(against M e y e r ); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 215-216 (follows ificazione 94; ABEJ St. VII 187, 204.
M e y e r ),
Strat
parriz m paradise. Borrowed from Lat paradsus id. (M IK LOSICH Lat. Elemente 593). 0 M EY ER Wb. 322 (from Ital paradiso id.); TAG LI AVINI Dalmazia 214-215 (follows M IK LO SICH ); M IH ESC U RESEE I V /1-2 24; a b e j St. II 13-14 (loss of the intervocalic -d- as charac teristic of Latin loanwords); H A A R M A N N 140; L A N D I Lat. 109. pas adv., prep, after, behind. A parallel form is mbas. Goes back to PAlb *(en) apa tsi continuing IE *(en) apo k"id. For the etymology of components see pa and . 0 B O PP 500 (to Skt pasc- 'back, pos terio r); G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 21 (same as B O PP ); M EY ER Wb. 322-323 (same as B O P P ), Alb. St. Ill 13, 30; PEDERSEN Festskr. Thomsen 250, KZ XXXVI 311 (to pa and -s as in mos)\ TAG LIA VIN I Dalmazia 184; L A P i a n a Studi I 33; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 527; M a n n Language XXVI 386-387 (to Gk tio x against, towards), XXVIII 32; H am pKZ LXXV 23 (to Lith pshui behind); DEM IRAJ AE 311-312. pash m, p i. pash fathom, pace, outstretched arm s. Borrowed from Lat passus step, pace (M IK LO SICH Rom. Elemente 47; M e y e r Wb. 323). 0 M e y e r -L B K E Gr. G rundri2 1 1041; M IH ESCU RESEE IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 140; L a n d i Lat. 139, 148-149. pashk f, p l. pashk Easter. Borrowed from Lat Pasqua id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 47; M EY ER Wb. 324). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 216; M IH ESC U RESEE IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 140; L a n d i Lat. 120, 147. pashnik m, pl. pashnik cloth, cover, towel. Borrowed from an unat tested Slav *pasbtiik'h. 0 M e y e r Wb. 323 (from Turk ba$hk hood); a b e j St. II 14 (derived from parce segmented from prparc). pashtrak m pasture rent, pasturage money. Borrowed from Rom *pastrcus based on Lat pastura pasture. 0 M IH ESC U RESEE IV /1-2 31; a b e j St. II 14-15 (from Rom *pastrticus)\ H a a r m a n n 140. pat f, pi .p a ta goose. A cultural Wanderwort attested in Slavic as well as in Romance, cf. Spanish pata id. (M E Y E R Wb. 324). 0 G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 23 (to Skt pata-ga- bird); M IKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 28
PA TK U A
PATK UE -
PELFN
313
(from Slavic); T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 216 (from Slavic); KZ XX 244 (from SCr patok).
SC H U C H A R D T
*poch,kovb id., a morphological variant of the more widespread *pod-hkova id. (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 30; O r el LB XX IX /4 70). 0 MEYER Wb. 349-350 (from Slav *podbkova); SELlEV Slav, nase lenie 306, 326; JOKL Slavia XIII 641 (from Slav *pod-bkova); H a m p LB X IV /2 13; SVANE 85.
p e ~ p m, pl. penj, penj, pjna thread. Borrowed from Lat panus
thread wound upon the bobbin ( M e y e r Wb. 3 3 1 ). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1041; JOKL Zb. Belie 44; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 218; M a n n Language XVII 2 0 -2 1 (from IE *petino-)\ MlHESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 24; HAARMANN 140.
p e c adj. shortsighted, blind. Continues PAlb *paitsa (with the pre
served affricate as in some other cases) related to ON feigr close to death, Lith paTkas stupid from IE *peik-. 0 POKORNY I 7 9 4 .
p e c f, pi .peca cloth, rag, napkin. From PAlb *paits related to Gk
7toiKA,o m ulticolored, OHG fh id., Slav *pbstri, id. For the semanic development cf. Slav *gun'a cloth borrowed from Iran *gaunyam ulticolored. 0 POKORNY I 795; VASMER III 251. (G) p jn f fringe. Singularized plural of pe (M a n n HAED 358). 0 Candrea-DensuIANU 1378 (borrowed from Rom *pedinus > Rum piedin fringe > Alb pedim id.); a b e j St. II 16 (repeats M a n n s ety mology).
p e jz f, pi .pejza muscle, sinew, string. Derivative of pe. 0 ABEJ St.
VII 273.
p ek m, pi. peqe worry, concern. Based on Slav *pekti s to worry, to care (M e y e r Wb. 324). p e le n f,p l .pelena diaper. Borrowed from Slav *pelena cover, napkin', cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg pelena, SCr pelena (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 326). 0 SVANE 96.
314
PEL
PEM
PEN D A R
PER N D O J
315
M ih e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 19; H a a r m a n n 143; L a n d i Lat. 64. pendar m, pl.pendar watchman. An early borrowing from Slav *pgdarib
Goth fula id. (X y l a n d e r 279; C a m a r d a I 172; M e y e r Wb. 326). 0 S t ier KZ XI 147; M e y e r Alb. St. III 88; J o k l Festschr. Kretschmer 83 (reconstructs *pln with *-/- > -/-); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 218 (agrees with JOKL), Stratificazione 139; M a n n Language XXVI 386387; B a r i Hymje 22; F r is k I I 634; C h a n t r a in e 961 ; P o k o r n y I 843; F e ist Goth. 170-171; P o r z ig Gliederung 150; SCHMIDT Sybaris 134; ABEJ Die Sprache XVIII 153, St. II 16; HULD 102 (beware of the inac curately summarized literature!); OREL ZfBalk XXIII 147; DEMIRAJ AE 314.
p elin m wormwood. Borrowed from Slav *pelym> id., cf. South Slavic
id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg phdar, SCr pudar (M e y e r Wb. 3 3 2 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 181, 291; S v a n e 197.
p en d f, pi .pende feather; pair (of oxen). Borrowed from Lat pinna,
forms; Bulg pelin, SCr pelin (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 326). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 163; S v a n e 109. pelq aor. pelqa to stir up (water). Goes back to PAlb *pelkja related to Lith pelkti to become m arshy', pe'lk marsh, swamp, Latv pece
t n u r i n a t e O F R A F N K F I
penna feather (CAMARDA II 73; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 48; M e y e r Wb. 326). The second meaning pair of oxen seems to be a metaphoric derivative of Lat penna plum age or the like. Note pendull id. and pencil derived from p e n d i (ABEJ St. II 17). 0 M e y e r LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1044, 1050; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 178 (to Lith spndau to stretch); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 218; C a n d r e a -D e n s u SlANU 199 (pendull from Lat pnnula little plume); JOKL LKUBA 302 n. 1 (penll borrowed from Lat pinnula)', MANN Language XVII 2021, XXVI 386; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 65; MIHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 142; L a n d i Lat. 58, 135; D e m ir a j AE 314-315.
KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 51;
M e y e r Wb. 332). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. U RESEE IV /1-2 27; HAARMANN 143. (used as ornam ent). Borrowed from in
to Gk JtKO) to com b, Lith psti to pull, to pluck, Lat pecten com b. 0 F r is k II 492-493; FRAENKEL 580-581; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 269-270; POKORNY I 797.
p e llg m, pi. pellgje pond, pool, depth". In Old Albanian the word is
ved in South Slavic as Bulg penez, SCr nente 28; MEYER Wb. 327). 0 S e l i Sc e v ANE 90.
p a w n . B o r r o w e d from Lat pignus id.
50; MEYER Wb. 327). JOKL Studien 68 541-344; M e y e r -L b k e AArbSt III 205(su ffix -g); M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 24; [ANN 142; L a n d i Lat. 125, 130, 147;
preserved as pellg (BUZUKU, BUDl). Borrowed from Gk ictaxyo high sea (LBERG SPhAen 43). 0 CAMARDA I 40 (unspecified connection with Gk nekayoq); LOEWF.NTITAL WuS X 176 (related to Gk n layo); M e y e r Alb. Studien I 24 (related to Lith plk marsh, swamp), Wb. 326 (borrowed from NGk 7tX,ayo); BARld AArbStar 1 151-152 (from *p-leug com pared with legate and Slav *luia); JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87; PORZIG Gliederung 151; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. I I 337; ROSETTIILR 273 (related to R um bile m arsh); GINDIN Form. S N 60; ABEJ St. II 16-17; O r e l RRL XXX/2 105-106 (agrees with LOEWENTHAL). p em f, pi. pem fruit-tree, fruit. Borrowed from Lat pmum fru it, pmus fruit-tree (G il f e r d in g Otn. 26; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 51; M e y e r Wb. 326). 0 C a m a r d a II 190 (to Gk jijrcca to ripen);
Slav *penqdzb coin, prese penez (MIKLOSICH Slav. Ele Slav, naselenie 176, 182; S \
p en g m, pi. pengje pledge,
(M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente (to pende)-, S k o k AArbSt II 206; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 113 a b e j St. VII 2 5 4 ; H a a r * D e m ir a j AE 3 1 4 .
)rse). Borrowed from Lat pedica shackle, ut nasal (M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 48; VII 254; H a a r m a n n 141. ;et (of the sun). A difficult word from
peng f, pi.penga fetters (for h fetter with a secondary inis M e y e r Wb. 3 2 7 ). 0 a b e j 5 p ernd oj aor, perndova to
which i
316
PESE
PSE
PF.SHK
a sa c r ific e (to the d ead ), to sa tis fy or, rather, from its p a ssiv e c o r relate parentr. 0 BOPP 341 (perndi < Lat imperantem, p h o n etica lly d ifficu lt, cf. mbrety, CAMARDA I 341-342 (u n su ccessfu l attem pt o f s e g m en tin g the w ord as per-ndi)\ MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 32 (a g rees w ith BOPP); JOKL LKUBA 13 (d eriv es perendoj from an); MEYER Wb. 328 (p a ra llelism b etw een dielli perndon and N G k io a a i^ e tje t lead in g to the d eriv a tio n o f perndi fro m Lat imperantem)-, PEDER SEN BB XX 229 (to S lav *peruni>)\ LOEWENTHAL ANF XXIX 99 (sam e as PEDERSEN); H a s d e u EMR II 495; H e s s e l in g Neophilologus V 165169 ( dielli perndon as a caiq u e from G reek); PISANI IF LXXIX 152153, Saggi 124; POKORNY I 54; FRAENKEL 635; G in d in (Mom. 87; ABEJ St. II 17-20; N e r OZNAK BF 84-87; MOUTSOS Z a lk V III/1-2 148-160 (sam e as HESSELING); HAARMANN 130; OREL SBJa Leksikol. 151-152 (d e riv e d from rnd ~ rand).
n u m . five. From PAlb *pentSe going back to IE *penk e five: Skt pdca, Gk nvxe, Lat quinqu and the like (BOPP 512; G i l f e r DING Otn. 24; C a m a r d a I 169 without explanation of -s: PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI307-309). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. I I 47-48, Wb. 329 (from *penatici). Alb. St. Ill 5, 25, 30; PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 37; JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 89, Melanges Pedersen 157-158, Sprache IX 123; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 26; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 218-219 (fo llo w s P e d e r s e n ); L a Pia n a Studi I 72; PISANI Saggi 102; FRISK II 506-507; M a n n Language XXVIII 32; M a y r h o f e r II 187; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 407-408; P o k o r n y I 808; LBERG IBK XIV 109-110; H am p St. Whatmough 79, Numerals 9 10-911 ; H u ld 102-103 (adm its the co n fla tio n o f *penkl and *pnkli); t K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Mnch. St. Spr. XL 126, Koll. Idg. Ges. 227 ; D e m ir a j AE 315-316.
p e s ~ p s
id. (M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 49; M e y e r Wb. 336). 0 P e d e r s e n IF V 47 (pesh stone - to Skt pmsii- crumbling soil and the like); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 219; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 18; ABEJ St. II 20-21; H a a r m a n n 141.
p esh k m, pl.peshq, pishq fish. Borrowed from L atpiscem id. (G il f e Rd in g Otn. 26; M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 50; M e y e r Alb. St. IV 125, Wb. 3 2 9 ). In singular, -k- (instead of -q-) may result from the restruc
turing of the Albanian paradigm or from a morphological change in Romance. 0 M e y e r -LU b k e Gr. Grundri21 1043 (from Italian); T a g l i -
PE SH K O P
- P G FJ ~
PUGJ
317
(peshk as an indigenous form!), JIES I 512; MlHESCU RESEE IV /12 19; ABEJ St. II 21-22 (the morphological development and the orig inal paradigm of peshk); HULD 103; HAARMANN 142; L a n d i Lat. 57. 120, 144. peshkop m, pl. peshkop bishop of the Orthodox church. Borrowed from Lat episcopus bishop. pet f, pi. pete, peta layer (of a flaky pt); metal plate; flat stone. From PAlb *pati- flat object to be compared with IE *pet- ~ *petdto stretch: Gk 7iexvvu)Ji id., Lat pateo to stretch, to be spread and the like (OREL Linguistica XXIV 431-432). One of the derivatives of pet is petull small flat stone (D e s n ic k a j a Slav.jaz. V III153). Note also pat plectrum < PAlb *pata. 0 MEYER Wb. 330; POKORNY I 824825; F r isk II 520; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 262. petk m, pi. petka clothes, garm ent. A parallel form is petk. From PAlb *patika, derivative of pet (CAMARDA 180; OREL Linguistica XXIV 431-432). 0 MEYER Wb. 330 (related to Goth paida xixcibv, Gk a iir| peasant leather clothes); JOKL LKUBA 215-216, RIEB II 73-75 (derived from pjet); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 219; T r e im e R KZ LXV 88-89; X h u v a n i BShkSh VI/2 32; POKORNY 192-93; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 113 (suffix -k); O r e l Balcanica 114 (with unvoicing from *baita); D e m ir a j AE 316. pezm m inflammation, irritation, sorrow, anger. Derived from an unattested *pez (cf. buzm from buz), itself a form in -z related to pjek. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 336 (reconstructs *pr-zm- to be compared with Slav *s-h-mt to sweep away); K R IS T O FO R ID H I 305 (from Gk J i e c |i a persuasion, confidence); A B E J St. II 22 (follows K R IS T O F O R ID H I). pgj ~ pugj Aor.pgva ~ pugana to make dirty, to soil. An early borrowing from Slav *poganiti id. The adjective pgr ~ pgan filthy goes back to Slav *pogam> pagan, unclean, filthy while the Geg form pgam soiled is a regular participle of pganj (MIK LOSICH Slav. Elemente 29). 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 46 (from Lat pgnus pagan); MEYER Wb. 331 (follows MIKLOSICH); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri21 1042; THUMB IF XXVI 55-57; JOKL LKUBA 132 (from
318
PLGAS
P L L U M B
Balkan Romance); ABEJ St. VII 213; HAARMANN 139, 210; L a n d i Lat. 48, 80. plcas aor.plasa, plcita to burst, to e x p lo d e . D eriv ed from plas. P re se rv e s an archaic -c- < *-tj-. 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 337 (to G erm platzen); DEMIRAJ AE 324 (from *plasas). plhur f, pi. plhura cloth, stu ff. Other variants are plhur, plihur, pluhur. Derivative of plah. 0 M e y e r Wb. 343 (to plaf)\ JOKL Studien 69-70 (follows MEYER and links p laf and plhur to Lat plect to plait); a b e j * . VII 215, 230; D e m ir a j AE 316. plqej aor. plqeva to please . B orrow ed from Lat piacre id. (CAMARDA I 55; M ik l o sic h Rom. Elemente 50; M e y e r Wb. 331-332); MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 19; HAARMANN 142. plqyer m, pl.plqer thumb. A phonetic variant of pulqyer. pllas
aor.
pllas m palace. Borrowed from Lat paltium id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 46). 0 MEYER Wb. 319 (from Ital palazzo); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 21 1041 (follows MIKLOSICH); C a n d r e a -D e n SUSIANU 1330 (same as MIKLOSICH); JOKL LKUBA 93-94 (follows CANDREAD e n s u s i a n u ); MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 18; ABEJ St. II 22-23; H a a r m a n n 139; LANDI Lat. 80, 111, 125. plle f, pl.plla milch cow, ewe or goat. A suffixal derivative of pje11 (JOKL LKUBA 225). Another derivative is pile ~ pile fertile domes tic animal. pllmb ~ pllamb f, pl. pllmb ~ pllamb palm (of the hand). Borrowed from Gk 7raA.nr| hand, palm (ABEJ St. II 23). The cluster -mb- < *-m- is a secondary feature. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 46 (from Lat palma); M e y e r Wb. 331 (borrowing from NGk jta.(iT| id.), Alb. St. IV 93; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 248 (agrees with MIKLOSICH); MANN Language XVII 20 (from IE *pfma); HULD 103 (agrees with
a b e j ).
pllumb
m , p l . pllumba
PQ I ~
PQ
PRD I.FJ
319
palumbus wood-pigeon (C a m a r d a II 160; M ik lo sic h Rom. Elemente 46; MEYER Wb. 331). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1046, 1050; MlHESCU RESEEIV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 140; L a n d i Lat. 80, 93, 115. p q i-p q m, pl.pqinj seam, hem. A parallel form splqi may reflect an earlier *plqi borrowed from Rom *plicinus fold, cf. Lat plic to fold (M e y e r Wb. 331). pr prep. fo r. The reflexes of PAlb *peri and *pra related to Skt pdri round, about, G k 7tepi around and Gk rcp before, forw ard, Lat pro id. correspondingly (BOPP 503-504; G tlferdinc . Otn. 23; CAMARDA I 320-321; MEYER BB VIII 189, Alb. St. Ill 30) were contaminated with PAlb *per borrowed from Lat per for (MEYER Wb. 332). 0 M e y e r LBKE Gr. Grundri 21 1057 (from Latin); JOKL Realiex. Vorgesch. I 89, IF XXXVII 106; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 213-214; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 246; FRISK II 512-513, 596-597; CHANTRA1NE 886; M a n n Lan guage XVII 22; M a y r h o f e r II 216-217; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 364365; P o k o r n y I 811-816; a b e j St. II 23-25 (of Indo-European origin); DEMIRAJ AE 316-317. prbalc f contest, tournam ent. A suffixal derivative of prball to face, to defy similar to prballje contest. 0 MEYER Wb. 332 (to Ital balzare); ABEJ St. II 25 (to prbalt to bespatter with m ud). prclloj aor.prcllova to roast. A prfixal drivative from sjell with a secondary c- < s- (CAMARDA 1 88). The original meaning must have been to roast by rotating on a spit. 0 MEYER Wb. 334 (from Slav *pi,rskati to sprinkle); a b e j St. II 25 (follows CAMARDA). pr m, pl. pr a uncastrated he-goat. Borrowed from South Slav *pbrcb, cf. Bulg pi-bc. SCr prc (M e y e r Wb. 334). 0 K l e p ik o v a SPT 43-44; a b e j St. VII 235. prlam m ivy. Other variants are prllan and berlen. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg b rb slan, SC r brsljan (ABEJ St. II 2 5). prdlej aor. prdleva to pity. Another form is prdllej. Borrowed from Rom *per-indulgre, cf. ndlej (M e y e r Wb. 299). 0 L a P ia n a Vocale 23 (from L a t perdolre to grieve greatly); MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 15 (follows L a P i a n a ); a b e j St. II 25-26 (Albanian forma
320
P R G J R O J
PRM BYS
*gjroj borrowed from Lat jrre id. (M e y e r Wb. 332). 0 MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 17.
p rgjoj aor. prgjova to pry, to peep, to spy. A prfixai derivative
of gjuaj (C a m a r d a 1113; W e ig a n d 68). 0 M e y e r Wb. 332 (from Lat pervigilre to remain awake, to watch all night); MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 27; ABEJ St. II 25 (based on an erroneous segmentation of ndgjoj in which nd- is treated as a prefix); HAARMANN 141.
p rk as aor, preka, prkita to touch. Derivative of prek. p rk o r ~ prk u er adj. temperate, moderate (in food). Derived from
kuaj. 0 MEYER Wb. 333 (from *prkoj, borrowed from Lat parcere to spare); ABEJ St. VII 258; HAARMANN 140.
p rk u l ao r. prkula to bend. From PAlb *per-kula, a prfixai deriv
ative of IE *k to turn in zero grade, cf. sjell (JOKL LKUBA 2 2 9 ). el0 MANN Language XVII 14; POKORNY I 6 3 9 -6 4 0 ; C a m a J Alb. Wortb. 3 0 , 81; LBERG M X I V 113; DEMIRAJ AE 3 17. prkund a o r . prkunda to swing, to sway, to rock (a cradle). Another
mm ;;mm mt^rrmtm f
^
PR M EN D
P R P JE T
321
formation based on the adverb whose first part is identical with prmbi. As a whole, prmbys goes back to PAlb *per-ambi-uptja, the third component *uptja under, lower connected with Skt upa toward, near to, Gk jjc under, Goth u f under and the like. 0 M e y e r Wb. 268 (identical with prmbys to flood, cf. mbys)\ JOKL Studien 56 (follows M e y e r ); M a y r h o f e r I 105; F r is k II 971-972; F e ist Goth. 509; P o k o r n y I 1106-1107; a b e j St. II 28 (to mys). prmend aor. prmenda to m en tion , to r e ca ll, to n o m in a te. D e r iv a tive o f mend (W e ig a n d BA I 2 6 0 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 94; a b e j St. II 28
(fo llo w s W e i g a n d ).
prmles aor.prmleta to break a fast, to season with butter. Other variants are prmbles, prbules, burbules. A denominative based on *prmblet, the latter unattested form must have been borrowed from Rom *praeambultus prem ature, to Lat praeambulre to walk before. 0 C a m a r d a 1 339 (to Gk m p a -n e i to disregard, to neglect); M e y e r Wb. 3 33 (from SCr izmeljati to besm ear); a b e j St. II 2829 (considers burbules to be the original form). prm jerr aor. per morra to urinate. Goes back to PAlb *per-medir related to IE *meigh- id.: Skt me'hati, Gk 0pei%io, Lat meio, ON miga (C A M A R D A I 70). Note the irregularities in the development of the root vow'el and the consonantal cluster. 0 MEYER Wb. 335 (to Skt mala-
322
PER PO SH
PRTOJ
fix a i d eriv a tiv e o f p o sh t ( M e y e r Wb. 3 4 9 ). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V I 2 9 0 (-posh from loc. sg. *-pd-su at the f o o t ), Kelt. Gr. I 50; ABEJ St. VII 24 3 .
p rp ash
hot. prpusha
( a b e j St. II 30).
prqell aor. prqella to deride, to m ock. D erived from qell (ABEJ St. II 3 0 -3 1 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 225 (from Lat percellere to beat dow n); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 5 3 8 -5 3 9 (against M e y e r as Lat -II- cannot yield Alb -//-); a b e j St. VII 188, 25 8 . prqi f, pi.p rq i do w ry . B orrow ed from MGk jtpoiiciov id. (ABEJ St. II 31). 0 M e y e r Wb. 333 (from SCr prcija id.); J o k l LKUBA 78 (follow s M e y e r ) . prskas aor.prskita 'to sprinkle. B orrow ed from Slav *pn,$kati id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg p rb ska m , SCr prskati (MEYER Wb. 334). prshesh aor. prshesha to crum ble, to break up, to raze to the g ro u n d . A prfixai denom inative of shesh. From the verb, the noun prshesh sop o f bread, m ilk and b u tter has been derived. 0 MEYER Wb. 3 2 9 (noun prshesh - from Turkish para piece and as soup ), 3 55 (noun pshesh < *mshesh, from Slav *mesati to m ix ); ABEJ St. IT 31 - 32 (deverbative o f shij). prshpjetem reti to arrive unexpectedly. An active form prspjes (with dialectal -s-) m eans to train, to drill, to re a r. C orrupt form s o f *prshpejt based on shpejt. JOKL apud ABEJ St. II 31 (from SCr prispjeti 'to be on tim e).
prshtat aor, prshtata to fit, to ad apt. A d en o m in a tiv e p rfix a i v erb b ased on shtat. 0 JOKL LKUBA 2 5 0 (to IE *sth- to sta n d ); a b e j St. IT 3 2 (u n iverb ation o f p r shtat for sta tu re).
prtoj aor. prtova to be lazy. B orrow ed from Lat p igritan to be slow, to be sluggish (MEYER Wb. 334). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. G rund ri 2 I 1048; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 142.
Pl.RTYP
PSOJ
*tvn
323
cpp twrtth ' ~
Alb. St. 111 59 (to Lat stipo to squeeze t ig h tly ); JOKL Studien 85-86 (to Gk xpaTcco to press (grapes)); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 263; M a n n Language XXVI 387; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 11; D e m ir a j AE 317-318.
prvloj aor.prvlova to boil down, to boil, to ignite, to kindle. A
cut fleece on sheeps belly. A prfixai derivative of vjel ( a b e j St. II 32), probably, influenced by a partial synonym pcrvesh to roll up (sleeves).
przhis aor,przhita to scorch, to roast, to bake. B orrow ed from Slav
*pbrziti to roast', cf. in South Slavic: B ulgprhza, SCr prziti id. (MEYER Wb. 334). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 155; S v a n e 238.
prrall f, pi, prralla tale, sto ry . B orrow ed from Lat parabola
proverb, speech (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 47; M e y e r Wb. 350). 0 C a m a r d a I I 72 (to Gk KapaoXr) proverb, parable); M e y e r -L b k e Gr. G rundri 21 1055; PEDERSEN KZ X X X III 536; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 24; a b e j St. II 33; HAARMANN 140; L a n d i Lat. 72, 80, 130.
prrua ~ prrue m, pi. prrenj, prronj brook; riv er-b ed . Early b o r
row ing from Slav *porovn> ~ *parovh, cf. Pol parw rav in e, name of a source in G reece Iloppo (of Slavic origin), see O r e l LB X X IX /4 70-71. Alb prrua was borrow ed to Rum pru. 0 CAMARDA 1312; M e y e r Wb. 335 (reconstructs *per-rn- connected with *re(i)'to flo w ); JOKL Studien 282-284, LKUBA 277 (explains *per-ren- as a form ation etym ologically close to OHG ritman to flow , Slav *roniti to d ro p ), IF XXX VII 90-91, ZONE X 189-190, Sprache IX 130; SPITZER MRIW I 296; B ariC AArhSt 1/1-2 152-153 (from IE *persrouno-), Hymje 70; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 51 (from B ulg poroj); M a n n Language XXVI 383 (from IE *per-eio- passage); GEORGIEV Festschr. Rosetti 287-290; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 346; ROSETTI 1LR I 280: CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 52; ABEJ St. VII 217, apud D e m ir a j (to Gk jrepi to penetrate, to p ierce'); D e m ir a j AE 318. psoj aor. psova to suffer, to en d u re. B orrow ed from Rom *patire,
324
PSHKO J
PI
cf. Lat patior id. (MEYER Wb. 335). 0 CAMARDA I 62 (to Lat patior); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 21 1050 (fro m Lat patior); MlHESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 18; ABEJ St. VII 227; HAARMANN 140.
pshkoj aor . pshkova to wash up, to rinse. Borrowed from Rom *persiccare to dry up, cf. Lat persicctus quite dry. 0 MEYER Wb. 33 6 (from *shkpoj borrowed from Ital scopare to sweep out); ABEJ St. II 3 3 -3 4 (from *prshkoj, derivative of shkoj, to go again > to rinse). pshtjell aor. pshtolla to wrap up. From *pr-shtjell, based on shtjell (M E Y E R Wb. 4 1 6 ) . pshtjer adv. down, low. An obsolete Old Albanian form representing a deverbative *pr shtjer based on shtie. 0 J o k l Studien 59-60 (from *ped-s-t-ero- related to prposh); ABEJ St. VII 201. pshpris
a o r . pshprita to w h isp e r, to s ig h .
An o n o m a to p o e ia c o n
pshtyj
aor.
stem co n tin u in g P A lb *pistnja and sim ila r to th o se o f Lat spu id. and Gk rrtco id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 336 (from Rom *sputre to spit); M e y e r LUBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1055 (from Lat sputare); TAGLIAVINI Dal
mazia 2 3 1 -2 3 2 (q u estio n s M e y e r s solu tio n in v ie w o f the m eta th e sis in R um stupi id.); MANN Language XXVI 3 8 7 (to Gk rcito); F r is k II 6 1 7 -6 1 8 ; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 5 8 0 -5 8 1 ; P o k o r n y I 9 9 9 -1 0 0 0 ; a b e j St. VII 25 8 . pshtym
aor.
verb based on the participle o f pshtyj describ in g the p ro cess o f w o o d d ryin g as sp ittin g o u t w ater.
pi nor. piva to drink, to suck. From PAlb *plja with the regular loss of *-/- ( O r e l FLH VIII 41-42). Related to IE *p(i)- ~ *pl- to drink: Skt pati to drink, G k iivco, Lat bib (BOPP483; G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 24; C a m a r d a I 17). Note a structural similarity between *pija and Slav *pij. Aor. piva displays PAlb *-w>- reminiscent of Skt 1 sg. perf. papdu (O R E L ZfBalk XXII 82-83). 0 M EYER Wb. 336, Alb. St. Ill 30, Gr. Gr. 105; T O M A S C H E K Thr. II 18 (participle pir - pin < *pno-
P IC A S
PIKF.
325
compared with Thr [?] tuvov beer); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 219-222; M a n n Language XXVI 386-387; K r a u s e Corolla linguistica 137-144; POKORNY I 839-840; M a y r h o fe r I I 252; F risk I I 540-542; C h a n t r a in e 905; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 103-104; HULD 103; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 362; a b e j apud D e m ir a j (reconstructs PAlb *plno)\ D e m ir a j AE 318-319 (from a reduplication *pipH- > P A lb *pib-).
p ica s aor. picata to catch mice'. Derived from the stem pic-, cf. picrr. p icrr adj. tiny, small. Together with pic little girl, picl needle
point and picak naked, this word is derived from pic tip, end, top borrowed from Ital pizzo id. ( a b e j St. II 34-35). 0 M e y e r Wb. 341 (to Ital picciolo little, piccino id.).
pidh m, pi.pidhra ~ pidhna,pidhe female pudenda. From PAlb *p(e)izda
directly related to Slav *pizda id. and OPrus peisda bottom (M e y e r Wb. 336-337, Alb. St. Ill 16, 30). 0 W ie d e m a n n BB XXX 207-209 (reconstructs *peighdh-)\ JOKL IF XXX 198-200; TAGLIAVINI Strati ficazione 94; PISANI Saggi 125; POKORNY I 831; H a m p IJSLP XI 2526, Mnch. St. Spr. XL 43; H u l d 149; D e m ir a j AE 319-320.
pihatem reti, to be tired, to be exhausted. Borrowed from Slav *pyxati
( s q ) to be short of breath, cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg p - b x a m , Slovene pihati ( D e s n i c k a j a Slav. zaim. 16). 0 SVANE 257.
p ik m spotted woodpecker. Derived from pik to fill holes, to pierce. p ik aor. pika to fill holes, to pierce. A descriptive stem similar to
326
PILA S
P IN G
pilas pl. eyebrows. Based on sg. *pil borrowed from Lat pii leus felt cap, ^protective hair ( a b e j St. II 35). pil f, pi. pila heap, pile, pebble, group of stones used in a game. Borrowed from Ital pila pile (ABEJ St. II 36-37). 0 HAARMANN 142 (from Lat pila id.). pilikuri adv. bare, naked. A derivative with an expressive prefix pilibased on ko re, A fossilized noun pilikor unconsciousness is a folk etymology derivative of pilikuri. 0 PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 177 (from per and lakur); a b e j St. II 37 (from per and lkur), pilipizg f, pl. pilipizga kind of pipe. A derivative with an expres sive prefix pili- based on pizg. pilives f, pl. pihvesa dragonfly. Another variant is pilivoes. A deriv ative with an expressive prefix pili- based on ve, voe (ABEJ St. II 37). pill f, pi. pilla stone trough. Borrowed from Lat pila m ortar, in Romance - trough, cf. Ital pila (MlHESCU/? S IV / 1-2 18; a b e j St. II 3 7 -3 8 ). 0 D e m ir a j AE 3 2 0 -3 2 1 . pill f, pi. pilla flax comb. Borrowed from an unattested derivative of Lat pilo to com b ( D e m i r a j AE 320-321). 0 JO KL Studien 68-69 (from IE *pek-la related to Lat pect to comb and the like); O REL ZfBalk XXIII 145. pill f, p\. pilla small stone (for play). Borrowed from Lat pila ball, playing-ball (MEYER Wb. 337). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 538 (against MEYER as *pell is expected); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 51 (from an Italian dialect); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 221; a b e j St. II 38 (agrees with M e y e r ). ping f, pi .pinga top. Goes back to PAlb *pinka related to Lith pinklas w icker-w ork, Latv pinka tuft, pinkt to tousle. From ping, pingui downwards, vertically and pingel tip, top, point are derived. 0 F r a e n k e l 594; a b e j St. II 39 {pingui from a compound of per and ngul).
P IN G R O J
P IS P IL L O IIE M
327
pingroj aor.pingrova to twitter, to chirp. Borrowed from Rom *pinnigerre to behave as a bird, to bear feathers, cf. Lat pinniger feather-bearing. 0 a b e j St. II 39 (onomatopoeia). pip m, pi.pipa sprout, shoot, pipe, tube. Borrowed from Rom *plpa tube, pipe, cf. OFr pipe, Spanish pipa and the like (M EY ER Wb. 338).
0 H a a r m a n n 142.
pip aor. pipa to peep, to chirp. A descriptive stem similar to Germ piepen id., Lat pipJre id. (ABEJ St. II 39-40). 0 M e y e r Wb. 338 (bor rowed from pipite); HAARMANN 142. pir m h abit, sp r ite . A m etap h oric u sage o f pire p rick , th o r n , see pirr. pirem refi, to bend, to bow. A dialectal form of prie rem. see prier (M A N N HA ED 387). pir f, pi .pira pore. Goes back to PA lb *pir, a zero grade form related to Gk neipco to bore, Slav *perjg id. and the like. Note a derivative piri funnel. 0 F r is k II 491-492; VASMER III 240; POKORNY I 816817; ABEJ St. II 40 (piri borrowed from Venetian peiria or its Greek source). pirr f, pi .pirra couch-grass, rye-grass; hedge. Another variant is pire prick, thorn. Borrowed from Slav *pyrb id., cf. South Slavic continuants: SCr pir (TA GLIA VINI Dalmazia 222). 0 JOKL LKUBA 216-217 (pirr hedge related to Gk jceipco to pierce and its cog nates); D e m i r a j AE 321. pis f cat, ta b b y -ca t. A n o n o m a to p o e ia sim ila r to that o f R um pis id. and the lik e (MEYER Wb. 3 3 9 -3 4 0 ). piskas aor. pi ska ta to sh ou t, to c r y . B o r r o w e d from S lav *piskati to p e e p , cf. in South S lavic: SC r piskati (MEYER Wb. 3 3 9 ). 0 SVANE
26 1 .
pispillohem refi, to dress up, to smarten oneself. An expressive redu plication of piilohem id., a reflexive form of pilloj to hackle (flax), cf. pille.
328
P IS P U T H
P IZ G
pisputh m swine, bastard. A compound of pis dirty, filthy (derived from a Modern Greek loanword pis hell) and puth. 0 ABEJ St. II 40 (to purth and spurdhis). pish f, pi. pisha pine. Continues PAlb *p-s-a, with *-s- > -sh- accord ing to the ruki rule, related to other Indo-European names of pine with different suffixes: Gk 7tm>, Lat plnus (from *pitsnos or *pisnos). 0 MEYER Wb. 340 (related to Lat plnus), Alb. St. I ll 30, 61 (to Gk TtEicri id.); JOKL LKUBA 32 (reconstructs *pt-s-ia)\ YiKKlCARSt I 95 (to Lat picea id.), Hymje 50; FRISK II 545-546; CHANTRAINE 908; W a l d e H o f m a n n II 308; P o k o r n y 1794; F r ie d r ic h Trees 34; a b e j St. VII 212; H a m p IF LXVI 51 ; H u l d 142, KZ XCV 303 (from *pit-so- related to Lat plnus)', DEMIRAJ AE 321-322 (old collective in *-s(i)o-). pishkulloj a o r . pishkullova to whisper. A parallel form is pishtlloj. Borrowed from Rom *fistulare to sound like a pipe, cf. Lai fistula pipe. Note the irregular substitution of L a t/L > Alb p-. pitas ~ pitas cf. mpij.
adv.
pite f, pi .p ite honeycomb. Borrowed, with phonetic irregularities, from Lat pecten com b. The immediate source must have been Rom *pectum > *pejt. pite f, pi. pite gruel. A singularized plural of *pite continuing PAlb *pitu- further related to Lith pitus noon meal, lunch, Skt pitti- feeding, OIr ith grain, corn and the like. 0 FRAENKEL 587-588; MAYRHOFER II 278; POKORNY I 794. pite f, pi. pita kind of bread, cake. A M editerranean cultural Wanderwort present in South Slavic (Bulg pita, SCr pita), Turk pita, Hbr pt and NGk tuttcx as well as in Romance where it seems to continue Rom *picta (M e y e r Wb. 340 ). pitr adj. frequent. Based on P A lb *pim(i)ta related to OIr e'im quick, fast, ON fim r id. 0 POKORNY I 795. pizg f, pi.pizga kind of wind instrument. Borrowed from Slav *piska, cf. in South Slavic: SCr piska id. (MEYER Wb. 3 3 9 ). Note the unusual
P IZ G U L L
P JE K
329
substitution of Slav *-sk- > -zg- , probably, reflecting an early date of borrowing when there were no unvoiced sibilant in the Albanian consonantal system, 0 Sni.lScEV Slav, naselenie 193; S v a n e 218, 261. pizgull f, pi.pizgulla piece, splinter. Derived fro m pizg chip, splin ter, loop, a phonetic variant of pisk. pjalm m dust, thin dust, fine flour. From PAlb *pelma related to Gk 7tXr| fine flour, Skt palala- ground sesamum, Lith pelena1 ashes, Latv pqlni id., Slav *polm flam e, Lat pollen dust, fine flour (SCHMIDT KZ L 2 4 3 , 2 4 8 ). 0 M a n n Language XXVI 3 8 3 (to Osset f lm fog < *pelmrf)\ V A S M E R III 273; F R A E N K E L 5 6 6 -5 6 7 ; W A L D E H o f m a n n II 3 3 1 -3 3 2 ; M a y r h o f e r II 232; F r is k II 4 6 7 ; P o k o r n y I 802; a b e j St. II 4 0 -4 1 . pjavic f, pi.pjavica leech. Borrowed from Slav *pijavica id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg pijavica, SCr pijavica (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 29). A parallel form piskavic results from an influence of piskoj to pinch (M e y e r Wb. 3 3 9 ). 0 K r is t o f o r id h i 324; J o k l Studien 113; S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 189; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 220; ABEJ St.
IV 99; S v a n e 157.
pjek aor. poqa to bake, to cook. Goes back to PAlb *peka etymo logically continuing IE *pek id.: Skt pacati, Gk rceaaco, L a t coqu, Slav *pek, *pekti ( G i l f e r d t n g Otn. 21; C A M A R D A I 67; M e y e r BB VIII 185, Wb. 341). 0 M E Y E R IF V 181 (on the -grade in aorist), Alb. St. Ill 3-4, 30; J o k l Studien 11; P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. 1 129; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 220; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 141; L A P IA N A Studi I 45; M A N N Language XXVI 382; B A R I Hymje 20; F R IS K II 519-520; C h a n t r AINE 890; M a y r h o f e r I1 185-186; W a l d e - H o f m a n n 1 270-272; P o k o r n y I 798; H a m p BSL LXVI/1 222; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Mnch. St. Spr. XL 124; A B E J St. VII 217, 239; H u l d 103-104; D E M IR A J AE 322. pjek aor .poqa to touch, to m eet. From PAlb *peka, related, with an irregular development of IE *-c-, to Gk jiekco to com b, Lith pesh, psti to pull, to pluck and the like. 0 C A M A R D A I 113 (to Gk 7iiiyv\>ni to stick, to fix in); M e y e r Wb. 341 (to Gk tiXekco to plait), Alb. St. Ill 4, 32; M A N N Language XXVIII 35; F R A E N K E L 580-581; F R IS K II 492-493; P o k o r n y 1 191.
330
PJE K
P JE R R
pjek f, p l . pjek eyelash. From PAlb *pek related to pjek to touch, to meet" ( A B E J St. II 41-42) < *to com b, cf. for the semantic devel opment Skt pdksma- eyelash derived of the same root (JO K L Studien 69). 0 M A Y R H O F E R II 184. pjell aor.polla to beget, to produce, to bear. From PAlb *pelna con nected with Lat pell to drive, to push (O R E L Alb. 64; D E M IR A J AE 323), Gk 7tAAio to poise, to swell, to swing. Note important deriv atives *en-pelna > mbiell to sow and *pela > pjell child. For the semantic development of this root in Albanian cf. Germ werfen to bear (of animals) and Slav *kotiti to roll; to bear (of animals). 0 M E Y E R Wb. 342 (to Goth fula foal and - at the same time - to IE *peb- to fill), Alb. St. Ill 30; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 543; F r i s k II 469; W a l d e - H o f m a n n II 276-277; PO K O R N Y 1 801; M a n n Language XXVIII 31; C A M A J Alb. Worth. 39, 99; A B E J St. VII 230; H u l d 104 (follows M E Y E R and reconstructs *pel). pjepr ~ pjepn m, pl. pjepra ~ pjepna sweet m elon. Borrowed from Rom *pepinem id., cf. Lat pepnem kind of large melon, pumpkin (M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 48; M e y e r Wb. 342). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 1 1 1043; T h u m b IF XXVI 44 (from Greek); MIHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 141; LBERG SPhAen 43. pjerdh aor. pordha to fart. From PAlb *perda etymologically iden tical with Skt pdrdate, Gk jip8o|iai id., O H G ferzan id., Lith pe'rdziu, pe'rsti id. and the like (C A M A R D A I 43; M e y e r Wb. 3 4 2 , Alb. St. Ill 28, 3 0 , 7 2 ). 0 J o k l LKUBA 2 3 0 -2 3 1 (zero grade), Sprache IX 130; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 4 9 3 ; L a P i a n a St. Varia 2 6 (medial form); M A N N Language XXVI 382; C lM O C H O W S K l LP II 246; F r a e n k e l 577; F R IS K II 5 1 1 -5 1 2 ; M a y r h o f e r II 225; P o k o r n y I 819; D e m i r a j AE 3 2 3 . pjergull f, pi. pjergulla v i n e - a r b o r , p e r g o l a . B o r r o w e d f r o m L a t prgula s h e d , b o o t h , v i n e - a r b o r (M E Y E R Wb. 342). 0 M IK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 48 ( f r o m I t a l pergola) M e y e r -L B K E Gr. Grundri 2 1 1043; , M i h e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 141; L a n d i Lat. 50, 135, 137. pjerk adj. hanging (down). A derivative in -k from pjerr. pjerr aor.pora, porra to bend, to incline. Continues PAlb *pera related
P JE S
PLAH
PLAF
331
to L ith peri, perti to str ik e , S lav *pbr, Aperti to p r e s s . 0 FRAEN KEL 578; V a s m e r III 240; P o k o r n y I 819; a b e j St. VII 206, 243.
pi.pjes part. Borrowed from Rom *petia id. (Ital pezza, Fr pice), see MEYER Wb. 3 4 2 . 0 CAMARDA I 112 (comparison with Fr pice); MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4 9 (from Ital pezza, pezzo)', MEYER LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1043; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 18; HAAR MANN 141; L a n d i Lat. 53.
p j e s f, p j e s h k f, p l .pjeshk,
Lat persica id ., c f. Ital pesca and the lik e (M IK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 49; M e y e r Wb. 3 4 2 , Alb. St. IV 102). 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 221; M ih e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 24; H a a r m a n n 141; L a n d i Lat. 5 3 , 114.
to be ruptured, to have hernia. Based on PAlb *peta to be ruptured < *to widen, related to Gk Ttexvv'upi to widen, Lat pate to be open and the like. This word may be the first element of pjetposht downwards (for the second element see poshte). 0 F r isk II 520-521; WALDE-HOFMANN I 262; POKORNY 1 824-825.
p j e t e m refi,
piaf m , pl. plaf, plfnj wool blanket, ru g . A deverbative based on plah (D E M IR A J AE 324) and, apparently, of Geg origin. There existed also an older form plah. From the Proto-Albanian plural form *plaskai tai > *plaxai tai the Balkan and Carpathian Slavic *plax~bta sack, underskirt was borrowed. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 343 (to plhur)', JO K L Studien 69-70 (to Lat plectO to plait and its cognates); V A S M E R Alb. Wortforsch. 51-52 (to MHG vlies fleece); D e s n i c k a j a Slav. zaim. 11 (from Slav *plax-h); A B E J St. VII 230.
p l a g f, pl. plag wound. Borrowed from Lat plaga id. (M IK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 50). 0 M e y e r Wb. 343 (from early Ital *plaga > piaga)-, 0 M E Y E R -L B K E Gr. Grundri 2 I 1041 (from Italian), 1050; M i h e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 142; L a n d i L a r . 103, 113, 134.
plah ~ plaf a o r . plaha ~ piafa to cover. Goes back to PAlb *p(e)laska, inchoative formation related to Gk -KeXaq skin, Lith pala linen ker chief, piene thin skin, mem brane, ON fjall skin and the like. 0 F r a e n k e l 615; F r i s k I I 499-500; P o k o r n y I 803; D e m i r a j AE 323324 (from IE *pH-sco/e-).
332
PLA K
PLENG
plak m, pi.pleq old m a n . F rom P A lb *p(e)laka < *pehkos e ty m o lo g ic a lly c lo s e to Lith plkas g r e y < *plakos (SOLTA Sprache II 122124). F urther p a ra lle ls m ay b e g ro u p ed under IE *peh-, cf. Gk %o.t g rey , g r iz z le d and the lik e (BOPP 491; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 224). 0 CAMARDA I 46 (com p ares plak w ith Gk naXawc, o ld , a n cien t but the latter has n- < *&"-); MEYER Wb. 344 (rep eats CAMARDAs e ty m o lo g y ), Alb. St. Ill 31; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 328; P o r z ig Gliederung 204; FRAENKEL 591; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 115 (su ffix -k ); H am p Lan guage XXXIII 530-531 (in terp rets -k- as a con tinu ant o f * //); SOLTA Sprache I I / 1 122-126; F r is k II 575-576; P o k o r n y I 804-805; HULD 104-105; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 43; D e m ir a j AE 324. plang m board, plank. Borrowed from Lat planea board, slab. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 4 4 (from early Ital *planca > Piem pianca plank). plang m, pi. plangje property, building site, house, farm . Borrowed from Rom *planticus derived from Lat planto to set, to plant. 0 C A M A J Alb. Worth. 114. plas oj.plasa to burst, to split. From PAlb *platja, a denominative verb related to Skt prthii- broad, wide, Gk TCorr id., Lith plas id. 0 MEYER Wb. 3 4 4 (to Lith plsti to tear, Slav *pleskati to splash), Alb. St. Ill 13, 32; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 82 (to plis); F r a e n k e l 606-607; F risk I I 553-554; MAYRHOFER II 333; POKORNY I 833; DEMIRAJ AE 3 2 4 -3 2 5 . pleh ~ plh m, pl. plehra ~ plhna sw e e p in g s, dun g, ru b b ish . D e r iv ative o f plah. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 45 (from S la v *pelva m em brane, s k in ); S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 160 (a g re es w ith M e y e r ) ; JOKL LKUBA 129, IF XLIX 289; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 22 3 . peme f, pl. peme barn, h a y lo ft. B o r ro w e d from B u lg plemna id. < S lav *pelvbna (M e y e r Wb. 345). 0 OKL LKUBA 315 (fo llo w s M e y e r ). pleng m bandage. Borrowed from Slav *pel(e)nr ka id., deminutive b of *pelena cover. 0 V A S M E R III 228-229. pleng m baseness, disgraceful act. Metaphorically used pleng heavy object.
PLEN O
PLNDS
PLAN DS
333
plep m, pi .plepa
o f Lat ppulus id. (MlKLOSTCH Rom. Elemente 51; M e y e r Wb. 3 4 5 ). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1046; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 259; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 223; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 522; M ih e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 19; H a a r m a n n 143; L a n d i Lat. 64.
pleq
order, opinion).
tion o f IE *bhlus, cf. Lith blusa, S lav *bli>xa, G k x|/Aa, Arm lu <
*plus- (MEYER Wb. 34 5 , Alb. St. Ill 32, 62 ). 0 STIER KZ XI 244; BUGGE Beitrge 11; PEDERSEN IF V 33, KZ XXXIX 347; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 2 2 3 , Stratificazione 139; A c a r e a n HAB II 2 9 9 -3 0 0 ; PISANI Saggi 116, 121; TRUBACEV SSJa II 129-131; F r i s k I I 1 1 4 0 -1 1 4 1 ; FRAENKEL 5152; POKORNY I 102; D e m ir a j AE 325 (reco n stru cts *-ou- in the
root).
plevas aor.plevata to swim. Borrowed from Slav *plyvati id., cf. Bulg
plivam , SCr plivati ( D e s n i c k a j a Slav. zaim. 16). 0 SvANE 2 5 8 .
id.: B u lg plevnica (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 29; MEYER Wb. 3 4 5 ). 0 J o k l LKUBA 315 (fo llo w s MEYER); S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 151, 160; S v a n e 60.
334
P L IM
PLYM
PLOG
P I,O JE
PU. Hl R
PLU H U N
335
in -(i)m based on an unattested verb *plyej continuing PAlb *plnja to fill. The latter is related to IE *pl- full, to fill, cf. piote'. pliq m, pi. pliqe twisted woollen cord. Borrowed from Lat pie eta border of interwoven lines in relief, *plait. Note the development of -ct- >
*-jt- > -q-.
developping from leaning, lying without moving. 0 JOKL Studien 71 (from *p-log-, a prfixai form related to Lat neglegO to slight, to neglect - but -- of the first syllable left no traces), LKUBA 155; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 114, 122; S e il e r KZ CVI 2 (to Gk iyco to take account of); SZEMERNYI Syncope 144-160; BEEKES Laryngeals 26; DEMIRAJ AE 327.
p lo je f, pl. pio je slaughter, carnage. From *ploe < PAlb *pldga
p lis ni, pi.plisa clod of earth, sod, piece of turf. Continues PA lb *plitja,
a zero grade derivative in *-to- related to Sktphdlati to burst, to split, Lat spolium stripped skin or hide, spoil and other reflexes of IE *(s)pel(JOKL Studien 70-71, LKUBA 215). 0 MEYER Wb. 345 (from NGk jiXiv0oc brick); V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. I 43 (follows M e y e r ) ; W a l d e H o f m a n n II 577-578; M a y r h o f e r II 393; P o k o r n y I 985-987; ABEJ LP VIII 82 (to p ill'"l' P A M A T Alh W n r f h 9.0 c a m p a s C H P l V ) f m a n n II 322; P o k o r n y I 799; K l in g e n s c h m it t TILA Schw. 145; HULD 105; DEMIRAJ AE 327-328 (related
>i).
related to Gk 7iXr|yrj blow , Lat plaga blow, slaughter. 0 WALDEH o f m a n n II 315; F r isk II 561-562; P o k o r n y I 832.
p iote adj. full. From PAlb *plta identical with IE *pleto- full derived
from *peh- to fill: Skt preitd-, Lat com-pltus (CAMARDA 1 59, 138; MEYER Wb. 345, Alb. St. Ill 23, 32). 0 JOKL Studien 71, Sprache IX
,O>, ,T , V ,4,
X. T
plis m, pl.plisa
318;
pellis id ., G k
id ., S la v *pblstb id.
275-276;
F r is k II
536;
VASMER III
pl.plor plowshare; prow. Borrowed from NGk rcXobpri St. II 4 3 -4 4 ). 0 M a k u Se v Vars. Univ. Izv. 1871 122 tgarb)\ M e y e r Wb. 3 4 6 (adduces MLat plovum plow Germanic but prefers M a k u Se v s explanation); OSTIR ;to OHG pflug id.); M e r in g e r IF XVII 113 (borrowed I. pflua plow < Pflug id.); SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 255 i); JOKL l.KUBA 130-141 (suggests a segmentation *pT a g l ia v in t Dalmazia 2 2 9 (against JOKL); DEMIRAJ
W a ld e - H o f m a n n II
P okorny I
830.
plish m. pl.plisha
*plsi- co n n ecte d w ith Lith pl(i)tss r e e d ( a b e j St. II 43). 0 J o k l LKUBA 32-33, 215-216 (to plis), Slavia XIII 309 (fro m *(s)phel- to s p lit ; re co n stru cts *plosio- > plish); FRAENKEL 628; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 114; J a n s o n Unt. 183; OREL Sprache XXXI 285, Koll. Idg. Ges. 351 (-sh- < *-s- a cco rd in g to the ru k i ru le); DEMIRAJ AE 326.
plit f, pi. plita sun-dried brick. Borrowed from Slav *plita plate,
e plow. Borrowed from Slav *plugT> id., cf. in South ig, SCr plug (M e y e r Wb. 346). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naseVANE 28. dust, powder. A phonetic development of *plhur ^ed from pleh. 0 CAMARDA I 70 (related to Lat pulvis ); MEYER Wb. 346 (from Rom *pluverem < Lat pulER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 21 1053 (same as M e y e r ); Z XX 251; T a g l i a v i n i Origini 239, 366; a b f j St. VII in 144.
Lm
slab, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg plita, SCr plita (SVANE 63). plog m, pl. plogje gran ary, barn, h e a p . F rom PAlb *plaga related to Gk nXyio p laced sid e w a y s, slo p in g , le a n in g , Lat plaga quarter, r e g io n (OREL Fort. 79). For the sem an tic d ev elo p m en t, cf. Slav *kletb b arn < IE *klei- to lean, to be in c lin e d . 0 JOKL Studien 71-72 (from IE *pl-g-, to *ple- fu ll); F r is k I I 547; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 114 (related to plot)\ W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 314; P o k o r n y I 832-833; D e m ir a j AE 326 (b o rro w ed fro m B u lg blog ).
p lo g adj. la z y . H isto r ica lly id en tica l w ith plog, the m ea n in g la z y
336
P L U M B ----- P O
PO R
plum b m, pl. plumba lead . B orrow ed from Lat plumbum id. (CAMARDA 1 198; M ik lo sic h Rom. Elemente 50; M ey er Wb. 3 46). 0 M e y e r -LU b k e
Gr. Grundri 2 I 1046, 1054; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 224; MlHESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 142; L a n d i Lat. 115, 141. plusk m blizzard; fine flour; dust. Other variants are plusk, pllusk, plysk. Borrowed from Slav *pluska bubble, hull, husk, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg p i uska, SCr pljuska (MIKLOSICH Slav. Ele mente 2 9 ). 0 SVANE 174. pllaj f, p i. pila ja upland, gentle slope. Borrowed from Rom *plagius id. (Rum piai, Ita! piaggia and the like), cf. JOKL LKUBA 1 7 4 -1 7 5 . pllang f, pi . pllanga supporting beam, support, lever; spot, m ark. A more phonetically conservative variant is pllang which is a dialec tal form of pllmb ~ pllamb. pllashic f. pl. pllashica whitefish. Borrowed from Slav *plaSica kind of fish, cf. Bulg plasica. 0 S v a n e 152. pllaz m sole of plow. Borrowed from Slav *polz-h id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg plaz, SCr plaz (SVANE 2 8 ). pllenoj aor. pile nova to make pregnant (of animals). A recent deriv ative of pile - pile (see pelle). pllo f, pl. plloa flat stone, slab. Borrowed from Slav *ploca id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg ploca id., SCr ploca id. (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 29; M e y e r Wb. 3 4 3 ). pllosk f, pi. plloska flat wooden bottle, wooden vessel. Other vari ants are pllock and pllok. Borrowed from Slav *ploska id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg ploska, SCr ploska (M e y e r Wb. 3 4 3 ). 0 S e l i Sc ev Slav, naselenie 154; SVANE 69; M u r a t i Probleme 132. pllymz
f,
po ~ por adv. yes; so, well, conj. but. Borrowed from Lat porro then, moreover; but (MEYER Wb. 3 4 6 ). The loss of the final -r seems to be explained by the permanent unstressed position of the conjunction.
P O B R A T IM
P O L IC E
337
I 314 (com parison with Skt pura- p osterior, la ter or with Lat porro fu rth er); M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1045; TAGLI AVINI Dalmazia 225.
pobratim m friend, adopted brother. Other variants are probatim, prohotim, probatin. Borrowed from Slav *pobratinvb adopted brother', cf. in South Slavic: Bulg pobratim, SCr pobratim (MEYER Wb. 3 5 4 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 184; Jo k l Slavia X III 307; M a n n Lan guage X V II 12; S v a n e 187. po m, pi.poe, poa pot, vase, vessel. A cultural term derived from pot. 0 MEYER Wb. 350 (to Fr pot, Spanish pote pot). pod m. pi. story, floor, cellar. Borrowed from Slav *pod-b bottom, ground, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg pod, SCr pod (V A S M E R Alb. Wortforsch. 5 2 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 148; S v a n e 55. pohoj
a o r. pohova
pojak m, pi. pojak field guard. Another variant is polak. Borrowed from Slav *polak man related to the field, cf. in South Slavic: SCr b poljak field guard (MEYER Wb. 347). 0 S e l i Scev Slav, naselenie 181, 302; S v a n e 197. pojat f, pi. pojara cabin, shack, cattle-pen, porch'. Borrowed at an early stage from Slav *polata palace, building, tent, cf. OCS polata. From Albanian, this word - as a shepherding term - was passed to Rum poiat and other Carpathian and Balkan languages. 0 OKDA Voprosnik 38; S v a n e 63. pokrov f, pi. pokrova clo th , sh e e t. B o r ro w e d from S la v *pokrovh c o v e r , cf. B u lg pokrov, SCr pokrov (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 29; M e y e r Wb. 347). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 174, 325. poi m, pi. pola fold; door-hinge. Another variant is pot'. Borrowed from Slav *pola fold, cf. Bulg pola, SCr pola (M e y e r Wb. 347). 0 S v a n e 49. polic f, pi. polica shelf, ledge. Borrowed from Slav *po!ica id., cf.
338
POLLE
P O R O S IT
South S la v ic con tinu ants: B u lg polica , SC r polica (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 29; MEYER Wb. 3 4 7 ). 0 S e l i Sc e V Slav, naselenie 149; SVANE
66 .
p o ll f, pi .polla apron. Historically identical with pol. p o n ic f, pl. ponica flower pot; oven, stove. Borrowed from Slav
*podbnica 'pot, oven, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg podnica, ponica (M ik l o sic h Slav. Elemente 30; MEYER Wb. 3 4 7 -3 4 8 ). 0 SELlScEV Slav, naselenie 149, 153-1 5 5 ; SVANE 72.
p o n is doT.ponita to honor, to respect. Borrowed from Slav *pombniti
to remember, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg pom na, SCr pomniti. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 47 (from SCr poniziti se to let oneself down).
p op m, pi.popa Orthodox priest. Borrowed from South Slavic: Bulg pop id., SCr pop id. (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 30). p o p l i\p\.popla b ou ld er, p e b b le . A d esc rip tiv e stem sim ilar to that o f OE popel p e b b le and the lik e. 0 CAMARDA II 73 (to G k 7 to(i(pD^ water b ubble); JOKL Studien 72, LKUBA 215 (to IE *(s)phel- to sp lit); a b e j St. VII 2 2 2 -2 2 3 ; D e m ir a j AE 32 9 . popull m, pi.popuj people. Borrowed from L atpopulus id. (MIKLOSICH
0 a b e j St. VII 21 8 . porend m, pi.porenda thorn h ed ge. B orrow ed from Slav *pordi, order, r o w (D e s n ic k a j a Slav. zaim. 12). 0 S v a n e 5 9.
p o r e z m, pi. poreza tax. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg
p o r az, porez, SCr porez id. (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 30; MEYER Wb. 3 4 8 ).
p o ro sit hot. porosit to ord er, to d em a n d . A n ea rly lo a n w o rd fro m S la v *porciti (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 30; MEYER Wb. 3 4 8 ) w ith S la v * -c - > P A lb *-ts- > -s-. 0 JOKL LKUBA 93; S e l i S c e v Slav, nase-
PO RTE
POSTAK AT
339
tenie 181, 293; HAMPLXTV/2 15; OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 68; S v a n e 239. port f, pi .porta door. Borrowed from Lat porta id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 51; MEYER Wb. 348). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri21 1045; M ih e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 19; a bej St. VII 216; H a a r m a n n 143; L a n d i Lat. 60, 114. porriq m leek. Borrowed from Rom *porricium derived from porrum id. Another derivative Rom *porrnum is the source of porri ~ porri id. (M e y e r Wb. 3 4 8 ). 0 H a a r m a n n 143. porre m honeycomb stomach, reticulum . Derive from porr stove, oven continuing PAlb *pr related to G k fut. 7 tpf|oco to burn, to set on fire, Slav *pari> vapor, steam. 0 P o k o r n y I 809; F r is k II 538-539; V a s m e r III 203. porris aor. porrita to extinguish, to destroy. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. SCr pobrisati to blur, to efface (M e y e r Wb. 3 4 9 ). Note the development of the cluster -hr- > -rr-. porropi f devastation, ruin, misadventure. Other variants a re poropi, perupi. The word is identical with prrpi precipice, drop', prrpir ~ prrpin id., deverbatives based on an unattested prfixai *prrjep, cf. rjep. 0 XllUVANI apud a bej St. II 44 (from NGk aTtpjieia inconvenience); ABEJ St. II 44 (from NGk porcr| inclination, decline). posae adv. especially, separately. A compound of posa ~ porsa just, hardly, scarcely (from po and sa) and . Its synonym pos is an allegro form of posa. 0 M e y e r Wb. 266 (pos from SCr *po se, cf. na po se separate, singular); a b e j St. II 4 4 (agrees with MEYER). postai m stone trough. Borrowed from Slav *postavr id., cf. in South b Slavic: Bulg postav, and in a different meaning SCr postav (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 30; MEYER Wb. 349). 0 S e l i Sc ev Slav, naselenie 154;
S v a n e 67.
postafat adv. on purpose, deliberately. Based on *postave borrowed from Slav Spostava something set.
340
POSTAHE
POTERE
Slav *postaja bed cover, cf SCr postaje. The meaning of the word may have been influenced by a Turkism postiqe id. 0 MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 30; M e y e r Wb. 349 (from SCr postav cloth, kerchief); S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 174; JOKL IF XLIX 288 (follows MEYER); ABEJ St. II 45 (on postiqe); S v a n e 48.
p o sta s aor. postata to weaken, to exhaust. Borrowed from S la v
*postati, cf. Bulg postan id. ( D e s n ic k a j a Slav. zaim. 16: recon structs *po-ustati). 0 S v a n e 263. postt m, pi. postate garden plot, bed. Borrowed from Slav *postatb id., cf. SCr postt (M ey er Wb. 349). 0 S v a n e 59.
p o str e ~ p o str f, pi .postre ~ postr shelter, porch. Another variant
is postreh. Borrowed from Slav *postrxa, a prfixai derivative of *strxa roof reflected in Albanian as streh ( S e l i Sc e v Slav, nase lenie 148). Cf. SCr postresiti to thatch. 0 S v a n e 54.
p o su ll f bill, slip, note, letter. Other variants are pusull, pusoll, pustull. An early borrowing from Slav *posyla. 0 MEYER Wb. 349 (from Slav *pos-blT> m essenger). p osh t adv. down, below, prep, under. Borrowed from Lat post, poste
behind, back (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 51; MEYER Wb. 3 4 9 ) with a radical change of meaning corresponding to other similar shifts in the Albanian system of prepositions and adverbs. The adjective poshtr mean; low er is derived from posht. 0 G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 21 (to Skt pas'c- back, posterior); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 2 9 0 (to prposh and, further, to loc. pl. *pd-su down, at the feet), Kelt. Gr. I 5 0 , 181; JOKL Studien 5 9 -6 0 , LKUBA 3 2 -3 3 , Festschr. Kretschmer LXXXVIII; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 231; a b e j * . II 4 5 -4 6 (follows P e d e r s e n ) , HI 114; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 142; H a a r m a n n 143; H am p ZfceltPh XXXIV 2 0 -2 2 ; D e m ir a j AE 3 2 9 -3 3 0 .
pot m, pi .pota mill-hopper, flour-bin; little boy. Borrowed from Rom *pottus pot > Fr pot. 0 MEYER Wb. 349 (from Turk pota id. of Romance
PO TK
PRANO J
341
Slavic *potera id., cf. Bulg poter, SCr patera (MEYER Wb. 349). potk f, pl. potka scarecrow, boundary mark, landm ark. Borrowed from Slav *poti.ka landm ark, cf. SCr potka kind of boundary m ark (SeliScev Slav, naselenie 182). 0 SVANE 206. pothuaj ~ pothue adv. nearly, almost. A univerbation of 2 sg .po thuaj you say (M a n n HAED 397). 0 ABEJ St. II 46 (repeats M a n n s expla nation). pra adv. so, therefore. Results of an erroneous segmentation or of the allegro reduction of Old Albanian prashtu id., prato id. (BUZUKU) continuing *pr ashtu, *pr ato. 0 JOKL Studien 80 (to OCS proce there fore). praf m dust, powder . Borrowed from Slav ^poixh id., ct. South Slavic continuants: Bulg prax, SCr prah (SVANE 164, 239). prafullim f, pi. prafullima spark (thrown out of an engine). Dever bative of prafulloj to toast, to singe derived from praf. 0 a b e j St. VII 221. prag m, pi.pragje threshold. A parallel form is prak. Borrowed from Slav *porgT> id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg prag, SCr prag (M ik lo sic h Slav. Elemente 30; M e y e r Wb. 350). 0 S e li Sc e v Slav, nase lenie 148; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 226; H a m p L S X IV /2 13; S v a n e 53. pran adv. alongside, beside, nearby, prep, near, by. Goes back to pr an. prandaj conj. th e re fo r e, th u s. G o e s b ack to *pr andaj (CAMARDA I 306; M e y e r Wb. 11). 0 a b e j St. II 46-47. prang f, pi.pranga fetter, chain, handcuff. Borrowed from Gmc *prangaconstriction, cramping", cf. Germ Pranger pillory (MEYER Wb. 3 5 0 -3 5 1 ). 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 63 (from Ital spranga bolt);
K l u g e 5 6 2 -5 6 3 .
342
PRAPA
PREHR
PREHN
PREJ
PRES
343
noi id. derived 7 V i l i/ 1-2 45). St. I li 3 1, 72; .e. to swallow one 95 ; F r i s k
n rana ariv h ack, b ack w ard s. 1 -------- J L" o f the sam e w ord exp lain ed by accentual m od ification s in P roto-A lb an ian is prap b ack , again , the other w ay ro u n d . C o n tin u es *per apa
the lo c a tiv e Gk npa'i ea rly , in the m o r n in g = OHG / from IE *p r fo rw a rd , in front o f, b e fo r e (O r e l FL 0 M e y e r Wb. 353 (to S la v *prg@ to tig h te n ), Alb ABEJ St. II 4 8 (co m p a res w ith Lith sprigti to chol c o n n ected w ith S lav *prg); TAGLIAVINI Stratificaz, II 6 0 7 -6 0 8 ; P o k o r n y I 8 14.
~ *pr ape', the se co n d co m p o n en t b ein g h isto r ic a lly id en tical w ith pa (BOPP 502; CAMARDA I 306; MEYER Wb. 351). T h e P ro to -A lb a n ian form m ust h ave b een *per apa or *pra apa. JOKL MRFW I 302, IF XXXVII 108; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 187-188; C a m a j Alb. Worth. I l l ; H a m p Laryngeals 125 (to hap)\ D em ir a j AE 330-332. praqe pl. tantum stirrups. Semantically modified plural of prak, v a r i a n t o f prag. praroj aor .prarova to gild. From *pr-aroj, denominative of ar (M EYER Wb. 14). prashis aor.prashita to hoe over, to rake over, to cultivate. Borrowed from Slavic *porsi ti to turn into dust, to cover with dust, to hoe, cf. Bulg prasa, SCr prasiti (M e y e r Wb. 3 5 1 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 158; SVANE 7 7 , 2 3 9 . pravulloj a o r . pravullova. to boil down, to boil, to wash in hot w ater. Continues *per-avulIoj, a denominative based on avidi. pre f, pi. preja p rey , b o o ty , p lu n d e r. B o r ro w e d from Lat praeda id. (M e y e r Wb. 351). 0 MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 143; L a n d i Lat. 7 1 . pregjim m 'party on the occasion of child-birth; visit paid to m ourn ers after a death. Other variants are prgim, prgjim. A regular dever bative of prgjoj. 0 E n d z e l in KZ XLV 230 (to Lith gimti to give birth, Latv dzimt id.); a b e j St. II 4 7 -4 8 (from MGk Kp(toyvvri|a.a first birth); D e m ir a j AE 332 (agrees with a b e j ). preh ~ pref a o r . preha ~ prefa to sharpen. Continues *pr-eh, a pr fixai derivative of eh (M EY ER Wb. 352). 0 A B EJ St. VII 239. prehaluq adj. emaciated. A suffixal derivative of preh. 0 II 48 (contamination of preh and hale).
A B EJ
bic PAlb *prei rning = OHG ire, cf. preh'r. ve of an adver;htaw ay\ Slav tio n s o f fpro -); M e y e r Wb. %SMER III 373.
te a r th e
prej prep, to, towards; from, out of. In fact, from disili identical with the locative Gk jtptoi early, in the m< fruoi id. derived from IE *pr forward, in front of, be!
prek aoT.preka to touch. From PAlb *praka, a drivt bial *pra-k- related to Gk rcpica forthwith, strai *prokr rem ainder, rem aining and sim ilar form; h forw ard. 0 CAMARDA I 242 (analyzes prek as *pre-l 352 (to Gk 7tpexoaco to do, to w ork); FRISK II 599; V
sun.
prell m sunny side. Borrowed from Gk napT|Xio premte ~ prmte f Friday. Other variants are ( T ) prem Deverbative based on premtoj in its unattested meanin to prepare in advance and representing a translation of getting ready, preparing; Friday. 0 MEYER Wb. 26 T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 227. premtoj
aor .premiava to p r o m ise . B o r ro w e d from
La
to Lith perih, \ I 42; M e y e r 4; T a g l i a v i n i y I 819; H am p eh). etymologically prant, prsti prfixai verb Lai verb related
pres aor. preva to c u t. F rom P A lb *p(e)retja relatec petti to beat, to th u m p , Gk rcpico to s a w (CAMARD Wb. 3 5 3 , Alb. St. Ill 31, 7 2 ). 0 SCHMIDT KZ L 243-2 Dalmazia 2 2 7 ; FRAENKEL 5 7 8 ; FRISK II 596; POKORN KZ LXXVI 135; H u l d 105; D e m ir a j AE 3 3 2 -3 3 3 (to
St.
pres aor. prta to wait, to expect. Continues PAlb *pratjc related to Goth frapjan to think, to understand, Lit! to get used, to understand. 0 CAMARDA I 143 (a related to IE *es- to be); B u G G E BB XVIII 169 (a prefi
344
PRESH
P R IE R
to Lat em to b u y, to p u r ch a se); B a r i ARSt I 9 0 (to OIr 3 sg. frith is foun d ); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 228; FRAENKEL 6 4 6 -6 4 7 ; F eist Goth. 165-1 6 6 ; P o k o r n y I 845; H a m p KZ LXXVI 135 (fro m IE *prkto-, to *prek- to a sk ).
presh m, pi. presh leek. Borrowed from Gk jiptxoov id. (THUMB IF XXVI 19). 0 m ih e s c u RESEE IV /3-4 350; a b e j St. VII 278, 281. prev f, pi .preva op en w a y , track, fo r d . B o rro w ed from Lat prlvum (iter) private (road, p a ssa g e ). 0 CAMARDA I 27 (id en tica l w ith treve); MEYER Wb. 353 (repeats CAMARDAs identification); V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 5 2 -5 4 ; ABEJ St. V II 184, 23 3 . prj ~ prj aor. prjta ~ prjta to incline, to cling to, to lean; to infect. The semantic development to cling > to infect is quite frequent, cf. E to stick. The original meaning of PAlb *per(i)-anja appears to be to incline, to bend to the side. It is derived from an. 0 ABEJ St. II 46 (separates prj to infect and connects it with j). prj ~ prj aor. prjta ~ prjta to comfort, to soothe. Goes back to PAlb *prainja related to Skt prlnati to please, Goth frijn to love, Slav *prijati id. and the like. 0 MEYER Wb. 5 (to j); FEIST Goth. 168; M a y r h o f e r II 380; V a s m e r III 369; P o k o r n y I 844. prndver ~ prandver f spring. Borrowed from Rom *prima vera (> Ital primavera, Rum primvar), cf. MEYER Wb. 4 6 6 . 0 M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 5 2 (from Ital primavera); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 226; M i h e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 19; H a a r m a n n 144; L a n d i Lat. 108. prnjk f, pl. prnjka freckle, sunspot. A derivative in -k of PAlb *priknja related to Skt prsni- spotted, speckled, Gk nepicv dark, spotted, W erch spotted and the like. 0 MAYRHOFER II 336; F r is k II 515-516; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 43; P o k o r n y I 820-821; a b e j St. II 46 (derived from prj ~ prj). prier aor. prora to incline, to lean, to turn aside. Goes back to PAlb *per(i)-era, a prfixai verb etymologically related to Hitt armimi to move, to shift, Skt fnoti to arise, to m ove, Gk opvu(a.i to stir up, Lat orior to rise. 0 CAMARDA I 56-57 (a prfixai verb to be com
P R IF T
P R IM )
345
pared with Gk eipoo to raise); M ey er Wb. 354 (a prfixai verb related to Gk Xco to drive, to set in motion); F risk II 422-424; MAYRHOFER I 122; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 222-223; P o k o r n y I 326-328.
p rift m, pl .priftr, priftrinj ~ priftna, priftinj priest. Borrowed from
Lat presbyter id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 52; MEYER Wb. 353). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1044; JOKL Slavia XIII 287 (on the Dalmatian Latin source); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 228; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 534; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 19; HAARMANN 143; H a m p SCL XX XII/4 425-428; L a n d i Lat. 102, 121, 130.
prij ~ prj aor. prina, priva to lead. Borrowed from Lat praelre to
resenting a caique of South Slavic *vada irrigation ditch (Bulg vada, SCr vada) related to *ved, '*vesti to lead. 0 KRISTOFORIDHI 345 (from *pr-ij); a b e j St. IV 85.
prij f, pl. prija onion-bed. Usually, in a phrase prij qepsh id. Bor
mente 2; M e y e r Wb. 353). 0 M ih e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 12; Ha a r m a n 111; L a n d i Lat. 118, 177.
p rim e pi. folk rem edies. Deverbative of proj to guard, to defend ( a b e j St. II 4 8 ). prind m, pl .prind, prindr ~ prindn father, parent. Borrowed from Lat parentem id. (CAMARDA I 42; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 47; M e y e r Wb. 353). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. G rundri21 1044,1047, 1054; T a g l ia v in i Origini 189; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 140; L a n d i Lat. 51, 116, 143-145.
346
P R IN G J
PROJ
pringj m chief, prince. Borrowed from *prince(s) < Lat princeps chief (M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 52; M e y e r Wb. 353). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1044; HAARMANN 144. priqe pi. arthritis. Another variant is pri ~ pr. A suffixal deriv ative of prij. priskoj aor priskova to besprinkle. A relatively recent denominative formation based on *prisk(). The latter was borrowed from Slav *pryskb sprinkling otherwise unattested in South Slavic where its variant *prhskb, *prr bskati is attested. prish aor. prisha to destroy, to spoil, to waste. From PAlb *prisa related to Gk itpico to saw (MEYER Wb. 353, Alb. Si. HI 31, 61, 72). 0 JOKL Studien 72-73 (adds Germanic parallels: OHG freisa danger, destruction and the like), LKUBA 24; PISANI Saggi 119; ABEJ St. II 49-50; FRISK II 596 (doubts the validity of the Greek - Albanian com parison); POKORNY I 846; ABEJ St. II 49, V II206, 228; O r e l Sprache XXXI 280, Koll. Idg. Ges. 351 (-sh- < *-s- according to the ruki rule); DEMIRAJ AE 333-334 (to IE *per- to strike). privoj aor. privova to rob'. Borrowed from Lat privare id. priz f, pi. priza gutter. Derived from prije. probatesh f, pi. probatesha adopted sister. An innovative feminine in -esh based on the recomposition of probatin, see pobratim. prodhoj aor. prodhova to produce. Borrowed from Lat prdre id. (M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 52). 0 M e y e r Wb. 266 (to mbrodh). profk f, pi. profka splitting fruit; water spray; twaddle, bluff. Another variant is prok blunder, slip of the tongue. From Bulg procka wicket-gate in various metaphoric meanings. 0 JOKL LKUBA 9 (to prj), Slavia XIII 289. prog m, pi. progje nail. A secondary fonetic variant of prok. proj slot, prova to guard, to defend; to precede, to anticipate, to take precaution. Borrowed from Lat parare to make ready; to defend,
PRO K E
P R R ID H
347
the meaning to defend being typical of Romance languages (Ital parare, Fr parer), cf. ABEJ St. II 48. A noun proj meaning at the same time defense and booty is a deverbative. 0 MEYER Wb. 369 (to ruaj or from Lat prohibir to hold back, to prevent). prok f, pl. proka nail, fork. Borrowed, with an unusual unvoicing of the anlaut, from Rom *brocca, *broccia fork, roasting-spit, cf. Ital dial, brocca, Fr broche) < fern. *brocca projecting (of teeth) (MEYER Wb. 3 5 4 ). prosek m , pl. prosiqe hut for cattle to be rounded up. Together with proseqe chips, chippings (from pruned tree) is a Slavic loanword from *prosek-b kind of axe; opening, cutting (in a forest), cf. Bulg prosek, SCr prosijek (ABEJ St. II 5 0 ). The meaning represented in Albanian is not attested in South Slavic. It has obviously developed from section, something cut out. 0 S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 151 (from Bulg prosek section in a barn). prozhm m, pl. small wood, community forest. Another, and more phonetically archaic, variant is proshm. This word for the *nearest forest > community forest is borrowed from Lat proximus nearest. 0 MEYER Wb. 355 (from South Slav *suma forest); BARlC ARSt I 75 (from *kseuma related to Slav *suma); ABEJ St. II 5 0 -5 1 (bor rowed from Slav *b r ts fh brushwood). prozhmoj aor.prozhmova to slander, to libel. As in prozhm, a more conservative variant is proshmoj. It is borrowed from Lat proximre to come near, to approach with a complicated semantic development, presumably: to get close > to know intimately > to slander. 0 C a m a r d a I 322 (to Gk *rcpo-ai|acD, cf. oi|ico to turn up the nose, to sneer at - but Greek loanwords are not adapted as verbs in -oj); MEYER Wb. 355 (from Slav *sum-b noise); ABEJ St. II 51 (identi cal with prmoj to despise derived from moj). prridh aor.prridha to suffocate. Continues a prfixai verb *pr-ridh with a root unattested in an unbound form and continuing PAlb *reida related to Gk peico to prop, to push'. 0 F r is k I 551; P o k o r n y I 860.
348
PRROSK
P IK
prrosk f, pi . prroska brook, mountain stream . Derivative in -sk of pernia (JOKL LKUBA 220, 327). prush m ember, glowing coal. From PAlb *prus etymologically related to Lat pruna id. < *prusn, Skt plosati to burn (MEYER Wb. 355, Alb. St. Ill 31, 61). 0 C a m a r d a I 52 (to Gk rcp fire); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 231; SCHULZE Kl. Sehr. 479; POKORNY I 846; MANN Lan guage XXVI 388 (to Latv prksts hot ash); DEMIRAJ AE 334-335. pshertij aor. pshertiva to sigh, to moan. Other variants are pshertoj and pshertis. Borrowed, with a metathesis in the phonetically complicated anlaut, from Rom *suspritre, cf. Lat suspirare to sigh ( M e y e r Wb. 3 5 6 ). 0 a b e j St. VII 221. pshiklloj aor. pshikllova to beat with a cane. Another variant is fshikulloj. Derived from fshikull whip borrowed from Rom *fisticula, cf. Lat fistula reed, cane. pshoj aor. pshova to sigh, to m oan. A back formation of *pshire < Lat suspirium sigh, cf. pshertij. pshurr a o r . pshurra to urinate. From *pr-shurr, a prfixai deriva tive of shurr. purr r, pi .p u g n a blister, pimple. Together with pug hair parting and pugis to contort (face), goes back to SCr puciti to split. pufk f, pi. pufka bubble, blister. A derivative of *puf ~ puh bor rowed from SCr puha id. The latter is connected with SCr puhati to blow (up) which, in its turn, has been borrowed to Albanian as puhas id. Finally, puhi light breeze also belongs here (MEYER Wb. 356). puft adj. empty, hollow. Appears only in a context arre' pufte empty nut. Borrowed from Lat fem. puncta punctured, having a hole. puk adj. foolish. Borrowed from Lat pblicus public; common, ordi nary, bad. puk f promenade, public way. Borrowed from Lat piiblica (via) public
P U I.E G R
PUN
349
w a y (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 53; MEYER Wb. 356). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 21 1054; HAARMANN 144.
pulegr f, pl.pulegra dwarf bustard. Based on *pulege borrowed from one of Italian or Dalmatian continuations of Rom *pullicus, cf. pullus young fowl, chick. pulendr - pulandr f, pl. pulendra ~ pulandra maize porridge. Another variant is pullndr ~ pullandr. Based on *pullnd borrowed from Lat polenta peeled barley, pearl-barley. pul f, pi. pula hen'. Borrowed from Rom *pulla hen (cf. Fr poule), see C a m a r d a 1 172; M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 53; M e y e r Wb. 356357. As to pulk turkey; pullet, it is borrowed from Bulgpulka pullet. 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 21 1046, 1050, 1054; 3OKL LKUBA 219; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 232; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 144. pulisht m, pl. pulishta donkeys colt. Another variant is polisht. Derived from *pul borrowed from Lat pullus foal (MEYER Wb. 357). pulp f, p\. pulpa calf (of leg). Borrowed from Lat pulpa flesh (M ik losich Rom. Elemente 53; MEYER Wb. 356). 0 M ey er -L b k e Gr. Grund ri 2 I 1046; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 144. pulqyer m,pl.pulqer thumb; dw arf. Another variant i s pulqer. B or rowed from Lat pollicris belonging to a thumb (MEYER Wb. 357). 0 CAMARDA I 345 (reconstructs Rom *pollicer); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1043; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 251; MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 143; L a n d i Lat. 39, 83. pullndr - pullandr f washing water, lye. A singularized plural of *pulland borrowed from Lat perlavantem washing thoroughly. pullaz m, pl.pullaze r o o f. A secondary variant o f pllas p a la ce (ABEJ II 51-52), w ith the h y p erco rrect v o ic in g o f the auslaut. 0 M e y e r Wb. 356 (varian t o f lpoz r o o f, r o o f-tim b e r s, c f. lpiz); JOKL LKUBA 86-88 (fo llo w s M e y e r ) . pun f, pl. pun work, thing. A participle in -ne of an unattested verb
350
FU N JA S H E
PUQ
*puaj continuing PAlb *pnja. The latter is related to Gk 7ievo|iou to strain, to work on' and its deverbative rcvo work, labor' (H a h n I 2 5 1 , II 2 8 ) with uncertain further links. 0 BUGG E XVIII 1 8 8 -1 8 9 (borrowed from Gk rcvo); M e y e r Wb. 3 5 7 , Alb. St. Ill 2 9 , 58 (to Gk otcout) haste, speed), IV 4 5 (against BUGGE); JOKL Studien 3; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVIII 2 0 0 (follows M e y e r ) ; L a P ia n a St. Varia 23; T h u m b IF XXVI 8 1 -8 2 (criticizes BUGGE); SCHMIDT KZ LVII 6 (to Slav *pditi to push, to press); BARI ARSt I 86 (from *oposn, to Lat opus work); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 225 (disputes B a r i c s view); L a P ia n a Studi I 73; P is a n i Saggi 103, 121; T r e im e r KZ LXV 9 4 (to Lat pugno to fight); ClMOCHOWSKl St. IE 46; F r is k II 504-506; CAMAJ Alb.Wortb. 65 (to *spend- to puli); KLINGENSCHMITT Mnch. St. Spr. XL 102; ABEJ II 5 2 -5 3 (two possibilities are suggested: H a h n s ety mology or comparison with Lat pondus weight), IV 58; LBERG IF LXXIII 212; H u l d 156, 165; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 40; OREL Z a lk XXIII 145; D e m ir a j AE 3 3 5 -3 3 6 .
pup f, pi.pupa breast, teat; tassel, bud. Borrowed from Rom *puppa
teat (cf. OFr poupe, Ital poppa), see M e y e r Wb. 358. Derived from pup is puprr boil, furuncle (TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 233). 0 DURIDANOV Trakite 80 (to Thr *pupa); DEMIRAJ AE 336.
( M e y e r Wb.
3 5 7 -3 5 8 ). From its derivative pupz id. Rum pupz was borrowed. 0 H a a r m a n n 156.
pup f, pi .pupa stern. Borrowed from Lat puppis id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 53; M e y e r Wb. 3 5 7 ). 0 HAARMANN 144. puprroj aor.puprrova to hoe over. Borrowed, with dissimilation of
liquids, from Lat preparare to prepare, in this case - to prepare the field (for sowing).
puq aor. puqa to fit together. From PAlb *pukja, a denominative related
P IR O ]
PU SH K
351
II 6 2 2 -6 2 3 ; P o k o r n y I 849.
puroj aor.purova to calm, to pacify, to defend. Borrowed from Rom
Sparare to defend (JOKL Studien 112). 0 MEYER Wb. 2 6 7 (from Rom *barrare to bar).
p u rtek f, pi.purteka rod, stick. Borrowed, with a metathesis of -ru-
> -ur-, from one of the South-East continuants of Slav *prgt'bk'b rod, bush, cf. Bulg prbtak, SCr prutak (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 31; M eyer Wb. 358-359). 0 SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 244 (from Lat pertica)-, ABEJ St. VII 244.
purth m diarrhea. Derivative in -th of PAlb *purwa related to Lith
well (MEYER Wb. 3 5 9 ). 0 MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 31 (from Slavic), Rom. Elemente 51 (from Ital pozzo id.); ; M e y e r -LU b k e Gr. G rundri2 1 1046, 1051; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 233; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 19; S v a n e 144; L a n d i Lat. 125, 139.
push m fluff, down, nap, pile. Continues PAlb *pusa < *puksja ety
mologically connected with Skt piiccha- tail < *puksko-, Slav * p i t x h down < *poukso- ( a b e j II 5 3 , IV 2 1 9 ) going back to IE *puk- ~ *peuk- covered with hair, bushy. 0 CAMARDA I 345; M e y e r Wb. 359 (borrow ing from Turk pu$ to cover; cover); POKORNY I 849; M a y r h o f e r II 2 9 8 -2 9 9 ; V a s m e r III 414; A d a m s JIES X V I /1 - 2 7 1 72; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 351 (on the ruki rule in push).
p u sh k f, pl. pushk rifle, gun. Borrowed from Slavic, cf. Bulg puska, SCr puska (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 31; M e y e r Wb. 3 5 9 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 172; H am p LB X I V /2 13; S v a n e 204.
352
PU SH O J
PYES
pushoj aor. pushova to have a rest. Borrowed from Lat pausare to halt, to rest (in the grave) (PHILIPPIDE Or. Rom. II 660) developping the meaning of resting in Romance, cf. Ital posare. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 51 (from Ital posare)', M e y e r Wb. 359 (from Latin or from Ital posare); M e y e r -L b k e Gr. G rundri21 1049; H ELB IG .Ib1RS X 127 (agrees with MEYER); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 233; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 19; HAARMANN 143. pushtet in, pl.pushtete power. Borrowed from Lat potestatem id. (MIK LOSICH Rom. Elemente 51; MEYER Wb. 359, Alb. St. IV 10). The verb pushtoj continues Roin Spotestare. The dialectal form of the verb poshtroj ~ pshtroj results from an erroneous etymological link with shtroj. 0 CAMARDA I 178 (to Gk O T p c i)v v u (u to spread); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1043; WEIGAND BA I 261 (pushtoj < *pushtet-oj); M i h e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 24; H a a r m a n n 124 (pushtoj < Rom *expeditre); a b e j St. IT 53-55 (repeats the essence of C a m a r d a s etymology: pushtoj < *per-shtroj, to shtroj)', HAARMANN 143; LANDI Lat. 33, 39, 44. put f, pl. puta sole. From PAlb *pukta related to Gk rcra adv. thickly, strongly, j t u k v thick, strong, cf. puq. putr ~ putan f whore. Borrowed from Rom *puttana id., cf. Ital puttana. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 53 (from Ital puttana)', MEYER Wb. 359 (follows M ik l o s ic h ). puth aor.putha to kiss. From PAlb *putsa, an onomatopoeia similar to many other words for kiss reflecting bu- ~ pu- (TAGLIAVINI Dal mazia 233). 0 MEYER Wb. 356 (to Gk jruKa^ra to cover closely, to protect so that puth to kiss < to em brace similar to Fr embrac er), Alb. St. Ill 13,31; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 333 (agrees with MEYER); a b e j St. II 55 (follows T a g l ia v in i ); H u l d 156; D e m ir a j AE 336337. pyes aor. pyeta to ask. From the umlauticized PAlb *pta related to Lat put to reckon, to ponder, Slav *pytati to ask' (TAGLIAVINI Dal mazia 217). 0 G il f e r d in g Otn. 24 (to Skt prach- to ask); C a m a r d a I 44 (to G k 7tuv0vonai to learn); MEYER Wb. 360 (from Rom *peti based on Lat peto to demand, to seek), Alb. St. IV 50: DIEFENBACH I 43 (to Lat post to ask, to beg); M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I
P Y I.K
QAJ ~
QANJ
353
1044; P e d e r s e n Krit. Jahresbericht IX I 211 (from *per-ves, related to Skt pravedayati ); WEIGAND BA I 261 (follows MEYER); X h u v a n i KLeir II 14 (repeats C a m a r d a s etymology); W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 393394; VASMER III 421 ; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 256; ABEJ St. II 5557 (from *pe'r-v-es related to Gk octc "to ask, to demand).
p y lk f, pi. pylka wedge; end of the axe-handle. Another, more fre
quent, variant is pyk. Borrowed from Lat pa vienia hammer. 0 M eyer Wb. 360 (from Rom *pilicum, cf. Lat pilum pestle). pyll m. pi.pyje forest. Borrowed from Balk Rom *padlem (cf. Rum pdure id.) < Lat paldem swamp (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 46; M e y e r Wb. 360). 0 C a m a r d a I 52 (to Gk Xri forest?!); P u c a r iu EWR 108; M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1039, 1046, 1052; JOKL Realie.x. Vorgesch. I 92; BARI Hymje 65; M ih e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 28; a b e j St. VII 251; HULD 105; HAARMANN 139; LANDI Lat. 69, 144-146.
Q
qaf f, pi. qafa n eck . B orrow ed from Turk kafa occip ut, h ead (HULD
106). T he su bstitution A lb q- < Turk k- is p o ssib le ( B o r e t z k y Trk. Einflu 177). Rum ceaja neck, occiput is an Albanian loanword (M e y e r Wb. 219). 0 C a m a r d a I 93 (to Gk av>xnv id.); M e y e r Wb. 219 (c o m parison w ith Lat collum n e c k and the lik e); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 330 (again st MEYER); B a r iG ARSt. I 31 (to OHG warb turn, rota tio n ), AArbSt I 146 (from *ko-osk (h)u-, cf. Gk atp h ip ); JOKL LKUBA 328 (again st BAR 1 ARSt); T r e im e r AArbSt I 32 (b o rro w ed from Lat capsa b ox, c h e s t); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 92, Stratificazione 95; POGHIRC ist. limb. rom. TI 339; ROSETTI1LR I 275; H am p Festsehr. Schmidt 39 (from *kepH, to Lat caput h ea d ). qaj ~ qanj qava to cr y , to w e e p . T o sk and G reco -A lb a n ia n form s p reser v e the in itial kl-. G o e s back to P A lb *klaunja co g n a te w ith Gk Kau < *K.pu id. (C a m a r d a I 79; M e y e r Wb. 2 2 0 , Alb. St. Ill 4 ). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 146; M a n n Language XXVI 381; F r is k I 865; C h a n t r a i n e 538; P o k o r n y I 599; C im o c h o w s k i St. IE 47; LBERG Festschr. Pisani II 686; Hamp Laryngeals 126; KLINGENSCHMITT Mnch. St. Spr. XL 1 1 0 ,Verbum 104; K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 40; ABEJ
aor.
354
QAP
Q EFT
St. VII 193; H u l d 106; J a n s o n Unt. 178; D e m ir a j AE 337-388 (to dial, klith to cry). qap f, pi. qapa hobble. From PAlb *klapa, a nominal derivative of qep (O R E L Linguistica XXIV 432). qark m, pi. qarqe circle. Despite an irregular treatment of the vowel, this is a loanword from Lat circus id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 14; MEYER Wb. 2 2 0 , Alb. St. II 2 6 -2 7 ). A synonym of qark - qarkull con tinues Latin diminutive circulus. 0 C a m a r d a 1 38 (related to Gk Ktpico circle, ring); JOKL Studien 42 (supports M e y e r ); ABEJ St. II 57 (agrees with C a m a r d a ) ; L a n d i Lat. 8 5 , 9 8 , 139. qart adj. c le a r . Borrowed from Lat clrus id. (M IKLOSICH Rom. Ele mente 15; M e y e r Wb. 220). 0 C a m a r d a I 56; M e y e r -L C b k e Gr. Grund ri 2 I 1040 (from Ital chiaro id.); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 93 (from Italian). qartoj aor. qartova to q u arrel. From Lat certre to c o m p ete (MEYER Wb. 220). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1048; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 116. qarr m, pi. qarra Turkey oak, bitter oak. Borrowed from Lat cerrus id. (M e y e r Wb. 2 2 0 ). 0 M ih a e sc u RESEE IV / 1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 116; L a n d i Lat. 9 8 , 1 3 8 -1 4 0 . qas aor. qasa to approach. From PAlb *ketja etymologically connected with the isolated Lith keciu. ksti to stretch. 0 CAMARDA I 70; M e y e r Wb. 2 2 0 -2 2 1 (to Slav *kasati s to touch), Alb. St. Ill 6 , 13; PISANI Saggi 119; FRAENKEL 2 4 6 (contamination of *ked- and *plet- in Lithuanian); ABEJ St. VII 184, 23 1 . qazhn f, pi. qazhna rough white woolen cloth. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *tzuna, fern, heavy. qeft m, pi. qefte drinking glass. Borrowed from Lat captus *container, participle of capi to contain, to hold. 0 K r i s t O FO R ID H I 187 (from Gk K>0o hiding place); A B E J St. II 58-59 (to sqep).
Q EFU LL
QELL
355
q e fu ll m, pi. qefuj mullet. From MGk iccpaXo id. 0 a b e j S. VII 24 4 . q ejz f. pl. qejza cuticle. Another variant is Geg qenz. Based on PAlb
*kenja new skin < new etymologically related to Skt kamnayoung, Gk kouvo new and the like. 0 F r is k I 754; POKORNY I
5 6 3 -5 6 4 . q ek aor. qeka to mention, to quote. Continues PAlb *kaka or *keka
related to Lith kanku, kkti to seize, to reach, Latv kact to grasp, Slav *cekati to expect, to wait. 0 F r a e n k e l 206; T r u b a c e v SSJa IV 36. qel m, pl. qela scab. Borrowed from Lat callum corn, hard skin.
0 a b e j St. VII 184. q elb m, pl. qelbra ~ qelbna pus. From PAlb *kalba related to kalb
( M e y e r Wb. 221-222). Note a denominative verb qelb to fill with stench, to make ro t. 0 B a r i ARSt. I 53 (from IE *gyol-bh- related to Arm kei tum or); T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 93; M a n n Language XXVIII 34 (to Gk KX ecpo); A B E J St. VII 224-225.
q el f, pl. qela p r ie sts h o u se . B o r ro w e d from Lat cella r o o m (MIK LOSICH Rom. Elemente 13) 0 H a a r m a n n 116; L a n d i Lat. 98, 158. q elq m, pl. qelqe glass. Borrowed from Lat calicem bowl, cup (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 9; MEYER Wb. 2 2 1 ). 0 CAMARDA I 4 6 (to
Gk
seed-vessel, shell, pod); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1042; H a m p St. Whatmough 82; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1 -2 21; HAARMAN 114; L a n d i Lat. 8 5 , 1 1 1 -1 1 2 .
qell aor. qella to halt, to hold up, to carry. From PAlb *kela etym ologically c o n n ected w ith Skt kalyati to im p e l, Gk kohou to d riv e o n and the lik e (C a m a r d a I 127; M e y e r Wb. 168). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 329-330; Jo k l IE XXX 198, LKUBA 266 n. 1 (co n n e cts qell w ith sjell d esp ite the p h o n etica lly im p o ssib le q- < *kL b efo re a palatal); FRISK 1 817-818; M a y r h o f e r I 179; P o k o r n y I 549; M a n n Language XXVIII 34 (to Lith ke'lti to raise); C A M A J Alb. Worth. 81; A B E J Sprache XVIII 126 (follows JO K L ), St. VII 230; H U L D 106-107 (recon-
338
Q ERO J
(E S A S
lim it. 0 MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 20 (from Latin); ABEJ Sr. II 6 0 (related to Gk xepuu and Lat termen boundary); H a a r m a n n 153 (from Latin).
qeroj a o r . qerova to ask, to demand. Other variants are qroj and qiroj. Borrowed from Lat quaerere id. (HAARMANN 144). q erp f tuft of hair. Another variant is erp. A metathesis of pere,
stubbed plot, Latv kiirkt to become empty (of a turnip), OPrus Curche the last sheaf in which a deity hides. 0 VASMER II 340: MHLENb a c h -E n d z e l in II 3 2 2 -3 2 3 ; P o k o r n y I 5 6 8 .
qershi f, pi. qershi ch erry. B ased on *qersh borrow ed from Gk Kepaco id. (C a m a r d a I 56; T h u m b IF XXVI 29). 0 M ik l o s ic h Rom. Ele
208 (a g r e e s w ith THUMB); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 98; MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 31, IV /3-4 350; ABEJ St. VII 230; HAARMANN 116; L a n d i Lat. 158.
m , pi. qerthuj winch, windlass, circle. From PAlb *kerts-ula continuing IE *ker-k- and related to Gk dpico rin g and Lat circus circle, circu us (M a n n Language XXVI 385). 0 CAMARDA I 162 (to qark)-, M e y e r Wb. 220 (same as CAMARDA); JO K L Studien 42 (from IE *kert- to turn, to bind); B a r iC ARSt. I 42; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 118 (suffix -//); F r is k II 19-20; M a n n Language XXVI 385; W a l d e H o f m a n n 1 220-221; P o k o r n y 1 935; D e m ir a j AE 339-340 (borrowed from Lat circellus little ring).
q erth u ll
qerr m, pi. qerre wagon, cart. Borrowed from Lat carrus two
wheeled wagon (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 12; MEYER Wb. 180). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. G rundri21 1043, 1051; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 9495; a b e j St. VII 238, 251.
q esas aor. qesata to cut (branches). Borrowed from Slav *tesati to
cut, to hew, with q- rendering prepalatal Slavic t-, cf. South Slavic
QHS H
359
continuants: Bulg tesarti, SCr tesati. Derived from qesas is qeser kind of broad axe.
q esh uor. qesha to laugh. From PAlb *kaksja related to similar ono matopoeic verbs in Skt kkhati id., Gk iccxxcD id. and the like ( B a r ARSt. 142-reconstructs *kakhi). 0 CAMARDA 169 (to Gk yjiatao, Xaivco to yawn, to gape); MEYER Wb. 224 (to Goth hlahjan to laugh'); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 95 (questions BARIs etymology); PISANI Saggi 122; P o k o r n y I 634; F r is k I 804; M a y r h o f e r I 136; a b e j St. VII
201, 221.
(T) qeshr f, pl. qeshra roof plank. Borrowed from Rom *casina derived
with W d u d heap and Lith slaJtas slope. C f. also, with a different vocalism, Gk KeiT slope, OHG hllta id. and the like (OREL Lin guistica XXIV 4 3 3 ) . 0 F r a e n k e l 9 9 7 ; a b e j LP VIII 7 9 - 8 0 , St. II 61 (singularized plural of qye); POK O RNY I 6 0 1 - 6 0 2 ; F r i s k I 8 7 3 - 8 7 5 .
q et adj. quiet. Borrowed from Lat quietus id. ( M e y e r Wb. 224). 0
M ey e r-L b k e H aarm an n
M ih a e s c u
qeth aor. qetha to cut (hair). Goes back to PAlb *kaitsa related to
ke's'a- hair (of the head), Lith Misti to scrape, to shave. 0 CAMARDA I 78 (to Gk K e ip to to cut-); M EY ER Wb. 221 (repeats C a m a r d a s ety mology), Alb. St. Ill 6, 24; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 330; J o k l LKUBA 13, 228 (follows M e y e r ) ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 95; P i s a n i Saggi 102; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 45; FR AEN K EL 204-205; M A Y R H O FER I 267; P o k o r n y I 520; a b e j Sprache XVIII 144-145, St. VII 229; H u l d 147; K o r t l a n d t KZ XCIV 250; D e m i r a j AE 340-341 (to qij).
Skt
q ez f, pl. qez breadboard, baking plate. Derived from q. q ~ q m round kneading board. Borrowed from Gk K c x v v a wicker
work, basket. 0 M e y e r Wb. 224-225 (from *klen-)\ VASM ER Alb. Wortforsch. I 34-35 (from Rom *clavanus derived from Lat clava stick, staff - but Cham ^ excludes the possibility of the initial */-!); ABEJ
360
Qft ~ QI QIJ
208 (from IE *k id); M ih e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 19 (from Lat quod); a b e j St. II 61-62 (a g re es w ith P e d e r s e n ). qlloj aor, qllova to beat, to hit; to gain , to o b ta in . R esto red from *pr-qlloj b o rro w ed from L a t perceUare to b ea t. 0 MEYER Wb. 225 (from R om *cellre); LAMBERTZ KZ LII 66 (to qell); ABEJ St. II 6263 (fo llo w s L a m b e r t z ) .
qmtoj
a o r. qmtova to gather. Borrowed from Rom *comptre, Lat comere to buy up. cf.
ao r. q'ndrova to stop, to halt. Borrowed from Rom *centrare, derivative of Lat centrum ( M e y e r Wb. 225) used to denote an immo bile object, in particular, the immobile leg of a compass. 0 C a m a r d a I 44 (to Gk K v x p o v goad, point).
qndroj
qroj aor. qrova to clean, to sort out. Borrowed from Lat carre
to card (linen). Hence, to sort out. 0 CAMARDA I 4 4 (to Gk K opco to sweep, to clean); MIHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 15 (from Lat curare).
qrtoj aor. qrtova to blame, to reproach. Another variant is qortoj.
See qartoj. qiell m /n, pi. qiej sky, heaven. Borrowed from Lat caelum id. (R A S K apud H u l d 107; G i l f e r d t n g Otn. 25; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 8; M e y e r Wb. 225-226). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1043, 1051; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 93; M i h e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 13; H a a r m a n n 113; L a n d i Lat. 71-72, 137. qift m, pl. qift k ite, kind o f v u ltu re. B o r ro w e d from Lat accipi ter v u ltu r e (MEYER Wb. 226). For the lo ss o f the last sy lla b le cf. mbret ( J o k l LKUBA 306). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1044, 1055; M i h e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 31; a b e j St. VII 184; H a a r m a n 110.
q aor. q iv a to cop u late, to h ave sexu al in te r c o u r se . B o rro w ed from
Q IK L
Q IQ R
361
Lat coire id. through the in term ed iate stage *kemj. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 2 6 (from Lat inclinare to cau se to le a n ), Alb. St. V 90 (to Lat scindo to cut, to tear); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri -1 1054 (sam e as MEYER); J o k l Zb. Belie 49; T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 95; PIS A N I AAL V ili 345 (to IE *ken- to ru b ).
qikl f. pi. qikla point, spike, peak. Singularized plural of *qekel. From PAlb *kekul related to Lith kkulas lump, cluster, Latv cekuls fore lock, cluster. 0 F r a e n k e l 234-235; a b e j St. VII 235. qime f, pi. qime hair. Another form is qym. Borrowed from Lat cyma young shoots (of cabbage) ( M e y e r Wb. 226-227). 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 16 (from Lat coma)', CAM ARDA I 52 (to Gk icijua wave, billow); M ih e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 15; a b e j St. V II205; H a a r m a n n 122; L a n d i Lat. 69, 100. qind num. hundred. Borrowed from Lat centum id. (CAMARDA I 37; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 13; M e y e r Wb. 2 2 7 ). 0 G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 2 2 (related to Skt sata- id.); M e y e r -L U b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1044, 1051; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 95; M l H E S C U RESEE I V / 1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 116; L a n d i Lat. 5 1 , 98; HAMP Numerals 9 1 9 . qingl f, pl. qingla girth, belly-band (of pack anim als). Another variant is qengl. Borrowed from Lat cngala id. (CAMARDA I 165; M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 14; M e y e r Wb. 227) 0 MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 117; L an d i Lat. 98, 111, 117. qipr f co p p er, b r o n z e . B o r ro w e d from Lat (aes) cyprium c o p p e r (M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 20; M e y e r Wb. 2 2 8 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 52 (to Lat cuprum id.); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1046; MlHESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 121. qipi f, pi. qipi stack. Secondary derivative of PAlb *kpa related to OPers kaufa- mountain, OHG Itufo heap, OE he'ap id. and also houf id., Lith kupas id., Slav *kupa id. (JOKL Studien 43). 0 FRAENKEL 231; O n io n s 432; V a s m e r I I 418-419; P o k o r n y I 591-592; D e m iraj AE 341 (collective of kup id.). qiqr
f , pi.
(C A M A R D A
362
Q IQ IR IQ
QOS
I 68; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 14; M e y e r Wb. 226). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri2 1 1045, 1051; M i h e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 117; L a n d i Lat. 56, 98, 112. qiqiriq m, pl. qiqiriq ground-nut. Derived from qiqr. qiri m, pl. qirinj candle. Borrowed from MGk icr|pi id. 228). 0 C a m a r d a I 181; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 96.
(M E Y E R
Wb.
qis aor. qita to pull out. From PAlb *kit ja derived from an adjective in *-to-, *kita, and further related to Gk kic to go, to move, Lat ciO trans, 'to move and the like. 0 M e y e r Wb. 228 (from Lat excitare to call out, to bring out); P H IL IP P ID E Or. Rom. II 668 (follows M e y e r ) ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 96-97; P o k o r n y I 538-539; F r i s k I 862-863; W a l d e - H o f m a n n I 213-214. qitr f, pl. qitra citron. Borrowed from Lat citrum, citrus citrus (tree). up. B o r r o w e d f r o m L a t ciere to m o v e , t o a g i t a t e . I 6 6 ( t o gjum); B a r i C ARSt I 1 2 0 ( f o l l o w s C a m a r d a ); J o k l Melanges Pedersen 147-150 ( t o L a t cire); C lM O C H O W S K l LP II 221; M a n n Language XXVIII 34 ( r e l a t e d t o L a t ci); L B E R G IBK XIV 109; a b e j Etim. Ill 128-129; JA N S O N Unt. 125-126; D e m i r a j AE 341.
aor.
to w a k e 0 Cam
arda
qoj
qova
qok m, pl. qok kind of ow l. Another variant is quk. An ono matopoeia. qok aor. qoka to seize, to touch, to peck. Another variant is quk. An expressive verb. 0 M e y e r Wb. 229 (from Slav *k!'ukati to peck). qok f, pl. qoka broody hen. Derived from qok to seize.
a z i o n e I4V; c a m a j a i o . w o r m , i l o t i r o m - K-ium->;
h a m i-
V 110;
abej
quar
QUAJ ~
Q IJE J
Q U P I.O J
363
(to
Gk
k o g | io o r d e r );
F r is k I 8 6 7 - 8 6 8 ; F r a e n k e l 2 7 4 ; W a ld e -
H o fm a n n I 2 2 9 - 2 3 1 ; P o k o r n y I 6 0 4 - 6 0 5 ; a b e j St. I I 6 3 - 6 4 ( e x p r e s
s iv e s h o r te n in g o f
quilos).
quaj ~ quej aor. quajta ~ quejta t o c a l l , t o g i v e a n a m e . F r o m P A l b *klusnja, a d e n o m i n a t i v e b a s e d o n I E *kleuos g l o r y , w o r d ; Skt s'rvas-, Gk Kio, S l a v *slovo ( C a m a r d a I 5 2 ) . 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 3 0 ( t o gjuh); JO K L IF XLIX 2 9 1 , Studien 6 0 ; B A R I ARSt 71 ( t o gjuh'); P e d e r s e n IF V 3 6 ; P i s a n i REIEIV 7 ; M a n n Language X V II 1 6 , XXVI 3 8 3 , XXVIII 3 3 ; P O R Z IG Gliederung 7 5 ; F R IS K I 8 6 9 - 8 7 0 ; V A S M E R I I I 6 7 3 ; M a y r h o f e r I I I 3 8 9 - 3 9 0 ; a b e j St. V I I 2 0 1 , 2 3 1 ; H u l d 1 4 5 ; D e m i r a j AE 3 4 2 . quar ~ quer m, pi. qore prison, cellar, shelter. Goes back to PAlb *kl(u)ra further related to qos. 0 JO K L LKUBA 9 5 - 9 7 (to Slav *kleth barn and its cognates); a b e j St. II 6 4 (to OIr claidim to empty, Gk K.a8oep fragile). qudohem reti, to persist, to be obstinate. Borrowed from Ital chiud ere t o shut ( M e y e r Wb. 2 2 9 ) . 0 a b e j St. II 6 4 (to udis). quii m porridge. The original meaning seems to be liquid food as indicated by the denominative quii to make wet. From P A l b *klusla related to Gk k)c to rinse, Lat clu to clean and the like (M E Y E R Wb. 2 2 8 , Alb. St. I l l 4 with the reconstruction *kludlo-). 0 C a m a r d a I 6 9 (to Gk xu^ juice); F r i s k I 8 7 6 - 8 7 7 ; W a l d e H o f m a n n I 2 3 9 - 2 4 0 ; P o k o r n y I 6 0 7 ; M i h e s c u RESEE I V / 3 - 4 3 5 0 (borrowed from Gk x v ^ ) ; a b e j St. II 6 5 (follows M i h e s c u ). qumsht m milk, whey. In dialects (e.g. in Cham), the initial kl- is preserved. Borrowed from Latin. Continues Rom *clomostrum < Lat colostrum colostrum, beestings (M E Y E R Wb. 2 2 9 ) . 0 JOKL LKUBA
a v in i
. II
Stratiju
X IV /X
6 3 ).
SCelt
364
Q URRA
RABECK
qurra pi. snot, snivel. Another variant is qyrra. From PAlb *klura etymologically identical with Lith sliurti to become dirty and going back to an Indo-European localism *kleu-r-. 0 M e y e r Wb. 230 (from Turk kir dirt, filth), Alb. St. IV 87, V 91; F R A E N K E L 1007; A B E J St. II 6 5 (to Lith krkti to coagulate, to clot). qye m, pi. qej summit, peak. From P A l b *klaina continuing IE *kloino- slanting, skew > Goth gen. pi. hlaine hill ( A B E J St. II 6 1 ) . 0 F e i s t Goth. 2 6 0 - 2 6 1 ; P O K O R N Y I 6 0 0 - 6 0 2 ; O r e l Linguistica XXIV 4 3 3 . slime, mud. From PAlb *kla identical with Lith killa out g row th4, Slav *kyla id. 0 F R A E N K E L 3 0 6 ; P O K O R N Y I 5 3 6 - 5 3 7 ; T r u b a c e v SSJa XIII 2 6 2 - 2 6 3 . qyr aor. qyra to look. Another variant is kqyr with a prefix k-. Con tinues P A lb *kewira related to Gk Koco to note, Lat cave to be aware, Goth hausjan to hear. 0 FRISK 1 8 9 0 - 8 9 1 ; W A L D E - H O F M A N N I 18 6-18 7; P o k o rn y I 587. qyr f, pi. qyra rear side (of a knife). Together with qyt blunt side (of an axe)' this form represents a derivative of an unattested verb *qyej to blunt < PAlb *kenja, further connected with IE *ken- to scratch, to cut. For the semantic development cf. Lat obtusus blunt ~ obtundere to beat. 0 POKORNY I 5 5 9 - 5 5 3 ; B U C K 1 0 7 0 - 1 0 7 1 . qysh
adv.
qyi m
how. Locative of q.
qytet m, pi. qytete city. Borrowed from Lat civitate(m) id. ( C A M A R D A I 5 3 ; M I K L O S I C H Rom. Elemente 1 4 ; M e y e r Wb. 2 2 9 ) . 0 M E Y E R - L O B K E Gr. Grundri 2 I 1 0 4 3 , 1 0 4 8 ; M l H E S C U RESEE I V / 1 - 2 1 4 ; T A G L I A V I N I Origini 1 9 0 ; H A A R M A N N 1 1 7 ; A B E J St. II 6 5 - 6 6 (on the umlaut in the suffix -et); O R E L Linguistica XXIV 4 3 8 (on the evolution of PAlb *-wi- and Lat -ivi-); L a n d i Lat. 8 3 , 8 5 , 1 4 6 .
R
rabeck f, pi. rabecka sparrow . Based on *rabee borrowed from Slav *vorbhCb id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg vrabec, SCr vrabac ( D e SNIC K A J A Slav. zaim. 1 3 ) . 0 S v a n e 1 4 5 .
RA BU SH
RA SE
365
rabush m hard outer scale of onion. Another variant is rapush onion-top, flower of onion. Borrowed from Bulg rabus tally, tag. 0 M a n n HAED 421 (to l'push). radis aor. radita to prepare, to make ready (of food). Borrowed from Slav *raditi to settle, to arrange, to make ready, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg ra d a, SCr raditi ( M I K L O S I C H Slav. Elemente 31; M e y e r Wb. 360). 0 S v a n e 223, 240. radh f, pt. radh row . From dialectal NGk p a id., cf. NGk p a ( M e y e r Wb. 360). 0 C a m a r d a II 334; a b e j St. VII 279. ragal m kennel. A Tosk hapax registered by JO K L in a phrase ragala e senit dogs kennel. Early borrowing from Slav *rogalb corner, cf. SCr ragalj (G lN D IN - K a l u Z s k a j a SBJa tnokult. 30-32); note Alb -a- < Slav *-o-. Semantically, cf. Slav *kgtja house, hut derived from *kgfb corner ( T r u b a c e v ZfPhon. XXXIV 477). 0 JO K L IF XLIV 13-15 (connects ragal with Rum argea shed and ancient Maced apyeWux Macedonian baths); P IS A N I REIE IV 17 (fantastic comparison with Lat nebula); H a s d e u EMR II 309 -310 (Rum argea < ancient Balk *arge Ila)', TAGLIAVINI Origini 149; ClORANESCU I 36 (R u m argea < Turk C hag arya box); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 328; ROSETTI ILR 271-272; ABEJ St. II 94; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 362; DEMIRAJ AE 342343. rang f h om e w o r k . F rom P A lb *wranka w ith an o rig in a l m ea n in g * gathering, etymologically identical with Lith tanka hand, parank gathering, renku, rikti to gather, Slav *rka hand. 0 F R A E N K E L 697; V A S M E R III 515; P O K O R N Y I 1155; A B E J St. II 67-68 (connect ed with Ital rangola preoccupation or Lat rancor ro t). rap f tu rn ip . B o r ro w e d fro m Lat rpa id. (MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1042). 0 JOKL LKUBA 232. (G) raqit f broom (bush). Borrowed from Slav *orkyta id., cf. Bulg rakita, SC r rakita (MEYER Wb. 361). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 189; SVANE 127. ras f, pl. rase case. A phonetic variant of rast, a Turkish loanword, influenced by ra, aoristic stem of bie ( A B E J St. II 68).
366
RA S
RE
ras f, pi. rasa 'cassock. From MGk poov id. ably, via Bulg rasa, SCr rasa.
(A B EJ
St. II
69),
prob
rash f kind of womans shirt. Borrowed from MLat rsum kind of C l o t h ( a b e j St. II 68-69). rashqel m, pi. rashqela rake. Another variant is rrashqel. Borrowed from Lat rdstellus little hoe. rat
adj.
rav f, pi. rava path (in mountains or snow). An early borrowing from Slav *rovr ditch. 0 B a r i ARSt I 7 8 (to Slav *noga foot); V A S M E R h Alb. Wortforsch. 54 (etymologically related to Slav *rovb); A B E J St. II 6 9 - 7 0 (metathesis of varr). ravg f path (in mountains). An early borrowing from Slav *rovbki> ditch, cf. rav. Derived from ravg is ravgoj to wander, to walk to and fro (ABEJ St. II 70). re indecl. attention. Used in ve' re to pay attention. Identical with roj guard derived from ruaj ( a b e j St. II 71-72). The verb vrej to pay attention is a univerbation of v re. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 362 (to Lat gravis heavy); W i e d e m a n n BB XXVII 210 (to Lith regeti to see); J o k l Studien 75-76, LKUBA 207 (follows W i e d e m a n n and points to ruaj as the closest connection). re ~ r f, pi. re ~ r cloud. Singularized plural of *ri. Goes back to PAlb *rina etymologically identical with Illyr pivo- %kx> (JO K L AfslPh XXXI 2 3 8 , Reallex. Vorgesch. I 8 6 ) . Further connections are Skt rinati to pour, to let flow, Gk Lesb opivco to move. 0 C A M A R D A I 9 2 (to Gk trpp a ir); M e y e r Wb. 3 6 2 (to Gmc *raukiz smoke > OHG rouh, ON reykr and the like), Alb.St. Ill 3 7 , 9 0 ; B a r ic ': ARSt I 7 8 (to IE *nebhcloud); S c h m i d t KZ L 2 4 4 (to Skt rja-)\ R i b e z z o RivAlb I 1 4 0 (to Gk e'peoq); T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 2 3 5 (follows M E Y E R ); P IS A N I Saggi 9 9 , 1 2 3 ; P o k o r n y I 3 3 0 ; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 5 2 (to pernia); H a m p St. Whatmough 8 0 (agrees with JO K L ); A B E J St. II 71 (repeats J O K L s etymology but also compares re with err); H u l d 1 0 7 - 1 0 8 (links re to Lat rs dew, Lith rasa id.); OREL ZfBalk XXIII 1 4 5 ; D E M IR A J AE 3 4 4 (agrees with R lB E Z Z O ).
RE
REM
367
re f, pi. reja young woman, daughter-in-law, bride. Substantivized feminine of ri. red m row . Borrowed from Slav *rdb id., cf. South Slavic contin uants: Bulg red, SCr red (M IK L O S IC H Slav. Elemente 3 2 ) . 0 SVANE
224. 241.
regzinj aor. regziva to tear (clothes). An Old Albanian form (BUZUKU) based on the noun rragozin rag (LA PIANA Studi. Varia 41). The latter is an early Slavic loanword continuing Slav *rogozina bast mat. 0 a b e j St. II 72 (metathesis of *grzinj derived from gris). regj m, pl. regjer king. Borrowed from Lat rgem id . (M IK L O SIC H Rom. Elemente 5 5 ) . 0 M E Y E R Wb. 3 6 2 (from Lat rg(u)lus); M E Y E R -L B K E Gr. Grundri 2 I 1 0 4 4 ; R E S U L L I Studi albanesi III-IV 2 1 1 - 2 1 3 (from Old Ital rege i d . ) ; M lH E S C U RESEE I V / 1 -2 1 9 ; A B E J St. II 7 2 (agrees with M E Y E R Gr. Gr.); H A A R M A N N 1 4 5 ; L A N D I Lat. 8 3 , 9 6 ,
145.
regj aor. regja to tan. From PAlb *raugja, a denominative verb ety mologically related to ON reykr smoke, OHG rouh id. The original meaning of the word was to smoke. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 362 (from SCr redjati to put in a row, to set in ord er); JO K L Slavia XIII 299 (agrees with M E Y E R ); P O K O R N Y I 872; M A N N Language XXVI 382383 (to Gk pco); A B E J St. II 73-74 (from IE *ureg- related to Gk epyov w ork); D E M IR A J AE 345 (to Lith rugti to become sour). rek f brook, rivulet. Another morphonological variant is rk ( J o k l LKUBA 225). Borrowed from Slav *rka riv er, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg reka, SCr rijeka, reka (M IK LO SIC H Slav. Elemente 32; M E Y E R Wb. 363). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 188, 323; S v a n e 172. reks m giant. Verbal adjective based on rrek MEYER Wb. 363 (to Slovene orjak id.).
(
abej
St. II
7 4 ). 0
rem m copper. Singularized plural of the attested form ram id. bor rowed from Ital rame id. (M IK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 54; M E Y E R Wb. 361). 0 M E Y E R -L B K E Gr. Grundri2 1 1042; V A SM E R Alb. Wortforsch. 29 (follows M i k l o s i c h ) ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 234 (the same); J o k l
368
REM E
RESE
RESH
RK O SH
369
Arch. Rom. XXIV 35 (from Lat aerarnen bronze or copper shavings); M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 12; H a a r m a n 110; a b e j St. II 74-75 (agrees with Jo k l ).
cal with rese guard, envy. The reed trellis was used to protect the roof from falling. 0 ABEJ St. II 75-76 (borrowed from Bulg resa stamen). resha to fall (of snow or rain). Secondarily restored from the aorist rash of hie to fall (JOKL IF XL11I 52-55). 0 MEYER Wb. 363 (to Skt vrsati to rain and the like), Alb. Studien III 86; JOKL Studien 73-74 (to Lith rasa dew, Slav *rosa id.); BARld ARSt 1 79 (to IE *sneig snow); C a m a j Alb. Worth. 52; a b e j St. II 76 h(agrees with M e y e r ); Ham p IF LXXXVI 191-192; H u ld 108; D e m ir a j Koll. Idg. Ges. 12, AE 345-346.
aor.
resh
rem f, pi. rema watermill ditch. Borrowed from NGk p^a < Gk
pe% a ditch, rivulet (CAMARDA I 53; M e y e r Wb. 373). 0 MANN HAED 425, 434 (identical with rremb); ABEJ St. II 75 (agrees with M a n n ).
r o w . A n early loanw ord from S lav *rdi, (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 32; MANN Language XVII 20-21), cf. red. The verb rendis to put in o r d e r r e fle c ts S lav *rditi id. 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, nase lenie 182; S v a n e 223, 241.
also m ean in g to e x tin g u is h as in SCr resiti (MIKLOSICH Slav. Ele mente 32; M e y e r Wb. 363). 0 S e liS c e v Slav, naselenie 181, 192; S v a n e 24 1 .
resht aor. reshta to keep away; to stop. Anlaut in rr- is also possi
ble. A secondary formation based on rreshtoj to arrest borrowed from Rom *arre stare to stop, to arrest. 0 C A M A R D A II 159 (to Lat resisto to stop); M E Y E R Wb. 364 (from Ital restare to stop).
rep
Slavic: Bulg r'apa, dial, repa, SCr repa (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 32). 0 S e liS c e v Slav, naselenie 162; MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 24 (from Lat rpum); SVANE 108.
repuq adj. to rn . A suffixal derivative of rjep rfyr f, pl. rfyra knot, outgrowth (on a tree). Prfixai derivative res
I. pi.
resa
e n v v '. H i s t o r
(>,, 4cru a r H H ^ r i v p r l
J ,
C IO
Cl
C4IV.J U t
VJ>I
L ^ a .1
id. (JOKL Studien 76). 0 BORGEAUD RRL 6 ( 1973) 529-531 ; ABEJ St.
of *k
370
RM R
RM EN
RR
RAN
rmr - rmen m, pl. rmnj Valachian; shepherd. Attested in Greece only. Borrowed from Lat Rormnus Roman (MEYER Wb. 365). 0 M e y er L BKE Gr. Grundri 21 1049; ABEJ St. II 77 (from Arum arumn Arumunian); Pu^CARlu Etudes 60 (semantic development of rmr and vllah). rmova to d ig . B o r r o w e d from Lat rimri to d ig , to h o e (MEYER Wb. 365). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri21 1049; SCHUCHARDT K Z X X 251.
aor.
rmoj
rnd ~ rand adj. heavy. Continues PAlb *raunta derived from the verbal stem of aor. rash < *rausa, see hie to fall (ABEJ St. II 71). From rnd the verb rndoj to be heavy is derived. 0 CAMARDA I 47 (to Skt ramate (he) is quiet); MEYER Wb. 365 (borrowing from Lat grandis large), Alb.St. Ill 8, IV 25; BUGGE BB XVIII 183 (agrees with M e y e r ) ; J o k l Studien 74 (participle of a verb reflected in Lith ri'eju, rieti to stack, to bend); BARIC ARSt. I 86-87 (to Lith sveriii to weigh and the like); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 234-235; M a n n Lan guage XVII 20 (from *g"ri}dho-)\ ABEJ St. II 71 (arguments in favor of B a r iC s etymology); HULD 108 (supports JOKL s etymology). rng f, pl. rnga chime, tinkling (of bells). Borrowed from one of the continuants of Gmc *xrengaz ring, cf. *xrengjan to ring, to tinkle: ON hringja, OE hringan and the like. 0 HOLTHAUSEN AEW 174-175; Z a l i z n a k Etimologi]a 132. rnkoj aor. rnkova to moan, to groan. Another variant is rkoj. Tosk equivalents of ankoj. 0 CAMARDA I 56 (to Gk pyicco to snore). rnxoj aor. rnxova to cause hernia. Borrowed from Rom *hernizre based on hernia rupture, hernia. 0 MEYER Wb. 365 (to Ital ernia hernia); a b e j St. II 78 (phonetic variant of rrzoj). rpjet adj. steep. A variant of prpjet in which r- seems to rep resent a phonetic transformation of per- (JOKL IF XXXVII 95-96, LKUBA 244 n. 1). The same is true of rposh - prposh. 0 ABEJ St. VII 243. rr - ran f sand. Borrowed from Lat arna id. (MIKLOSICHRom. Elemente 3; MEYER Wh. 366, Alb. St. IV 17). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grund ri 21 1044; JOKL LKUBA 281 ; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 234; MANN Language
R S H IR
R S H IN
R IK
371
XVII 23; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 12; H a a r m a n 111; a b e j St. II 78-79; JANSON Uni. 57-58; LANDI Lat. 54, 80, 114. rshir ~ rshin f resin; grape juice. Borrowed from Lat resina id. (M e y e r Wb. 369). 0 a b e j St. VII 244. rzgoj I arsenic. Another variant is rzigoj. Results from the folk etymology (rrz and goj) of the original *rsing borrowed from NGk p a e v i K v id. (MEYER Wb. 366). ri adj. new, young, recent. From PAlb *rija, a zero-grade derivative of IE *er- ~ *or- to rise, to make move, cf. O N grr quick, O S am id. of a similar origin (OREL Linguistica XXIV 4 3 3 -4 3 4 ). 0 CAMARDA I 85 (from *neuos new); MEYER Wb. 3 6 6 (comparison with rris); BUGGE BB XVII1 170 (follows CAMARDA); B ari ARSt 79 (from *neuios); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 2 3 7 (rejects BUGGEs etymology); POKORNY I
3 2 6 -3 3 2 ; HULD 1 0 8 -1 0 9 .
rig m, pi. riga king (in cards). Borrowed from MGk pfjya king. rigash m, pl. rigash turkey. Derivative of rig. rig f drizzle. The verb is rigoj to drizzle. The latter is borrowed from Lat rigare to sprinkle, to irrigate. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 55 (from Ital riga, rigare to make w et); MEYER Wb. 366 (follows
M ik l o s ic h ).
rij ~ r to make humid. Continues PAlb *rinja related to Skt rinati to stream, to release, Slav *ringti to flow and the like (JOKL Studien 74-75). Note a deverbative (G) rt w et. 0 V a s m e r III 484; M a y r h o f e r III 59-60; P o k o r n y I 330-331; l b e r g apud D em ir a j (to OHG reineo stallion); a b e j St. II 79-80 (to Gk paivcu to sprin kle, Slav *roniti to drop, to pour); DEMIRAJ AE 346. rik f, pi. rika duckling, duck. Cf. also rikz piglet. Based on an onomatopoeic verb PAlb *rika denoting quacking or similar sounds and connected with Lith rikti to c ry and the like. 0 MEYER Wb. 366 (rikz explained as an onomatopoeia), 369 (to SCr ricka kind of duck); F r a e n k e l 717, 734; a b e j St. II 80 (onomatopoeia).
372
R IM I!'
R O B T IS
rinite adj. dark blue, blue, azure, green. A parallel and more archaic form is rrimt. Derived from rrime, cf. OBret uurm dark (color), W gwrm dark blue' as color designations based on the word for worm (O re l IF XLIII 116). 0 BariC ARSt. 80 (to OE m'pan to become dark); abej St. II 80 (compares with remt dark brown, bronze). riqe f, pi. riqe b rier. Borrowed from Gk peieri id. or NGk peiKvot id. (C a m a r d a II 159; M e y e r Wb. 366). 0 H a a r m a n n 123 (from Lat eca)\ ABEJ St. II 81. ris m, pi. riser ~ risen lynx. Borrowed from Slav *rysb id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg ris, SCr ris. rishte pi. cartilages; kind of dry pastry. Umlauticized form of rresht. riz f, pi. riza kerchief. Borrowed from Slav *riza shirt, kerchief, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg riza, SCr riza (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 32; M e y e r Wb. 367). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 174; S v a n e 49. rjep aor. ropa to strip off (skin or bark), to tear o f f. A parallel form is rrjep. Goes back to PAlb *repa connected with IE * r e p Gk p7t0|iiav to eat, Lat rapi to seize, to grasp, Lith r'pti to grasp and the like (MEYER BB VIII 189, Wb. 367, Alb. St. Ill 31). 0 CAMARDA I 79 (to Gk Aino to peel); MEYER Gr. Gr. 167; TAGLIAVINI Dal mazia 237; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 251 (borrowed from Lat rapi); E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 564; P is a n i Saggi 130; F r a e n k e l 721-722; F r is k 1552-553; W a ld e - H o e m a n n I I 417; POKORNY I 856; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 19 (borrowed from Lat rapere); HAMP Mnch. St. Spr. XXXVII 61; H u ld 150; O r e l FLH V III/1-2 40, Linguistica XXIV 437; H a a r m a n n 145 (from Latin); D e m ir a j AE 346-347. rob rob, robr serf, prisoner. Borrowed from Slav *orb-h id. (M IK L O S IC H Slav. Elemente 32; MEYER Wb. 3 6 8 ). As far as attested South Slavic languages reflect ra- (Bulg rab, SCr rah), the Albanian word continues a form from an extinct dialect. 0 SVANE 192, 24 1 .
m, pi.
robtis aor. robtisa to make work hard, to enslave. Borrowed from Slav *orbotiti id., cf. rob.
ROD
R O K O M 1N
373
rod m kin, family. Borrowed from S lav *rodT, id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg rod, SCr rod (S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 184). 0 SVANE 1 8 6 -1 8 7 . roge pi. masked participants of a carnival. Based on an unattest ed singular *roga borrowed from Slav *rogacb horned (creature), cf. in South Slavic: Bulg rogac, SCr rogac (SVANE 214). rog f glade, clearing (especially, in the mountains). Borrowed from Slav *rogb horn, also used as a geographical term, cf. Bulg rog, SCr rog. 0 iOKLZfOrt X 188 (to OHG riuti)\ ABEJ St. II 81 (derived from rruaj). rogoveck f, pi. rogoveca acacia. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *rogovbChka horned (object). rois aor. roita to swarm (of bees). Borrowed from Slav *rojiti (s) id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg roja, SCr roiti se (JOKL LKUBA 2 8 6 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 167; D e s n i c k a j a Slav. zaim. 13;
S v a n e 24 1 .
roj m, pi. roje swarm of bees. Borrowed from Slav *rojb id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg roj, SCr roj, cf. rois (SVANE 158, 241). roj f, pl. roj, roja guard. Derived from ruaj. rojk f, pi. rojka bee (in the swarm). Borrowed from Slav *rojbka id., attested in South Slavic as a proper name: Bulg Rojka, SCr Rojka. rok m term . Borrowed from Slav *rokT> time, term, year; fate, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg rok , SCr rok (MIKLOSICH Slav. Ele mente 32; MEYER Wb. 3 6 8 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 197. rokz f kind of children game, round dance. Identical with rrokz helix derived from rrok. 0 MEYER Wb. 368 (from NGk p ra fork); ABEJ St. II 81 (derived from rrok). rokomin f shrunk old m an. A n exp ressive form ation in roko- < rroko, cf. rrok. 0 MEYER Wb. 36 8 (from Ital rocca del camino f lu e ); a b e j St. II 81 (d e riv a tiv e o f rrogomis < gorromis to throw d o w n ).
374
K O N I 1 KM
R LAJ ~
RUFJ
ron item refi, to fall, to crumble. Borrowed from Slav *roniti to drop, to let fall, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg ron a, SCr roniti (attest ed in a different meaning - to pour). 0 SVANE 241. rose f, pi. rosa duck. From PAlb *antj, a cognate of Skt ti- water bird, Gk vrjaoa duck and other continuations of IE *(a)ndtia ( B a r i ARSt 80), contaminated with IE *er(a)- ~ *or(a)- bird. Rum r a was borrowed from Proto-Albanian. 0 STIER KZ XI 148 (to Hung ruca, rece and Rum ra{a)\ MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 3 1 (from Slavic); C a m a r d a II 167 (follows S t ie r ); M e y e r Wb. 368-369 (to rik duck and forms adduced by STIER); V a sm e r Alb. Wortforsch. 55; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 244 (from SCr raca id.); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 347 (both Albanian and Rumanian words going back to a substratum reflex of IE *reudh-so-); MANN Language XXVI 381; POKORNY I 41; FRISK II 317-318; M a y r h o fe r I 72-73; OREL RRL XXX/2 106-107 (PAlb *artj influenced by the Indo-European word for duck). rotar m servant. A secondary phonetic variant of rrogtar, deriva tive of rrog ( a b e j St. II 82). 0 MEYER Wb. 369 (borrowed from a South Slavic continuant of Slav *ortarb plowm an, SCr ratar); S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 178, 326 (follows M e y e r ); V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. I 55 (the same); JOKL Slavia XIII 307-308 (agrees with
M e y e r ).
roz aor. roza knot (in wood). Borrowed from NGk po id. Wb. 369). 0 C A M A R D A I 96 (to rrnj).
(M E Y E R
rozg f. pi. roiga kind of thistle. Another variant is rrozg. Borrowed from Slav *rozga twig, branch, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg rozga, SCr rozga (JOKL LKUBA 2 2 0 -2 2 1 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 189; ABEJ St. II 1 0 1 -1 0 2 ; S v a n e 124. ruaj - ruej aor. ruajta ~ rova to guard, to keep, to observe. From PAlb *rgnja etymologically connected with ON r0kja to take care of, Gk priyco to assist, to defend. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 6 9 (borrowed from Slav *xorniti to keep); WIEDEMANN BB XXVII 2 1 0 (to v re to make clear); JOKL Studien 7 5 -7 6 (to Gk pw to see, OHG wara atten tion and the like); B ariC ARSt I 88 (follows JOKL); FRISK I 137; POKORNY I 855; a b e j St. II 8 2 -8 3 (follows JoK L and B a r i C); D e m ir a j AE 3 4 7 (follows W ie d e m a n n ).
RUAZ ~
RU E Z
R U RE
375
ruaz ~ ruez f, pl. ruaza ~ rueza glass bead; glass ball (used as an amulet). There are also variants in rr-. Deverbative of ruaj ~ ruej (C a m a r d a II 167; J o k l StFil 1/3 9-11). 0 M ey er Wb. 370 (from *prllaze, to Ital perla pearl); ABEJ St. VII 2 0 1 , 22 5 . rube f, pi. ruba kerchief. Borrowed from Slav *rb-i, seam, border, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg rhb, SCr rub (MIKLOSICH Slav. Ele mente 32; M e y e r Wb. 3 7 1 ). Semantically closer is Slovene rob cloth, shirt. rud adj. short and soft (of wool). Borrowed from Slav *ruda thick wool, cf. South Slavic: Bulg ruda, SCr ruda ( M e y e r Wb. 3 7 0 ). rudin f, pl. rudina alpine pasture. Borrowed from South Slavic *rudina id., cf. Bulg rudina, SCr rudina. rufk adj. soft-boiled (of egg). Another form is ruf. Derived from rufis to sip, a Modern Greek loanword ( M e y e r Wb. 3 7 0 ). rugj
adj. c lo s e ly c r o p p e d . S in g u la r ize d form o f the o rig in a l
*ruge.
A nother variant, w ith the u n v o iced anlaut, is ruk w ithou t sh ell (o f n u ts), w aste, d ev a sta te d . F rom P A lb *ruga co n n ecte d w ith Lith rugti to b eco m e so u r < IE *reu-g- to tear, to p u li; the latter is d eriv ed from *reu-. 0 FRAENKEL 746; POKORNY 1 8 6 8 -8 6 9 ; JGERS KZ L X X X 14 1 -1 4 2 ; a b e j St. II 83 (from rruaj).
run f air-hole of a chimney. Analogical transformation of nd'r une between bricks > nd run ( a b e j St. II 8 4 ). rungaj f, p i .rungaja avalanche; river-bed. Other variants are rrungaj, irunga and runga. Continues PAlb *wrunga connected with Lith rungoti to wind, to bend, a secondary ablaut formation based on zegtis to be bent < IE *ureng-. 0 FRAENKEL 7 1 9 , 749; POKORNY I
1154.
rungoj
aor.
rure
f a g o n iz in g d o u b ts. D er iv ed from
ruaj.
376
RUS
RRAFSH
rus adj. red-haired, blond. Borrowed from Slav id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg rus, SCr rus (M e y e r Wb. 3 7 1 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, nase lenie 196 (follows M e y e r ); C a p i d a n Dacoromania IV 850 (from Arum ans)-, ABEJ St. II 84 (from NGk povaoo red-haired). ryej aor. reva to suffer. There are also dialectal forms in rr-. From the contracted PAlb *raudinja related to Skt rditi to weep, to ro a r, Lat rud to shout, to cry, Lith raud weeping, Slav *rydati to weep. 0 F r a e n k e l 704; M a y r h o f e r III 77; V a s m e r III 526-527; P o k o r n y 1 867; a b e j St. II 79 (reconstructs *uren-). ryj aor. ryjta to enter. A prfixai form continuing *r-hyj, cf. hyj (BARIC ARSt I 17). 0 C a m a r d a II 61 (to Gk p e u v w to seek, to explore); MANN HAED 431; a b e j St. II 84 (to Lat ru to rush and the like).
r y s aor. ryta to practice, to exercise. Continues P A lb *rittja related
to Lat nul to rush down, to fall down, Slav *ryti to dig, Lith ruti to tear, to pull and the like. 0 XHUVANI KLetr 1/6 11 (to rusem); VASMER III 531; F r a e n k e l 708-709; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 453-454; P o k o r n y I 868; a b e j St. II 84 (to ryej ~ riej). ryz f, pl. ryza rue. Derivative in -z of an unattested *ryte borrowed from Lat rta id. ( a b e j St. II 84-85).
Rr
rra f,pl. rra belly-worm. From PAlb *wrag related to OIr frige vermin, flesh-worm < *urg- (BARI ARSt. I 88). 0 M e y e r Wb. 372 (from Lat crlnalis related to hair); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 538 (against M e y e r ); WEIGAND BA III 217 (from Lat rnes kidneys); L a PIANA Studi I 6 6 (to Lat vergo to bend, to turn); POKORNY I 1152; ABEJ St. II 89-90 (to Lat corrigia shoe-lace and its cognates). rrabe f, pl. rra be rocky desert (with bushes). From PAlb *rauba related to Goth raupjan to rip . 0 F e ist Goth. 395; POKORNY I 869. rrafs m. pl. rrafs churn-staff. Deverbative of rrah ~ rraf. rrafsh
m. pl.
RRAG
R R A N G i;i.I .A
377
rrafshpj to fla tte n , a verb in -shoj b ased on a b o rro w in g from Slav *or\'bivb e v e n , cf. S outh S la v ic continuants: B u lg raven, SC r ravan ( M e y e r Wb. 3 6 0 ). 0 JOKL LKUBA 175-177 (fro m S la v *orves-, an sstem o f the sam e root); SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 187; ABEJ St. II 85; S v a n e 167. rrag m apron. Continues PAlb *srauga related to the isolated Lith sroga skein, hank; tuft, hairlock, srauga id. 0 F r a e n k e l 8 90. rragatem reft, to quarrel. Borrowed from Slav *rgati s id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg n g a ja , SCr rugati se. 0 SVANE 258. rrah m, pl. rrahe grubbed out land. Deverbative of n a h to beat (ABEJ St. II 8 6 ). 0 CAMARDA I 132 (to Gk pot^i lower part of the back); MEYER Wb. 3 6 0 (rah hill from NGk p / i mountain ridge); BariC ARSt 88 (from *uroig-, as in Arm ergicanem to tear). rrah aor. rraha to beat, to strike. From PAlb *wragska etymologi cally connected with Gk paaco id. reflecting IE *urgh- ( A B E J St. II 86).0 C a m a r d a I 92 (to Gk priyvo^t to tear up); M e y e r Wb. 371372 (comparison with Slav *raziti to strike which may be true if Slav *r- goes back to IE *ur-\ then, *raziti is close to Gk paooo), Alb. St. Ill 73; J o k l LKUBA 49 (follows M e y e r ); B a r i C ARSt. I 88; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 240; C iM O C H O W S K i LP III 161; PIS A N I Saggi 127; F r i s k I I 643-644; C h a n t r a i n e 829; P o k o r n y 1 1181-1182; H u l d 150; K D D E R T IZ S C H Festschr. Mac Eoin 66; D E M IR A J AE 348. rraj f, pi. rraja path tread in the snow. Derived from rrah. rrall adj. scanty, scarce, rare. Borrowed, with a dissimilation of sonorants, from Lat rrus rare or directly from its variant rllus (M IK LOSICH Rom. Elemente 54). 0 CAMARDA I 76 (to G k pio easy, ready); M e y e r Wb. 3 7 2 (from Lat rllus clean cut), Alb. St. Ill 74; M e y ERL BKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1042; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 5 3 9 ; MlHESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 19; a b e j St. II 87; H a a r m a n n 145. rr anguila pi. rubbish, lum ber. A suffixal derivative of PAlb *ranka gathering(s) etymologically connected with Lith ranka hand, Latv riioka id., Slav *ryka id. - all of them deverbatives based on the verb
378
R R A N IG
RRASP,
FRA EN KEL
697;
V A SM ER
rranic f, pi. rranica big piece of bread. Derived from rran grain, bread. The latter is borrowed from Slav *xorna food, grain, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg xrana, xranica SCr hrana (T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 240-241). rrap m, pi. rrapa, rrepe platan. From PAlb *rapa, a denominative derived from rjep, probably as a caique of Gk niavo id. 0 TOMASCHEK ZG XXIV 529 (to OCS repina id.); M e y e r Wb. 372 (follows TOMASCHEK), Alb. St. Ill 73; WEIGAND 74 (borrowed from Slavic); SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 164 (borrowed from Slav *grab hornbeam); b JOKL Slavia XIII 309-310 (etymologically connected with Slav *repbjb burdock, ON rfr roof on rafters < IE *rp-)\ ABEJ St. II 87 (follows
JOKL).
rrapashyt
adj.
rrapatem reti, to strain oneself, to get tired. Borrowed from Slav *xrapati to bite, to tear, to wheeze, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg xrapam, dial. rapam, SCr hrapati, dial, rapati.
rraplloj
aor. rrapllova to make noise. A parallel form is rraptoj id. Related to rrapam.
rraqe pi. rubbish, lumber; house objects. From PAlb *raka connected with Lith rkt to hollow out, to pick, Latv rakt to dig. 0 M e y e r Wb. 361 (from Bulg rakla box, chest), 372 (from NGk piaov); F r a e n k e l 694; P o k o r n y I 335. rras aor. rrasa to squeeze, to press together. From PAlb *wragtja related to rrah (M E Y E R Wb. 372, with a different etymology of rrah). 0 JO K L Studien 76; A B E J St. VII 234. rras
f, pl.
rrasa
s t o n e
(C lM O C H O W S K I
LP
RRASK
RRECK
379
III 1 5 8 -1 6 1 ). MEYER Wb. 6 6 (to cirrase): MANN Language XXVIII 3 3; a b e j St. 11 8 7 -8 8 . rrask f, pl. rraska rennet. Derived from Geg rr id., cf. trend. 0 a b e j St. VII 200. rrasoll m , pl. rrasoj pickles. Another variant is rasoj, a singularized plural form. Borrowed from Slav *orzsoh, pickles; brine, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg razsol, SCr raso (M ik l o s i c h Slav. Elemente 31; M e y e r Wb. 3 6 1 ). 0 S v a n e 107. rrasht m, pl. rreshtna bone, skull, skeleton, shell. A parallel form is rresht representing a singularized plural (ABEJ LP VII 184). From PAlb *wragsta, derivative in -sta from the verbal stem preserved in rrah to beat, to strike ( O r e l IF XCIII 115). For the semantic moti vation in this case cf. Gmc *bainan bone ~ IE *bhei- to beat, to strike, Lith kaiilas bone ~ kati 'to beat. 0 M e y e r Wb. 372-373 (from Lat arista awn, beard, wheat-ear, fishbone; derives rrasht shell separately as a continuation of Lat ramus plate); K R IS T O FO R ID H I 354; Z a l i z n a k timologija 139; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 101 (prefix rr-); a b e j St. II 88 (prefix rr- + asht bone), IV 85-86; D e m ir a j AE 82 (same as C a m a j and a b e j). rrath
f
rrazbitem re fi, to weaken. Note a secondary variant rrobitem influ enced by rrob. Borrowed from Slav *orzbiti to defeat, to break, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg razbija, SCr razbiti (M IK L O S IC H Slav. Elemente 31; MEYER Wb. 3 6 2 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 178;
S v a n e 25 3 .
rrebe f, pl. rrebe mood, caprice. Another variant is reb. From PAlb *raiba etymologically connected with Lith rdibas multicolored, var iegated, Latv raibs id. 0 M a n n Language XXVIII 37; F r a e n k e l 686687; P o k o r n y I 859. rrebesh rrebull rreck
m,
m f,
380
RREGE
RREM B
RREM
*rs-bka fringe, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg reska, SCr reska. 0 MEYER Wb. 373 (from SCr resa fringe); a b e j St. VII 253.
r r e g e f, pi. rrege fallow land. Continues P A lb *wrag related to Gk
payf| split, cleft, priyvniai to break, to split and its cognates. 0 FRISK II 637, 652-653; POKORNY I 1181-1182.
r r e g u ll m ord er. Related to rregull rule. r r e g u ll f, pi. regnila rule, norm . Borrowed from Lat rgula id. (M IK LOSICH Rom. Elemente 54). 0 MEYER Wb. 362 (from Ital regola id.); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1049 (from Latin); ABEJ St. VII 202.
rrejta to deceive. From PAlb *arn-enja further related to G k pveo|iou to lie ( P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 542 n. 2). 0 B a r k ARSt. I 88 (rrem lie, a derivative of rrej, to Lat verbum word); TAGLI AVINI Dalmazia 236; M a n n Language XXVIII 37 (to OE wrne); F r i s k I 145-146; POKORNY I 62; a b e j St. II 90-91 (derived from re cloud); DEMIRAJ AE 348-349 (from a Romance source related to Lat erroneus erring).
rre j ~ rr j
ao r.
rre k
rreka to strain, to bother. Continues PAlb *raika related with Lith reik need, necessity, reikti to be necessary further explained in connection with Lith rikti to cut, to plow the fallow land. 0 MANN Language XXVIII 37 (to Goth wrohjan); F r a e n k e l 714.
ao r.
363 (from Ital remo id.), Alb. St. Ill 74 (from Gk peficx).
rre m
a d j. false. Derived from rrej. 0 C a m a r d a I 8 3 (to Lat error mistake); M e y e r Wb. 3 7 3 - 3 7 4 ; B A R ld ARSt 8 8 - 8 9 (to Gk pvoncu to lie); a b e j St. VII 200.
pi. rremba ~ rrema branch. Other variants are rrem and rremb. Borrowed from L a t rmus id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 54; M e y e r Alb. St. I 45, Wb. 364-365) with a secondary -mb < -m. 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1042; JOKL LKUBA 18-19, 276; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 235-236; M i h e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 19; a b e j St. II 91; H a a r m a n n 145; L a n d i Lat. 47-48, 97. rre m b ~ rre m
m,
RREP
RREV
381
r r e p m, pi. rrepa turnip. Other variants are rrap and r(r)ep. Bor
rowed from Lat rpum id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 54). 0 M e y e r Wb. 363 (rrap from Ital rapa id. while rrep - from Slav *repa id.); JOKL LKUBA 232; S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 162 (from Slavic); TAGLI AVINI Dalmazia 236; LANDI Lat. 45; ABEJ apud DEMIRAJ AE (bor rowed from Gk prcu); DEMIRAJ AE 349-350 (borrowed from or related to Gk pnvj).
r r e p t adj. strong, inexorable. Derived from rrjep. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 373
(from Turk rehb fear); K r is tO F O R I D H I 358 (from Lat rapidus fast); a b e j St. IV 86, VII 184. rreshka to roast. Borrowed from WGmc *raustjan id., cf. OHG rsten. Note a derivative rreshk smell (of food), appetite. 0 B A R I ARSt 88 (to Latv su-vergt)', CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 113 (suffix -k).
rre sh k
a o r.
lace. Another variant is retr ~ retn. Borrowed from Rom *retina bridle attested in Fr rne id. (JOKL RIEB II 5 6 -5 9 ). 0 CAMARDA II 142; MlHESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 2 4 ; a b e j St. II 9 1; JANSON Unt. 5 8;
H a a r m a n n 146. r r e t h m, pi. rrath hoop, rim (of wheel); circle. Deminutive in -th of
an unattested *rat wheel, cf. Skt rdtha- wagon, Lat rota wheel, OIr roth, OHG rad and the like (CAMARDA I 3 2 3 ). 0 M E Y E R Alb. St. 1 35 ( r e p e a ts CAMARDAs e ty m o lo g y ) , Wb. 372 (to OHG chreiz c i r c le ), Alb. St. Ill 8, 28; B a r i C ARSt. I 31 (re p e a ts CAMARDAs e ty m o lo g y ); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 235 (a g re e s w ith B a r i C); M a y r h o f e r III 38-39; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I I 443-444; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 2; V e n d r y e s [Rj 45-46; P o k o r n y I 866; H u l d 116 (fro m *uroikos, cf. Gk poK c u r v e d , b e n t); ABEJ St. II 91-93 (a c c e p ts CAMARDAs e ty m o lo g y
a n d c o m m e n ts on th e u m la u t in sg .). r r e v f lot. Borrowed from Lat rebus, dat.-abl. pi. of res thing, cir
cumstance.
382
RREZE
R R G JO J
R R K A JR
R R M U )
383
plural of *rra: borrowed from Lat radius id. (M IK L O S IC H Rom. Ele mente 54). 0 C a m a r d a I 96 (to Lat radix root); M e y e r Wb. 364 (from Rom pl. *radia), Alb. Sr. IV 14; M E Y E R -L B K E Gr. Grundri 2 I 1044, 1049, 1052; M i h e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 19; a b e j Sr. II 93; H a a r m a n n 145; L a n d i Lar. 45, 85, 97.
r r ez g m culmination, acme, prim e. Another derivational variant is
cluster. 0 CAMARDA I 116 (to Lat riiga wrinkle); MEYER Wb. 373 (borrowed from Rom *rdiculre, derivative of Lat rodere to bite); a b e j St. II 95-96 (from regi): H a a r m a n n 146.
rrk aj adv. in torrents, in a stream . Borrowed from Slav instr. sg.
of *rek. Borrowed from Slav *rka riv e r, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg reka, SCr rijeka, reka ( S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 323). 0 SVANE 172; M u r a t i Probleme 97-99 (derived from rrjedh).
rrk llej aor. rrklleva to ro ll. A prfixai derivative of kllehem to
*to carry (away) continuing the same meaning of Lat ref erre. 0 A B E J St. VII 234 (to rruv with a secondary -/-).
rrfan gull f, pl. rrfangulla buttonhole. Derived from rrfan handle.
0 ABEJ
244 n. 1) of kalli. 0 M e y e r Wb. 364 (from Ital cardoscolimo kind of wild artichoke); JOKL Melanges Pedersen 143; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 54; a b e j St. VII 239; D e m ir a j AE 350.
rrm a adj. lefthanded. Derived from rrern.
ri 21 1051. tell, to inform ( C a m a r d a 1119; M e y e r Wb. 373). 0 a b e j St. II 9394 (prefix rr- added to -fej borrowed from MGk (paivco to show, to make appear).
rrfeshk m, pl. rrfeshk kind of thistle. Derived from rrufe (JO K L LKUBA rrm ejt adj. steep'. A prfixai derivative of maj. rrm eta pl. bast shoes. Borrowed from an unattested Slavic *remata
belts, laces, plural form of *rem - an analogical formation derived from Slav *remy, *re mene belt, lace.
rrm ih aor. rrmiha to dig up. Another variant is rrrnoj. Borrowed from Lat rimare id. (MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 19; HAARMANN 146). 0 CAMARDA I 57 (to Gk pujr pole of a chariot; trace). r rm iq e f, pl. rrmiq precipice. Phonetic variant of rrmejt
221-222). 0
ABEJ
r r g a ll f, pl. rrgalla pebbly site; deep and narrow ravine. An early Slavic loanword, from *roga lu corner, see ragal. 0 JO K L IF XL1V
ABEJ
St. II 94-95.
rrm uj f disorder, confusion; booty. Continues PAlb *raimuljO related
Lat eradic
384
RREN D
RRA
R R Q F .B U T .L
RRQETHEM
R R F ./AI.T.
385
386
RRZ
R R IP
rrz f, pl. rrza foot (of a mountain or a tree). From PAlb *wradj etymologically connected with rrnj. 0 ABEJ St. VII 21 0 . rrzoj aor. rrzova to throw d o w n , to pull d o w n . B a sed on rrz. 0 CAMARDA I 96 (d erived from rreze). rri aor. ndenja, ndejta to sit, to stand, to stay, to r e m a in . The su p p letiv e aorist b elo n g s to the paradigm o f ndej. T he fo rm o f p resen t g o e s back to P A lb *rina ety m o lo g ic a lly c lo se to Skt m o ti to a rise,
to m o v e , Gk o p v u |r a i to m o v e u p and rela ted fo rm s. 0 CAMARDA
I 45 (to Gk ep\)K(D to k eep in, to cu rb ); MEYER Wb. 374 (to IE *kleito lean, to b en d w ith im p o ssib le p h on etic ch a n g es), Alb. St. IV 59 (evalu ates h is earlier ety m o lo g y as am biguous); BUGGE BB XVIII 170171 (to Lat nidus n e st); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 545 (rejects M e y e r s e ty m o lo g y ); JOKL Studien 16-11 (to G m c *rw q u ie t. Gk pcof) id .), LKUBA 194 (follow s M e y e r ); B a ri C ARSt. I 80 (from IE *nizd)\ T a g li a v in i Dalmazia 238; F r isk I I 422-424; M a y r h o f e r I 122; P o k o r n y I 326-332; ABEJ St. VII 234; H u l d 109 (to IE *reidh- to r id e ). rrib f gale, wind, waterfall, torrent. From PAlb *wrib, a zero-grade formation connected with IE *uerb(h)- to turn, to bend and, as far as the derivational structure is concerned, identical with Slav *vbrba pussy-willow, Lith virbas rod, birch-rod, tw ig (OREL Linguistica XXIV 434, TBK 195). For the semantic development of rrib cf. E wind ~ to wind. 0 FRAENKEL 1259; POKORNY I 1153; VASMER I 293. rrik f turnip. Borrowed from Rom *rdica, cf. Lat radix root (MIK LOSICH Rom. Elemente 54; MEYER Wb. 365-366). A parallel form rrilk reflects Rom *radcula. 0 MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 32 (from Slavic); C a m a r d a I 178 (to Gk prtn turnip); M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1044; Jo k l LKUBA 232; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 243; T a g l ia v in i Dal mazia 238; S v a n e 145. rrim e f, pl. rrime rainworm . Singularized plural of P A lb *wrima con tinuing IE *ijrmi- ~ *urmo- worm: Lat vermis id., Goth watrms worm, snake, Lith varmas insect (OREL IF XC1II 116). 0 FRAENKEL 1201; F e ist Goth. 555-556; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 760; P o k o r n y I 1152. rrip f, pi. rripa precipice, stone wall. Borrowed from Lat ripa bank, coast (M iklosich Rom. Elemente 55; MEYER Wb. 367). 0 M e y e r -
RRIQR ~ RRIQN
RRJESHT
387
LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1044; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 19; HAAR MANN 146; L a n d i Lat. 97. rriq r ~ rriq n f, pl. rriqra ~ rriqna tick. Borrowed from Lat
ricinus id. (M e y e r Wb. 374, Alb. St. Ill 74). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grund ri 2 I 1049; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 24; HAARMANN 146.
rris aor. rrita to pull up, to move up, to increase, to grow . Goes back
to *writja etymologically connected with IE *uert- to turn: Skt variate, Lat verta. Goth w air jan to become and the like. 0 G lLFERDING Otn. 24 (to Skt fdhnti to grow ); CAMARDA I 52 (same as G i l f e r d in g ) ; M e y e r Wb. 367 (repeats C a m a r d a s etymology), Alb. St. Ill 29; B a riC ARSt. I 88 (from *urdh); S c h m id t KZ LVII 29 (to Lat orior); TAGLI AVINI Dalmazia 239; M a n n Language XXVIII 31 (to Lith rytas); ClMOCHOwsKi LP II 251; M a y r h o f e r III 154-155; W a ld e - H o f m a n n 11 763-765; POKORNY I 1156-1157; HAMP Laryngeals 137 (same as SCHMIDT, to IE *er- ~ *or- to start moving, to stir); ABEJ St. VII 217, 257; O r e l Linguistica XXIV 433-432 (follows S c h m id t and Hamp); D e m ir a j AE 351-352 (reconstructs a prefix *n-).
r r isg f, pi. rrisga stone splinter. Somehow connected with rras. rrisk f, pl. rriska disc, circle. A suffixal derivative of rreth. rrizh goj aor. rrizhgova to creep up (of plants). Goes back to *rrishgoj borrowed from Lat resurgere to rise (again). rrjedh aor. rrodha to flow. From PAlb *redza etymologically related
to Lat rigare to wet, to moisten, ON raki wetness (PISANI Saggi 130). 0 C a m a r d a 1 43 (to Gk pto to flow); M e y e r Wb. 374 (to Goth rign rain in which, however, -g- continues IE *-k-), IF V 195, Alb. St. Ill 18, 73; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 335; C im o c h o w sk i LP II 231; M a n n Language XXVIII 37 (compares rrjedh with Skt vrdjati to stride, to go); W a l d e -H o f m a n n I I 435; P o k o r n y I 857; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 51 (to erdha, see vij); JUCQUOIS Le Muson LXXVIII 448 (follows M a n n ); a b e j St. VII 201; H u l d 110 (agrees with M e y e r ); D e m ir a j AE 352-353 (to a poorly attested IE *sr-edh-).
rrjesh t m , pi. rrjeshta r o w . A n oth er variant is rresht. B o rro w ed from Lat regestum lis t (MEYER Wb. 3 7 4 , Alb. St. IV 19). 0 JOKL IF X X X V I
388
R R JE T
RROJ
147 (from Lat restis r o p e ); BERNARD LB IX /2 86 (fro m Turk ri.te th read ); MIHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 24; a b e j St. II 99-100 ( fo llo w s Jo k l ); H a a r m a n n 145; L a n d i Lai. 53, 145-146.
rrjet f. pi. net. Another variant is rret. Borrowed from Lat rete id.
( M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 55; M e y e r Wb. 364). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 1 I 1044; M IH ESC U RESEE IV/1-2 24; A BEJ St. VII 277; H a a r m a n n 146; L a n d i Lat. 54, 86.
rroboj
aor. rrobova to scatter. Borrowed from one of the continu ants of Gmc *raitbojan to rob, to plunder: OS rbn, OHG roubn, Goth biraubon. 0 FEIST Goth. 94.
rrobull m, pi. rrobuj mountain pine. Borrowed from Lat rbur oak
with a dissimilation of sonorants (MIHESCU RESEE I V / 1 - 2 St. II 1 0 0 ) . 0 H a a r m a n n 1 4 6 ; L a n d i L a r . 1 4 7 .
2 4 ; ABEJ
rrog f, pl. rroga alpine meadow. Borrowed from Slav *rogh horn
also denoting spur of a mountain as in Bulg rog, SCr rog. 0 ABEJ St. V I I 2 5 1 , 2 7 9 (from rruaj).
rrogoz m, pi. rrogoza reed m at. Borrowed from Slav *rogoz,b reed,
cf. in South Slavic: SCr rogoz (MIKLOSICH Siav. Elemente 3 2 ; MEYER Wb. 3 6 8 ) . 0 JOKL LKUBA 2 1 6 ; S e liS c e v Slav, naselenie 1 7 3 , 3 2 3 ; S v a n e
115.
rroj aor. rrova, rrojta to live, to stay. Continues PAlb *rnja iden
tical with Lith roju, roti to cope, to be ready further connected with rieti to stack (wood) and derived from IE *rei~. 0 C A M A R D A I 9 2 (to Gk pwoum to move strongly, to dance); M e y e r Wb. 3 7 5 (to Lat regere to direct); M A N N Language XVII 1 2 (from Rom *remanre to rem ain); FRAENKEL 7 4 3 - 7 4 4 ; POK O RNY I 8 5 9 ; ABEJ St. VII 1 9 8 ,
266.
R R O JB
RRO T
389
rrok
aor. rroka to seize, to snatch, to touch. Borrowed from Gmc *rukkjan to move, to remove, to stir, to snatch, to pull, to push: OE roccian, OHG rucchan, ON rykkja. 0 CAMARDA I 39 (to Gk priyvupi to tear); B a ri ARSt 89 (to Gk epioicco to break asunder, to rend); HOLTHAUSEN AEW 262.
rrok
rrokoll
adv.
0 A BEJ
St.
VII 254.
rrokotele pi. rubbish. An expressive fromation based on rrok to seize. rrol m, pi. rrola old and unused ox. From *rrozgl, diminutive of rrozg. rropak m, pl. rropak annex. Borrowed from South Slavic *ropakio, cf. Bulg ropa pit, quarry, rropulli pi. intestines, guts; fruit. An emphatic prfixai formation based
on pLille.
390
RRO TU LL
RRUM
G rundri21 1045, 1050: TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 241; MIHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 19; a b e j St. VII 254; H a a r m a n n 146; L a n d i Lat. 97.
rrozg m. pi. rrozga old and unused ox. Borrowed from Slav *rozbka
horned animal, horn, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg rozka, rozko.
rrshim m shower. From *rrebeshim, derivative of rrebesh. rrua ~ rrue m stream . Back formation based on prrua. rruaj ~ rruej aor. rruajta, rrova to shave. From P A lb *wragnja related to Gk pTyvDtn to break, to tear. 0 C A M A R D A 151 (to Gk pKO to pull, to tear); M e y e r Wb. 375 (from Lat rdere to scrape), Alb. St. Ill 74; M E Y E R -L B K E Gr. Grundri 21 1049; SCHUCH ARDT KZ XX 251; W E IG A N D 76 (contamination of Lat rdere and rdere to bite); JOKL LKUBA 223-224 (related to rdere); F r is k II 652-653; P o k o r n y I 1181; A B E J * . II 102 (agrees with JOKL). rrudh
f, pi. rrudha w r in k le . C on tin u es P A lb *rudz e ty m o lo g ic a l
ly co n n ected w ith Lat rga id. (CAMARDA I 7 4 ). 0 B a r i ARSt. 9 0 91 (to Skt vdrjati to turn, to tea r); WALDE-HOFMANN II 4 4 8 -4 4 9 ; P o k o r n y I 870.
rrufe
f, pi. rrufe lightning. Borrowed from Lat romphaea long sword, adaptation of Gk po(i<pcaoc id., with a semantic development similar to that of Ital saetta arrow, dart and thunderbolt (MEYER Wb. 376). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 237; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 333; O r e l timologija 1980 62-63 (on Bulg rofeja, ru fa ).
rrug
f, pl. rrug str e e t. B o r r o w e d fro m R om *rga id. co n tin u in g Lat ruga w r in k le (MEYER Wb. 3 7 6 ). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1 047, 1050; ABEJ St. VTI 198, 217; HULD 110; L a n d i Lat. 6 8 , 97.
RRU M BU LL
RRYELL
391
F rom P A lb *wrubna id en tical w ith Gk p ^ v o thorny b u sh , further co n n ecte d w ith Lith virbas bran ch , sh o o t. 0 POKORNY I 1153.
rrumbull adj. rolled into a ball. Borrowed from Rom *rombulus based on Lat rhombus magic whirligig or wheel, cf. Ital dial, rummulu, rumbulu (MEYER Wb. 3 7 0 ). 0 CAMARDA II 151 (to Gk pouoq magic wheel); LANDI Lat. 61. rrun f, pi. rruna lamb. Borrowed from Slav *runo fleece, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg runo, SCr runo. Note a parallel form runs continuing Slav *runbCb. 0 MEYER Wb. 371 ( runs from *runt-es ). rrush m, pi. rrush grape. From PAlb *rgusa related to Gk pt, id. ( C a m a r d a I 87). The feminine form *rgus is reflected in the name of Illyr Ragusa ~ Ragusium ( A B E J St. II 102-103). The form of the latter 'Pocotiaa in Const. Porphyrogen. De adm. reflects the early Alban ian loss of the intervocalic voiced stop before the contraction of vowels ( K a l u 2 s k a j a Antic, balk. 5 19). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. 141 (to Pers raz grape), Wb. 371 (to Slav *grozdb id.); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 241; M A N N Language XXVI 384 (to Lith rausi to dig); FRISK II 642. rrushkull m. pi. rrushkuj kind of thorny plant. Borrowed from Rom *rsculus, derivative of Lat rscus butchers-broom (MEYER Wb. 371). 0 C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 118 (derivative in -nil); MlHESCU RESEE TV/1-2 24; HAARMANN 147; L a n d i Lat. 141. (G) rruv m , pi. rruvanj vine without grapes. Another variant is rruf. Somehow related to rrush. 0 ABEJ St. II 103 (to rrfan). rruvi f, pi. rruvi line. Metathesis of vrri little furrow (K r isto fo r id h i 22), derivative of v. 0 M e y e r Wb. 376 (from Rom *rubescula based on Lat ruber red ); KRISTOFORIDHI 364 (to vij); ABEJ St. II 103 (vrri - to varr), IV 86. rruzull m sp h ere, g lo b e ( o f ea r th ). D er iv ed from rruz
1 0 3 -1 0 4 ).
(
abej
St. II
rryell m. pi. rryej eu p h orb ia. B orrow ed - w ith a d issim ila tio n o f son orants - from B alkan R om *lilum > R um aliol, alior id. (PEDERSEN
392
RRYESH M
S A B JE
KZ XXXIII 539). 0 M e y e r Wb. 366 (from Rom *aliellum); PU C A R IU EWR 6-7; C A M A J Alb. Wortb. 118; A B E J St. II 104 (against both M e y e r and P E D E R S E N ). rryeshm adv. slow. Derived from ryej. rryl ~ rrill f, pl. rryla ~ rrila lentil. Borrowed from Lat ervilla id., derivative of ervum ( M e y e r Wb. 376). 0 M lH E SC U RESEE IV/1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 123. rrym f, pl. rryma flow (of w ater). From P A l b *srm related to Gk pepa stream , ON straumr id., Lith siraumu fast stream and other derivatives in *-men- of IE *sreu- to flow (M A N N Language XXVI 385). 0 F r i s k II 650-651; F r a e n k e l 887; P o k o r n y I 1003; a b e j St. VII 202, 111. rryp ~ rrip m , pl. rrypa ~ rripa belt. From PAlb *wripa with the further development similar to that of krymb ~ krimb. Related to Gk pant to sew together, to stitch, Lith vefpti to spin and the like (M A N N Language XXVIII 3 7 ) . 0 H a h n 1 1 0 (to rjep); C A M A R D A II 6 2 (follows H a h n ); M e y e r Wb. 3 6 7 (the same); FRAENKEL 1 2 6 1 ; FRISK II 6 4 3 ; P o k o r n y 1 1 1 5 6 ; a b e j St. II 1 0 4 (the same).
s
s adv not. Identical with (PED ER SEN KZ XXXVI 321, 341). 0 BOPP497 (identical with -s in mos); C A M A R D A 1312; M e y e r Wb. 376 (from Lat dis-); JOKL AArbSt I 37-38; TAG LIA VIN I 242; PISA N I Saggi 110, 154; a b e j S . II 104-105 (follows P e d e r s e n ). sa pron., adv. how. From PAlb *tsja etymologically connected with se. 0 M e y e r Wb. 376 (from NGk ov when, whenever < co av); H a m p Numerals 836 (from ^k^p). sabje f, pl. sabje sword. Other variants are sabl, sabj. Borrowed from the South Slavic word for sword: Bulg saba, SCr sablja (M I K L O SIC H Slav. Elemente 32), itself of questioned Hungarian origin (szablya id. derived from szabni to cut). See M E Y E R Wb. 376.
S A J
SA N A
393
saj f, pl. saja sledge. In dialects, an older form sanj is preserved. Borrowed from Slav *sarti id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg sani, SCr sani (M IK L O S IC H Slav. Elemente 3 2 ). 0 SVANE 35. sajoj aor. sajova to devise, to think of. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 7 7 (from Turk sajiklt clever, far-sighted). sak m net. Borrowed from South Slavic: Bulg sak id., SCr sak package of hay, themselves from Rum sac sack, fishing net (MEYER Wb. 377). 0 PUCARIU EWR 134. sak adv. r ea lly , for s u r e . An a lle g r o form o f sakt ex a ct, p r e c is e
o f R om an ce o rig in . 0 MEYER Wb. 3 77 (from Turk sahih true, e x a c t).
sakavic f, pi. sakavica long hook for pulling down branches. Bor rowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg sakavica axe < Slav *sekavica. sak f, pi. saka axe. Back formation based on sakavic. As to sakic small axe, it was formed in Albanian from sak. salikoj aor. salikova to carry out the ceremony of burial. 0 ABEJ St. II 1 0 5 -1 0 6 (derived from psaloj to sing psalms, a Modern Greek loanword). samem refi, to have bad taste, to get spoiled. Derived from same. same i dogs excrem ents. Continues PAlb *tswa(n)-ma, a derivative in *-mo- of the Indo-European word for dog, otherwise unattested in Albanian, cf. Skt sva, Gk k c o v , Or c, Lith su and the like (OREL Fort. 7 9 ). For the semantics cf. Slav *govbno excrem ents, original ly - cows exrem ents derived from IE *gv ou- cow. 0 FRAENKEL 1 0 3 3 -1 0 3 4 ; FRISK I 5 8 -5 9 ; MAYRHOFER III 4 0 2 -4 0 3 ; L e w is - P e d e r SEN 7; V e n d r y e s [C] 257; POKORNY I 6 3 2 -6 3 3 . samt adj. insipid, unflavored, tasteless. Based on *sam borrowed from Slav *sanib self, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg sam, SCr sam. The intermediate meaning must have been having a taste of itself or similar. sana pi. e lfs, sp irits o f m ou n tain s. B o rro w ed from Slav *sanb snake, d ra g o n : C S sa n and the lik e (MEYER Wb. 3 7 8 ).
394
SA N E
SERRE
san f hay. Borrowed from Slav *seno id., cf. South Slavic contin
uants: Bulg s 'ano, SCr sijeno (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 32; M e y e r Wb. 378). The development of Slav *-e- > -a- is repeated in NGk aavv id. 0 JOKL LKUBA 108, Slavia XIII 639; S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 160, 295; T a g l ia v in i 243; S v a n e 40. sark f build, frame, figure (of human body). Continues PAlb *tserka derived from IE *k to make, to build: Skt karoti, Lith kurti and erthe like. 0 POKORNY I 6 4 1 -6 4 2 .
se pron. what, conj. that, than. From P A lb *tsja continuing pronom inal IE *kia ( M e y e r Wb. 383; L a P ia n a Studi I 127). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 316 (to *A 'l'e-); JOKL Sprache IX 123; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 243 (from *s); M a n n Language XXVI 385.Hist. Gr. 122 (from *k em)\ C im o c h o w s k i LP II 225; H u l d 110-111 (agrees with M a n n ); a b e j St. II 119; H u ld 110; D e m ir a j AE 353-354. sem b r pl. two peasants using the same pair of oxen or having common cattle. Another variant is smbr. Borrowed from Slav *sbi~h neighbor, comrade, peasant, cf. in South Slavic: SCr sebar (JOKL Slavia XIII 2 8 6 , 3 0 2 , Zb Miletic 12 1 -1 2 2 ). 0 ABEJ St. II 1 0 6 -1 0 7 ; S v a n e 192. sen d m, pi. sende th in g . From P A lb *tsjam tarn < IE *kiom tom, a seq u en ce o f tw o p ron ou n s in neuter o f w h ich the first is rela ted to se (OREL Fort. 79-80). 0 CAMARDA I 335 (to Skt sant- e x istin g , b e in g ); MEYER Wb. 381 (from Turkish); ASCOLI Frammenti linguistici 15 (follow s C a m a r d a ) ; B a r iC ARSt. I 92 (the sam e); S p it z e r MRIW I 322 (to Lat genus k in ); M a n n Language XVII 20-21 (fro m IE *est}tis)\ ABEJ St. II 107-108 (from sen w ith a p h o n etica lly d ev elo p p ed -d\ sen is then ex p la in ed as a cc u sa tiv e o f se). se re f tar. Borrowed from Slav *sera sulphur, cf. Bulg s ara, SCr sera, sjera (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 32; MEYER Wb. 381). 0 SELISCEV
of mountains.
SETE
- -
S IK U N D E R
395
set f, pi. seta sieve. Back formation of site taken for a plural in -/-. 0 C a m a r d a 1 4 6 (to Gk oriGco to sift, to bolt). smboj
aor.
dhmboj. 0 a b e j St. II 108 (phonetic variant of cmoj). smur - smun adj. ill, sick. An analogical formation based on smund illness < * inability , a univerbation of s mund, cf. s and mund (H a h n 77, 116). 0 C a m a r d a I 101,312 (same as H a h n ); M e y e r Wb. 291 (follows H a h n and CAMARDA); TAGLIAVINI 245; ABEJ St. II 108 (semantic parallels in other Balkan languages: NGk vr||i7topia, Arum niputeare). spat f, pl. spata axe. Borrowed from the Bulgarian definite form in -i>f -sap-bt axe-handle. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 8 2 (indirectly, from Rom *sappata)\ VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 55. sfejk f, pl. sfejka beet. Derived from Lat felicem, filicem fern, weed. sfurk m, pi. sfurq, sfurqe rake; scorpion. A prfixai form based on *furk borrowed from Lat furca rake, fork (JOKL LKUBA 116). sfytyrij
aor.
tive *ki-), Alb. St. Ill 12; PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 128; TAGLIAVINI Strat ificazione 2 4 3 -2 4 4 ; H a m p IF LXVI 53 (equal to Lat quei > qui how); MANN Language XXVI 385 (from *kv Hist. Gr. 201 (reconstructs i), *k"ija identical with Lat quia why); POKORNY I 6 4 6 -6 4 7 ; ABEJ St. VII 240; HULD 111. sikundr conj. as. Another variant is sindkur. Compound o f si, nd and kur. 0 CAMARDA I 322 (to Lat secundum or Ital secondo)', M e y e r Wb. 384 (Ital secondo according to influenced by kundr); a b e j St. VII 272.
396
SILL
Sri
sill f, pl. siile breakfast. Derivative of sjell (ABE; St. II 109-110) used to denote delay, cf. sillet to be late. Thus, breakfast is treated as a meal delaying the beginning of days work. 0 PEDERSEN Philologica II 114 (from *k"il): B a r iC ARSt. I 59 (related to Gk eco dawn and the like); ClMOCHOWSKl ABS III 41 (from IE *k! (e)l das Herbringen); MANN Language XXVIII 35 (to OE hvil time, while and its cognates).
sill f, pi. silla power, force. Borrowed from Slav *sila id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg sila, SCr sila (MEYER Wb. 384). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 178, 303; SVANE 224.
(G) sim ahuer m accomplice. Borrowed and morphologically adapted from MGk oppaxo comrade-in-arms (JOKL IF XLIV 61-62). 0 ABEJ St. II 110.
sim otr f, pi. simotra blood sister, colleague, fellow, partner. Com
above < pr s epr where s epr < s epr is the ablative of (i) epr ( a b e j St. II 110-111). 0 Bopp 4 99 (combination of si and pr); GlLFERDING Otn. 2 6 (from Lat super); CAMARDA I 3 1 8 -3 1 9 (to Lat super and its cognates); MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 65 (from Lat super); MEYER Wb. 38 5 (from pronominal si- and -pr, found in tepr); PEDERSEN Festskrift Thomsen 2 5 0 , KZ XXXVI 311 (-pr compared with prej); THUMB IF XIV 358 n. 1 (borrowed from Lat super).
sis f, pi. sisa breast, bosom, tit. Borrowed from Slav *sisa id., cf.
Bulg sito, SCr sito (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 33; M e y e r Wb. 3 8 5 3 8 6 ). As to the verb sit to sift, it is borrowed from Slav *sjati id. 0 Jo k l LKUBA 299; S e l i SCev Slav, naselenie 154; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 244; a b e j St. VII 184; S v a n e 72.
S IT K A
SK A J
SK J
397
sitka pl. bran. Borrowed from Slav *sitbka id., deminutive of *sito, cf. site. sitk f cane, rush. Borrowed from Slav *siti,ka id., deminutive of *sita id., cf. SCr sita. 0 SV A N E 1 1 3 . sivjet adv. 'this year. From PAlb *tsjei wetei, dat.-loc. sg. continuing IE *kiei uetei (BOPP 460; M e y e r Wb. 383, Alb. St. Ill 12). See sonte. 0 CAMARDA I 188; M e y e r Gr. Gr. 298; M a n n Language XXVIII 33; C h a n t r a in e 1116; H u l d 112-113. sivon f delicate face. Used by De R a d a . Unclear. 0 a b e j St. II 111 (from sine, accusative of sy, with an epenthetic -vo-, from an exclam atory o). sjell aor. solla to bring. Continues PAlb *tsela or *tselna related to IE *k"el-: Skt carati to move, to walk, Gk irtao to come into exis tence, to become, Lat col to cultivate, to till (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 277). 0 M e y e r Wb. 386 (reconstructs IE *kel-)\ P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. 1 127; BARlt ARSt. I 66; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 244 (follows PEDER SEN); JOKL LKUBA 229, Die Sprache IX 123; MANN Language XXVI 382, Language XXVIII 35; MAYRHOFER I 376; FRISK II 500-501; CHANTRAINE 878; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 245-246; P o k o r n y I 639640; a b e j Die Sprache XVIII 145, St. II 109-100; LBERG IBK XIV 115; HULD 111 (semantic parallel to sjell in E wind)', DEMIRAJ AE 354. skallua ~ skallue m, Derived from kalli. skamur ~ skamun
adj. pl.
skaj - skj m, pl. skanje ~ skje edge, border. A prfixai derivative of an unattested *kanj < P A l b *kanja related to Slav *konib edge, Latv atkan again. 0 M e y e r Wb. 1 7 4 (to knd); JOKL LKUBA 1 1 6 (from Slav *kon-b edge); SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 1 9 7 , 3 2 6 (agrees with JO KL); V a s m e r III 5 1 ; a b e j St. IT 1 1 1 (together with skanjo chair borrowed from Ital scagno id.); T r u b a c e v SSJa X 1 9 5 - 1 9 6 ; POKORNY I 564.
3 98
SKRDKHKM
S O D IT
SOKLLAS
S O T IN
399
skrdehem refi, to get drunk. A prfixai derivative of deh. skrfyell m, pl. skrfyej larynx. A prfixai derivative of fyell.
sokllas
kllas. 0
aor.
M eyer
St. II
m, pi. sokola falcon. Borrowed from Slav *sokol-b id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg sokol, SCr soko (STIER KZ XI 137; M i k lo s ic h Slav. Elemente 33; MEYER Wb. 3 8 9 ). 0 S e liS c e v Slav, nase lenie 198, 304; T a g l i a v i n i 245; S v a n e 148.
sklep f matter from the eyes, rheum . Other variants are skrlep and skrloq. A prfixai derivative of glep. skllupe
f, pi. skllupe strong bough. Borrowed from Slav *skorlupa skin, bark unattested in South Slavic except for Slovene skralupa. aor.
skopita to c a str a te. B o r ro w e d fro m S lav *skopiti id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg skopa, SCr skopiti (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 33; M e y e r Wb. 3 8 7 ). 0 S v a n e 2 6 2 .
skopit
sonte adv. this night. From PAlb *tsj(i) nakti, dat.-loc. sg. continuing IE *kii nokl'ti-, cf. Lith sinakt id. and the like (BOPP 460). 0 C a m a r d a I 224; M e y e r Wb. 298, Alb. St. ITT 12, Gr. Gr. 298; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 311 (reconstructs so- < *ti)\ JOKL Die Sprache IX 141; TAGLIAVINI 246; M a n n Language X X V I379, XX V III33; O r e l FLH V III/1-2 38; H u l d 112; DEM IRAJ AE 283. sorr
f, pi. sorra c r o w . C o n tin u es PAlb *tsrsn co r re sp o n d in g ,
with a different ablaut grade, to Skt ki'snd- black, dark, OPrus kirsnan
skorratin f snow storm . Another variant is sllotin. The form skorratin was influenced by skorr. Originally, derived from skllot.
black, Slav *cbim >id. (M a n n Language XXVIII 35). The anlaut affricate o f P roto-A lb an ian is p reser v ed in R um cioar c r o w . 0 STIER KZ XI 2 2 0 (on the co n n ectio n w ith Rum cioar); CAMARDA II 4 4 ( o f S la v ic origin); MEYER Wb. 3 9 0 (to S lav *sorka m a g p ie), Alb. St. Ill 39 (from
skorr adj. exhausted. Borrowed from Slav *skoi~b quick, cf. in South
Slavic: OCS skor-h, Bulg adv. skoro, SCr adv. skoro.
skundill m, pi. skundij seam, edge. Continues an earlier *skndill, a suffixal derivative of skanj. 0 M e y e r Wb. 174 (from Rom *cantile ); K r is t o f o r id h i 500 (from South Slav skat seam, fold, cf. skut); a b e j St. II 1 1 1 -1 1 2 (follows K r i s t o f o r i d h i ) . skuq aor. skuqa to make red . Derived from kuq.
Wb. 383), cf. sonte. From here, sotm :ondary phonetic variant sorm. 0 MEYER 296; T a g l i a v i n i 246; M a n n Language 03 (sorm based on *sor < *kii + HeiHri, AE 283. dsed on *sot borrowed from Slavic *shtb avic: Bulg s'bt, SCr sat. Note -o- renfA Slav. zaim. 12). 0 S v a n e 159.
IE *kuorna); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 337; J o k l LKUBA 93; B a r iC ARSt. I 74; T a g l i a v i n i Stratificazione 140; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 143; L a P ia n a Studi I 2 2 (to Lat cornix c r o w ); PISANI Saggi 130; MAYRHOFER I 264; POKORNY I 583; P o g h i r c 1st. limb. rom. II 339; R o s e t t i ILR I 275; TRUBACEV SSJa IV 1 5 5 -1 5 7 ; TOPOROV PJa IV 3-7; LBERG IBK XIV 110; H am p GjA VI 43; a b e j St. VII 2 3 4 , 254; H u l d 145; O r e l Z a lk XXIII 149; K o r t l a n d t KZ XCIV 249; DEMIRAJ AE 3 55.
D A 1U *
: .ii'W,. * used i a meaning m close to Bulg slog boundary, limit, land m easure. 0 S v a n e 37.
smilat aor. smilata to flatter. Borrowed from South Slavic *si,mil ati
to cajole, cf. Bulg sm ilavam.
*k diti- (B o p p 513; M e y e modern is derived, with its s Gr. Gr. 298; JO KL IF XL1X XXVI 379; HULD KZ XCVIII to Av ayara day); D e m i r a
400
S O V A JK
S Q IM
sovajk f, pl. sovajka shuttle. Borrowed from South Slavic *sovadl-hka id. attested in Bulg sovalka (DESNICKAJA Slav. zaim. 12). sprndrit ndrit.
aor.
spic f, pi. spica thorn, splinter. Borrowed from Slav *stbpica peg, splinter, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg spica, SCr spica (DESNICKAJA Slav, zaim. 12). 0 SVANE 35. spikth
m, pi.
spith m dropsy. Derived from pi. spreth m, pi. sprethe cornice, eaves. Derivative based on PAlb *praka continuing IE *pro-ko-: Lat proceres protruding beams, Bret a-raok forw ard. 0 POKORNY I 815. sqap m. pi. sqep he-goat. See cjap. sqaq aor. sqaqa to make weak. Based on *qaq continuing PAlb *kekja related to Lith kkos swing, Latv ifekut to swing. 0 FR A E N K E L 235. sqep
m, pi.
sqeptore f, pi. sqeptore woodcock, snipe. Derived from sqep as Ital beccaccia from becco (ABEJ St. II 112-113). sqetull f. pi. sqetulla arm pit. A relatively late borrowing (with Lat s- rendered as s-) from Rom *scetula, cf. Lat scutula shoulderblade ( S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 252). C a m a r d a I 63 (from Lat spatula shoulder-blade); M E Y E R Wb. 403 (repeats C A M A R D A s etymology); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 244; H a m p AJPhil LXXV 186-189 (derives the dialectal variant sjetull from IE ^k W -lo s), Z a lk X X X II/1 28-33 (to Lat poples back of the knee), StF XXVI/1 81-83; H u l d 111-112 (follows H a m p ); M e s s i n g Si. Whatmough 173-178. sqim f, pi. sqima adornment, decoration. Borrowed from MGk axrjua form, shape, figure (CAMARDA I 69; MEYER Wb. 388). 0 ABEJ St. II 113.
S Q IT S
S T K J
401
sqits m c o m b . N o m en a gen tis in -s o f sqis, a d ialectal G reek form o f shqis (M e y e r Wb. 2 2 8 ). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. V 101 (to qij); a b e j St. II 113 ( fo llo w s M e y e r Wb.). sqoj aor. sqova to wake up. A prfixai derivative of qoj. sqot f, pl. sqota sleet. Other variants are shqot and shkllot. The most archaic form is shqot where the original Slavic *sl- is substi tuted by *skl-. The source is Slav *slota id. (VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 56-57). 0 a b e j S. II 113-114. squfur m sulphur. Another, and more conservative, form is shqufur. Borrowed from Rom *slufurem instead of Lat sulphurem as in Arum sclifur id. (MEYER Wb. 4 1 1 , Alb. St. IV 5 4 ). Because of *sl- > shq-, Slavic mediation cannot be excluded, cf. sqot. In this case, the Arumanian form is also a Slavic or an Albanian loanword. 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 56; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 2 5 3 ; MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1046; HAARMANN 152; ABEJ St. II 114. sqyt m, pl. sqyta shield. Under the influence of qyt, transformed from *shqyt. The latter was borrowed from Lat sctum id. 0 MEYER Wb. 3 88 (from Slav *scit-b id.); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 57. stan m, pi. stane stall, herd. Borrowed from Slav *stan-b site, stall, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg stan, SCr stan (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 33; M e y e r Wb. 3 9 1 -3 9 2 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 160 (to IE *sta-); S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 165; SVANE 62. stap m, pi. stape, stapinj stick, staff. Borrowed from Slav *stapi, id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg stap, SC r stap (M e y e r Wb. 392). 0 a b e j St. VII 279; S v a n e 80. stav f, pi. stava heap o f w o o d , h a y sta ck . B o r ro w e d from S lav *stava
id. attested in B u lg stava (M e y e r Wb. 392). 0 S v a n e 42, 61.
steg f, pi. stega bandolier. Borrowed from Slav *si>tqga loop, belt, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg s taga, dial, stega. stej f, pl. steja b ed d in g , sad dle c o v e r . A nother variant is stele. B o r
402
S T F .N
S T R V IN
rowed from Slav *stela bedding, cover, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg stela, SCr stelja (M e y e r Wb. 392). sten
f, pi.
cf. South S lavic continuants: B ulg stena, SCr stijena, stena. A s to stenic b u g , it is d eriv ed from sten (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 34; M e y e r Wb. 392). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 151; S v a n e 53.
step m rock, peak. Borrowed from Slav *stbpb plateau, steppe, attest ed in the Balkans in SCr dial, step hilly countryside (O r e l Etimo loga 1983 139-140, timologija 1984 182). 0 M e y e r Wb. 427 (from Turk tepe hill); JOKL Balkangerm. 125 (to thep); a b e j St. II 114 (agrees with JOKL). stepem refi, to be slow, to stop. A prfixai derivative based on PAlb *tapa related to ON ftefja to stamp, to ram . 0 M e y e r Wb. 392 (to SCr stepsti to knock together). dark, black. Expressive prfixai derivative of terr. 0 M e y e r Wb. 392 (from *cerr < SCr cm black); JOKL LKUBA 113 (follows M e y e r ) ; a b e j St. II 114 (identical with ster cistern in view of the expressions similar to dark as in the well).
adj.
sterr
strditem refi, to meet accidentally. A prfixai derivative of di. The prefix str- is fairly productive and appears in numerous other forms, cf. strdhmb fang, strflok to tousle (hair), strgjysh forefather, great-grandfather and the like. strkas aor. strkita to sprinkle'. Borrowed from Slav *stn,kati ~ *stru:ati id., cf. in South Slavic: SCr strcati. 0 MEYER Wb. 393 (to Bulg stvbcka sprinkling device). strqok f strqoka ja c k d a w . A p rfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f qok kind o f o w l (W e ig a n d 79). 0 M e y e r Wb. 393 (to Slav *stb> th stork); S eli Scev Slav, naselenie 198; JOKL Slavia XIII 613-614 (to stcrklas to sp rin k le and qokth); ABEJ St. II 115 (a g re es w ith JOKL). strvin f, pl. strvin corpse. Borrowed from Slav *stbrvina id. attest ed in South Slavic: SCr strvina (MEYER Wb. 393). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 189, 325; S v a n e 133.
STRV IS -
S'I'RI KK
403
strvis
aor.
naselenie 196; JOKL Slavia X III 6 0 9 ). 0 a b e j St. V II 2 0 1 , 2 1 3 . stog m, pl. stogje h a y sta c k . B o r ro w e d from Slav *stogT, id ., cf. South
S la v ic reflex es: B u lg stag, SC r stog (D e s n ic k a j a Slav, zaini. 12). 0 SVANE 42.
stol m, pi. stola stool, Borrowed from Slav *stoli, table, chair, cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg stol, SCr sto (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 3 4 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 150, 303; SVANE 6 6 . stopan m, pl. stopan shepherd, chief shepherd, shephers assistant. Borrowed from an old Iranism in South Slavic, cf. Bulg stopan, SCr dial, stopanin (MEYER Wb. 3 9 3 ). 0 TRUBACEV Etimologija 1965 37 (reconstructs Iran *asta-pan- house keeper). straz f garrison. A relatively early borrowing from Slav *storza guard, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg straza, SCr straza (MIKLOSICHSlav. Elemente 34; M e y e r Wb. 3 9 4 ). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 143, 180. streh f, pl. streh eaves (of the roof). Borrowed from Slav *strxa, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg s tr axa, SCr streha (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 34; MEYER Wb. 3 9 4 ). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 148,
305; SVANE 54.
stxem f, pi. streme' square measure used to measure plots of land. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg str'ama. strok f scab, rash. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg stroka, SCr stroka illness of sheep. strug m, pl. strugje plane (instrument). Another variant is strug. Bor rowed from Slav *strug-b id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg strug, SCr strug (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 34; MEYER Wb. 3 9 5 ). The verb strugat to plane is borrowed from Slav *strugati id. The parallel form strugoj id. is derived from strug. 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 172. struk f, pl. struka ambush. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg s tn k a , struka passage, path.
SU P
SY
404
STR U K U LL
SU N D O J
405
strukuU
m, pi.
judge); S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 180, 291; ABEJ St. VII 184; SVANE 227. sup m, pi. supe shoulder. Continues PAlb *tsupa related to Skt s'uptiid., Av supti- id., MLG schuft front shoulder-blade (of animals) (M e y e r Wb. 396, Alb. St. Ill 12, 31 ). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 337; JOKL Mlanges Pedersen 146; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 96; PISANI Saggi 132; M a y r h o f e r III 357; P o k o r n y I 627; l b e r g IBK XIV 113; H u l d 145; DEMIRAJ AE 355-356. surm
adj. dark g r e y . C o n tin u es P A lb
strum m pool. Borrowed from Slav *strumy brook unattested in South Slavic except for Slovene strumen. 0 SVANE 171. strup m scab. Borrowed from Slav *strupi, id., cf. South Slavic reflex es: Bulg strup, SCr strup (SvANE 184). sufrin f storm, breeze. Another related form is fu farine tempest, rain-storm . Derived from sufroj to whisper into somebodys ear borrowed from Ital soffiare to blow. 0 M e y e r Wb. 395 (to Ita! zufo lare to whistle); ABEJ St. II 115 (onomatopoeia). suk f, pi. suka low hill. Continues *tsuka related to Skt s'ka- awn of grain; spike of insect, Av sk- needle. 0 POKORNY I 626; M a y r h o f e r III 363-364. sukuil m sukuj rag, cloth, lump, snow-flake. Derived from suk. The original meaning of the word must have been lump. 0 JOKL UngJb VII 82 (to cukla combings, flocks); ABEJ St. II 1 1 5 -1 1 6 (borrowed from Slav *suki,no broadcloth).
*tsurma < IE
id en ti
thjerm. 0 CiMOCHOWSKI LP II 221 (su p p o rts JOKL); SOLTA Die Sprache II 123 n. 2; FRAENKEL 988-989; ABEJ St. II 117 (from SCr sur g r e y ); HULD 145; LBERG IBK XIV 113; DEMIRAJ AE 356. sut f, pi. suta female deer, doe. Identical with shut female deer; hornless, shyt hornless. Continues PAlb *tsut < *tsukt borrowed to Rum ciut hornless, ciut female deer (ABEJ St. II 1 1 7 -1 1 8 ) and Slav *sut-b hornless. The Albanian word is further related to IE *kukin Lith sukos comb, sk crock, suketas dented, chipped, Latv suka brush. 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 2 0 ; FRAENKEL 1031; POKORNY I 629; VASMER IV 4 9 2 ; HULD KZ XCVIII 104 (from *ku + petH swift flying, cf. Gk (OKtuiexriq).
sulem refi, to rush to, to throw oneself upon, to attack. From PAlb *tsula, a zero-grade of sjell (L a PIANA St. Varia 2 6 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. sy m /n , pi. sy eye. From PAlb *atsiwi, a form of dual similar related 39 5 (to Slav *ST>lati to send), Alb. St. Ill 12, 77; LlDN Arm. Studien to Skt aks, Av asi, Lith aki, Slav *oci ( G i l FERDING Otn. 24; PED 7 7 -7 8 (to Arm slanam to ru n ); JOKL LKUBA 5 9 (follows LlDN); ERSEN KZ XXXVI 2 9 1 , 3 1 8 -3 2 0 ) but influenced by *duwo tw o. The BARI ARSt. I 9 4 (to Skt cydvate to move, to go away), AArbSt II dialectal auslaut -y < -i seems to be secondary. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 8 3 (to 81 (to thllz); V a s MER Alb. Wortforsch. 5 8 -5 9 ; ABEJ 5/. II 116Slav *sijati to shine and/or *sinb blue), Alb. St. Ill 12, 79; HlRT 117 (follows L a P ia n a ). UL (com p a res w ith 1L kueid- to shine, to be white); BARI ARSt. ;ed on PAlb *tsumba sumbull f, pl. sumbulla round button: bud. Ba I 109; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 248, Stratificazione 95-96; L a PIANA Studi omm vessel. 0 F r isk continuing IE *kumb-, cf. Gk KiVl bowl, OIr c I 32 (to IE *keu- to sh in e ); M a n n Hist. Gr. 97 (recon stru cts *ok in); of Skt kutnbha- pot II 48; P o k o r n y I 592 (reconstructs *k- in view C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 17; M a y r h o f e r I 16; a b e j St. II 118-120 (to [I 348; a b e j St. VII but -bh- is irregular); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. *sn- su n by an alogy with O r sil e y e ); VASMER III 128-129; HULD 254. 113; O r e l ZjBalk XXIII 144; KUNGENSCHMITT Koll. Idg. Spr. 223 (recon stru cts *IIk uuo-iII); D e m ir a j AE 356-357. borrowed from Slav sundoj aor. sundova to rule. Based on *sund s-hd, SCr sud. 0 Mi*sd-h court, trial, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg ectly from *sditi to KLOSICH Slav. Elemente 34; M e y e r Wb. 396 (dii
406
cvrlr .wJ.
SHAKUT.I.
SHAPLOJ
407
ed from sy
abej
St. II
362; D e m i r a j AE 3 5 8 .
( K r i s t o f o r i d h i 382;
shakuj g o a tsk in . B o rro w ed from Lat sacculus sm all b ag ( C a m a r d a I 161; M e y e r Wb. 3 7 7 ). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grund ri 11 1042; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 5 2 6 (a g re es w ith M e y e r ) ; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 117 (d eriv ed from shark)-, ABEJ St. II 1 2 4 -1 2 5 (fo llo w s C a m a j); L a n d i Lat. 9 6 , 1 3 7 -1 3 8 .
m, pl.
shakull
Sh
sha nterj. Used in a limited number of contex God. An allegro form oXpasha, optative of kt abej St. n 121-122). shag
m, pl.
shalakuq aor. shalakuqa to warm over fire (of hands and feet). An expressive prfixai derivative of kuq. shal f, pl. shala saddle; inner side of thigh, pair of legs. Borrowed from Lat sella seat, saddle (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 60; MEYER Wb. 398). Clearly enough, shal inner side of the thigh; leg is his torically identical with the word for saddle (CAMARDA II 165). As to shal Borrago officinalis, it goes back to the same source. 0 M e y e r LBKE Gr. Grundri 21 1044; PEDERSEN KZ XXXV 283; JOKL LKUBA 22; MANN Language XXVIII40 (to Gk \|/a/iic); MlHESCU RESEE IV /12 27; a b e j St. II 125-126 (separates shal as an anatomical term and equates it with Gk g k ,o leg (from the hip downwards); as a plantname, shal is explained from IE *skel- to cut); HAARMANN 149; L a n d i Lat. 95. shap m 'disease of the cattle, Aphta epizootica. An early borrowing from Slav *sap-b glanders, WEIGAND BA III 112 (to Rum sopirla 'lizard); ABEJ St. 11 127 (from Turk sab). shap
m
from Lat sagum clo a k m ade o f co a r se fabri LANDI Lat. 96, 142.
variant is zhagit. Based tep, to walk attested in eved to go back to Slav or to shllig); VASMER /ariant of zharg).
al form of nj w ith the ant. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 9 9 m a ce), Alb. St. V 101; 0 ; a b e j St. I I 122-123 MANN Language X X V I
shagit aor. shagita to crawl flatwise. Another on *shag borrowed from the Slavic verb to s Russ sagat Ukr sahaty, Czech sahati and bel *sgati to reach. 0 B A R l ARSt. I 97 (to shes IV 392-393; A B E J St. II 122, 329 (phonetic shaj aor. shava to insult, to offend. A prefix original meaning to blow out > to be indigi (from Rom *sannart based on Lat sanna gri T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 255-256 (against M e y e (to Gk cKvvu|ii to scatter, to disperse); 381 (to Gk \|naivco). shajk f, pl. shajka p eg , n a il. F rom *shajt-ki
, based on shajtoj. 'alum . Borrowed from Lat sapa 'thick grape juice. , to hit. Etymologicalhich shit wound- is tare to wound with an ). 0 M ih e s c u RESEE
shapk f, pl. shapka cap, hat; slipper, old shoe. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg sapka id., SCr sapka id. (MIKLOSICH Slav. Ele mente 34; MEYER Wb. 399). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 174; ABEJ St. II 127. shapk
(M
eyer
shajtoj aor. shajtova to dash against, to strike ly identical with shitoj to wound from v derived. The verb is borrowed from Lat sagi, arrow (C A M A R D A II 146: to Lat sagitta arrov IV /1-2 29; a b e j St. II 123-124.
Lith-West Iranian *saka1), cf. MPers sak, Class. < Iran *s- indicating a :ts, i.e. before the VI
f, pl.
shapka woodcock. Identical with shapk cap, hat Wb. 399). 0 a b e j St. II 127-128 (related to sqep). shaplova to pound earth-clods. Derived from Rom
shaploj
aor.
shake f, pl shaka dog, bitch-. Borrowed from Sc < Iran *spaka- dog (JOKL WZKM XXXTV 30-3 Pers sak, NPers sg, Tadjik sag etc. Note shborrowing preceding Albanian-Slavic conta
408
SH A PO J
SH A RTO J
P U C A R IU
EWR
aor. shapova to polish. Borrowed from Rom *sappare to hack based on *sappa hoe, cf. Rum sap, Ital zappa.
s h a r a n d u k aor.
ative of nduk.
sh a ra va ze
sheep with white spots on the muzzle. Borrowed from South Slavic *sara id., cf. Bulg sara, SCr sara (ABEJ St. II 129).
sh a re f s h a r pl. offense. An early borrowing from Slav *sora reconstruct ed on the basis of Russ ssora row < *si,sora and SCr osoran rude, Slovene osoren < *ob-sorbnr 0 SV A N E 137. L.
m fruit pulp. Borrowed from Gk a p ^ flesh, occasionally, pulp ( K r i s t o f o r i d h i 384; J o k l IF XLIV 23-24). 0 C a m a j Alb. Worth. 113 (suffix -k); a b e j St. II 128 (to IE *sker- as in Slav *skora skin, hide), IV 88.
sh a rk
m woolen cloak; green skin of nuts. A parallel morphonological variant is shark. An early borrowing from Slav *sorka shirt. 0 M e y e r Wb. 400 (from Rom *sarica)\ B O G A II 314; V A SM E R III 724-725; ST E IN HUSER SIRev III 284-285 (compares shark with Slav *sorka and explains both words from Arabic); SC H U C H A R D T KZ XX 251 (from Lat serica)-, A B E J St. II 128-129 (identical with shark fruit pulp); H A A R M A N N 149.
sh a rk
m, pi. sharova big dog, large spotted hound. Borrowed from Slav adj. neut. *sarovb spotted, m ulticolored, cf. Bulg sar spotted (of dogs). 0 a b e j St. II 129 (to share).
sh aro v sh a rto j
aor. shartoj to cross (of animals), to engraft (of plants). Bor rowed from Rom *(in)sertare based on Lat serere to sow, cf. Sp enjer-
SH A RR
SHEK
409
tar to cross (animals), Port enxertar id. (MEYER Wb. 400). 0 a b e j St. II 129-130 (from Rom * insertare or *exquartre); HAARMANN 149.
s h a r r f, pi. sharia s a w . B o r ro w e d from Lat serra id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 60; M e y e r Wb. 400). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1044; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 249; M ih e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 20; abej St. VII 268; H a a r m a n n 149; L a n d i Lat. 95, 128, 177. s h a t m, pl. shata, shetr hoe. Borrowed from Lat sector cutter. For the auslaut cf. mbret. Note the development of -ct- > Alb -t-. 0 MEYER Wb. 400 (to Lat seco to cut and the like), Alb. St. Ill 5, 40; PEDER SEN KZ XXXVI 282-283 (/-stem); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 256; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 61 (from IE *skod-); ABEJ St. VII 208, 224; DEMIRAJ StF XXVII/2 200-201 (to Lat sacena kind of hoe [of the pontifex]), AE 358-359. s h a to r r e f, pi.
shatorre tent. Borrowed from Slav *satbt~b id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg satT>r, SCr sator (CAMARDA II 160).
she
m undrying rivulet. Derived from shi. 0 JO KL WuS XII 63-65 (borrowed from Finno-Ugric, cf. Hung se'd, se't brook, rivulet); ABEJ St. II 130 (follows J o k l ).
s h e g f, pl. sheg pomegranate. Borrowed from an unknown Mediter ranean word that may be reconstructed as *si(l)g! in view of Gk mri, i airi id., a i^ ia - a i ia (Hes.) coming from the same source ( C a m a r d a I I 154). 0 M e y e r Wb. 401; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 2 5 0 -2 5 1 ; F r is k II 7 0 2 -7 0 3 ; a b e j S. II 131. s h e jth
269.
s h e k f, pl. sheka large wooden vessel. Other variants are sheke and sheqe. Back formation based on *sheq borrowed from Rom *sicla pail, the source of Ital secchia id. (T h um b IF XXVI 10). 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 60 (from Ital secchia pail); MEYER Wb. 401 (follows M ik lo s ic h ); J o k l LKUBA 102 n. 1 (follows T hum b); M ih e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 25; a b e j St. II 131-132 (MGk cixA .a, NGk oiictax, ootjk^cx kind of big vessel go back to the same source); H a a r m a n n 150; L a n d i Lat. 95, 119.
410
S IIE K U L I.
8 IIE M B L L E J
shekull
m, pi. shekuj age. Borrowed from Lat saeculum id. ( M e y e r Wb. 401). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 1 1 1043, 1049; H a a r m a n n 147; LANDI Lat. 71, 142. w illo w . B o r ro w e d from Lat salix id. ( M e y e r Wb.
shelk f, pi. shelka cover, wrapping. Identical with shelqe. shelqe f, pi. shelqe wooden vessel for salt; vessel used as a plate by
shepherds. Other variants are shelk and sheqe. Borrowed from Rom *salica salt-cellar (to Lat sal salt). 0 M e y e r Wb. 401 (from Ital secchia pail); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1042; TAGLIAVI NI Dalmazia 251; ABEJ St. II 132 (variant of shek); L a n d i Lat. 95, 144.
shelqror ~ shelqnuer m trunk with several branches used as a hanger in front of a shepherds hut. Borrowed from Lat sarcinrius used for packing, loading, reflected in the Rumanian synonym of the Albanian word srciner, slciner (MIHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 31; a b e j St. II 132). 0 H a a r m a n n 148; L a n d i Lat. 112-114, 157. shemb aor. shemba to tear, to destroy. A prfixai derivative from PAlb *ampa, a nasal present related to Skt pno'ti to reach, Gk unxa
to seize, to grasp and other continuants of IE *ap-. 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 0 4 (from Ital scemare to diminish, to lessen); POKORNYl 5 0 -5 1 .
shembll f, pl. shemblla example, sample. Another variant is shembull. Borrowed from Lat exemplum id. 0 C a m a r d a I 86 (to Lat similis sim ilar); M e y e r Wb. 404 (shembll sign from Lat symbolum symbol but this meaning of the Albanian word is dubious); PEDER SEN KZ XXXIII 5 3 6 (agrees with M e y e r ) ; a b e j St. II 1 3 2 -1 3 3 (back formation of shembllej influenced by Lat exemplum). shembllej aor. shemblleva to resemble. Borrowed from Lat similare
id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 61; M e y e r Wb. 404). The noun shemtyr is derived from here. 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri21 1047 (shemtyre, shemblltyr derived from Rom *simultra); 1050; MIHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 20; a b e j St. II 133; H a a r m a n n 150.
SH EM
SH ES
411
shem f, pl. shem swarm (of bees). Borrowed from Lat examen swarm (JOKL LKUBA 2 8 6 ). 0 HAARMANN 124. sh em r ~ sh em rk f, pi. shemra mistress, concubine, rival. A morphonological transform ation of the original Rom *sub-marlta or *sub-martica, cf. Lat marita m arried woman. 0 JOKL LKUBA 5-12 (from IE *sm-mari further related to Lat maritus m arried); TAGLI AVINI Stratificazione 1 19-120; ClMOCHOWSKl LP V i l i 140; ABEJ StF II/4 49 (early borrowing from Slav *sbrh); DEMIRAJ AE 359-360. sh en j f, pi. shenja sign. Borrowed from Lat signum id. (CAMARDA I 42; M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 60-61; MEYER Wb. 401). 0 M e y e r LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1045 (from Italian), 1052; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 20, 22; ABEJ St. VII 250, 267; HAARMANN 149; LANDI Lat. 56-58. shenjt adj. saint. Another phonetic variant is shnjt. Borrowed from Lat sanctus id. (G lLFERDING Otn. 26; CAMARDA I 84; M e y e r Wb. 404; M ik lo sich Rom. Elemente 57). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri2 1 1042,
1052; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 249, 251; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 19; Di G io v in e Gruppo -et 62-63; H a a r m a n n 148; L a n d i Lat. 47-48, 121, 142.
sh erb el f, pi. sherbela sage (plant). With a dissimilation of sonorants,
borrowed from Rom *salviella based on Lat salvia id. IV /1-2 31).
(M lH ESC U
RESEE
sh erm en d m, pi. shermend sh oot, sprout (e sp e c ia lly , o f v in e ) . B o r row ed from Lat sarmentum tw ig , b ranch (MlKLOSICH/tow?. Elemente
aitaptov umbelliferous plant (T h u m b IF XXVI 17) or from Lat sirpe id. (J o k l LKUBA 21). 0 M e y e r Wb. 402 (from Rom *silpium < Gk G,(piov); M ih e s c u RESEE TV/ ZA 350; a b e j * . II 133-134 (agrees with T h u m b ).
sh es aor. shita to sell. A prfixai derivative of -es attested in pres. The original meaning is to cut off, to divide, to separate a share. 0
412
SH ESH
SH N D ET
MEYER Wh. 402 (compares sh- with E sell), Alb. St. Ill 58; TAGLI AVINI Dalmazia 252; M a n n Language XXVIII 40 (from *ecs-keti).
shesh m, pl. shesha p lain , p lan e, flatn ess, sq u a re. B o r ro w e d from Lat sessus se a t (MEYER Wb. 402). 0 CAMARDA II 161 (to G k vgo equal (in s iz e ) ); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1039; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 251; M ih e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 27; ABEJ St. VII 217; HAARMANN 149; L a n d i Lat. 95. shete pl. bran. Plural of *shat borrowed from Lat sectum, partici
ple of sec to cut. 0 ABEJ St. II 134 (related to shat). shetk f mane. Borrowed from Slav *sceti,ka brush, bristle oth erwise unattested in South Slavic except for Slovene sietka. 0 ABEJ St. VII 224.
shkroj aor. shekrova to devote, to dedicate. Borrowed from Lat sacrare id. (MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 21 1047, 1052). 0 MIHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 24. shlboj aor. shlbova to save, to deliver. Borrowed from Lat salvare
id. ( M e y e r Wb. 403). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1047, 1052; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 25; H a a r m a n n 147.
Lat salire id. (MEYER Wb. 404). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1047, 1052; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 24; HAARMANN 147.
S H F .N D O S H
SH I
413
shndosh adj. healthy. Borrowed from Rom *sanitsus id. ( M e y e r Wb. 404; M IKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 57-58). 0 TAG LIAVINI Dalmazia 249; M i h e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 148; L a n d i Lat. 96,
110 .
shndrtat m Transfiguration; Trinity. Borrowed from Lat sanctam trlnittem holy Trinity (ZOJZI BIShk 1 9 4 9 /1 8 5 -8 6 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 0 4 (to shndrit); KRISTOFORIDHI 391 (from Italian); ABEJ LP VIII 1 1 6 -1 1 7 (follows ZOJZI), St. II 135 (from shenj trital); HAARMANN 148. shndrit
aor.
0 a b e j St. VII 2 5 4 .
shngjet f best part of hunting trophies. Prfixai derivative of gjah. shpull f, pl. shpulla box on the ear. Derived from shipk. shrbej
aor.
(C a m a r d a I 86; M ik l o sic h Rom. Elemente 60; M e y e r Wb. 4 0 4 ). 0 G il FERDING Otn. 26; MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 21 1048; JOKL LKUBA 78; M ih e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 25; ABEJ St. II 1 3 5 -1 3 6 ; HAARMANN 149.
(T) shroj aor. shrova to h e a l. B o r r o w e d fro m Lat sanare id. ( M e y e r Wb. 4 0 5 ). 0 M e y e r -L U b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1047, 1052; M ih e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 25; J a n s o n Unt. 59; H a a r m a n n 147. shshris aor. shshrita to hiss. Borrowed from Gk ovpico to whistle influenced by Lat susurrare to hiss (MEYER Wb. 4 0 5 ). 0 ABEJ St. VII 25 2 . shtit aor. shtita to go for a walk. Another variant is shetit. B or rowed from Slav *stati to walk, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg setam, SCr setati (MEYER Wb. 4 0 3 ). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 192;
S v a n e 25 4 .
shi m /n , pi. shir a ~ shina ra in . F rom P A lb *siija, w ith an irregular d ev elo p m en t o f the in itial *s- > s h- ex p la in ed by the d issim ila tio n in the in term ed iary form *jja (OREL Die Sprache X X X I /2 2 8 2 ). T he
4 14
(G )
SH
S H IK O J
w ord is con n ected w ith IE *s- rain; to ra in : Gk tei, T okh A swase, T okh B swese ra in , sii- to ra in and, in particular, O P rus suge r a in
= [sj] (M h y b R/4//;. Studien III 4 3 , 8 1 , Wb. 405; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 0 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 72 (to Gk %irv s n o w ); J o k l Studien 77; P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V I 281; L a P ia n a Studi I 91 f.; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 2 5 1 -2 5 2 ; PORZIG Gliederung 185; PISANI Saggi 119; POKORNY I 912; VAN WINDEKENS I 443; H a m p K Z L X X IV 1 2 8-129; FRISK II 9 7 8 -9 7 9 ; C h a n t r a in e 1164; ABEJ St. II 136; HULD 113; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 350; DEMIRAJ AE 3 6 0 -3 6 1 . (G) sh m o c c ip u t. B o r ro w e d from Lat sinus cu rv e , bend, la p . 0
M e y e r Wb. 4 0 5 (to S la v *sija n e c k ); BARlt ARSt. I 9 6 (< IE
shib f cold (illness). Derivative of shi. shibl f, pi. shibla bread crumb; splinter. Based on Slav *sibati to strike, to hit. 0 M e y er Wb. 405 (from SCr siba twig). shigjet f, pi. shigjeta arrow . Another form is shgjet. Borrowed from Lat sagitta id. (G il FERDING Otn. 26; M ey er Wb. 403). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1045; JOKL LKUBA 143 (from Rum sgeat); a b e j St. VII 216; H a a r m a n n 147; L a n d i Lat. 56-58, 95. shij ~ sh aor. shiv a ~ shin a to thresh. Borrowed from Lat exigere to drive away, to push out, to throw . 0 MANN Language XXVI 3 8 8 , XXVIII 4 0 (to Gk ^vro); a b e j St. VII 2 0 4 , 2 28. shij f, pl. shija taste. A more archaic form is s hi l. Borrowed from Rom *suvilia, based on Lat suvis sweet, cf. Skt svadati to make palatable ~ svdu- sweet. 0 M e y e r Wb. 405 (from Gk i',(o pro pitious, gracious); B u c k 1029-1031. shikll f, pl. shiklla gall-nut. Borrowed from Rom *sicula < Lat silicula small pod. shikoj ao r. shikova to look, to pay attention. Other forms are shkoj and shukoj. Borrowed from the deponential Lat sequor to follow,
S H IL O J
S IIK A G O J
415
in particular, to follow with eyes - oculis sequor. 0 C a m a r d a I 141 (to shoh); M EYER Wb. 405 (from Rom *sedicre)\ TAG LIAVINI Dal mazia 252 (against M E Y E R ); ABEJ St. II 137. shilova to sa d d le. D e r iv e d from shal, w ith an irregular v o w e l ch a n g e in the root (JOKL LKUBA 2 2 ).
a o r.
shiioj
shilor m, pl. shilor burden, load, faggot, breast bone (of cow or pig). Derived from shiioj. 0 JOKL LKUBA 128-129 (-lor to pluar); DEMIRAJ AE 361 (derived from shut). shipk f, pl. shipka box on the ear'. Borrowed from South Slavic *sibhka blow, ram rod, cf. Bulg sibka. shiring f, pl. shiringa syringe. Borrowed from Lat sringa id. shirk m goatskin, wineskin. The Greek-Albanian form is shiq. A pho netic variant of rrshek ~ rrshiq (ABEJ St. II 137). shise f. pi. shise feeling. Dissimilateci from *shishe. Borrowed from Lat snsum id. shit f, pl. shita b ox on the e a r . D e r iv e d from shipk. shit f, pl. shita illness of sheep. Borrowed from Lat situs weak ness. shkab f, pl. shkaba eagle. A prfixai formation related to gabonj and reflecting PAlb *is-gaba (JOKL LKUBA 3 0 3 -3 0 6 ). 0 M EY ER Wb. 4 0 6 (compared with Slav *koba, *kobb, *kobbci, falcon); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 140, Stratificazione 140 -1 4 1 ; TOPOROV PJa III 108 (follows M e y e r ) ; O r e l Koll. dg. Ges. 3 5 2 (follows M E Y E R ). shkadhis
aor. shkadhita to cu t (b r a n c h e s). D e r iv e d fro m kadh (K r is t o f o r id h i 3 9 1 ). 0 a b e j St. II 137 (a g re es w ith K r is t o f o r id h i ), IV 88.
shkagoj a o r . shkagova to refuse, to decline. Borrowed from Lat excaudicre to uproot, to eradicate*.
416
SH K A K
SHKALLOJ
shkak m, pi. shkaqe reason, cause; noose, snare, trap. The original meaning must have been close to noose, snare, trap later developed to the abstract notion of cause. Continues PAlb *skaka etymologi cally related to ON skaga to protrude, Slav *skoti, jum p < IE *skekto jump, to be agile. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 407 (to shkarkoj); V A S M E R III 645; P O K O R N Y I 922-923; A B E J St. II 138 (from *shkark related to Lat curvus crooked, curved). shkal m rain-storm . Derived from shkal to bring down. shkal aor. shkala to bring down, to drag, to roll, to charm (of fairies). Continues P A l b *skaia related to Gk aicaAAto to chop, Lith skeliii, ske'lti to split, ON skija id. and the like. 0 F r a e n k e l 800-801; F r i s k II 715-716; P o k o r n y I 923-927. shkalbsoj kalb.
aor.
shkalc m, pi. shkalca barrow, tray. Derived from shkall 407). 0 a b e j St. II 138 (to shkel).
(M
eyer
Wb.
shkalis aor. shkalita to dismount. Another morphological variant is shkalos. Derived from kale. shkalis
aor.
shkall f, pl. shkall stairs, staircase. Borrowed from Lat scdlae stairs ( M e y e r Wb. 406-407; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 58). 0 M e y e r L BK E Gr. Grundri 2 1 1042; TAG LIA VIN I Dalmazia 252; M lH ESC U RESEE IV /1-2 20; ABEJ St. VII 184; H A A R M A N N 148. shkallm f, pi. shkallma sw ord. Borrowed from Gk cnc^-iari id. ( A B E J St. II 138) if not an artificial coinage of F lS H T A used in his Shqypnija i lir. shkalloj aor. shkallova to exaggerate, to go mad. Borrowed from Rom *exsclre to escalate based on Lat sclae stairs, cf. shkall. From here shkallaq crazy is derived. 0 M e y e r Wb. 407 (from Rom *excallre, to Lat callis path); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 5 3 9 (against
SH K A N D U LL
SIIK A R T H
417
eyer
); J o k l
ABEJ
shkall). shkandull m, pl. shkanduj temptation. Borrowed from Rom *scandulum for Lat scandalum id. (M E Y E R -L B K E Gr. Grundri 1 1 1048). shkaprcej aor. shkaprceva to cross. One of several prfixai deriv atives in shka-pr-, in this case - based on ecj. Cf. also shkaprdaj to divide, shkaprthej to trample down. shkardh f dog chain; long stick attached to the dogs neck to prevent it from biting its m aster. From PAlb *is-gard, etymologically con nected with gardh and forming full parallel to Slav *jbz-gorda fence (OREL LB XXIX/4 67-69). The original meaning of shkardh may be approximated as pile-structure, fence, taking into account the derivative shkardhin structure open from all sides; roof.The protoAlbanian form was borrowed as Rum zgard dog-collar, necklace, collar, willow-loop keeping folding doors shut (POGHIRC 1st. limb, rom. II 354; KaLUZSKAJA SBJa Antic. 136). 0 KALUSKAJA Balk. Sredizemn. 177-178 (derives shkardh from *sker- to cut); ROSETTI ILR I 283; ABEJ St. VII 195; T ruba ev SSJa IX 30. shkarkoj aor. shkarkova to unload Borrowed from Rom *discarricre id. ( C a m a r d a I 6 6 ) , cf. Rum descareca, Ital scaricare and the like. 0 PUCARIU EWR 44. shkarp f, pl. shkarpa brushwood. Borrowed from Gk G K a p u p o contour; brushwood (M ihescu RESEE IV /3-4 350). 0 M e y er Wb. 407 (to Rom *discarpere or *excarpere to tear off); ABEJ St. VII 243. shkarp f, pl. shkarpa honeycomb (without honey). Historically, of the same origin as shkarp brushwood. A honeycomb devoid of honey is described as an empty contour. 0 CAMARDA I 173 (divides into sh-karp). shkartoj aor. shkartova to sort, to grade, to assort (of bad things); refi, to be perforated by worms. Borrowed from Rom *excarptre, a variant of *excarp tiare to tear off, to pick: Sp escarzar, Port escarar. shkarth
m, pi.
418
S H K A R T III
SH K A ZM E
krthi tiny; baby s.v. krth. Semantically, cf. Lith turnas servant ~ Skt tarnaka- calf, tdruna- young; boy. 0 FRAENKEL 1 0 6 0 ; BUC K Synonyms 1 3 3 4 - 1 3 3 5 ; M a y r h o f e r I I 4 8 3 , 4 8 5 - 4 8 6 ; a b e j St. VII 2 3 7 ,
257.
shkarthi adv. across. Deived from krthi. shkarzej aor. shkarzeva to humiliate, to abase, refi, to roll in dust (of horses and donkeys). Another variant is shkarzoj. In all mean ings, the Albanian verb is used metaphorically as it comes from Rom *excardire to spin wool'. 0 CA M A R D A I 1 4 2 (root skar-); M EYER Wb. 4 0 7 (to Slav *skard'h disgusting, m onster); V A SM ER III 6 3 4 (against M E Y E R ). shkarravesh aor. shkarravesha to divide, to cut into pieces. An expressive verb. shkas aor. shkava, shkajta, shkita to slip, to slide. Continues P A l b *skatja corresponding to Lat seated to stream, to flow out, Lith skantu, sksti to spring, to jum p ( B A R I ARSt 1 0 0 ) . 0 C A M A R D A I 8 6 (to Gk OKai left, gkcx ^ co to be lame); M e y e r Wb. 4 1 1 (reconstructs *skes-); JO K L Studien 8 2 (to Slav *kotiti to ro ll, *kacati to swing'); C i m o c h o w s k i St. IE 4 4 (same as JO K L ); W a l d e - H o f m a n n II 4 9 1 ; F r a e n k e l 7 9 8 ; P o k o r n y I 9 5 0 ; a b e j St. VII 2 7 3 . shkas m, pi. shkase impulse, motive, incentive. Derived from shkas to slip, to slide. shkatrr f ray, skate. Based on *shkat borrowed from Lat squtus id. ( a b e j St. II 1 3 9 ) . shkatrroj aor. shkatrrova to destroy. Borrowed from Rom *excathedrare to evict, to oust. 0 ABEJ St. VII 228 (from katr). shkath aor. shkatha to make skillful. Based on *shkath, shkatht agile, quick, skilful. The latter is derived from shkak. shkazm f, pl. shkazm slippery slope. Derived from shkas to slip, to slide.
SHKEL
SHKLQEJ
419
sh k el aor. shkela to make a step, to walk. Another variant is shklas. Continues PAlb *skala or *skalatja related to Skt skhdlate to stumble, [o trip . Derived from shkel is shkelb step (JOKL LKUBA 2 8 3 ). 0 CAMARDA I 132 (to Gk aicco to dig, to hoe); MEYER Wb. 4 0 7 (from IE *skel- in its unspecified meaning); JOKL Studien 7 8 -7 9 (to Lith kulnis heel, Lat calx id.); MAYRHOFER III 5 0 9 (reconstructs *sk(h)er-); a b e j St. VII 184, 2 3 8 . sh k elc m , pi. shkelca stair. Singularized plural of shkalc. sh k en c f, pi. shkenca science. Borrowed from Lat scientia id. shkep aor. shkepa to rip open, to unrip, to tear. Continues PAlb *skaipa related to ON skifa to split, OFries skivia to divide and other con tinuants of *skei-p-. 0 CAMARDA I 152 (to shkab and shqipe); POKORNY I 922. sh kep aor. shkepa to resem ble. A parallel form is shkrep. A prfix ai derivative of *krep continuing P A lb *krepa body related to Skt instr. sg. kfp- shape, beautiful appearance, Lat corpus body, OHG hrf body, lap (Jo k l Studien 80). For the semantic development cf. Goth galeiks like ~ leik body. 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 327 (orig inal group shkr-y, W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 277-278; M a y r h o f e r I 260; F e is t Goth. 188-189; P o k o r n y I 620; B u c k Synonyms 910-912; ABEJ St. II 139-140 (identical with shkrep); DEMIRAJ AE 361 (iden tified with shkep to rip open). sh k lb az f spleen inflammation. Prfixai derivative of klbaz. sh k lb o z f, pl. shklboza bark. Derivative in -oz of *shkalb con tinuing PAlb *skalbd, connected with ON skalpr ship, skelpa grim ace < *crack, split, M LG scholpe m ussel. These forms, in their turn, go back to IE *skel- to split, to cut. 0 POKORNY I 926; MANN HAED 480 (identical with glvozhd)', ABEJ St. II 140 (to kalb). sh k lq a r aor. shklqara to polish (of m etals), refi, to clear (of
420
SHK'.MB ~
SHKAMB
SHKLAKONEM
sh km b ~ shkam b m, pl. shkmbinj ~ shkambinj, shqembe seat, throne; rock. Borrowed from Lat scartinimi bench, throne. (MIKLOSICHRom.
Elemente 58; MEYER Wb. 408). The meaning rock developped from an earlier *slope < *bench, cf. Russ prilavok bench, slope. 0 M e y e r LbKE Gr. Grundri 21 1042, 1050; M a n n Language XVII 20 (of nonIndo-European origin); MIHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 20; HAARMANN 148; LANDI Lat. 48, 105, 115.
shkm bej aor. shkmbeva to change, to exchange. Borrowed from Rom
*excambire id.: Rum schimba, Ital scambiare and the like (HAAR
MANN 124). 0 PuSfCARIU EWR 139. sh k n d ij f, pl. shkndija spark. Borrowed from Rom *scintilla id.
attested in Rum scnteie instead of a more widely known Lat scintil la id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 59; CAMARDA I 67: related to Lat scintilla). 0 MEYER Wb. 408 (derived from shkndej to sparkle bor rowed from Lat excandescere to catch fire); M e y e r -LBKE 580 (phonetical difficulties of the above Romance reconstruction), Gr. Grun dri 2 1 1045, 1048; MIHESCU RESEE I V /1-2 29; ABEJ St. VII 254; H a a r m a n n 124.
sh kpurdh aor. shkpurdha to scratch. An expressive verb derived from kpurdh. sh kpu t aor. shkputa to separate, to tear off. Derived from kput. shkrbej aor. shkrbeva to imitate. A hypercorrect derivative of
shkep ~ shkrep ( a b e j St. II 140). From here shkrba, shkrbe m onster is derived.
sh k rd h ec m, pl. shkrdheca keg, barrel. An early borrowing from
Slav *skovordbCb pan otherwise unattested in South Slavic. 0 C a m a r d a II 210; M e y e r Wb. 408 (from Ital scardasso card, in textile); a b e j St. VIT 239.
sh k rm oq aor. shkrmoqa to pound, to tram ple. Derived from krm. sh k rp ic f, pl. shkrpica spark. Derived from krpic. sh k lak on em refi, to invade, to burst into. A phonetic variant of
SHKLEP
SHKOPIS
421
shkalkonem to dismount (ABEJ St. II 140) continuing Rom *exca bal licre based on Lat caballas horse. Cf. also ngalkonem to mount < Rom *incaballicre. 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 0 8 (from Ital scalcare to carve). shklep f, pi. shklepa matter from eyes, rheum . Derived from glep. shkles f, pi. shklesa roof shingle. Derivative of shkel. shklluq aor. shklluqa to drink at one gulp. Based on the onomatopoeic *klluq gulp. shkmes kmes.
aor.
shkoj aor. shkova to go. A late apocopation of shtekoj attested in North ern dialects and based on shtek < shteg (JOKL Studien 8 0 -8 2 ; ABEJ St. II 141). From here shkojz pore is derived. 0 CAMARDA I 8 6 (to Gk Grffi to slit open [to let something escape]); MEYER Wb. 4 0 8 (compares with Lat sequor to follow); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 253 (follows JOKL); B a r iC ARSt. I 73 (to Goth skewjan to wander), Hymje 24; M a n n Hist. Gr. 146 (agrees with B a r iC ); W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 4 9 0 ; a b e j St. II 141 (accepts J o k l s etymology); H u l d 114. shkoll f, pi. shkolla school. Borrowed from Lat schola id., or as sug gested by M e y e r Wb. 387, from Venet scola. 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 255; ABEJ St. II 141 (agrees with MEYER). shkop m, pi. shkopinj, shqep stick, cane. Continues PAlb *skapa further related to Gk gkoctcoc;- K^dSo, GKT^Tpov staff (CAMARDA I 120; M e y e r Wb. 4 0 8 ), Lat scpus shaft, stem, OHG skaft shaft, spear. 0 M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 6 0 (borrowed from Lat scpus); TAGLIAVINI Dal mazia 2 5 4 (Latin loanword); P is a n i Saggi 119; ABEJ St. II 141 (bor rowed from North-Western Greek); POKORNY I 9 3 2 ; F r is k II 7 2 8 729; H u l d 114; O r e l KoII. Idg. Ges. 352. shkopis aor. shkopita to castrate. Borrowed from Slav *skopiti id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg skop'a, SCr skopiti (TAGLIAVINI Dal mazia 2 5 3 ). Note the anlaut shk-. 0 S v a n e 136, 2 6 2 .
422
SHKOQ.
SHKREH
shkoq aor. shkoqa to husk, to hull. Derived from kok. The verb shkoqis to explain, to clarify is based on shkoq. shkors f, pl. shkorsa rug m ade o f goat w o o l. B o rro w ed fro m Lat scortea , fern. adj. m ade o f fur or o f h id e (M e y e r Wb. 408). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1051; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 27; H a a r m a n n 149; L a n d i Lat. 105. shkorret m, pl. shkorrete bush. Another variant is shkorre. Deriva tive of shqerr with a different ablaut grade *-- > PAlb *--, 0 H a h n 122 (to korie verdure, young grow th); M e y e r Wb. 1 9 9 -2 0 0 (follows H a h n ); j o k l ZONF X 1 8 8 -1 8 9 (derivative of Lon); a b e j St. II 142 (agrees with JOKL). shkoz f, pl. shkoza b e e c h . D er iv ed from shkoj. T he w ord d esc rib es
the b eech as a w a lk in g tree sim ilar to bredh. 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 0 8 (to S lo v en e kozol basket m ade o f bark, R uss kuzov basket and the like); J o k l WuS XII 7 1 -7 3 (to Lith skntoblas red b e e c h ); THEIMER Slavia
III 4 5 3 (to O E scaga b u sh ); PORZTG Gliederung 176; H u l d KZ XCV 3 0 5 -3 0 6 (d e riv e d from *kar- h ard ); DEMIRAJ AE 3 6 2 (to shkorre, shkurre, shqerr). shkrab m, pl. shkraba scrawl. From PAlb *strabei related to Lat scrobis pit, OE screpan to scratch, Lith skrebeti to rustle, Slav *skrebti to scratch and the like. 0 T r a u t m a n n S/VWj. 267; VASMER III 656; W a l d e -H o f m a n n 11 500: P o k o r n y l 9 4 3 -9 4 4 shkrap m, pl. shkrapa scorpion. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. OCS skrapii id., Bulg skrapla id. (MEYER Wb. 409). 0 CAMARDA II 150 (to G k G K o p jtio scorpion); MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 59 ( f r o m Lat scorpi id.); MANN Language XVII 23 (agrees with CAMARDA); ABEJ St. VII 184; HAMP LB X X X V /1-2 67. shkrefetij aor. shkreftiva to neigh. An onomatopoeia. 0 M e y e r Wb. 409 (to SCr krhati to cough, of a horse). shkreh aor. shkreha to release (safety device, trigger). Derived from shkrep. 0 CAMARDA I 69 (to G k K p K to to weave).
SHKREHEZ
SHKRUMB
423
sh k reh ez f bird trap. Derived from shkreh (KRISTOFORIDHI 339). 0 a b e j St. II 142 (agrees with K r is t o f o r id h i ), IV 89. shkrep aor. shkrepa to strike (fire); to release (trigger). Based on shkrep
rock. As to shkrep to be sexually attracted, it is an obvious metaphor based on shkrep to strike (fire). Borrowed to Rum scpra id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 409 (to Rum scpra to sparkle, NGk oxpatico to shine), Alb. St. Ill 31 (to Gk cxpntco); J o k l Studien 80 (to Lat corpus body), Sprache IX 151 (to Slav *kresati to kindle fire); B a r ic AArbSt I 144; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 254 (to Lat crepo); PISANI Saggi 120 (borrowed from Gk oiprcTC to shine); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 333; ROSETTI 1LR I 281; DEMIRAJ AE 362-363.
shkrep m, pi. shkrepa rock. Prfixai derivative of krep (JOKL LKUBA
116). 0 VASMER ZfslavPh X IV 60 (from *shkrap borrowed to SCr I trapa pebble); DEMIRAJ AE 363-364 (reconstructs *k[Hp-).
shkret adj. lon ely , deserted, em p ty . B orrow ed from Lat secretus sep arate, iso la te d (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 60; M e y e r Wb. 409). 0 C a m a r d a I 339 (to krej); M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri2 1 1044; S a n d FELD LBalk 74; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 254; MlHESCU RESEE IV/12 27; H a a r m a n n 149.
shkrif aor. shkrifa to hoe, to loosen. Related to shkrij to m elt, a pr fixai derivative of grij.
shkruaj ~ shkruej aor. shkrova to write. Borrowed from Lat scrlbere
id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 59; M e y e r Wb. 409, Alb. St. IV 38).
0 C a m a r d a T 101 (to kruaj and Lat seribere); Jo k l LKUBA 223 (follows M e y e r ), IF X L IX 291; T r e im e r MRIW I 362 (follows C a m a r d a ); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 254; a b e j St. II 142-143 (accepts C a m a r d a s
etymology).
shkrum b m, pi. shkrumba b lack ash es, an yth ing burned to a sh e s. C o n tin u es P A lb *is-kruma w ith a n o n -ety m o lo g ica l -mb < *-m as o b v io u s fro m the A lb an ian lo an w ord in R um anian - scrum id. A ze r o grad e o f IE *krem- attested in Lat cremo to burn ( a b e j St. II 143). 0 M e y e r
Wb. 4 0 9 (from Turk kururn); C a p id a n DR I I 4 5 8 (from A var); W a l d e Ho f m a n n I 287; Po k o r n y I 572; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 348; ROSETTI
424
SHKRYDH
SHKUND
ILR I 281; DESNICKAJA Slav. jaz. V III154 (to *kers- to burn); D u r i DANOV BE XVIII/4-5 401-406.
shkrydh aor. shkrydha to comb, to card (of wool). Derived from krydh. sh krryej aor. shkrreva to make dirty (of clothes). Based on grryej. sh k u es m, pi. shkues matchmaker, father-in-law. Derived from shkoj (K r is t o f o r id h i 398). 0 a b e j St. II 143 (agrees with K r is t o f o r id -
hi), IV 89.
sh ku l aor. shkula to tear out, to p u ll out, to e r a d ica te. A ze ro -g ra d e o f IE *skel- to cu t, to sp lit attested a lso in shkal. 0 CAMARDA I 6 6 (o p p o sed to rugul): POKORNY I 9 2 3 -9 2 6 . sh ku lk f branch placed in the middle of a meadow and forbidding
to use it as a pasture. Another variant is shkujk. An early borrow ing from Romance, cf. OSard iskolka guard of private property, OPort est oica id. (B a r i Hymje 71). 0 ABEJ St. II 143-144 (borrowed from Middle Greek or derived from shkul). shkulm m, pi. shkulma w a v e . P r fix a i d eriv a tiv e o f kulm (ABEJ St. II 144).
shkum f, pl. shkam foam. Another form is shkumb. Borrowed from
a Germanic loanword in Rom *scuma id. (C a m a r d a II 73; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 59; M e y e r Wb. 409-410). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grund ri 21 1050 (from Ital Neapol skumme): HELBIG 59 (from Ital dial. scuma id.); J o k l LKUBA 318; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 255.
shkund aor. shkunda to shake, to swing. Continues P A lb *skunta, nasal present of IE *skeut-: M ir scothaid to cut off, Lith skutu, skusti to scrape. Derived from here are shkundulloj to shake strongly and shkundllim earthquake. 0 C a m a r d a I 67 (to Lat scindo to tear into parts); MEYER Wb. 410 (from Lat excutere to shake off); T reim er M RIW 1 356 (sh-kund to Slav *kydati to throw); B a ri C AArbSt. I 218 (to Lith kutti to shake); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 255; F r a e n k e l 823-824; V e n d r y e s [SJ 52; POKORNY I 954.
SHKUP
SHOH ~
SHOF
425
shkup f warm spring wind. Derived from Shkup, the Albanian name of Skople ( a b e j St. II 144). shkurt adj. short, m February. Borrowed from Gmc *skurtaz short:
OHG scurz, O E sceort. Of particular interest is shkurte shirt from Gmc *skurta ~ *skurti- id.: ON skyrta, M L G schorte and the like. 0 C a m a r d a II 159 (to Lat curtus short); M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 20 (from Lat curtus short); MEYER Wb. 409 (from Rom *excurtus unattested elsewhere); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri21 1046 (from *ex+ curtus); T a g l i a v i n i Origini 190; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 160; ONIONS 822; M ih e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 28; H a a r m a n n 124.
shkurre f, pl. shkurre b u sh . P h on etic variant o f shkorre, cf. shkorret
(L a P ia n a St. Varia 26, 67; a b e j St. II 1 4 4 -1 4 5 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 1 0 (b o r r o w e d from Lat cornea, a d je ctiv e o f cornus c o r n e l); JOKL
LKUBA 2 3 0 , 3 28 (to Slav *khry r o o t); BARI ARSt. I 103, AArbSt I 156 (to OIr crann tr e e ); SCHUCHARDT ZfromPhil X L 4 9 3 (sa m e as
B A R l).
shky aor. shkya to unlock. Based on ky. shluk m, pi. shluqe blister. Borrowed from Rom *si ucus, metathe-
shllig f, pl. shlliga viper. A parallel form is shllig. A tabooistic description derived from lig (DEMIRAJ AE 359). 0 JOKL Studien 7778 (to OIr selige turtle); B a r i C ARSt. I 97; T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 141; L a m b e r t z Alb. Mrchen 10 n. 2 (to Germ schleichen to craw l and the like); ABEJ St. II 145. shllim m idea. Derived from shllej to resem ble, a phonetic variant of shembllej (ABEJ St. II 146). shoh ~ shof aor. pash to see. From PAlb *skska with a dissimila tion of sibilants. Further connected to IE *sek'~- to follow, to see: Skt scate t o accompany, to follow, Gk e 7 i:o ^ o a , Lat sequor; cf. in particular Goth saifvan to see (MEYER Wb. 4 1 1 -4 1 2 , Alb. St. Ill 7, 43: reconstructs an intermediate *sieh) and Hitt sakuisk-. The aorist
426
SHOK -
SHORT
SHORR
SHPARDH
427
is based on the zero grade of IE *p- to pasture, to guard, cf. MEYER Wb. 323-324 (who, however, combines it with an erroneous comparison with Skt psyati (he) sees: *-ks- would have yielded Alb -h-), Alb. St. Ill 25. 0 C a m a r d a I 140 (to Gk aco to sow); B r u g m a n n -D e l BRCK II/3 404; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 283 (reconstructs *sekv skfi), Kelt. Gr. II 621; B a r i C ARSt. I 95, Hymje 90-91; L o e w e KZ XXXIX 312 (borrowed from Goth sailvan); E r n o u t -M eillet 640; PISANI Saggi 131 (follows PEDERSEN), Shjzat [XIX] 196-197; MANN Hist. Gr. 161 (identifies shoh with Skt sisakti to follow); MAYRHOFER III 417-418; F r is k I 544-545; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 519-520; F e is t Goth. 404-405; P o k o r n y I 896-898; K l in g e n s c h m it t Verbum 150-151, Mnch. St. Spr. XL 123 (pash - to Arm hayi- to look), Koll. Idg. Ges. 231; H a m p IF XCIII 121; a b e j St. VII 217; H u l d 114-115 (reconstructs a causative *sok"s'k)\ D e m ir a j AE 312-313 (repeats M e y e r s ety mology).
sh ok m. pi. shok comrade, friend. Another form is shoq. The variant
LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 30 4 5 , 1048; MlHESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 20; H a a r m a n n 150; L a n d i Lat. 83, 146. shorr aor. shorra to press together, to squeeze. Continues PAlb
*sjra related to Hitt ishiia- to bind, Skt syti to bind, Lith seiju, sieti id. and the like. 0 FRAENKEL 783; MAYRHOFER III 549-550; POKORNY
1 8 91. sh o sh a or. shosha to sift. From PAlb *sjsja related to Gk ijOco id., Lith sijju, sijo'ti id., Slav *sejati id. and the like (M a n n Language XXVIII 3 9 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 8 5 -3 8 6 (to Gk aiiOd) id.), Alb. St. Ill 4 1 , Gr. Gr. 2 9 7 ; PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 72; FRAENKEL 7 8 4 ; FRISK I 624; V a s m e r III 615; P o k o r n y I 889; H u l d 148; D e m ir a j AE 3 6 4 -3 6 5 . sh o t f, pi. shota big duck. From PAlb *sjut related to W hwyad
id., OCorn hoet id., Bret houat id. and continuing, with a metathesis, IE *sauieto-. 0 JOKL LKUBA 3 1 0 -3 1 1 (p r fix a i d eriv a tiv e o f IE *anatshok is a back formation of shoq (an analogically motivated singular duck); PEDERSEN Kelt, \Gr... 1 . 5 5 /C eltic words. exnlaineH from ^ uewsy, i a u of pl. s h o q ) . P " " A v^rtiviAKUA i o; ivi i K lus ICH Korn. Elemente 61; PEDERSEN Alb. Texte j a vim s tr a tific a z io n e 141; SCHMIDT K Z L 244-245 (same as Jo k l ); L ev 195). 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 1 2 (from Rom *socus); M e y e r -L L ib k e Gr. is -P e d e r s e n 155. Grundri 2 1 1045; JOKL Zb. Belic 82; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 256; shpag f revei M ih e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 20; H a a r m a n n 150; L a n d i Lat. 9 5 -9 6 . g e \ Derived from page payment, an Italian loanword. sh p a lc f sea sh o k f, pi. shoka belt. Borrowed from Rom *soca rope, cable: Ital fish, golden bream, Chrysophris auratus. Another form is shparz dial, soga, OFr sane and the like ( M e y e r Wb. 4 1 2 ). 0 MlHESCU RESEE '. Based on *shpar borrowed directly from Gk 0 7 ic c p o bream or vii I V / l - 2 25; H a a r m a n n 150. Lat spa rus id. ( A B E J St. II 146). shpall aor. shpi sh o ll f, pl. sholl sole. Another form is shuall. Borrowed from Lat Ila to announce, to declare. From *shprall, based on prralle. 0 CAM solum id. ( C a m a r d a I 50; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 61; M e y e r Wb. openly, Slav V R D A I 2 4 0 (to pellas)-, JOKL Studien 8 3 - 8 4 (to Lat palam 4 1 2 ). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1045; J o k l LKUBA 65; (to Goth spille *pol-hjb hollow); a b e j St. II 9 - 1 0 ; D e m i r a j ^ 3 6 5 M i h e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 25; H a a r m a n n 150; L a n d i Lat. 6 0 , 137n to tell).
139. shpardh m, pi. .
hpardhe oak. Based on PAlb *pardza identical with :, pole continuing IE *perg-. An alternative explanaoardh from bardh ( D e m i r a j AE 3 6 5 - 3 6 6 ) , an etymolly based on the contrast between the white oak and l. 0 T r e im E R Sla via III 4 5 3 (from IE *perk"-); JOKL 7 (to OHG sparro beam); POKORNY I 819-820 (reconnd compares ON forkr with Lith prgas fishing-boat -b threshold); CAM AJ Alb. Worth. 121; LBERG I B K
sh ort m, pl. short lot. Borrowed from Lat sortem id. ( C a m a r d a II 159; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 61; M e y e r Wb. 4 1 2 ). 0 MEYER-
ON forkr stic tion derives sh ogy semantica the red beec LKUBA 186-18 structs *perg- i and Slav *por
428
SHPARGR ~
SHPARGN
SHPELL
XVII 46;
O rel
sh pargr ~ sh p argn m, pl. shprgenj diaper. A more archaic singu lar in Geg is sliprg. Borrowed from Gk orcpyavov id. (CAMARDA I 85; D i e f e n b a c h I 57). 0 M e y e r Wb. 414 (from NGk *cnrapyvi); a b e j Sr. II 148 (follows D ie f e n b a c h ) . shpart f, pl. shparta broom (bot.). Borrowed from Lat spartani id. ( M e y e r Wb. 413). 0 M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 25; H a a r m a n n 150. shparr m kind of oak. From PAlb *spara borrowed from rather than
identical with Lat sparus short spear or O H G sparro beam, girder, ON spari id. (JOKL LKUBA 186-188). 0 W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 568; P o k o r n y I 990-991.
shpat m, pi. shpate precipice, mountain forest. Prfixai derivative of
*pat continuing PAlb *pata. The latter is related to Skt palati to fly, to soar, Gk ninxw to fall and the like (JOKL LKUBA 1 6 3 -1 6 4 ). 0 F r is k II 5 4 2 -5 4 3 ; M a y r h o f e r II 199; P o k o r n y I 825; a b e j St. II 14 6 -1 4 7 (back formation of shpatull).
shpat f, pi. shpata sw o r d . B o r ro w e d from Lat spta id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 61; MEYER Wb. 413). 0 CAMARDA I 158 (to an unat te sted Gk ojiGr)); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 1 1041, 1053; M i h e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 20; H a a r m a n n 150. shpatull f, pi. shpatulla shoulder, shoulder-blade. Borrowed from Rom
* spatula id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 61; M e y e r Wb. 403). 0 C a m a r d a II 158; M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1041; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 25; ABEJ St. VII 244; HAARMANN 150.
sh pejt adj. quick, fast. Borrowed from Lat expedltus easy, expe
dite, quick (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 2 4 ) or restored from Rom *expedtre, cf. shptoj (JOKL RIEB II 7 2-73). 0 M e y e r Wb. 413 (against M i k lo s ic h ; to Slav *spx-h hurry); B a r r ARSt. I 100-101 (to Gk ojipxopou to rush); ABEJ St. II 1 4 7 -1 4 8 (in view of OAlb shpjert of BUZUKU, a postverbal formation of shpie).
sh p e ll f, pi. shpella c a v e . B o r r o w e d fro m L at splaeum id. 0 C a m a r d a I 4 6 (to Gk oTtri^aiov id.); M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 62
SHPEND
SHPTOJ
429
(from Lat spellinoci); PISANI Saggi 120; MIHESCU RESEE IV /3-4 350 (from G k cmritaxxov); HULD KZ XCIX 250 ( fo llo w s MIHESCU); LANDI Lat. 176. sh pend m, pl. stipend, shpend bird. Other forms are shpes, shpez
and shpen. Derived from pende as proved by shpendl down going back to the same source. 0 MEYER Wb. 413 (a prfixai derivative of *pet-no-), Alb. St. Ill 30; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 141.
sh p en e f, pi. shpene s n o w -fla k e . R elated to shpend and shpendl. shpenkoj aor. shpenkova to disembowel (of poultry). From *shpendkoj, based on pend'. shperr aor. shperra to win (money), to gain. From PAlb *sparja related
Gr. Grundri 2 I 1045, 1053; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 256; MIHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 20; HAARMANN 151; LANDI Lat. 58.
sh pet m, pl. shpeta garden fence. Singularized plural of shpat (ABEJ St. II 148). shprbhet refi, to rot, to to decompose. Derivative of bj. As in many other verbs, the prefix shpr- borrowed from Lat super- is used here. shprej aor. shpereva to h o p e . B o r ro w e d fro m Lat sperare id. (MIK LOSICH Rom. Elemente 62). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1048; M ih e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 25; H a a r m a n n 150. sh ptoj aor. shptova to save. Borrowed from Rom *expeditare, fre quentative of Lat expedlre to extricate, to disengage (MEYER Wb. 4 1 4 , Alb. St. IV 3 6 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 5 6 (to Gk eicjie-copou to fly out, to fly away); JO K L RIEB II 7 1 -7 2 (derived from pet-k as a caique of Lat ex-cappdre to go, to be in a hurry), LKUBA 78; S p it z e r MRIW I 3 3 0 (from Rom *hospitare to receive as a guest); HAARMANN 124; ABEJ St. II 149 (agrees with JO K L ).
430
SHPIE
- SIIPOR
shpie
aor. shpura, shpum to brin g a w a y . P rfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f hie (MEYER Wh. 3 5). 0 JOKL Studien 8 2 -8 3 (fro m *-per related to pruva),
LKUBA 230; B a r i ARSt. I 105 (a g re es w ith JOKL); TAGLIAVINI Dal mazia 2 5 7 -2 5 8 ; M a n n Language XXVIII 40; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 63; a b e j St. VII 184, 201; D e m ir a j AE 3 6 6 -3 6 7 . shpih ~ shpif aor. shpiha ~ shpifa to slander, to calumniate. The initial sh- is a prefix as it follows from k p if'to blame (MEYER Wb. 413). Continues PAlb *peikska related to OHG fehan to hate, Lith peikiu. pekti to blam e. 0 FRAENKEL 525; POKORNY 1 795. shpik
aor.
shpin f, pl. shpina back, spine. Borrowed from Lat spina id. (M I
KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 62; MEYER Wh. 4 1 4 ). Note the lack of
rhotacism in Tosk. 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1 044, 1053; M ih e s c u RESEE IV / 1-2 25; a b e j St. VII 281; H a a r m a n n 150. shpirtra ~ shpirtna, shpirte so u l, sp ir it. B o r ro w e d from Lat splritus id. (CAMARDA I 53; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 62; M e y e r Wb. 414). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri21 1044,1053; T a g l i a v in i Dalmazia 257; H a a r m a n n 151; LANDI Lat. 148-149.
m, pl.
shpirt
shpirr f asthma. Deverbative based on *shpirroj continuing Rom *dis-splrare. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 6 2 (based on Lat spirare); M e y e r Wh. 4 1 4 (same as MIKLOSICH). shplaj aor. shplava to rinse. Parallel forms are shplaj and shprlaj. A prfixai derivative of laj (ABEJ St. II 149). 0 C a m a r d a I 40 (to IE *pleu- to swim, to float); MEYER Wb. 237, Alh. St. IV 99 (from Rom *e.x-per-lavare). shpoj aor. shpova to drill. Another form is shpuaj. Borrowed from Rom *ex-pugere for *ex-punge re to prick out, to strike out (MEYER Wb. 4 1 4 ) or rather, from *ex-pgere to pierce. 0 C a m a r d a I 68 (to Gk anco to puli); JOKL IE XXXVII 12-1 4 , LKUBA 2 1 7 , 2 4 4 (from *-peri)\ BARIC ARSt. I 69; CAMAJ Alh. Worth. 63; ABEJ St. Ill 154, 1 7 9 -1 8 0 , VII 258; D e m ir a j AE 3 6 7 -3 6 8 . shpor
m, pl.
SHPORTF,
SHPRISH
431
*spora spur (MEYER Wb. 414), a Gothic loanword unattested in Ruman ian. The verb shporoj to pierce is derived from shpor (DEMIRAJ AE 368).0 M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 62; JOKL IF XXXVII 120-123 (,shporoj to shpoj), LKUBA 217, 244; MEYER-LBKE 616; B a r i ARSt. I 69. shport f, pi. shporta basket. Borrowed from Lat sporta basket, sieve
(MEYER Wb. 414). 0 M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 63 (from Ital sporta
id.); MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri 2 I 1045, 1053; MIHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 25; a b e j St. VII 266; H a a r m a n n 151. shporr aor. shporra to move away, to drive away. Based on PAlb *para related to Skt piparti to bring over, to save, Gk rcep, neipw to penetrate and the like (CAMARDA II 152: to Gk 7tpaco forwards). 0 JOKL Studien 84 (to Goth fa in a far, Skt para- ulterior, further); F r is k I I 491; M a y r h o f e r I I 284; P o k o r n y 1816-817; a b e j St. VII 234. shpreh aor. shpreha to express, to speak. Goes back to PAlb *is-perakska, further connected with eh to sharpen < *akska and preh id. < *per-akska, with the semantic development to sharpen > to express similar to that of Slav *raziti to strike ~ *vyraziti to express, Lat premere to press ~ exprimere to express (OREL LB XXVIII/4 54) 0 JOKL Festschr. Rozwadowski I 249-250 (< PAlb *spregska, an inchoative in *-sk- connected with OE sprecati to speak, OS sprekan id., OHG sprehhan id.); PORZIG Gliederung 139 (follows Jo k l ); P is a n i REIE IV 7 (from Rom *expressO)\ P o k o r n y 1 996-997; SGGJa 1 100, 111; a b e j Sr. VII 192; SBJa Leksikol. 148, Koll. Idg. Ges. 352; H u l d 98; S c h r i j v e r BC 172; D e m ir a j AE 368-369 (again st O r e l ) . shpresoj aor. shpresova to hope'. Based on shprej, shprej id. bor rowed from Lat sperare id. (MEYER Wb. 414). shpretk ~ shpnetk f, pl. shpretka ~ shpnetka spleen. Borrowed from Lat splnticum related to spleen (MEYER Wb. 4 1 3 -4 1 4 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 85 (to Gk otiAtiv spleen); M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grund ri 1 1 1054; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 256; M ih e s c u RESEE I V /1-231;
H a a r m a n n 151.
432
SHPROH
SH Q ELM
comb; to have breakfast. The latter is a prfixai derivative of prish. shproh f deadly nightshade, belladonna. From PAlb *spruj related to MHG sprjen to be scattered < Gmc *sprewjan. 0 POKORNY I 994. shput f.pl. shputa foot sole. Borrowed, with a metathesis, from Slav *stgpa, deverbative of *stgpati to step, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg stbpam, SCr stupati. 0 MEYER Wb. 415 (from Slav *stopa sole). shpuz f hot ashes. Borrowed from Lat spodium ash (M e y e r Wb. 415) and passed to Rum spuz. 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri21 1045, 1052; L a PIANA St. Varia 33 (identical with Gk OTioyyia sponge); SCHMIDT KZ L 245 (prfixai derivative of IE *peur-/*pun- fire); MlHESCU RESEE IV/1-2 29; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 349; ROSETTI ILR I 281; H a a r m a n n 151. (G) shqa m Bulgarian. Borrowed from Lat sclavus Slav (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 59; M e y e r Wb. 410), cf. Rum chiau id. (PUCARIU EWR 1547). 0 M ik l o s ic h Slav. Elemente 33; CAMARDA I 87 (to G k evia hospitality); PUCARIU EWR 139; MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grund ri 21 1041; JOKL IF XLIV 37, Slavia XIII 295; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 253; S k o k ZfromPhil LIV 181; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 253; ABEJ St. VII 193; S v a n e 148; L a n d i Lat. 105, 138. shqarr m, pl. shqarra m arten. Another variant is shar. Continues PAlb *skera related to Latv skara curly fu r, Slav *skora hide. The orig inal meaning must have been (marten) fu r. For the semantic devel opment cf. E marten borrowed from OFr martrine marten fur. 0 MEYER Wh. 399-400 (borrowed from Slav *di,.xorb pole-cat); BARI AArbSt. I 153 (to Gk atcrp excrement); T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 141; M H l e n b a c h -E n d z e l in III 872; V a s m e r III 650; O n io n s 558; a b e j St. II 150 (from IE *sker- to cut).
SHQEM
S H Q IM T H
433
shqem m threshold. Singularized plural of sh kam ~ shkamb stool, chair, threshold (ABEJ St. II 150-151). The latter was borrowed from MGk OKajivov bench. shqem e f, pi. shqeme Rhus coriaria, sumach, plant used for tanning.
Singularized plural of *sh()kam < *sh(e)mak, a metathesized bor rowing from MLat summacus id. 0 ABEJ St. II 151 (from Gk oGKoqio kind of plant Hyoscyamus niger).
shqep aor. shqepa to rip, to tear. The antonym of qep built with the prefix sh- (C a m a r d a I 101; O r e l Linguistica XXIV 432). a b e j St. VII 219. shqepoj aor. shqepova to be lame. Based on shqep lame borrowed from Rom *sclopus reflected in Rum chiop id. (M e y e r Wb. 411). Other Romance languages have *cloppus. 0 PUCARIU EWR 139; M e y e r -L b k e 159, Gr. Grundri 2 I 1054; MIHESCU RESEE I V / 12 15; H a a r m a n n 124 (from Rom *excloppus). sh q e rr aor. shqorra to tear (cloth). From PAlb *skera related to Gk
to cut o f f , OIr scaraim to separate, ON skera to cut o f f and the like (C a m a r d a I 69, 87; M e y e r Wb. 411-412, Alb. St. Ill 60, 71). From here shqerr coarse is derived. 0 JOKL IF XXX 197, LKUBA 156 (follows MEYER); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 249-250; B a r i Hymje 35 (to Dac oKipn kind of thorny plant); M a n n Language XXVIII 40; G e o r g ie v Issledovanija 114 (follows BARI); ClMOCHOWSKl St. IE 43; F r is k I 810-811; V e n d r y e s [S] 33-34; P o k o r n y I 938-939; D e m ir a j AE 369-370.
K e ip o )
434
S IIQ IN D
aor.
SHQUAJ
SH Q U EJ
snqyeva io lear, io oreaic . rroiri r /\io sKuiija reiaieu io IE *sken- to split mainly represented by a deverbative adjective *skento-, cf., for example, Bret skant scales, ON skinn hide, skin. 0 POKORNY I 929.
sn q y e j
shqymba to extinguish, to destroy. Continues P A lb *skitmba, a nasal present related to Goth af-skiuban to push b a c k , to reject, Lith skumbu, skubti to hurry up, Slav *skubo, *skubati to pull, to tear. 0 F r a e n k e l 820; F e is t Goth. 9; V a s m e r III 660; P o k o r n y I 955.
sh q y m b
aor. a o r . shqyrtova to examine, to observe. The original form must have been *shkrytoj. Borrowed from Lat scrutavi to examine, to find out. 0 MEYER Wb. 388 (from Rom *disquiritre); a b e j St. II 152 (derived from qyr).
sh q y r to j
Rom. Elemente 60). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. G rundri21 1046; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 20; a b e j St. VII 216; H a a r m a n n 149; L a n d i Lat. 105.
s h r e g u ll f, pl. shregulla swing. Derived from rregull preserving the otherwise unattested meaning of Lat rgula bar, board. sh ta g f. pl. shtaga pole, stick. Continues PAlb *staga etymological
ly connected with ON stjaki id., Latv stga long pole and the like.
0 P o k o r n y I 1014.
s h ta lb r m wooden snare. Based on P A lb *sta!ba, an o-grade form
related to ON stolpi beam, girder, Lith stidbas post, pole, Slav *stblbi, id. reflecing the zero-grade of *stelb-. 0 VASMER III 765; FRAENKEL 930; P o k o r n y I 1020.
s h ta lk t', pl. shtalka fram e. From PAlb *stalika, nominal derivative
based on IE *stel- attested in various forms such as, for example, Skt sthla- elevation, Gk atoA.r| equipment, MLG stale post and other similar continuants. 0 F r is k I I 786-788; M a y r h o f e r III 525; P o k o r n y
1 1019-1020.
51UJU1U m
i i i a a i - c . I>ui l u w c u
li u i u A j a
ivul, i u
o .
il
151-152) with rendered as *-k- > -g-. 0 MEYER Wh. 411 (from NGk o k v o , oxvo id.). shqipe adj. A lb a n ia n . C aiq u e o f S lav * slovne S la v s (from *slovg, *sluti to speak c le a rly ) based on shqipoj to speak c le arly (TRUBACEV Slav. jaz. XI 6). T he h isto ric a l and c u ltu ra l im p o rtan ce o f this caique
is u n p re ce d e n ted in so far as it re fle c ts a situ atio n o f ethnic sy m b io sis in the area. This situation m ust have follow ed the Proto-A lbanian period. 0 CAMARDA II 152 (to shqipe e a g le ); MEYER Wb. 411 ( shqipe d e riv e d fro m shqipoj)', DIEFENBACH Trk. 27 (to sqep); TREIMER IF XXXV 135-137 (p r fix a i d e riv a tiv e o f qipi h e a p < *sem-kpop eo p le, g a th e rin g ); SOLMSEN Eig. 98; JAKOBSON IJSL 959/ 1-2 271 (* slovne from *slovo w o rd ); POLK Slavia LIX 347-350; TRUBACEV timologija 1980 12-13 (S lav * slovne fro m *slov, * slitti); a b e j LVJSOS IV 78 -9 6 ( shqipoj as a d e n o m in ativ e o f shqipe).
shqipe ~ shqype f, p i, shqipe ~ shqype eagle. Contamination of shkab and shqipoj < Lat excipere in its original meaning to take out, to seize. The influence of Lat accipiter bird of prey cannot be altogether exclud ed. 0 C a m a r d a II 152 (to shkab); M e y e r Wb. 276-277 (from Lat accipiter); JOKL LKUBA 307-308 (prfixai derivative of qep); TAGLI AVINI Stratificazione 141; LANDI Lat. 120, 130. shqipoj aor. shqipova to speak clearly, to understand. Borrowed from Lat excipere id. ( M e y e r Wb. 411). 0 CAMARDA I 124-125; HAARMANN
124.
shqirr
f, pi.
shqis aor. shqita to tear, to separate. Derived from qis. 0 ABEJ St. VII 243. shqit f, pi. shqita slippery place. Derived from shkas. shqop f, pi. shqopa b r ie r . W ith a se c o n d ary -q-, b o rro w e d fro m L at scopa tw ig , b ra n c h (KRISTOFORIDHI 396; WEIGAND BA II 224). 0 a b e j St. II 152, IV 88-89. shquaj ~ shquej aor. shqova to d isc e rn , to stress, to le a r n . D erived
fro m quaj.
436
SHTA LL
SH TA T
of its derivative mb-shtillem to become sour (JOKL LKUBA 282-230). 0 BUGGEBB X V III171 (explains dialectal shtarp as related to Gk xpcpco to make sour, of m ilk); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 284-285 (to gjalp); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 150; ABEJ St. Il 152-153 (agrees with JOKL).
s h ta ll f, pl. shtalla stall. Borrowed from Lat stabulum id. 0 TAGLI
stick, Lith stngiu, ste'ngti to be able, stigti to become hard, Latv stigt id. (M a n n Language XXVIII 39) 0 C a m a r d a I 140 (to Gk a xeyro to cover); MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 63 (from Ital stanga)-, F r a e n k e l 895-896, 906, ZfslavPh XXIII 344 (to OHG stanga); P o k o r n y I 1015.
s h ta r t adj. bitter. Continues PAlb *stara etymologically related to Gk OTepe tough, hard, ON starr stiff, Lith sterti to become stiff, to harden and the like. 0 F r is k I I 790-791; F r a e n k e l 902-903; P o k o r n y 1022; M a n n Language XXVI 381-382 (to Av stavro strong, Skt sthvara-). sh ta t m, pi. shtatra ~ shtatna figure, image. Borrowed from Lat status
height, stature (MEYER Wb. 415). 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 63 (from Ital stato); M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 1 1041; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 258 (against MIKLOSICH); MANN Language XVII 18 (from IE *sth3tos); M ih e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 27; H a a r m a n n 151; L a n d i Lat. 139, 148-149.
s h ta t num. seven. Goes back to PAlb *septati- from IE *septm-ti-.
The latter is derived from IE *septm seven, cf. Skt sapt-, Gk ektoc, Lat septem (B opp 459; CAMARDA I 93; M e y e r Wb. 415, Alb. St. Ill 33, 59). From the point of view of derivation, shtat is close to such abstract formations in *-ti- as Skt saptati- seventy, seven tens, cf. B r u g m a n n Gr. I 722, 971. 0 JOKL Studien 48 (on the group *-pt- > -t-), LKUBA 315; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 284, Kelt. Gr. I 72, Reallex. Vorgesch. 1 222, 224; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 39; TAGLIAVINI Dal mazia 258; L a P i a n a Studi I 91; PISANI Saggi 106; B a r i Hymje 35; M a y r h o f e r III 431; F r i s k I 545; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I I 517-518; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 351-352; POKORNY I 909; H am p Numerals 914; H u l d 142; K d d e r i t z s c h St. albanica XXII/2 122; D e m ir a j AE 370.
SHTA Z, SHTZ
SHT Z
S H l'K R R
437
shtaz, shtz ~ shtz f, pl. shtaz, shtz ~ shtz animal. T h e orig inal Tosk form is shtz. Derivative in -z (MEYER Wb. 415) of an unattested *sht ~ sht continuing PAlb *stana from IE *st?no-, an adjective in *-no- from IE *st(h)- to stand (JOKL LKUBA 245-247 with a reconstruction of the phonetically difficult full grade in *st(h)no-). 0 MEYER Wb. 415 (from Rom *bstana, based on Lat bestia animal, beast); BUGGE BB XVIII 186 (from Rom *extraa for Lat extrnea, fem. outside, external, strange); T a g l ia v i n i Stratificazione 142; P o k o r n y I 1004-1008; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 64, 125 (to shtie); a b e j St. II 154-155 (agrees with JOKL); OREL ZfBalk XXIII 150 (to OHG stati strong, tough); H u l d KZ XCVI 152-158 (identical with Lat quadrups having four feet), XCVIII 101 (reconstructs *kv et(u)or pdiH); D e m ir a j AE 371. shteg m, pi. shtigje path, road. From PAlb *staiga identical with IE *stoigho- way: Gk oxoxo row, line, Goth staiga way, Latv staiga walking, stga path, Slav *stbza id. ( M e y e r Wb. 415, Alb. St. Ill 9, 58). 0 MEYER Gr. Gr. 275; PETERSSON LU X IX /6 12; M a n n Lan guage XXVI 387; L a PIANA Studi I 91; PISANI Saggi 99; FRISK II 783785; C h a n t r a i n e 1049; FEIST Goth. 447; POKORNY I 1017-1018; K lin GENSCHMITT Miinch. St. Spr. XL 102; H u l d 114; OREL Sprache XXXI 282, Koll. Idg. Ges. 352; KORTLANDT SSGL X 221; DEMIRAJ AE 371 372. shter f, pi. shtera m ortar. Borrowed from Lat neut. pistrium related to flour-grinding. 0 MEYER Wb. 415 (from Rom *pistrium for Lat pistrium); HAARMANN 142. shterp adj. barren, sterile. A parallel form shterk continues *shterpk ( J o k l apud T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 259). Borrowed from G k otpKpo id. ( D e m i r a j AE 373). 0 G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 24 (to Skt stari sterile cow); H e r z o g ZfromPh XXXVIII 736 (from Rom *exstirpus barren, sterile); T reiM E R ZfromPh XXXVIII 391 n. 1 (against HERZOG); PED ERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 94; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 259 (to shtjerr); DESNICK AJA Slav. jaz. VIII 153 (to Lat sterilis); H a m p Miinch. St. Spr. XL 37 (from G k cnpipoc); L a n d i Lat. 57, 82. shterr f, pi. shterra heifer. Related to shtjerr and shtjerr, pi. of qengj. 0 M ik l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 63; T a g l ia v i n i Stratificazione 149-150.
438
SH I E I'
S H T P R E S IU
S H P N F .S H
shtet m , pl. shtete state. Historically identical with shtat. Singular ized plural of *shtat borrowed from Lat status id. shtllung f, pl. shtllunga flock of wool. Derivative in -unge from shtjell (PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 196). 0 W e ig a n d 85-86 (from siiteli is); a b e j St. II 155 (follows P e d e r s e n ). shtmb ~ shtamb f, pl. shtmba ~ stamba clay vessel. Borrowed from Gk axnvo large vessel (CAMARDA I 83; M a n n Language XVII 23). 0 M e y e r Wb. 391, Alb. St. IV 109 (from NGk oipvoc pitcher); JOKL ZONF X 191-192 (from IE *sth- to stand); M a n n Language XVII 23; M ih e s c u RESEE IV/3-4 350; ABEJ St. II 153-154 (repeats M a n n s etymology). shtmngt adj. left; standing aside. Prfixai form related to mangut.
0 a b e j St. VII 201.
shtngr adj. squinting. Based on *shtng borrowed from Rom *stancus weak, left: Rum sting, Ital stanco, OFr estanc (MEYER Wb. 415). 0 M e y e r - L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1042; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 20; H a a r m a n n 151; L a n d i Lat. 48. (G) shtp m, pl. shtp nj shepherd producing cheese, cheese-maker. The Tosk form must have been *shtepr. Its existence is confirmed by shtpresh. An early borrowing from Slav *stopatrh, cf. stopan ( a b e j St. Tl 155). shtpi t, pl. shtpi, shtpira h o u se . A m o rp h o lo g ical adaptation o f the m etathesized Lat hospitium lodging, inn, guest-cham ber, cf. NGk 07im h o u s e (C a m a r d a I 100; M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 32; M e y e r Wb. 415-416). 0 M e y e r -L b k e Gr. Grundri 2 I 1039, 1055; T a g l ia v i ni Dalmazia 256-257, Origini 191; MlHESCU RESEE IV /1-2 28; H a a r m a n n 129; H u l d 115; L a n d i Lat. 158. shtpresh ~ shpnesh f, pl. shtpresha ~ shpnesha female shepherd; (good) housewife. Another phonetic variant is shtpres. Feminine form of shtp semantically influenced by shtpi (ABEJ St. II 155156).
SHTRG
SHTIR
439
shtrg m, pl. shtrgj stork'. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg strbk, SCr strk. Note the voicing of the auslaut -k. shtroj aor. shtrova to run dry, to dry up. Another variant is shtroj. Based on shter(r) id. derived from ter. sh trzim m, pl. shtrzime labor pains. From *shtrpzim, based on
shterp.
shtrras aor. shterra to diminish, to shrink. Another variant is shtr-
Wb. 416). Derived from shtij is shtiz spear. 0 KRISTOFORIDHI 413 (to shtie); M ih e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 23; H a a r m a n n 129; a b e j St. IV 89.
shtiret refi, to pretend, to sim u late'. D eriv ed from shtie, cf. refi, shtihet id. 0 a b e j St. V II 23 9 . sh tir adj. w e a k . R elated to shtie, cf. shtiret. 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 1 6 .
440
SH 'IJE L L ---- SH TR A P R
SH T R A P Z O J
SH T R E P
441
sh tjell aor. shtolla to throw . Continues PAlb *stela etymologically connected with Gk axAAo) to put, to set, OHG stellen to put, OPrus stallTl to stand (C A M A R D A I 44; M E Y E R Wb. 416, Alb. St. Ill 58, 77). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 543; JO K L IF XXXVII 111, LKUBA 127; PISANI Saggi 119; F r is k I I 786-788; E n d z e l n s D /IV /2 313; P o k o r n y I 10191020; a b e j St. VII 230-231; D e m ir a j AE 376.
sh trapzoj aor. shtrapzova to spread. Derived from trapeze. shtrat m , p l. shtretr ~ shtretn bed; layer. Borrowed from Lat stratum id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 64; M e y e r Wb. 417). 0 MEYER-LBKE Gr. Grundri21 1041; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 260; M a n n Language XVII 18 (related to Gk axpax); MlHESCU RESEE IV/12 20; H a a r m a n n 152; L a n d i Lat. i l l . shtreb
ao r.
shtjerr
ao r.
tinues PAlb *stern or *sterja related to Skt stari, Gk axepa and the like (M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 58). See qengj. Borrowed to Rum stir sterile (of animals). 0 STIER KZ XI 209-210; MEYER Gr. Gr. 232; J o k l LKUBA 156; T a g l ia v i n i Dalmazia 259; L a P ia n a Studi I 95; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 350; RO SE TTI ILR I 282; HAMP Mnch. St. Spr. X L 37 (remodelled from pl. shqerra and related to krye); DEMIRAJ AE 376-378.
sh tog m , p i. shtogje elder, elder-berry. From PAlb *staga related to shtag. 0 M e y e r Wb. 417 (from Rum soc id., with serious doubts); B a r iC ARSt 32; M i h e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 19