Images of Tibet in the 19th and 20th Centuries

Volume I

tudes thmatiques 22

Images of Tibet in the 19th and 20th Centuries

Volume I

Edited by Monica ESPOSITO

Paris EFEO

2008

Images of Tibet in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Textes runis et prsents par Monica Esposito, Paris : cole franaise dExtrme-Orient, collection tudes thmatiques , 22, vol. I, 2008. 427 + xxiv p. ; 27,5 18,5 cm. Notes en bas de page. Illustrations. Rsums en anglais et en franais. ISBN : 9782855396736 ISSN : 1269-8067 Mots-cls : Reception of Buddhism, Tibet, Japan, China, West, Sino-Tibetan relations, Orientalism, Tibetology, Esoteric Buddhism, Tibetan Buddhist Art, Anthropology of Religion, History of Ideas

Ralisation : KOBAYASHI Tsuneyoshi

2008, cole franaise dExtrme-Orient. 22, avenue du Prsident Wilson, 75116 Paris, France http://www.efeo.fr/

VOLUME I

CONTENTS
x xiii xxi xxii

List of illustrations Introduction by Monica ESPOSITO Conventions Map of Tibet

WEST

5-60

Urs APP The Tibet of the Philosophers: Kant, Hegel, and Schopenhauer Isrun ENGELHARDT The Nazis of Tibet: A Twentieth Century Myth Elena DE ROSSI FILIBECK Tibet: The Ancient Island of Giuseppe Tucci Lionel OBADIA Esprit(s) du Tibet Le bouddhisme tibtain en France : topographies paradoxales, territorialisation et conomie de limaginaire tibtophile Hartmut WALRAVENS Some Notes on Early Tibetan Studies in Europe Donald S. LOPEZ, Jr. Tibetology in the United States of America: A Brief History

63-96

99-111

113-147

149-176

179-198

JAPAN 203-222

OKUYAMA Naoji The Tibet Fever among Japanese Buddhists of the Meiji Era
translated by Rolf Giebel

225-242

ONODA Shunz The Meiji Suppression of Buddhism and Its Impact on the Spirit of Exploration and Academism of Buddhist Monks
translated by Monica Esposito

245-262

FUKUDA Yichi The Philosophical Reception of Tibetan Buddhism in Japan

translated by Rolf Giebel

CHINA Part 1 267-300

SHEN Weirong & WANG Liping Background Books and a Books Background: Images of Tibet and Tibetan Buddhism in Chinese Literature Gray TUTTLE Tibet as the Source of Messianic Teachings to Save Republican China Ester BIANCHI Protecting Beijing: The Tibetan Image of YamntakaVajrabhairava in Late Imperial and Republican China Franoise WANG-TOUTAIN Comment Asaga rencontra Maitreya : contact entre bouddhisme chinois et tibtain au XXe sicle CHEN Bing The Tantric Revival and Its Reception in Modern China
translated by Monica Esposito

303-327

329-356

359-385

387-427

VOLUME II

CONTENTS
CHINA 433-471

Part 2

LUO Tongbing The Reformist Monk Taixu and the Controversy about Exoteric and Esoteric Buddhism in Republican China Monica ESPOSITO rDzogs chen in China: From Chan to Tibetan Tantrism in Fahai Lamas (1920-1991) Footsteps Henry C. H. SHIU Tibetan Buddhism in Hong Kong: The Polarity of Two Trends of Practice YAO Lixiang The Development and Evolution of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan
translated by Liu Jingguo

473-548

551-577

579-609

611-681

CHEN Qingying and WANG Xiangyun Tibetology in China: A Survey

TIBET 687-704

Erberto LO BUE Tibetan Aesthetics versus Western Aesthetics in the Appreciation of Religious Art Karnina KOLLMAR-PAULENZ Uncivilized Nomads and Buddhist Clerics: Tibetan Images of the Mongols in the 19th and 20th Centuries

707-724

727-745

Patricia BERGER Reincarnation in an Age of Mechanical Reproduction: The Career of the Narthang Panchen Lama Portraits Antonio TERRONE Tibetan Buddhism beyond the Monastery: Revelation and Identity in rNying ma Communities of Present-day Kham Sabina RAGAINI Life and Teachings of Tashi Dorje: A Dzogchen Tulku in 20th Century Kham Matthew T. KAPSTEIN Tibetan Tibetology? Sketches of an Emerging Discipline Index of Proper Names List of Contributors

747-779

781-796

799-815

819-856 858-859

ILLUSTRATIONS
xxii Map of Tibet (CHGIS version 2, China in Time and Space, August 2003, DEM)
WEST

19 44 59 101

Pallas: Sammlungen historischer Nachrichten vol. 1 (1771): Plate 10 Pallas, Sammlungen historischer Nachrichten vol. 2 (1801): Plate 14 Schopenhauers Buddha statue. (Schopenhauer Archiv, Frankfurt am Main) Giuseppe Tucci with a local dignitary. (Negative stored [Istituto Italiano per lAfrica e lOriente, Rome] 6027/21)

JAPAN

204 204

Kawaguchi Ekai (1866-1945) The departure of Kawaguchi Ekai from Lhasa for India. (Scroll of Kawaguchi Ekai, no. 24: courtesy of Miyata Emi )

CHINA Part 1

304 316 319 320 327 327 330 332 332 334 341

The ninth Panchen Lama. (Jacques Marchais Museum of Tibetan Art) Ritual implements used by the Ninth Panchen Lama in Hangzhou, China 1930s. (Jacques Marchais Museum of Tibetan Art) Peace Mandala of Shambhala on floor of Temple, Oct. 1932. (Jacques Marchais Museum of Tibetan Art) Kyil Khor of Shambhala, Oct. 1932, Back of inside Throne. (Jacques Marchais Museum of Tibetan Art) The Living God of Asia, 1934. (Jacques Marchais Museum of Tibetan Art) The Panchen Lama during the retreat, 1934. (Jacques Marchais Museum of Tibetan Art) Sign in front of Shanyindian, Beihai. (Photo by E. Bianchi) Mandala on the vault of Shanyindian, Beihai. (Photo by E. Bianchi) Statue of Vajrabhairava in Shanyindian, Beihai. (Photo by E. Bianchi) Nine niches on the ceiling of the Taihedian, Forbidden City. (Photo by E. Bianchi) Detail of Shanyindian, in front of the Baita, Beihai. (Photo by E. Bianchi) x

343 343 343 367

Statue of Vajrabhairava in Mizongdian, Yonghegong. (Photo by E. Bianchi) Statue of Vajrabhairava in Dongpeidian, Yonghegong. (Photo by E. Bianchi) Statue of Vajrabhairava in Yamandagalou, Yonghegong. (Photo by E. Bianchi) Asaga. (Collection of M. Donald Rubin)

CHINA Part 2

433 475 477 477 478 480 481 481 483 484 485 495

Venerable Master Taixu. (Source: Yinshun Cultural and Educational Foundation, Xinzhu County, Taiwan) Fahai Lama at Qianfo chansi. (Gift of Fahai Lama) Miaokong, the young Fahai Lama. (Gift of Fahai Lama) Gangs dkar rin po che. (Source: Yangdui , Hong Kong/Taibei: Tantrayana Publications, 1981-1985, vol. 3) Gangs dkar monastery, Mi nyag region [Khams]. (Photo by M. Esposito) Qianfo chansi , the Thousand Buddhas Monastery. (Photo by M. Esposito) Taijidong , the Great Ultimate cave. (Photo by M. Esposito) Fahai Lama and his disciples in front of Taijidong. (Source: Mianhuai Fahai shangshi , Hong Kong, 1995) Nuns practicing koutou at Qianfo chansi. (Photo by M. Esposito) Rev. Folian practicing the sixfold yoga of Nropa at Qianfo chansi. (Photo by M. Esposito) Fahai Lamas teaching session at Qianfo chansi. (Photo by M. Esposito) Dayuanman guanding yiji quanji Fahai lama [Complete collection of the explicative commentaries on Great Perfection initiations]. (Photo by M. Esposito) The Lamp of the Pure Space. (Source: Dayuanman guanding , Fahai Lama's manuscript) Adamantine strands. (Source: Dayuanman guanding , Fahai Lama's manuscript) Adamantine strands like a string of pearls. (Source: The Collected Rediscovered Teachings [gter ma] of Gter-chen Mchog-gyur-gli-pa)

513 517 517

xi

517 518 525 525

Adamantine strands like knots tied into a horses tail. (Source: The Collected Rediscovered Teachings [gter ma] of Gter-chen Mchog-gyur-gli-pa) The manifestation of forms of deities. (Source: The Collected Rediscovered Teachings [gter ma] of Gter-chen Mchog-gyur-gli-pa) Guanyin. (Gift of Rev. Folian) Vajrayogin. (Gift of Rev. Folian)

TIBET

729 729 730 733 733 735 738 741 753 757 762 775

Gyaltsen Norbu in the Sunlight Hall, Tashilhunpo Monastery. (Source: Fomen shengshi: The Confirmation and Enthronement of the 11th Bainqen Erdeni, 1996, 103) Sakya Paita, sixth portrait in the Narthang Panchen Lama series. (Theos Bernard Collection, Gift of G. Eleanor Murray) Sakya Paita, sixth portrait in the silk textile series of the Panchen Lamas. (Source: Xizang tangka, pl. 60) The 4th Panchen Lama, eleventh in the Narthang Panchen Lama series. (Theos Bernard Collection, Gift of G. Eleanor Murray) The 6th Panchen Lama, thirteenth in the Narthang Panchen Lama series. (Theos Bernard Collection, Gift of G. Eleanor Murray) The 4th Panchen Lama, eleventh in the series sent to the Qing court by the 6th Panchen Lama. (Palace Museum, Beijing) rya Lokevara, sent by Polhanay in 1745 to the Yonghegong, Beijing. (Source: Precious Deposits, vol. 4, no. 13) The 9th Panchen Lama, silk textile portrait made in Hangzhou. (Source: Xizang tangka, pl. 81) The Buddhist teacher and Treasure revealer Grub dbang lung rtogs rgyal mtshan. (Photo by A. Terrone) Monks outside the main assembly hall of Bla rung sgar in gSer rta (Sichuan). (Photo by A. Terrone) A view of the Buddhist center Thub bstan chos khor gling in mGo log (Qinghai). (Photo by A. Terrone) A group of Chinese lay Buddhist devotees enjoy sacred dances at Ya chen sgar. (Photo by A. Terrone)

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INTRODUCTION
These two volumes were conceived as an attempt to capture various images of Tibet from Western and Eastern perspectives. How did these various images take form? What were their sources of inspiration? How do they relate to the real Tibet? And what do these images tell us about the people who created them? Whilst a certain number of publications on the images of Tibet from the perspective of the Westits dreams and projectionshave appeared in recent years,1 a study on the image of Tibet in Far-Eastern countries during the 19th and 20th centuries was still missing. The present work represents the first attempt to explore various manifestations of the images of Tibet from a more global point of view, one that includes religious, aesthetic, and intellectual-historical dimensions. It is divided into four sections: the West, Japan, China, and Tibet. The China and Tibet sections do not strictly correspond to geographical or political entities but rather to cultural areas. While the China section includes contributions on the reception of Tibetan Buddhism in Hong Kong and Taiwan,2 the Tibet section features both studies related to Tibetan areas today assimilated within Peoples Republic of China (PRC) and to Tibets religious and cultural interaction with Mongolia, India, Himalayan regions, and the West.3 Each section ends with a history of the Tibetology of the respective areas. To facilitate use of these two volumes, I added an index of proper names at the end of the second volume. The twenty-five contributions by scholars from all over the world offer case studies spanning more than two centuries, beginning with the image of Tibet of the Western philosophersKant, Hegel, and Schopenhauerand ending with the question of whether a Tibetan Tibetology can exist in todays China. In between, images of Tibet from Western and Eastern travelogues, myths, religious literature and artworks offer pertinent examples of cultural intersections between Tibet, Japan, China, and the West. These studies are based on extensive original research and field-work, and analyses and translations of numerous primary sources are presented here for the first time. Instead of summarizing their content in this introduction, I decided to include an abstract in English and French at the beginning of each contribution. The case studies in these two volumes reveal not only a variety of images of Tibet but also mirror the changing world views and motivations of observers in both East and West.
See among the others: Peter Bishop, Dreams of Power. Tibetan Buddhism and the Western Imagination (London: Athlone Press, 1993); Donald S. Lopez, Prisoners of Shangri-La, Tibetan Buddhism and the West (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1998); Thierry Dodin and Heinz Rther (eds.), Imagining Tibet: Perceptions, Projections & Fantasies (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2001); and Martin Brauen, Dreamworld Tibet: Western Illusions (Bangkok: Orchid Press, 2004; orig. Traumwelt Tibet Westliche Trugbilder, Zurich: Haupt, 2000). 2 See the contributions by Henry Shiu and Yao Lixiang in the second volume. 3 See the contribution by Erberto Lo Bue, Tibetan Aesthetics versus Western Aesthetics in the Appreciation of Religious Art, in the second volume.
1

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At the end of the 19th century, with the opening of China to the Western world, a violent process of re-evaluation of the Chinese empire and its political and religious structures took place. The confrontation between West and East led to a clash of civilizations that shook the foundations of their respective world views. The discovery of the other and its different history, language, culture, and religion elicited the need to define ones own identity. The search for origins, the race to track down the roots of civilization, language, and religion was launched. At the same time as the tradition of Noahs Ark began to founder as Biblical authority waned in the West,4 Buddhist countries experienced a movement of modernization and transformation triggered by the contact with the Wests science and its religious and philosophical systems. Through the influence of missions from and to the West, they became aware that survival in the modern world required better education and training for the spreading of their teachings and that there was a need to unite within each country and worldwide through the creation of national and international Buddhist associations. One of the aims of such associations was to promote selfawareness among believers of their religious identity and, at the same time, to join with other Buddhist countries of Asia in advocating international solidarity based on Pan-Asian Buddhism.5 In the context of a certain colonial frustration fueled by Western imperialistic and nationalistic desires, a new generation of Buddhist monks and lay devotees dreamed of building a strong Orient to counter the dominance of the Christian world. Stimulated by Oriental studies in the West and their 19th-century obsession with Sanskrit sources, a call for Buddhist revival and a return to its primitive spirit were discussed with fervor, thanks in part to the philological investigation of its origins. This had a strong impact on the establishment of modern Buddhist studies in Japan and the Meiji movement to reform Japanese Buddhism. It was among such circles that a phenomenon known as Tibet fever arose as the most radical manifestation of this investigation. In the face of doubts of Western Orientalists, Japanese reformistsas representatives of Mahayanawanted to prove that Mahayana Buddhism was an original teaching taught by the historical Buddha. The investigation of Tibetan Buddhism was supposed to help in fulfilling such a hope. The quest for acquiring the Tibetan canon and the original Sanskrit texts transmitted in Tibetan translation was set up among Japanese explorers. In 1901 Kawaguchi Ekai (1866-1945) was the first Japanese to reach the Forbidden City of Lhasa with this aim in mind. 6
4 The interrelation of the Western biblical world view and the discovery of Buddhism and Tibet are explored in the opening study of this volume, the one by Urs App on The Tibet of the Philosophers: Kant, Hegel, and Schopenhauer. 5 See the contributions by Onoda Shunz, The Meiji Suppression of Buddhism and its Influence on the Exploration Spirit and Academicism of Buddhist Monks, and Luo Tongbing, The Reformist Monk Taixu and the Controversy among Exoteric and Esoteric Buddhism in Republican China. 6 On Tibet fever and the role of Kawaguchi Ekai in the Japanese discovery of Tibet see Okuyama Naoji, Tibet Fever among Japanese Buddhists of the Meiji period. For the development of Buddhist studies in todays Japan see the contribution by Fukuda Yichi, The Philosophical Reception of Tibetan Buddhism in Japan.

xiv

The renewal of Buddhism in Japan and its Tibet fever came also to influence China, its pedagogical activity, and the formation of Buddhist educational institutions that took the nascent Japanese Buddhist universities as model.7 China also discovered Buddhist traditions and texts lost to them but still preserved in Japan. This incited a generation of Chinese monks and laymen to go study in Japan. They hoped to reestablish via the living Japanese Buddhist esoteric tradition the lost Chinese esoteric tradition of the Tang. By the late 1920s Chinese turned progressively to the esoteric tradition of Tibet, and Chinese monks went for the first time to study in Tibet at the feet of Tibetan lamas.8 Like the first Japanese explorers they were also searching for Indian Buddhist original teachings that were reputedly preserved in the Tibetan Tripitaka. Thanks to these monks Tibetan scriptures came to be translated into Chinese, and this in turn led to a gradual assimilation and popularization of Tibetan wisdom.9 At the same time, the arrival of Tibetan high-ranking lamas in China proper stimulated a stronger interest in Tibetan Buddhism as a living tradition.10 The sense of mystery and secrecy embodied in Tibetan esoteric rituals and its paraphernalia not only fascinated those who were looking for new religious paths of salvation but also provoked strong debates within Chinese circles advocating the preservation of Chinese Buddhist traditional forms of practice.11 In spite of this revived interest, Tibetan Buddhism had in fact remained since immemorial times a source of cultural and historical misunderstanding. Though it enjoyed great popularity among the ruling class as early as the Yuan dynasty (1206-1368) and was an important part of the cultural and religious lore of the Qing (1644-1912),12 it was
As Onoda Shunz (The Meiji Suppression of Buddhism) shows in his contribution, the Chinese monk Taixu (1890-1947) was inspired by Bukky University (present-day Rykoku University) to reform his Wuchang Buddhist Institute, and his observation of the Buddhist universities in Kyoto made him feel necessity of training Buddhist priests academically. 8 More on this in the contribution of Chen Bing, The Tantric Revival and Its Reception in Modern China. An important source documenting the shift of interest in Chinese Buddhist circles from the esoteric tradition of Japan to Tibet is illustrated by the articles published in the monthly Haichaoyin or Sound of the Tide, a review founded and edited by the reformist monk Taixu. In 1920, a special issue was devoted to Shingon; see the contribution by Luo Tongbing, The Reformist Monk Taixu. 9 This process of popularization of Tibetan teachings is well illustrated in the contribution by Franoise Wang-Toutain, Comment Asaga rencontra Maitreya: Contact entre bouddhisme chinois et tibtain au XXe sicle. 10 Tibetan esoteric traditions and practices like rDzogs chen or Great Perfection came to be transmitted and translated for the first time into Chinese; see Monica Esposito, rDzogs chen in China: From Chan to Tibetan Tantrism in Fahai Lamas (1920-1991) footsteps. For the transmission of rDzogs chen among Tibetans and Chinese by a living Tibetan master from Kham see the contribution by Sabina Ragaini, Life and Teachings of Tashi Dorje, a Dzogchen Tulku in 20th century Kham. 11 This is exemplified by the work of the reformist monk Taixu and his changing strategy in integrating both exoteric and esoteric teachings into a new unified and modernized Chinese Buddhism. See the contribution by Luo Tongbing, The Reformist Monk Taixu. 12 See the contribution of Ester Bianchi, Protecting Beijing: The Tibetan Image of Yamntaka-Vajrabhairava in Late Imperial and Republican China, on the worship of the Tantric deity Yamntaka-Vajrabhairava (Tib. rDo rje jigs byed) at the Imperial Court.
7

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always the target of sharp criticism by Chinese literati. Negative images of Tibetan monks and their religion abound in Chinese background books from the 11th century until today.13 Yet Tibet was also a subject of Japanese and Western background books that produced countless fantastic and conflicting images as well as fascinating hypotheses and speculations. Among Western historians and philosophers of the 18th century an image of Tibet arose that identified it as the cradle of humanity, the place where the original human race had survived the great flood.14 Ever since, Tibet has continued to haunt the imagination of academics, as well as novelists and seekers after concealed truths fascinated with the alleged powers of its Himalayan yogis and the mysteries of its hidden kingdoms of Shambhala and Agarti.15 Tibet and its image were also involved in the construction of international relations and the shaping of new political alliances and imperialistic dreams. Parallel to the creation of an image of Tibet which, as product of the British agenda, had a distinct Indo-Tibetan face, others images of Tibet emerged, for instance, as products of Far-Eastern agendas.16 While the Japanese were dreaming of a political and religious cooperation between Japan and the sphere of Lamaism encompassing Tibet, Manchuria, and Inner Mongolia, Chinese reformers had already been working since the end of the Qing on the foundation of a new Chinese modern state that would include Tibet. At the beginning of the republican era, as profound distress and severe famine ravaged the country, Tibetan Buddhism was called on to overcome the crisis. Massive dharma assemblies and rites for averting national calamities were organized and sponsored by Chinese lay Buddhists and political leaders alike. As the new re13 Through the analysis of Emptiness (a collection of modern short stories of Ma Jian), Shen Weirong and Wang Liping (Background Books and a Books Background: Images of Tibet and Tibetan Buddhism in Chinese Literature) trace the long history of misrepresentation of Tibetan culture rooted in Chinese background books. It is under the influence of these background booksan expression taken from the Italian writer Umberto Ecothat the traveler or explorer, irrespectively of what he discovers and sees, interprets the other world. In her contribution, Uncivilized Nomads and Buddhist Clerics: Tibetan Images of the Mongols in the 19th and 20th centuries, Karnina Kollmar-Paulenz examines instead the representations of the Mongols in Tibetan background books. 14 Interesting cases of Japanese and Western representations of Tibet are presented in the contributions by Okuyama Naoji, Tibet Fever, and Urs App, The Tibet of the Philosophers. 15 The development of popular perceptions of Tibet in the West as the land of the occult and the home of such powers is discussed in the contribution of Isrun Engelhardt, The Nazis of Tibet: A Twentieth Century Myth. She presents in detail the growth of myths about the occult and Nazism as exemplified by the Ernst Schfer Tibet expedition of 193839. On Tibets representation of the Italian Tibetologist Giuseppe Tucci see Elena De Rossi Filibeck, Tibet: The Ancient Island of Giuseppe Tucci. 16 On the British construction of the Indo-Tibetan image see the study by Alex C. McKay, Truth Perception and Politics: The British Construction of an Image of Tibet, in Imagining Tibet, 67-89.

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publican politicians became increasingly aware of the advantages of using Tibetan Buddhism for solving the Sino-Tibetan conflict, they followed their Qing imperial predecessors steps in promoting the performance of Tibetan state-protecting rites and conferring prestigious titles, like protectors of the country, on Tibetan lamas. As a result, first the Chinese republicans and later the communists came to form an image of Tibet linked with China and to promote a distinct Sino-Tibetan identity. This identity gradually gained a profile by the use of Tibetan religion as a fundamental link between China and Tibet.17 Whereas a whole generation of Tibetologists studied Tibet primarily in connection with India and its culture because of political restrictions from the foundation of the PRC in 1949 until the end of the Cultural Revolution, they could not enter Tibet but were instead obliged to study in the Himalayan regions and Tibetan refugee communities of South Asia, it has more recently become possible for a new generation of scholars to pursue their Tibetan studies in Tibet itself and turn their attention also to Tibeto-Chinese relations. In the 1980s, Tibetological research in China gradually began to emerge and the term zangxue or Tibetology also came into use. This produced a dramatic increase in publications on Tibetan studies and the opening of two important establishments: the Tibetan Academy of Social Sciences in Lhasa (1980) and Chinas Tibetology Center in Beijing (1986).18 Riding the wave of the religious revival and reenergized religious research in academia that occurred after the Cultural Revolution years (1966-1976), there was a constant flow of publications on Chinese and Tibetan religions and their esoteric techniques, modern Buddhism, and religious texts.19 Among them were reprints of materials on Tibetan Buddhism from the republican period, local histories and biographies, studies on Tibeto-Chinese and Tibeto-Japanese relations, works of Chinese monks who went for the first time to study in Tibet, etc. Thanks to the availability of such materials and under these new circumstances it became possible to consider, for instance, how a Sino-Tibetan identity could be built in those eastern Tibetan areas which, while aspiring to autonomy, seemed to accept closer ties with China. Important figures like the Panchen Lama (1883-1937), who had served in diplomatic relations
17 See the contributions by Chen Bing, The Tantric Revival, Luo Tongbing, The Reformist Monk Taixu, and Gray Tuttle, Tibet as the Source of Messianic Teachings to Save Republican China: The Ninth Panchen, Shambhala and the Klacakra Tantra. Tuttle, in particular focuses on the Panchen Lamas religious and political role in linking Tibet to China. 18 See the contribution by Chen Qingying and Wang Xiangyun, Tibetology in China: A Survey. 19 Antonio Terrones contribution, Tibetan Buddhism beyond Monastery: Revelation and Identity in rNying ma Communities of Present-day Kham, emphasizes how and why the relative freedom that was inaugurated after the Cultural Revolution by the new religious policy of Deng Xiaoping had an impact on the revitalization of Tibetan Buddhist practices in todays Kham. As shown in the contributions by Chen Bing, The Tantric Revival, and Monica Esposito, rDzogs chen in China, Tibetan Buddhism also gained new momentum in the wave of religious revival and increase in publications fueled by the so-called qigong fever phenomenon in China during the 1980s and 1990s.

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between China and Tibet since the Qing Empire, came to be at the center of this new construct.20 Presenting such phenomena from a Far-Eastern perspective and in its religious, cultural, and political terms through case studies is one of the purposes of the present book. While observing the progress of Tibetological research in these two last centuries,21 this study wants to provide a moment of reflection about past and present ways of seeing Tibet in order to gain a better understanding of outlooks colored by historical misunderstandings and of current tensions. Although these two volumes document some little-known trends of modern Tibetan studies, particularly in Tibetological research in China and Japan, they also show that the examination of Tibets cultural and historical image is only at its beginning. 22 Difficulties in evaluating Tibetan society and its history critically, in particular when it comes to religious issues, persist for all parties. Nonetheless, they become more pressing for ethnic Tibetans and Han Chinese involved in the Tibet-China conflict.23 In this volume this is illustrated by the study of Chen Bing and his Sino-centric and nationalistic way of reviewing the assimilation of Tibetan Buddhism in the PRC24 and, above all, by this books lack of contributions by ethnic Tibetan scholars or Tibetan religious figures living in todays PRC. Without any doubt the Tibet section should

This is well illustrated by Tuttles discussion in Tibet as the Source of Messianic Tea-chings, of the role of the Panchen Lama and his Kalacakra Tantra transmission in republican China. The Chinese Communist government is continuing to work on this construction in order to shape Tibetan Buddhism to suit its political requirements. An image of the dilemma facing Chinese religious policy in contemporary Tibet is captured by the contribution of Patricia Berger (Reincarnation in an Age of Mechanical Reproduction: The Career of the Narthang Panchen Lama Portraits) on the controversy over the selection of the 11th Panchen Lama. 21 While Lionel Obadia presents the assimilation of Tibetan Buddhism in France (Esprit(s) du TibetLe bouddhisme tibtain en France: territorialisation et conomie de limaginaire tibtophile), Harmut Walravens (Some Notes on Tibetan Studies in Europe), and Donald S. Lopez (Tibetology in the United States of America: A Brief History) offer an overview on the development of Tibetan studies in Europe and America. 22 See the first introduction in a Western language to the status of Tibetan studies in China by Chen Qingying and Wang Xiangyun, Tibetology in China, as well as the contributions by Fukuda Yichi, The Philosophical Reception on Tibetan studies in Japan, and by Matthew T. Kapstein, Tibetan Tibetology? Sketches of an Emerging Discipline. 23 On this issue see, for instance, the study by Elliot Sperling, The Tibet-China Conflict: History and Polemics, Policy Studies 7 (East-West Center Washington, 2004): 1-48, and Melvyn C. Goldstein, Tibet and China in the Twentieth Century, in Governing Chinas Multiethnic Frontiers, ed. Morris Rossabi (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2004): 186-229. See also the volume edited by Anne-Marie Blondeau and Katia Buffetrille, Le Tibet est-il chinois? (Paris: Albin Michel, 2002) and its English edition: Authenticating Tibet. Answers to Chinas 100 Questions (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008). 24 See in particular the section entitled Difficulties and Problems of the Reception of Tantrism in the PRC where Chen Bing presents nave and simplistic views on Tibetan Buddhism emphasizing the lack of a critical evaluation of Tibetan religion that still persists in certain Han Chinese academies and Chinese Buddhist circles.

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have included contributions by ethnic Tibetans who, as men on the spot, could have reflected on their own self-image; but the present situation in the PRC has not allowed the realization of such a project.25 We cannot but hope that this new century may fulfill this expectation. ., The present two-volume work would not have been possible without the help of several people and institutions. First of all, I want to express my gratitude to all the members of the scientific committee who were in charge of reading at least one of its twenty-five contributions: Ester Bianchi, Anne-Marie Blondeau, Anne Chayet, Hubert Durt, Donald Lopez, Okuyama Naoji, Donatella Rossi, and Shen Weirong. Among them, my special thanks go to Anne-Marie Blondeau not only for having checked the Tibetan transcription of this volume but also for her incisive reading of almost all contributions. Her precious advice was of primary importance for the completion of this book. As main consultants for the sections West, Japan, and China, Donald Lopez, Okuyama Naoji, Shen Weirong, and Ester Bianchi equally deserve a special mention for their valuable suggestions and helpful criticisms. I am also grateful to Hubert Durt who, as member of the scientific committee, read a substantial number of contributions and checked their Sanskrit transcription. A special, heartfelt thank you goes to Phyllis Brooks and Cate Pearce who copyedited the book with exceptional dedication and turned the articles written by contributors speaking about seven different native languages into readable English. I am also indebted to Karnina Kollmar-Paulenz for supervising the simplified transcription of Mongolian letters (see Conventions below), and to Chen Qingying, Donatella Rossi, Onoda Shunz, and Jay Goldberg for their help in identifying Tibetan masters, places, and Sino-Tibetan texts. I am grateful as well for the precious suggestions I received during the preparatory phase from Funayama Tru, Toni Huber, Roberto Gimello, David Germano, Nagano Yasuhiko, and Samten Karmay. I wish to thank the ex-director of the cole franaise dExtrme-Orient, JeanPierre Drge, for having accepted this project, and the present director, Franciscus Verellen, for offering the necessary institutional and financial support for its accomplishment. I owe a great debt of gratitude to my Institute, the Jinbun Kagaku Kenkyjo at Kyoto University, and its members, in particular director Kin Bunky and Mugitani Kunio for giving me the opportunity to devote myself to research and realThis does not mean that ethnic Tibetans are not involved in critical debates about this issue; but due to restrictions in the PRC, available studies on this topic are often confined to specialist circles of Tibetologists or intellectuals living abroad (for example the well-known studies of Tsering Shakya or Jamyang Norbu, or of religious figures and members from the Tibetan community-in-exile). However, as Toni Huber has noted, the publications from the Tibetan exile community are not necessarily free from propaganda and censorship. See Toni Huber, Shangri-la in Exile: Representations of Tibetan Identity and Transnational Culture, in Imagining Tibet, 357-371.
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ize this project. I extend my gratitude to Zio Pio of the Magic Mountain for his generosity and support; to Evelyne Mesnil for revising and translating the majority of the English abstracts into French; to Sandra Bessis for her help in revising my French translations; to Benot Jacquet for his reading of French contributions and abstracts; to Fabienne Jagou, Wang Xiangyun, and Gray Tuttle for their kindness in answering to my inquiries; to David Riggs for his help in finding translators; to Rolf Giebel and Liu Jingguo for their translations from Japanese and Chinese into English; to the Tucci Institute and Francesco DArelli for sending me a photo of Giuseppe Tucci; and to Merrick Lex Berman for the base map of Tibet.26 Finally I wish to thank Kobayashi Tsuneyoshi for having not abandoned the work of layout in spite of the throes of multiple drafts and last-moment revisions, and my husband Urs App for his constant companionship, his unstinting support and encouragement of all my projects, for his help with this two-volume work and for his willingness to prepare the book cover.27

26 The base map is available at http://www.fas.harvard.edu/~chgis/. Please note that it includes territory disputed by the Tibetan-government-in-exile and the India government (territory on the northwest frontiers). The boundaries for the Tibetan cultural world (and autonomous political units under the PRC) are drawn from the county boundaries in 1990 on the CHGIS version 2, China in Time and Space, August 2003, DEM. 27 The base image for the book cover is from Peter Simon Pallas, Sammlungen historischer Nachrichten ber die mongolischen Vlkerschaften (St. Petersburg: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1801): vol. 2, pl. 15.

xx

CONVENTIONS

Systems of transcription Chinese: The pinyin system of alphabetic transcription from Chinese is used throughout the book, except for names better known in the vVade-Giles, Taiwanese, or Cantonese transcription systems. In this case, pinyin followed by Chinese characters has been put into brackets (ex. Chiang Kai-shek Uiang Jieshi Jlff1r;p D. Traditional Chinese characters have been privileged. In references, however, some authors have chosen to use either simplified or traditional characters depending on where works referred to were published, the People's Republic or Taiwan. Japanese: The book adopts the Hepburn system. Mongolian: The book generally adopts the simplified transcription of Mongolian letters adjusted to common usage (though in few cases a different transcription has been used according to the sources utilized by the authors):
Standard transcription Simplified transcription

y
q

gorkh kh

Sanskrit: The book generally adopts the International Alphabet of Sanskrit Transliteration (IAST) system. The diacritics have not been used for Sanskrit terms that are part of the common usage and included in English dictionaries like MerriamWebster or the Oxford dictionary. Examples of such words are Mahayana, Hinayana, Vajrayana, Tripitaka, tantra, sutra, prajna, mandal~, stupa, dharani, vinaya, shastra, deva, etc. Tibetan: The book generally adopts the Wylie system, with capitalization of the radical letter (ex. Klong chen, sNgags chen, etc.). When the authors in their contributions have used the Tibetan phonetic as adopted in their country (Chinese phonetic adopted in the People's Republic of China or in Taiwan; Japanese phonetic according to the katakana system; etc.), the Wylie transcription has been put into parentheses by the editor, except in the case of common terms like lama, rinpoche, thangka, etc. Abbreviations
BCE CE

T.

Before Common Era Common Era Taish6 Buddhist Canon

xxi

MOrigolia

Basemap from CHGIS version 30 Underlayer: DEM images by USGSo

KEY:

* .6

Site of Tibetan Buddhist activities Tibetan Town

The Tibet of the Philosophers: Kant, Hegel, and Schopenhauer The manifold discussions in the wake of Edward Said's 1978 book on "Orientalism" and pioneer attempts to portray the history of the Western discovery of Buddhism showed that there is a dire need for case studies that throw light on the views of specific persons about specific Asian phenomena at specific points in time. Here, the views of three well-read philosophers from Germany, a nation without any colonial interest in Tibet or neighboring regions, are explored. The views of all three men are well documented through their own writings or through lecture notes by students. What kind of information were they gathering, and from what sources? What did they focus on, and what did they come up with? What motivated them to read about Tibet, and to what extent did their world view, their religion, their philosophY, and particular interests shape their ideas of the mysterious country in the Himalayas? The views expressed by Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) from the 1750s to the turn of the gentury reflect a rapidly changing breakdown of the biblical view of history and the philosopher's pronounced interest in the history of the earth and of humanity. To Kant Tibet appeared as the first country to emerge from the latest great flood. He ignored the Bible in viewing Tibet as the cradle of humanity and the seat of mankind's most ancient culture and religion. G.W.F. Hegel (1770-1831) also adopted an Asian origin of history and a gradual progress from a primitive state to perfection, but in contrast to Kant he still clung to a strictly biblical timeframe. Unlike Hegel, Arthur Schopenhauer (1788-1860) showed a pronounced philosophical interest in Asia. He is the first European philosopher to be influenced by Asian philosophy and religion at an early stage in his career. He became convinced that the Kangyur was the oldest and most complete repository of Buddhist texts and admired early translations of some of its texts. In 1850s the philosopher . became the first Westerner to refer to himself as a Buddhist.

Le Tibet des philosophes : Kant, Hegel et Schopenhauer Les discussions apres la publication du livre "Orientalisme" d'Edward Said, ainsi qu'un nombre d'esquisses pionnieres de I'histoire de la decouverte du bouddhisme par les occidentaux ont montre la necess.ite d'etudier des cas .parliculiers mettant en lumiere les points de vue de personnes distinctes concernant des phenomenes orientaux specifiques dans un cadre historique defini. Cette contribution presente les opinions de trois philosophes erudits originaires d'Allemagne, un pays sans interets coloniaux au Tibet ou dans les regions voisines. Ces points de vue sont relativement bien documentes tant par les ecrits de ces trois philosophes que par les notes de leurs etudiants. Quelle sorte d'information ont-ils cherche et quelles etaient leurs sources? Quels phenomenes ont attire leur attention et quel etait Ie resultat de leurs recherches ? Quels motifs animaient leur lecture sur Ie Tibet et comment leur vision du monde, leur religion, leur philosophie et leurs interets particuliers ont determine leurs idees sur ce pays mysterieux de I'Himalaya ? Telles sont les questions posees. Le point de vue exprime par Emmanuel Kant (1724-1804) entre 1750 et la fin du siecle reflete I'affaiblissement' progressif de la conception biblique de I'histoire, ainsi que I'interet prononce du philosophe pour I'histoire de la terre et de I'homme. Pour Kant, Ie Tibet est Ie premier pays iL emerger des oceans du deluge. Abandonnant I'approche biblique, Kant voit Ie Tibet comme Ie berceau de I'humauite et par consequent de toutes culture et religion. G.W.F. Hegel (1770-1831) situe, lui aussi, I'origine de I'histoire de I'homme en Asie. A ses yeux, cette histoire se presente comme un progres graduel vers la perfection iL partir d'un etat primitif mais, iL la difference de Kant, il ne parvient pas iL abandonner Ie cadre chronologique de I'histoire biblique. Contrairement a Hegel, Arthur Schopenhauer (1788-1860) montre un interet prononce pour les religions et les philosophies de I'Asie. II est Ie premier philosophe europeen iL s'etre laisse autant influencer par elles au cours de sa periode formative. II etait persuade que Ie Kangyur representait la collection la plus ancienne et complete des textes bouddhiques et "tait un ardent admirateur des premieres traductions de certains de ses textes. Dans les annees 1850 ce philosophe fut Ie premier occidental iL se dire bouddhiste . . .

THE TIBET OF THE PHILOSOPHERS

KANT, HEGEL, AND SCHOPENHAUER

UrsAPp
KANT
he 1757 announcement of Kant's pioneering course on "physical geography"-by far his most popular lecture series which ended only in 1796- signals his interest in theories of our earth's formation. For example, the presence of sea shells and maritime fossils on high mountains indicated that "all firm land once formed the bottom of the sea"i but how did animals and plants of the tropics end up petrified or frozen in faraway lands? Had there been a drastic climate change due to a changing inclination of the 'earth's a;j:is?' Kant had little sympathy for the likes ofvVoodward l and Whiston4 who, in the wake of Father Athanasius Kircher, had ended up using science to prop up the Old Testament narrative. Already in his General Theory ofNature and The01J1 of the Heavens of 1755 Kant had outlined an earth formation process in which an initial liquid state was followed by the gradual formation of a crust. Subsequently, the familiar features of the earth gradually took form primarily through erosion by the receding sea and by mighty rivers which carried water from higher plains to lower regions.' At this early stage

Immanuel Kant, Kants Worke (Akademie-Textausgabe; Berlin: "Valter de Gruyter, 1968): voL 2 (Vorkritische Schriften II), 8. Note: All translations from non-English materials in this contribution are by the author. 2 Kant, Werke, vol. 2, 8. Louville D'Allonville had proposed in 1714 that over the unheard-of period of 200,000 years a drastic climate change had occurred. See Manfred Petri, Die Urvolkhypothese - ein Beitrag zum Geschichtsdenken der Spiitaufilikzmg ztnd des deutschelz Idealismus (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1990): 31. 3 John Woodward, An Essay towa/d a Natural History of the Emoth: and Te1restrial Bodies,
especially iVIinertt!s: As also of the Sea, Riven, and Spzoings. With an Account of the Univezosal Deluge: and ofthe Effects that it had upon the Earth (London: R. Wilkin, 1695). 4 William Whiston, A New Theory of the Earth from its Original to the Consummation of All Things. ~VheZ"ein The Czoeation of the Wodd in Six Days, The Universal Deluge, And the General Conflagzoation, As laid down in the Holy Sc,oiptzl1"es, A,oe sbown to be perfectly agTeeable to Reason and Philosophy (London: Tooke, 1696).
5

Kant, Worke, voL 1, 199.

Images afTibet in the 19 111 and 20 1/; Centuries Paris, EFEO, coIL Etudes thematiques" (22.1), 2008, p. 5-60

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in his career Kant still used the biblical number of around 6,000 years for the age of the earth6 but guessed that it "may have existed a thousand or more years before it was in a condition to support humans, animals, and plants.'" He soon agreed with the naturalist Buffon that it was wiser to separate the history of the earth altogether from that of humanity. Buffon was convinced that Asia had been the first part of the earth to get dry; it therefore had to be substantially older than Europe, Africa, and of course also the region that was home to the Old Testament. 8 Kant also concluded that "humans first inhabited the most elevated regions of the globe; only at a late stage did they descend to the plains.'" The cradle of humanity was thus likely to be located in the high plains of Asia rather than the alluvial lowlands around the Eastern Mediterranean. This new birthplace of the human race is just one symptom of the profound change of world view that took place between Kant's first writings in the 1750s and Schopenhauer's death in 1860 (a year after the publication of Darwin's Origin of Species). Just as the earth and entire galaxies had, in Kant's eyes, become mere specks of dust floating in an immense universe,'o so the "crown of creation," the human being, appeared to him like a louse on someone's head which harbors the delusion of being the center and goal of every thing. 11 Such insight by the young Kant already points in the direction of his immortal philosophical achievement: the demonstration that our perception determines our reality rather than the other way around. Naturally, this fundamental change in Europe's view of the world's and mankind's origin and history is also reflected in the prism of the European image of Tibet and its religion; here, too, the reigning world views had a way of determining reality. Most of Kant's views on Tibet were aired in his Physical Geography lectures, but he only published the short announcement of these lectures mentioned above. The bulk of information is found in a complex set of materials comprising Kant's own lecture blueprint (the so-called "Diktattext" redacted before 1760); several printed compilations by other authors based on these notes as well as student notes; and finally heaps of lecture notes by Kant's students which for the most part were redacted, revised and combined with other student notes or with the "Diktattext" at some later pointY Quite a number of important manuscripts disappeared at some point or were destroyed during World War II, but luckily Helmuth von Glasenapp had before the war studied some of them and proceeded to cite or summarize relevant bits and pieces in his book Kant and the Religions of the East. A thorough
Kant, vVerke, vol. 1,204. Kant, We7-ke, vol. 1, 352-353. g Erich Adickes, Kants Ansichten iiber Geschichte zmd Bau der Erde (Tubingen: J. c. B. Mohr, 1911): 37. 9 Kant, vVerke, vol. 1, 200. 10 Kant, Wer!", vol. 1, 352. II Kant, Werke, vol. 1, 353. 12 See Erich Adickes's detailed source studies in Untersuchungen ZZI Kants physischer Geogmphie (Tubingen: J. B. Mohr, 1911); Helmuth von Glasenapp, Kant und die Religionen des Ostens (Kitzingen, am Main: Holzner, 1954); and the web pages by Werner Starke on Kant's physical geography and its forthcoming critical edition.
6
7

The Tibet of the Philosophers: Kant, Hegel, and Schopenhauer

study would obviously necessitate a comprehensive review of all extant manuscript sources. However, the currently available printed materials permit gaining an idea of the development and content of Kant's view of Tibet and its religion. Tibet first appears in a part of the "Diktattext" which can be reliably dated to before 1760.lJ Kant began his discussion of Chinese religion as follows: Here [in China], the religion is treated rather indifferently. Many do not believe in a God; others who adhere to a religion do not bother much about [God]. The sect ofFo is most numerous. They conceive this Fo as an incarnated deity which in particular inhabits today the great Lama in Barantola14 in Tibet. It is venerated in him, but after his death it goes into another Lama. The Tartar priests are called Lamas, the Chinese ones Bonzes. ls In preparation for his lectures Kant had read La Croze's essay on the idolatry of the Indies!6 which gives the lie to modern assertions to the effect that the European discovery of Buddhism began "by the mid-1830s" when" 'Buddhism' came to define the religious beliefs and practices of most of Asia,"17 or that the "joint birth of the word and the object" began effectively around 1820."18 Along this line, Almond boldly states: Throughout the preceding discussion, I have tried carefully to avoid giving the impression that Buddhism existed prior to the end of the eighteenth century: that it was waiting in the wings, so to say, to be discovered; that it was floating in some ethereal Oriental limbo expecting its objective embodiment. On the contrary, what we are witnessing in the period from the later part of the eighteenth century to the beginning of the Victorian period in the latter half of the 183 Os is the creation of Buddhism. 19 But La Croze's 1724 discussion of the religion of the "Samaneens" whose founder is "Budda"-a religion of Indian origin which after its disappearance from India survived in Burma, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia, Vietnam, China, Japan and probably also in Tibet-shows just how baseless such assertions are. Using information from a wide variety of sources La Croze came to the conclusion that this religion

Adickes, Unte1"suchzmgen, 7-44. According to Kircher Barantola was the Saracen name for Lhasa. Athanasius Kircher, China Illustrata withSaC1"ed and Seculm" Monuments, Vi".ious Spectacles of Nature and Art and OtheT Nlemombilia, trans. Charles van Tuyl (Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University, 1987): 46. Sometimes it is also used for the Potala palace. IS Kant, We1:ke, vol. 9, 381 (Physical Geography). 16 Mathurin Veyssiere de la Craze, Histoire du Christianisme des Indes (The Hague: Vaillant & N. Prevost, 1724). 17 Philip C. Almond, Tbe British Discovery of Buddhism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988): 11. 18 Roger-Pol Droit, Le culte du neant. Les pbilosophes et Ie Bouddha (Paris: Seuil, 1997): 36; similarly also Bernard Faure, Bouddhisnzes, philosophies et TeZigions (Paris: Flammarion, 1998): 17; Frederic Lenoir, La rencontre du Bouddhisme et de l'occident (Paris: Fayard, 1999): 90; and others. 19 Almond, The B1"itish Discovery ofBuddhism, 12.
II

14

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had been opposed to the Indian caste system20 and to the cults of Vishnu and Shiva, did not recognize a God,21 and had a founder called "Boudda" who was identical with the Chinese Xe-kia, the Sino-Japanese Xaca, the Siamese Sonznzona-codonz, etc.: "Boudda, Sommona-Codom, & Xaca refer to the same person. This is all the more probable as the inhabitants of the kingdom of Laos, where the Siamese Talapoins study, use all these names interchangeably to denominate their idol of which the cult has been established in China and Japan under the name of Xaca."" According to La Croze, "Boudda" had lived "several centuries before the Christian era" and likely came "from a kingdom in central India"23 or from Ceylon. 24 Since the Ceylonese monks wear the same yellow robes, follow similar customs, and have the same sacred language "Bali" as the Siamese, La Croze also concluded that the "Budu" of the Ceylonese must refer to the same founder. Thus "one may surmise that this Boudan, who apparently is in no way different from the Boutta of Clement of Alexandria and the Boudda of St. Jerome, is none other than the SommonaCodom of the Siamese who also call him Pouti-Sat, and consequently the Xaca of the Indians."" To La Croze this meant that the religion in question "which, apart from China and Japan, has infected the kingdoms of Siam, Cambodia, Laos, Cochin China, Tonkin, and several other countries to the North and South of India, "is much larger than Islam,,26-the religion which for some time had been regarded as the world's largest. vVhile' the world's religious geography, one step behind its physical cousin, showed its approximate outlines in the 16,h and 17'h centuries, these proportions only really sunk in during the 18,h century with its profusion of travel accounts and syntheses of the world's customs and religions. By far the most important collection for Kant was Astley'S New Geneml Collection of Voyages and Ti-avels.27 The relevant

20 La Croze, Histoire, 498. This is the earliest printed assertion I have so far found in the ,Vest of Buddhist opposition to the Indian caste system. La Craze drew this information from his careful study of the fifth chapter of the Halle manuscript of Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg's Genealogie de>' malaba17schen GO"tte1' (manuscript of 1713) which was only published in 1867 by vVilhelm Germann with many alterations; cf. Daniel Jeyaraj, Bartholomitus Ziegenbalgs 'Genealogie dermalabarischen Gotter' (Halle: Francke, 2003): 14. 21 La Croze, Histoire, 498. La Croze bases much of his atheism argument on Simon de la Loubere, Du Royaume de Siam (Amsterdam: Abraham Wolfgang, 1691). " La Croze, Histoire, 502. La Craze uses various spellings for the name of the founder of Buddhism. 23 La Croze, Histoire, 502. 24 La Craze, Histoire, 505. 25 La Craze, Histoire, 513. Earlier identifications of the common referent of such diverse names which were not yet published in 1724 include Fernao de Queyroz's detailed comparison of Chinese and Ceylonese biographical data about the Buddha in the The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon (Colombo: A: C. Richards, 1930): 118-141; and Engelbert Kaempfer's chapter on "Budsdo" (Buddhism) in The History of Japan (London: Thomas Woodward, 1727): vol. 1,241-243. 26 La Croze, Histoire, 504-505. 21 Thomas Astley, A new general collection of voyages and travels: consisting of the most esteemed relations, which have been hitheno published in any language, comp"ebending every thing

Tbe Tibet of tbe Pbilosopben: lVint, Hegel, and Scbopenbazie7~

portions of the German translation which Kant relied upon had been published just a few years before he launched his geography lecture series." It was an exceedingly rich source of information consisting both of original sources and critical surveys and expositions. For example, Kant's major source about Tibet, volume 7 of Schwabe's German version of Astley, contained not only comprehensive descriptions of Tartary and Tibet but also many major travel accounts about these regions, from the 13 m century reports of Carpini, Ruysbroek and Marco Polo to materials from 17'h and 18,h century travelers and missionaries such as Johannes Grueber, Ippolito Desideri, and Francesco Orazio della Penna. Thus Kant was familiar with the view of Tibetan religion as a kind of degenerated Christianity communicated or implied by Andrade, Desideri and other missionaries featured in Astley/Schwabe's collection: The catholic missionaries describe the doctrines regarding Fo in such a way that they appear as nothing other than Christianity degenerated into great heathendom. Reportedly they [of the doctrine of Fo] posit three persons in the Godhead, the second of which had furnished the law and had shed his blood for humankind. The great Lama is also said to administer a kind of sacrament using bread and wine.29 Since Kant offered this description in his treatment of Chinese religion and immediately afterwards went on to describe other living religions of China (such as the veneration of Confucius), it is clear that for him the dominant religion of China, the "sect of Fo" which we today call Chinese Buddhism, formed the essence of the religion of Tibet: Fo (Buddha) is the divinity incarnated in the great Lama. Unlike Hegel who, more than 60 years later, was still wondering whether Lamaism was connected with the religion of Fo, Kant had, thanks to his study of La Croze and Astley/Schwabe, grasped this connection from the outset. Furthermore, Joseph de Guignes (1721-1800), another important source of Kant, had also identified a very widespread religion with an Indian founder that reigned in many Asian countries including China, Japan, Siam, Tartary, and Tibet. 3D In his works de Guignes portrayed this pan-Asian religion as a mixture of Egyptian idolatry (in Indian guise and propagated by a mighty impostor called Buddha) and early Christian teachings, with Christian heresies and Manichean doctrines thrown into the mix. We will see below that this potent brew inspired the fertile imagination of one of Kant's later sources, Father Agostino Giorgi, and formed a root of the two-Buddha theory that confused Hegel.
Te77ZaTkable in its kind, in Emope, Asia, Africa, and A71Ze,~ica, wit" Tespect to t"e sev,,al E77Zpi,~es, Kingdoms, and P,~ovinces (London: Thomas Astley, 1745 -1747). 28 Johann Joachim Schwabe (ed.), Allgemeine Histo,.ie d,,~ Reisen ZZt 1-Vasser ad,, zZt Lande; odeT Sa77Z11Zlzmg alle,. ReisebeschTeibungen, 21 vols. (Leipzig: Arkstee & Merkus, 1747-1774). For

information on China and Tibet Kant mainly relied on vols. 6 and 7 (both published in 1750). 29 Kant, vVe,.ke, vol. 9, 381-382 (Physical Geography). )0 Joseph de Guignes, Histoi1~e ginrh~ale des Huns, des TuTCs, des NIogols, et des autl~es ta1~ tates occidental/X, & c. avant ]eSZts-Cb,ist jl/squ'a present, 5 vols. (Paris: Desaint & Saillant, 1756-1758): vol. 2, 234.

10

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The impression that Asian religions with monks, rosaries, statuary, etc. (religions that we today identify as forms of Buddhism) resemble Catholicism had already been reported for centuries; but such reports gained in exposure when 18 th century protestants such as La Croze, Astley, and Schwabe were thrilled to fill pages with parallels between "heathen" customs and those of the Roman Catholic "papists."ll After Tartary and Japan etc. it was now Tibet's turn to exemplify that the degeneration of Christianity had not stopped in Rome, In the words of the protestant Kant: This Lama does not die, his soul soon inhabits a body that totally resembles the former one, Some subordinate priests also pretend to be animated [beseelt] by this divinity, and the Chinese call such a person a living Fo, What was said above [about similarities to catholic Christianity] and the fact that the great Lama, whom they also call Father, is in effect the pope of the heathens and could be said to have the patrimony ofPeter' in Barantola: this all confirms the guess mentioned above [that it seems to be a degenerated form of Catholicism],l2 Regarding the doctrine of this "sect" Kant also reproduced the dominant opinion of the time, namely, that it focuses on metempsychosis and karmic retribution and can be divided into an inner and an outer teaching. De Guignes had explained that the outer teaching varied depending on time and place, which explained the "considerable differences between the heathens of India and those of Tibet and Tartary.'>ll This was a very handy way of gathering the whole herd of Asian paganisms under a common roof, but it also meant that "transmigration" and the "secret teaching" had to provide a measure of unity to the "sect," Thus Kant wrote: The sect of Fo believes in the transmigration of souls. There is a notion among them that nothingness is the origin and end of all things, wherefore an insensibility [Fiihllosigkeit] and a temporary renunciation of all work are godly thoughts [gottselige Gedanken].34 Kant thus boiled the teaching ofFo down to three main features: L transmigration; 2. nothingness as the origin and end of everything; and 3. torpor and inactivity. These were the teachings of the Chinese "sect of the false contemplators [Secte de1' folschen BetmchterJ" about which Kant had read in volume 6 of his trusty collection of travel accounts. This sect reportedly aims at "ceasing to be and being engulfed by nothingness" and, "becoming like a rock or a stick." Its contemplators want to attain a state of happiness consisting in a "total insensibility and motionlessness, the ceasing of all desires [.,.J and annihilation of all forces of the soul, and in a total

J!

Schwabe's Allgemeine Hist01'ie devotes an entire section to such parallels (vol. 7, Kant, We,'ke, voL 9, 404-405 (Physical Geography). De Guignes, Histoi,.e, voL 2, 225. Kant, We,'ke, vol. 9, 382 (Physical Geography).

212-215),
12
JJ 34

The Tibet of the Philosophers: Kant, Hegel, and Schopenhauer

11

quietude of thoughts.,,)5 Like many other 18'h-century intellectuals Kant was an avid reader of Pierre Bayle's dictionary, and this is exactly how Bayle, in his article on Spinoza, had portrayed "quietism": The sectarians ofFo teach quietism since they say that all those who seek for genuine beatitude must let themselves be absorbed in profound meditations to such a degree that they make no use whatsoever of their intellect and, in consummate insensibility, plunge into the quietude and inaction of the First Principle; this they hold to be the true method of resembling it perfectly and to participate in happiness.)6 The associatiol;l of Chinese quietism, pantheism, and Spinozism with Tibet was still evoked by Kant a decade before his death in The End ofAll Things of 1794: From this [mysticism] arises the monstrous system of Laohun [Laozi] of the highest good which is supposed to consist in nothingness: i.e., in the consciousness of feeling oneself engulfed in the abyss of the divinity through confluence with it and thus through annihilation of one's personality. Chinese philosophers, in order to anticipate such a state, strive in dark rooms with closed eyes to think and feel this nothingness of theirs. Hence the pantheism (of the Tibetans and other Eastern peoples); and the Spinozism which subsequently arose through metaphysical sublimation of the same. Both are closely related to the extremely old system of emanation of allliuman souls from the divinity (and its eventual resorption in the same).) vVhile Kant believed that it was Fa who was repeatedly incarnated in the Tibetan' lamas, he apparently was not yet able to link the lamas to other pieces of the mosaic such as the Siamese and Burmese Talapoins who venerate an erstwhile Talapoin called Sommona Cada71z,l8 Ceylonese monks who visit the footprint of their "God Budda,")9 and so on. But he was fascinated by the religion of the Siberian Kalmylcs and Mongols and its center in "Barantola"40: In Barantola, or as others call it, in the Potala resides the great supreme priest of the MongolTartars, the very image of the pope. The priests of this religion, who have spread from this region of Tartary to the Chinese sea, are called Lamas; this religion seems to be catholic Christianity degenerated into the blindest heathendom. They maintain that God has a son who came into the world as a man and lived as a beggar but was solely preoccupied with' making people blissful [selig]. In the end he reportedly was raised to heaven.

l5 Schwabe (ed.), Allgemeine Histo";e del' Reisen zu Wasse,' zmd zu Lande; od,,' Sa11Z71,izmg all,,' Reisebescb,'eibungen (Leipzig: Arkstee & Merleus, 1750): vol. 6, 368-369. 36 Pierre Bayle, Dictionnaire histohque et c)'itique (Rotterdam: R. Leers, 1702): 2769, s.v.

"Spinoza." 17 Kant, W"'ke, voL 8, 335 (Das Ende all,,' Dinge, first published 1794). )S Kant, We,'ke, voL 9, 385-386 (Physical Geography). )9. Kant, We"ke, vol. 9, 394 (Physical Geography) .. 40 See note 14 above.

12

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Gmelin41 himself heard this from a Lama. They also have a mother ';f this savior and make likenesses of her. They also have the rosary. The missionaries also report that they.posit a threefoldness in the divine essence and that the Dalai Lama administers a certain sacrament with bread and wine enjoyed only by him."

Though Kant reported some of this in a skeptical tone and thought that "what some travelers report, namely that the adherents of this creed carry the excrements of the Lama on them as a fine powder in boxes which they spread on their food" was probably no more than "simple slander,''''' there is not much evidence of a personal opinion at this point. But it must be emphasized that the "Diktattext" simply represents a basis of notes for Kant's lectures. In the lectures themselves he often introduced more recent information and contrasting viewpoints. Herder's notes from Kant's 1763-1764 lectures 44 are a case in point; they show that near the beginning of his career Kant already had a less confused picture of the religious geography of Asia than Hegel in the early 1820s: The [Chinese] national religion is that of the Fo or the Lamas; Xaca in Japan; Fo in Tartary; Brama in Ceylon; Sommonacodom in Siam probably is a man who had formerly lived and still animates the Lamma in Tartary, and as Sommonacadom in Siam a Talepoin. The supreme priest in Tibet (Daleylamma) is a living Fo, sits in the dark like God, underneath lamps; the Lammas are subordinated to him as the eternal father; they have a rite with bread and wine; also incarnation, or more properly enthusiasm [Begeisterung] of the Lamma. They believe in transmigration of souls [Seelenwanderung]; (so also Fo) = sect which approaches nothingness [Sekte, die sich dem Nichts ntfhen] 45 Herder's hasty notes are not without ambiguity, but Kant's overall view was dearly , influenced by La Croze, Astley/Schwabe, and de Guignes: 46 A Talepoin (Sommonacodom) seems to be one with many others: the Fo of China; Xaca ofJapan; Budda of Ceylon; and the Daleylamma is a living Fo:'
41 Kant refers to Johann Georg Gmelin (1709-1755), the German botanist and explorer of Siberia. 42 Kant, vV;".ke, vol. 9, 404 (Physical Geography). 43 Kant, vVerke, vol. 9, 405 (Physical Geography), 44 These notes form part of Herder's manuscript remains at the Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz in Berlin (Kapsel XXv, no. 44): Notes from Kant's lectures' on physical geography. See Hans Dietrich Irmscher & Emil Adler, Der handschriftliche Nachlass Johann Gottfried Herders: Katalog CWiesbaden: Harassowitz, 1979): 195. 45 Herder, Kant lecture notes, Kapsel XXv, no. 44: 5v. Thanks to vVerner Starke for sharing his German draft transcription from the microfilms on which this translation is based, Abbreviations and punctuation were adapted to increase legibility. 46 In the Herder notes (Kapsel XXv, no, 44: 51) Kant also mentioned de Guignes's book on the Egyptian origin of the Chinese: lVIemoir'e dans lequel on p,'ouve, que les Chinois sont une colonie egyptienne (Paris: Desaint & Saillant, 1760). 47 Herder, Kant lecture notes, Kapsel XXv, no. 44: 6r.

The Tibet of the Philosophers: Kant; Hegel, and SchopenhaueT

13

Tibet as Mankind's Al'k

Reports that Tibet was the destination of pilgrims from various surrounding countries were numerous; Andrade, for example, had written in 1626 that he accompanied Indians on their pilgrimage toward Tibet.4B For Kant this was an important confirmation of Tibet's antiquity.
It is the most elevated land, was also probably inhabited earlier than any other, and could even be the original seat [Stammsitz] of all culture and science. The learning of the Indians, in particular, stems with great likelihood from Tibet, as on the other hand all our arts seem to have come from India, for example agriculture, numbers, the game of chess, etc. It is believed that Abraham hailed from the frontiers ofHindustan. 49

Already in the 16,h century Guillaume Postel had suggested that Abraham was the ancestor of the Brahmins or Abrahamins and that some Indian books were older than the deluge;50 but like Martino Martini a century later51 and the Jesuit figurists in his wake,s' Postel did not want to undermine the validity of the Old Testament but rather defend it. Though such defense became increasingly costly, the basic course of history from a golden age (paradise) via degeneration (the fall, etc.) to regeneration remained unchanged, and the geographical center of the whole enterprise was naturally Israel. But during the 17'h and the first half of tlle 18'h centuries, in the run-up to Kant's trailblazing lectures on physical geography, the situation took an ominous turn. 53 This change of outlook was not only due to travelers who were exploring the customs and religions of foreign lands but also to scientists like Buffon who gave increasing importance to the "book of nature." Furthermore, in Kant's time the traditional view was frontally attacked by Burne's Natu1'al Hist017 of Religion (1757) and its persuasive argument that religion had not begun with pure monotheism and god-given wisdom somewhere near Jerusalem but rather with primitive cults everywhere that were mainly driven by fear of accidents and natural

48 Hugues Didier, Les pom'gais au Tibet. Les pTemi'TeS 1'elations jesuites (1624-1635) (Paris: Chandeigne, 1996): 42. 49 Kant, We,ke, va!. 9, 228. For sources on Abraham and India see Glasenapp, Kant, 73 and Adickes, Untemtebungen, 189. The Indian origin of chess was first argued by Freret in 1719; see the references in Wilhelm Halbfass, India and Emope (New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1990): 472 note 25. 50 Guillaume Postel, De 01"iginibus seu de va7'ia et potissimum o1"bi Latino ad bane diem

incognita, aut inconsydeTata bistoria, quztrlz totius 07"-ientis, tum nUl,;'Cime Tat"tarorunt, Penan177t, TzwCaTZtnZ, &' OmniU17t Abl1tbami &' Noacbi alzmznont1lt oTigines, &' myste1-ia Bracbmanunt rete-

gente: Quod ad gentium, litenmtn'que quib.

utzmtu1~ Tationes attinet (Basel: J. Oporin, 1553): 70. See also Daniel Georg Morhof, Po1yhist01~ iiteTfl1'ius, pbilosopbieus et pmeticus (Lubeck: Peter Boeckmann, 1708): va!. 1, 50-51. 51 Ivlariino Martini, Sinicae bist01'ia decas p"ima (Munich: Lucas Straub, 1658). 52 See for example Claudia von Collani, Die Figzwisten in del' Cbinilmission (Frankfurt a. M.I Bern: Lang, 1981). 53 See my forthcoming monograph on Europe's IS rl'-century discovery of Asian religions.

14

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disasters, Instead of a golden age followed by degeneration and marked by decadent plagiarism, a model of gradual progress from primitive beginnings gained adherents-a model, incidentally, that had prominent forerunners in pagan Greece and Rome. Kant, the avid reader of Hamann's translation ofHume's treatise, was among them;54 and Tibet as the nursery of mankind was about to take on some of the vibrant hues of Eden, With the shift of the world's center of historical gravity from the Mediterranean region to the mountains of Asia, Hebrew also gradually lost its status of being mankind's original language. 55 If all of the arts and even Abraham had come from the mountains north ofIndia, why not also language? For Kant this was only logical: China, Persia and India received their inhabitants from there. Here and nowhere else one ought to look for the trunk-roots of all primal languages [Ui'spmchenJ of Asia and Europe .... Abraham probably lived in the environs ofIndia, and his parentage with Brahma might not just be one of name. 56 Of course Sanskrit offered itself as an attractive candidate; long before vVilliamJones, the Italian Sassetti,57 the German Benjamin Schulze" and Father Cceurdom: from France s9 had detected a relationship between Sanskrit and European languages, and Kant had read in de la Loubere's travel account that Sanskrit could be the mother of all living Indian languages. 60 Thus it is hardly surprising that Kant thought that "Sanskrit has a quite definite quality and seems to be related to alllanguages."61 Another facet of this momentous shift concerned the traditional view of the origin of human races. How was it possible that in just a few thousand years the descendants of three sons of Noah could have acquired such diverse features and multiplied so much? Characteristically, Kant's 1775 treatise About the dif!emzt Races of iVlankind starts out with Buffon and seems to ignore the biblical narrative completely. However, underneath the scientific and speculative surface the remnants of the traditional worldview still show through: mankind's monogenetic origin (Kant's "original species" [Stmnmgattzmg]); a region warm enough for the naked first couple; and a catastrophic universal flood. 62 Kant, Wedee, voL 18, 428, See the brief overview of this process in Maurice Olender, The Languages of Pm'adise (New York: Other Press, 1992): 1-11. 56 Cited in Glasenapp, Kant, 73 from Vollmer's 1816 edition of Kant's physical geography lectures (see Adickes, Unte1"Suchzmgen, 11-12). See note 50 for the source of this idea. 57 Theodor Benfey, Geschichte de1' Spl'achwissenschaft und del' o1"ientalischen Philologie in Deutschland (Munich: Cotta, 1861): 222-223 and 333. Sassetti had been in India from 1583 to
54
55

1588.
58 Benfey, Geschichte der Spmchwissenschaft, 261 and 336-338. In 1741 Schulze published the first Hindi grammar in Madras. 59 Benfey, Geschichte del' Spmchwissenschaft, 341. Coeurdoux's treatise comparing Sanskrit with Latin and Greek was read before the French Academy in 1768. 60 Glasenapp, Kant, 29-30. 61 Ms. 2599: 327 (Adickes Ms. Q); cited after Glasenapp, Kant, 29.' 62 Kant, Wel'ke, vol. 2, 440 (Von den vel'schiedenen Racen de," IVIensche,,). Kant here situated this region between the 31" and 52 nd degree of latitude.

The Tibet of tbe Philosophers: Kant, Hegel, and Schopenhauer

The native of Hindustan can be seen as originating from one of the oldest human races. His land, which to the north borders on a high mountain range ... (and to which I add to the north Tibet, possibly the general shelter of the human race during the last great revolution affecting our earth, and its nursery thereafter) features, in a temperate region, the most perfect watershed (drainage to two seas) " .. In the remotest antiquity it thus could be dry and habitable .... So it was here that over long periods of time a solid human race could be formed. 6J

15

Kant's speculations were soon boosted by those of Jean-Sylvain Bailly, a renowned historian of science who later became mayor of Paris. Published in the same year as Kant's treatise on human races, Bailly's multi-volume Hist01J1 of Ancient Astronomy'4 created quite a stir through its claim that the cradle of humankind was situated around the 49,h degree of latitude in Siberia. Though he seemed to have thrown the Old Testament overboard, Bailly's edifice rested on the old idea of a period of great wisdom at a very early time in human history; traces of this wisdom, he claimed, had survived in the form of the surprisingly advanced astronomical knowledge of antiquity. Bailly's enterprise shows some similarity to 20 th-century fantasies about extraterrestrials,65 which hold that mankind's supposedly very advanced ancient knowledge can only be explained by the influence of a "teacher" group. In Bailly's case these teachers were not extraterrestrials but rather the divinely inspired original human race hailing from Siberia. Like his modern successors, Bailly found "proofs" of his hypothesis just about everywhere; but in his case the data did not point to outer space but rather to North Asia whose celestiil phenomena appeared to match ancient observations. According to Buffon's theory the earth's poles had cooled first and could provide shelter to our naked ancestors. Bailly held that in mankind's Siberian cradle surprisingly advanced observational knowledge had accumulated and that later this knowledge had taken refuge in Tibet, where it survived the great flood and subsequently made its way to India and China-a scenario supported by the pilgrimages by Indians and Chinese to Tibet. 66 Tibet thus became, to put it provocatively, the enlightened European's Ark of Noah. Bailly's stunning theories seemed to confirm Kant's view of this region's "white-skinned yet brunette inhabitants"67 as the remnants of the original human species from which all known pure and~mixed races stem. 68

63 Kant, We1ke,vo!. 2, 439. Jean Sylvain Bailly, Histoire dd'astrononzie ancienne (Paris: Debure, 1775). 65 See for example Erich von Daniken, In Seal'cb of tbe Gods (New York: Avenel Books,
64

1989).
66 Preface by translator C. E. Wunsch to Jean Sylvain Bailly, Des Herr" Bailly Aufsebers iibeT den kO'niglichen Bildersaal wie auch deT kO'niglichen Akadenzie del' vVissenscbaften ZZl Pm'is Zlnd des Instituts ZZl Bologlle Nlitgliedes Gescbicbte deT Sternlamde des Altel'tbunts his auf die E1'7'icbtlmg del' Sol"tle zuAlexand1'ie1l (Leipzig: Schwickert, 1777); see Glasenapp, Kant, 27-28. 67 Kant, Werke, vo!' 2, 441. 68 Kant, We,'ke, voL 2, 432-434 and 440-441. For changes in Kant's view of races see Adickes, UmersZtcbu1lgen, 194-197.

16

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Bible-based chronology had long been under discussion and sometimes attack, but Chinese historical records-which, according to some Jesuit experts, predated the deluge-had shocked many l7 th -century Europeans. It is in this context that astronomical information gained in importance as a tool for nailing down dates in the dawn of time. This is why Bailly's well-documented claims regarding the character and accuracy of ancient astronomical data attracted much attention in Kant's time and beyond. 69 When Kant lent his copy of Bailly's History of Astronomy to a friend in the summer of 1777 he urged him to take note of the North-Asian origin of science and to return the book expeditiously.?O His interest is understandable since Bailly's History of Astronomy appeared to confirm Kant's long-held view that the human race had survived the latest global catastrophe in the highest plains of Asia, which thus had to be the homeland not only of the Chinese, Persians, and Indians but of all humankind: Nowhere else than here ought one to locate the genetic roots of all original languages of Asia and Europe. It is from here that the Indian [religion] and all our religions came, learning, agriculture, numbers, chess, etc.... Pilgrimages are always made to the place of origin of a religion. The Europeans make pilgrimages to Jerusalem, the muslims to Mecca, the old Egyptians formerly to Abessinia ... and the Indians to Tibet, to the temple in the center of the city of Lhassa.71 Instead of India, which Voltaire in 1761 had famously declared to be the home of the most ancient and purest religion and the cradle of all civilizations,?' Kant in the 1780s came to regard Tibet as the mother of all homelands since it had given birth to the "pure basis and fundamental conception" of the Brahmanic religion. 7) Spurious texts like the EZOll1'Veda77Z 74 and Holwell's Cbm7:ab Bbade of Bmlmw75 were

69 Bailly followed up his Hist01j with his Lew'es sm' l'origine des sciences, et sur celle des peuples de l'Asie (Paris: Debure, 1777) and the Lettres sttl" l'Atlantide de Platon et S7". l'ancienne bistoire de l'Asie (London: E. Elmesly, 1779). In the latter the whole edifice is linked to Plato's Atlantis legend. 70 Kant, vVe"ke, vol. 10,209; letter to A. J. Penzel of August 12, 1777. 71 This passage is from Vollmer's 1816 edition of Kant's physical geography lectures which in general is a source of little value (see Adickes, Untenuchungen, 11-12). However, this line of argument is supported by various other sources; see Glasenapp, Kant, 72-77. In 1773, Voltaire expressed a similar opinion about the Indian origin of numbers, chess, the first principles of geometry, etc.; see Halhfass, India and Em'ope, 59. n Halbfass, India and EZl7'ope, 57-58. 7J Ms. 1296: 314 (Adickes Ms. 0); cited after Glasenapp, Kant, 38. 74 Guillaume Emmanuel Sainte-Croix (ed.), L'Ezozw-Vedam on Ancien C071lmentaire du Vedal", contenant l'exposition des opinions religieuses & pbilosopbiques des Indiens (Yverdon: De Felice, 1778). 75 John Zephaniah Holwell, Interesting hist01'ical events, "elative to tbe provinces of Bengal, and the emph'e of Indostan (London: Becket & De Hondt, 1767, part 2). A German translation appeared in 1778: Holwells merkwiinlige tmd bisto"isc"e Nacb1'ichten von Hindostan Zlnd Bengalen, nebst ehw- BeschTeibung de?' Religionslehren, det Nlythologie, etc. (Leipzig: Weygandsche Buchhandlung, 1778).

The Tibet of the Philosoph en: Kam, Hegel, and Scbopenbazte7

17

earnestly discussed by men like Voltaire, Bailly, Raynal, and Herder as expressions of ancient monotheism; but what had happened to this creed? And what relation did it have to the present religion of the Lamas in Tibet which, according to La Croze, was "a veritable paganism so similar in many respects to that of the Indies that there are authors who do not distinguish them at all"? 76 In Kant's view, the pure ancient religion of Tibet had made its way to India where it had become "mixed with many superstitious things several hundred years before Christ's birth, things which were in part supposed to be symbolic but ended up being objects of devotion."n The instigator of this mLx-up was none other than "Buda" who 300 years before Christ brought about in India a change of religion which almost immediately propagated itself back to Tibet." As a close reader of La Croze and de Guignes, Kant knew well that this "Buda" was identical with the Gotama of Burma, Samana Gotama of Siam, Butso and Shaka of Japan, Fo of China, and the Burchan of Tibet and Tartary.79 But how did Tibetan religion end up as the strange pseudo-Christian mishmash of which Kant got the latest news in the travel accounts of Pallas and Bogle?SO Had there been, after the Buddhist' conquest of Tibet in pre-Christian times, a second religious invasion of mankind's originally pure cradle-this tim~ by Catholics or by Christian heretics? At this stage, "the Lamaist religion" seemed to Kant "one of the strangest phenomena on this globe" and a showcase "that with regard to religion man has tried out just about any absurdity one could think of"" Although few details of such "absurdities" are mentioned it is clear that Kant was actually rather well informed about religious practices of the Tibetans which were not mentioned in the usual travel accounts. vVbat was his source of information? In student notes as well as Kant's own writings the name of the German scientist Peter Simon Pallas occasionally pops up. Pallas (1741-1811) was famous for his 1777 study on the formation of mountains in which he wrote that the granite peaks of the Himalayas had never been touched by any flood and that the southern slopes of the Himalayas were likely to be "the first homeland of the human race and of the white

La Croze, Histo;"e du cbTistianimze des Indes, 518. Ms. 2599: 237 (Adickes Ms. Q); approx. from 1781. Cited after Glasenapp, Kant, 33. 78 Ms. 1296: 310 (Adickes Ms. 0); after Glasenapp, Kant, 58. 79 Ms. 1729: 156 (Adickes Ms. S); Ms. 2599: 310, 329 (Adiclees Q); see Glasenapp, Kant, 59. Regarding Burchan see also Ms 2599: 309 (Adiclees Q); Glasenapp, Kant, 75. 80 Peter Simon Pallas, Sammlungen bistoTiscber NacbTicbten iih,,' die nzongoliscben VolkeTschaften (St. Petersburg: Kaiserliche Akademie der vVissenschaften, 1776): voL 1. For Bogle-related sources see Adickes, Untenucbungen, 121. In such reports Kant learned about the three head Lamas (Dalai, Taisha, and Bogdo Lama), etc. See Ms. 2582a: 63b and Ms. Dohna: 216 cited in Glasenapp, Kant, 76. 81 Ms. 2599: 309 (Adiclees Ms. Q); approx. from 1781. Cited after Glasenapp, Kant, 75. Kant might have been thinldng of the Tibetan prayer wheels which he described as similar to Christian pilgrimages to Loretto or Jerusalem. Immanuel Kant, Die Religion inne1'halh der' Grenzen deT bloflen Vennmft (Stuttgart: Reclam, 1974): 228-229. The original edition was published in 1793.
76 77

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humans."" But he was also the author of a three-volume illustrated travel account of his explorations of the Russian East S) and a two-volume study of the history and culture of Mongolia which contains some of the earliest accurate depictions of Tibetan Buddhist statuary (see pI. 10).84 Kant certainly read the former, which confirmed that pea-sized black "holy pills (Schalirr)" were imported from Tibet and given by Lamaist clergy to the rich and noble suffering from very grave illnesses." This information formed part of Pallas's pioneering 33-page survey of Tibetan Buddhism as practiced by the Kalmyks which included not only accounts of Tibetan cosmogony, apocalypse, and doctrine (as relayed by a Christian Kalmyk) but also a wealth of first-hand observations by Pallas and his collaborators on clergy, rituals, and religious customs 86

Tibet at tbe Crossroads

Toward the end of his lecturing years Kant came across a worthy successor to Kircher's China Illustmta: Father Antonio Giorgi's Alphabetzmz Tibetammz." This is' not just a book about Tibetan letters but rather an ABC of all things Tibetan, a very rich' source of information, disinformation and speculation that exerted a great influence on the Tibet image of the aging philosopher. In particular, Giorgi addressed the mystery of Tibetan religion, which to Kant appeared so exceedingly strange. Struggling with the discrepancy between Asian sources (which held that Shakyamuni Buddha lived six or even ten centuries before Christ's birth) and the views of de Guignes (which regarded even the reputedly most fundamental text of Buddhism, the Forty-Two-Cbaptel' Sutm, as a concoction 'of early Christian times),88 Giorgi came up with an ingenious theory powerful enough to confuse some of the

82 Pallas, Ubel' die Bescbaffenbeit del' Gebi1-ge ztnd die Vel'iindemngen del' vVeltkztgel (Leipzig: Geest & Portig, 1986): 32. 8J Pallas, Reise dul'cb verscbiedene P,'ovinzen des Russiscben Reichs in den Jabl'en 1768-74 (St. Petersburg: Kaiserliche Akademie der vVissenschaften, 1771-1776). Reprint Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1967. 84 Pallas, Sa11Z11Zizt71gen bistol'iscbel' NaclJ1-icbten iiber die mongoliscben Viilkerscbaften (St. Petersburg: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1776 and 1801). Reprint Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1980. 85 Pallas, Reise, vol. 1,358; Kant Ms. Ub 9: 187a (Adickes Ms. T); summer of 1793. Cited after Glasenapp, Kant, 75. Kircher had reported that Tibetans wear pellets of the excrement of the Dalai Lama as talismans around their necks and mi." his urine with their food. Kircher, Cbina Illustrata, 67. 86 Pallas, Reise, vol. 1, 333-364. 87 Augustinus Antonius Giorgi, Alpbabetwn Tibetanzt111 missiontlm apostolicant,n c011Zmodo editzmz. p1~ae11tissa est disquisitio qua de Va1~io litteraru'm ac regionis nomine, gentis oTigine 71t01~i bus, s'ltperstitione, ac lVlanichaeis71Zo fuse disse1~itzw: Beausobrii calu7nniae in sanctu77Z Augustinu7n, aliosque ecclesiae patl'es refutantuT (Rome: Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide, 1762). Latin reprint edition by Rudolf Kaschewsky (Cologne: Editiones Una Voce, 1987) and German translation by Peter Lindegger (Rikon: Tibet-Institut; 2001). 88 De Guignes, Risto;,'e gthu!mle des Runs, vol. 2, 233-234.

The Tibet of the Philosoph en: Kant, Hegel, and Schopenbauel'

19

Fig. 1: Pallas: Sm1Z7"lzmgen bistorisclm' Nacbricbten vol. 1 (1771): Plate 10

brightest minds of the age: the two-Buddha theory. Faced with the danger that malevolent Europeans or Asians could portray Christianity as a plagiarism of the far older Buddhist religion,S9 Father Giorgi decided that he needed "to conclusively pulverize and eradicate" this "heresy which has extended widely across the lands of the Scythians, India, Tartary and Tibet, from the riverbeds of the Indus to the Chinese and Japanese at the extremity of world.,,90 Ieis with this ambitious purpose in mind that Giorgi ,established the thesis that "there are two Buttas or Xacas and that the Tibetans mixed up the first with the second."9! Giorgi's thesis, proposed in 1762, was a courageous attempt to shore up once more the centrality of the Eastern Mediterranean: the "old" Buddha is linked, mostly by hilarious etymological contortions, to the Egyptian Osiris, whereas the "younger" Buddha is none other than a distorted image of Jesus Christ." While the "old" Buddha was an amalgam of the worst paganism Egypt and Greece had to offer, including the ridiculous idea of transmigration, the "younger" Buddha was a parody of the Son of God from Israel. Word of him had reached India and China "around 60 A.D.," and without delay "his name and fame came to the ear of the Tibetans" who "soon afterwards received images brought to Lhasa from both India
go See for example Simon de la Loubere, Du Ro)'au17le de Sia11Z, vol. 1, 413; and Astley, Collection, vol. 4, 220-221. 90 Giorgi, Alpbabetu11Z Tibetanzmz, x..'C (Lindegger trans., xxv). 9! Giorgi, Alpbabetzt17l Tibetanu11Z, xx (Lindegger trans., x..wi). As mentioned above, de

Guignes inspired this theory; but a different two-Buddha scheme was already proposed by Kaempfer (The Hist01Y ofJapan, 37). 92 Giorgi, AlphabetZt11Z Tibetanzmz, xxii (Lindegger trans'., 1Lwii'xxviii).

22

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Genesis only to show (among others to his erstwhile pupil Herder) that one eQuId just as well do without it; and his Religion vVithin tbe Li77Zits ofiWere Reason presents a view of religion which, in Kant's pointed phrase, "makes use of everything including the Bible ... or also some other book if there is a better one of the kind."lOl The word of God had become one source among others and could, just like other sacred texts, be dispensed with. Religion had become "reified," an object of detached study; thus different religions could be studied just like different languages. 102 One outcome of this comparative perspective was that Christian customs could appear just as strange as Tibetan ones:

vVhether the bigot performs his statutory visit to the cburch or goes on pilgrimage to the sanctuaries of Loretto or Palestine; whether he offers his prayer formulas to the heavenly authorities with his lips or, like the Tibetan (who believes that these wishes do their job just as well in written form if they are written on something and moved, for example on flags by the wind or enclosed in a box by hand as a whirling machine) with a prayer wheel: whatever the surrogate of moral service to God it may be, it all comes to the same and has the same value.lOl Humankind's Tibetan cradle, it would seem, was no more than a step away from Jerusalem and Loretto.

HEGEL In the 1820s when G.WF. Hegel (1770-1831) prepared his courses on the philosophy of world history and the philosophy of religion (student notes of which constitute our main sources for his view of Tibet and its religion) the search for origins was still in full swing. Hegel's friend Friedrich Creuzer (1771-1858), for example, continued tracing the roots of Greek mythology to some ancient monotheism of Indian origin,I04 and the geographer Carl Ritter processed massive amounts of source material to support his related thesis that a prehistoric monotheism whose God was called "Buddha" had spread from India to other parts of Asia and even to Europe. lOS Ritter's ideas were inspired by Giorgi's two-Buddha theory, but under the geographer's pen Giorgi's idolatrous old Buddha of Egyptian origin 106 had mor101 Kant, Die Religion innerbalb de,' Grenzen d,,' blofen Vennmft (Stuttgart: Reclam, 1974): 12-13 (first publis.hed 1793). 102 Kant, Die Religion, 163. 10) Kant, Die Religion, 228-229. 104 Georg Friedrich Creuzer, Symbolik zmd Mytbologie del' aften Volker, besondeTS d,," G,"iecben, 4 vols. (Leipzig & Darmstadt: Heyer & Leske, 1810-1812). Hegel was using the revised and substantially enlarged edition of 1819-1825. 105 Carl Ritter, Die Vo,"halle ezwopiiisch,," VoJleezgeschicbten vo," Herodotus, 1tm den Kaukasus zmd an den Gestaden des Pont"s [Ante-chamber of the histories of European peoples before Herodotus, around the Caucasus and on the shores of the Pontus] (Berlin: G. Reimer, 1820). 106 Giorgi, Alpbabetzmz Tibetanzt1n, xxii (Lindegger trans., xxviii).

The Tibet of the Pbilosophen' Kant, Hegel, and Scbopenbaue1"

23

phed into God Himself, the creator and protagonist of the world's original monotheism. This monotheistic "old Buddha-teaching," so Ritter proposed, formed the root of all ancient religions. It thus constituted the first of Ritter's three periods of Buddha: "the Central Asian teaching of the One God, the Old Buddha." Reaching "back to the oldest prehistoric times" it was "preserved or mentioned in the dogmas of the oldest legal and religious documents of the Indians, Persians, and Hebrews, partly in accord and partly in contrast with each other, as for example regarding the dogma of the great deluge."107 vVhile few monuments apart from stupas, myths (the deluge etc.), and words (Buddha = Bod = Sur = Koros, etc.) remained of the monotheistic Buddha cult of this first period, Ritter's second stag'e is amply documented in Greek texts which already mention two kinds of adherents, Sanzanaeans and Bmchnzans. This second phase was characterized by a growing cult of idols and a gradual decline of original monotheism triggered by the "flowering of Brahminical and Zoroastrian wisdom."108 Ritter's third period of Buddhism took place in the "centuries around the birth of Christ when Manichaeans, Arrians, and Greek philosophical sects mingled with it and put a new cloak on the 0Id.",o9 This periodization attempted to overcome some of the problems posed by the various datings of Buddha, different branches of his religion, and their relation to India's living religions. In Ritter's eyes the original monotheistic cult of Buddha had thus undergone profound changes; and the (in his view) more recent Brahmanism was a major reason for its degeneration. Nevertheless, elements of original monotheistic Buddhism had survived in Indian folk beliefs. But rather than in India itself, primeval monotheism "was preserved purer and longer in certain mountainous asylums on the continent or on islands."llo For Ritter, Tibet and Ceylon were thus also a kind of Ark-but the God of this Ark was, interestingly enough, a monotheistic version of Giorgi's "old Buddha." As it happened, Ritter's wild associations of names 'll and the resulting "Buddhisms" became a major factor in Hegel's classification troubles during the early 1820s. Under the influence of his precocious friend Schelling, Hegel had at the beginning of the 19,h century developed a blueprint for his philosophical system. Spurred on by his friend's system enthusiasm, and inspired by Kant and Fichte, he wanted to trace the unfolding of the absolute which he called "spirit." From the outset Hegel's narrative was a fundamentally optimistic tale of progress from primitive beginnings to a lofty goal, a tale which combined Greek optimism, the Humean perspective on 107 Ritter, Vorballe, 26-27. On the background of monotheistic interpretation of Buddhism see my forthcoming monograph on the 18'h-centnry discovery of Asian religions. 108 Ritter, Vol"halle, 27. 109 Ritter, Vorhalle, 27. IlO Ritter, Vorhalle, 84-85. III Hegel was well aware of the dangers of this method; see G.WF. Hegel, Vodeszmgen. Ausgewiihlte Nachsch1iften und NlanZts!eripte, voL 12: Vodesungen iiber die Pbilosophie der Weltgescbicbte (Hamburg: Felix Meiner, 1996): 222 where Hegel praises Ritter's Vorhalle while acknowledging that "this is a very shaky field, very treacherous, little attested, since often kinships are established solely on the basis of sounds."

24

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primitive religion, and an outlook on history that acknowledged God's i~carnation in Bethlehem as the pivotal event. All of this was cast in the terminology of German idealism. In his Phenomenology Hegel showed "the route that consciousness needs to travel in order to rise from the lowest level to the highest," a journey which appears like a "complete passage from the ABC of sensory certainty to the wisdom of absolute knowledge" in which "all way stations, classes, and lessons" are neatlrlined up.ll2 The lessons of sensory perception engendered discernment (Verstand); discernment led to self-consciousness and to Feason (Vernunft); this opened up the rich life of "spirit" (Geist) that blossomed in art and religion; and finally the paradise of "absolute knowledge" (absolutes l/Vissen) is reached: the lofty aim of the journey both of individual humans and the universe as a whole.ll3 Already in Hegel's Phenomenology such stages of consciousness had a tendency to suddenly incarnate themselves as concrete patterns of world history; self-consciousness, for example, made an appearance as oriental despotism. Oi:her works by Hegel such as his Logic show the same kind of linkage:1l4 somehow the events of world history find a way to form neat patterns that fit Hegel's philosophical constructs like a glove. As the examination of Hegel's views of Buddhism will show, this tendency of adjusting world history and religions or philosophies to fit the changing needs of his system became even more dominant in the professor's last decade. In the 1820s, when he held his Berlin lectures on the philosophy of world history and the philosophy of religion, the history of our planet and of its religions formed a neat series of way stations and lessons on the Spirit's trajectory. While their sequence could be rearranged if the need arose, the general geographical direction of this journey pointed, as with most romantics, from East to West, though Hegel's compass was firmly locked onto Prussia and its "perfect religion." But even the most accomplished adult had once been a messy child and was likely to remember some of the lessons that needed to be digested on the way to maturity and wisdom. For Hegel, Asia and its religions were such early stations on the highway to perfection: snapshots of mankind's childhood and monuments of the Spirit's dialectic progress. Asia was, so to speak, the grade school of humanity, and Hegel set out to present its curriculum to his students. "While preparing for the lectures-which kept him busy during much of the last decade of his life-he worked through great amounts of material in order to understand the lessons of Asia, condense them into a series of "principles," and thus define the Oriental way stations of the Spirit.ll5 With regard to Tibet and Buddhism Hegel relied on the collections of missionary and' travel accounts1l6 which Kant had so much used; but he also studied Abbe Grosier's
RudolfHaym, Hegel und seine Zeit (Berlin: R. Gaermer, 1857): 236. Haym, Hegel, 236. 114 Haym, Hegel, 321-322. 1I5 See the bibliographies of Hegel's sources on Asia in Michel Hulin, Hegel et l'Orient (Paris: Vrin,c 1979): '218-221; Reinhard Leuze, Die aufler6hristlichen Religionen hei Hegel (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1975): 247-249; Ignatius Viyagappa, G, w: F. Hegel's concept o[Indian Philosophy (Rome: Universita Gregoriana, 1980): 266-274; and the editions of student notes of Hegel's lectures cited below. 116 Schwabe, Allgemeine Historie, vols. 6 & 7.
112
III

The Tibet of the PhilosopheTs: Kant, Hegel, and SchopenhaueT

25

General Desc1'iption of China, 117 collections of recent news from China missionaries,1I8 arid more recent articles and reviews from the Asiatick Reseanhes, the Journal des Savants, and the Jozwnal Asiatique. So: INhere in mankind's education did Tibet and its religion fit in, what were the lessons, and how did Hegel's view of them evolve? These questions will be addressed based on student notes from Hegel's lectures on the philosophy of world history and the philosophy of religion given between 1822 and 1831. 119

The Religion ofFa, "Buddhismus," and Lamaism

Though Hegel had earlier expressed scattered opinions about Asia and its religions, it is in his lectures on the philosophy of world history of 1822/23 that a first image of Tibet emerges. He began the cycle by proclaiming "general world history, not reflections about it" (3)120 as the object of his lectures. But it immediately became clear that the professor's world view and system needs were determining history rather than the other way around. Thus the Christians were from the outset assigned a very special role in Hegel's enterprise: The Christians are thus initiated into the mysteries' of God; since the essence [vVesen1of God is revealed by the Christian religion, the key to world history is also given to us because it is the unfolding of his nature into a particular element. (23) The "final goal of history" (24) was thus fixed from the beginning, and it comes as no surprise that the starting shot of Hegel's world history rang out when the planks of Noah's Ark creaked on l'vlount Ararat as the waters receded just a few thousmi.d years ago (123-4). From China to Egypt all ancient cultures had to dance to the traditional timetable: China's history began in 2201 BeE, Egypt's in 2207, Assyria's in 2221, India's in 2204 ... (129). Though the philosopher informed his audience that "as one looks at history and the world, so history looks back at one," (21) he appears not to have grasped the deep implications of this insight for his own enterprise. Looking at world history as the course of a day, its birth appeared in the East where Jean-Baptiste Alexandre Grosier, DesC1'iption gem!",le de la Cbine, 2 vols. (Paris: Moutard,

117

1787).
118 Charles Batteux & Louis George Brequigny (eds.), Nlbnoires concenzant !'bistoi,'e, les sciences, les a1'ts, les "'lEurs, les usages ... des Cbinois (Paris: Nyon aine, 1776-1791). 119 Though some sets of student notes from Hegel's last decade have recently been critically compiled and published, much work remains to be done. In particular, the detailed study of Hegel's developing view of Buddhism would necessitate research on many unpublished note manuscripts, for example those used by Lassen for the compilation of Hegel's remarks about the "Mongolian Principle" (see below). 120 G.W.F. Hegel, Vorleszmgen. Aztsgewiiblte NacbscbTiften zmd iVlanztskTipte, vol. 12: Vo"lesungen tiber die Pbilosopbie deT Weltgeschichte, eds. Karl Heinz Dting, Karl Brehmer & Hoo Nam Seelmann (Hamburg: Felix Meiner, 1996). Page numbers in parentheses in the text of this section refer to this book.

26

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the sun rises ("The dawn of Spirit is in the East" [121]) and its goal in Berlin where the sun sets. INhen looking at history as a human lifespan, history revealed its babyhood in East Asia, its childhood in Central Asia, its youth in Greece, its manhood in Rome, and its ripe old age-where else?-in the German Reich (114-117). Fashioning such a custom-made world history and fitting it into an almost medieval time frame required intensive reading about Asia, an area which Hegel had hitherto neglected as he had focused on phenomena closer to history's "final purpose" (24). On December 22 of 1822 he wrote in a letter to a friend in Hamburg: My lectures about philosophy cause much work for me. In quarto and octavo volumes, I am still dealing with the Indian and Chinese character. But it is 'for me an interesting and pleasurable business to let the peoples of this world parade before me; but I do not yet quite know how to manage to treat them all up to the present age until Easter. l2l Although Hegel's history began with Asia, he paid less attention to ~mountains and high plains than had Kant and Bailly: It is possible that on the slopes of mountains leading to the valley plains one could historically show an earlier existence of peoples; but only moral existence [das sittlicbe Dasein] is historical, and thus only a moral people first elicits our interest. Such a one is first found in the valleys and river plains. (121) Hegel's "parade of peoples" was tightly bound to his concept of history heading toward a final purpose ("what God wanted with this world" [24]) and stages with particular meanings. vVhat he had in mind was not a random sequence of events but rather, to put it in a modern term, "intelligent design": an ascending line of actualizations of Spirit in which "each world-historic people is apportioned a necessary principle. These principles have a necessary temporal sequence and also a concrete spatial definition, a geographical position" (91). In Hegel's "geography of world history" (91), each country with its people and religion represents such a "necessary principle": a well-defined step on a staircase to the near-perfect actualization of Spirit in Christianity and Prussia. Primitive mountain people without an organized state were of course excluded from this scheme: for Hegel, moral existence was inextricably bound to statehood. No wonder that he chose China and Confucianism as the first step of history: it was the country where "the rise of self-consciousness as a state" (101), the "childhood of history" (114), had taken place shortly after the landing of Noah's ark. First we go to the Chinese river valleys, and from there to India, to the twin streams of the Ganges and Indus. To [India] we link information about the Tibetans and Mongols. The third is the mid-eastern life in the river valley of theTigris and Euphrates. (121)

121 G.W.F. Hegel, VoTleszmgen iiber die Pbilasaphie del' Weltgeschichte, ed. Georg Lasson (Hamburg: Felix Meiner, 1988): vii.

The Tibet of the Philosopher'S: Kant, Hegel, and Schopenhauer

27

Tibet was thus not in a position to play the "culture cradle" role. Bailly's theories and the romantics' dreams of a cultured golden age in the dawn of time were incompatible with Hegel's neat dialectical progress from primitivity to perfection, and his view of history made speculation about times predating Noah's flood a vain exercise. Hegel needed a nation state to begin with, which is why in 1822 he spent so much of his time explaining the Chinese state religion, By contrast, the "sect of Lao-Tse" which marks "the beginning of man's elevation to the divine" was mentioned only in passing, as was the religion ofFo, which we today would call Chinese Buddhism: The private religion of the emperor is the lamaic one, that a living man is regarded as if the divinity were presently existing in him. This is connected with the religion of the Buddha. The religion of the Fo is very famous; [but] whether it [is] identical with that of the Buddha is still doubtful. (163-164) One must be careful not to read such statements with a modern mindset. It has been stated that "until about 1820 the absence of the word [Buddhism] corresponds to the absence of the object.,,122 This suggests that in the 1820s "the word" and "the object" of Buddhism appeared at the flip of a switch. We have seen how little truth there is to this; already in the l7th and 18th centuries some authors, including Kant, had realized that the religion of Fo, Lamaism, and the dominant religion of Southeast Asia were all forms of a single religion founded by Gautama = Shakya = Fo = Buddha. For some this religion was very ancient; for others it encompassed not only our Buddhism but also what we today call Hinduism; and for others again it coagulated around similar monasticisms, doctrines, imagery, practices, or founder's legends. The emergence of the object was tlms gradual and its boundaries unclear and fluctuating. The fate of the word Buddhism, however, was rather different. Hegel is a particularly interesting case study for this because his fame incited many students to take careful lecture notes and safeguard them. Their examination shows how during the 1820s he came to gradually perceive the object which we identify as Buddhism while Hegel's w07-d "Buddhismus" maintained throughout the limited sense of "religion of Ceylon, Burma, and Southeast Asia." To understand Hegel's view of Tibet and its religion we must now examine the development of his religious geography of Asia and in particular the domains which we today associate with the term Buddhism.

The Chinese Thesis

Having gained a fair amount of information about the "very famous" religion of Fo, especially in Grosier's synthesis of missionary reports,123 Hegel's doubts about the relation between "the religion of the Buddha," "Lamaism," and "the religion
122 Droit, Le culte du neant, 26, See similar arguments by several modern authors critical of overly text-based, orientalist "constructions" of Buddhism in the West who paradoxically cling to the view that Buddhism could only be "discovered" once Europeans learned to read Sanskrit texts; for example Almond in The Bl'itisb Discovery o!Buddbism, 12. 123 Jean-Baptiste Alexandre Grosier, Description gb1l!mle de la Cbine (Paris: lVloutard, 1787): vol. 2, 147-246.

28

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of Fo" (which Kant had already recognized as forms of a single religion) are somewhat puzzling. Abbe Grosier (1743-1823), Hegel's main source in these matters, left no doubt that Fo is simply the Chinese appellation of Buddha whose teachings had been brought from India to all parts of Asia.'"4 Just as "Gotama," "Fo," or "Shaka" all designate the single Indian founder of the religion, different names are in use for its clergy depending on the country, as Grosier explains: These priests attached to the cult of Po are called Talapoins by the Siamese, Lamas by the Tartars, Ro-chang in China, and Bonzes in Japan: it.is by this last name that the Europeans designate them.125 Other sources, for example the collection of travel accounts used by both Kant and Hegel, also stated unambiguously that Lamaism and tbe religion of Fo "are identical and differ only in a few superstitious customs."126 If tbe relationship between Lamaism and the religion of Fo was unclear in Hegel's mind, there was at least the fixed date of 65 eE for tbe introduction of Foism to China, a date noted throughout missionary and secular literature. I27 Apart from Foism's journey from India to China at the time of the first apostles there was another ubiquitous story which not only clearly showed that the founder was human rather than divine but also provided a handy classification scheme for manifold doctrines and practices. Hegel had encountered a concise version of this story at the end of Grosier's biography of Fo: When he had attained the age of 79 years he felt by the weakening of his forces that his borrowed divinity would not prevent his having to pay tribute to nature like other men. He did not want to leave his disciples without revealing the secret to them along with all hidden profundities of his doctrine. Having gathered them he declared that until this moment he had always believed that he should use only parables in his discourses; that for forty years he had hidden the truth under figurative and metaphorical expressions; and that on the verge of disappearing from their gaze he wanted to finally manifest his real feelings and reveal to them the mystery of his wisdom. You must Tealize, he said to them, that theTe is no othe,- pTinciple of all things than emptiness [Ie vuide] and nothingness [Ie neant]; it is from nothingness that eveTything arose, and it i~ to nothingness that eVe7J1thing must nturn; this is where all our hopes end up.12B Variations of this story had for centuries been the mainstay of doctrinal descriptions of religions which we today put under the umbrella of Buddhism. This is one reason why it is hardly appropriate to portray Hegel, who for tbe most part just repeated to
124

Grosier, Description gbufrale, vol. 2, 204.

Crosier, Description genl1-aie, voL 2, 204.

125
126 127

Schwabe, Allgemeine Risto,.ie, vol. 6, 38l. Grosier, Desaiptio12 generale, vol. 2, 202-203 presents the legend in its usual form with an I8-member embassy to India and its return to China with images "of the God Po or Boudba" and the F01-ty-Two-Cbapte,- Sut1-a on a white horse. The preface of this Chinese text is the original source for the date 65 CK
128

Grosier, Description geniTaie, voL 2, 205-206. "Le vuide" is Grosier's spelling.

The Tibet ofthe Philosophers: Kant,

Hege~

and Schopenhazter

29

students what he had read aboJlt this, as the instigator of a "cult of nothingness."129 In Grosier's account the dramatic story of the Buddha's deathbed confession forms the basis of a fundamental classification of the religion's adherents and teachings: These last words ~f the dying Po were the source of much trouble and divisions among his disciples. Some continued to adhere to his first doctrine while' others, who embraced the second, formed a sect of atheists. A third party wanted to reconcile the two and brought forth the famous distinction of exte1'ior doctrine and inte1'ior doctrine, the first of which had naturally to precede the second and prepare the minds for receiving itYo In addition to this fundamental distinction between exoteric and esoteric doctrine Grosier mentioned the dogma of metempsychosis as a central teaching of which Fo = Buddha "appears to be the inventor."1lI Before the 18th century it was often Pythagoras who had supposedly learned this doctrine in Egypt and passed it on to India where an Indian impostor named Buda used it to infect large parts of Asia; but in the course of the 18 th century's gravity shift toward Asia, the direction of transmigration's transmission became reversed. Egypt's rotten contributions to history-transmigration, idolatry, animal worship-were now the fruits of the Indian founder of the cult ofFo and helped explain a whole variety of Asian cults:Since he [FoJli-ved five hundred years before pythagoras, and as it is known that the Greek philosopher had traveled through Egypt and several parts of India, one can hardly doubt that he had borrowed this dogma from some disciples of the Indian philosopher. This doctrine of the transmigration of souls forms the origin of this multitude of idols which are revered wherever the cult of Po was established. Quadrupeds, birds, reptiles, and the most vile animals had temples and became objects of public veneration because the God, in his rebirths and metamorphoses, could inhabit individuals of all these species. ll2 But such "outer" beliefs as transmigration were also intimately linked with the core of "inner" teachings, i.e., "nothingness" viewed as a kind of mate1'ia prima: Nothingness [Ie neantJ is the principle and end of all that exists; it is from nothingness that our first parents took their origin, and to nothingness did they return after their death. All beings differ from each other only by their shapes and qualities. One can from the same metal fashion a man, a lion, or any other animal: if one then melts all these different pieces they forthwith lose their shapes and respective qualities and form a single and identical substance. The same holds true for all animate or inanimate beings: though

129 Droit, Le wlte du neant, now also in English: Droit, The Cult of Nothingness: The Pbilosopbm and the Buddha (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003). 130. Grosier, DeSC1-iption geni1-ale, vol. 2, 207-208. See below for the fate of these atheists in Hegel's hands. 131 Grosier, Description generale, vo!' 2, 205. m Grosier, Description gine11lle, vo!' 2, 205.

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Hegel's sources descrihed this universal principle as very pure and subtle, eternally at rest, and-in the manner of negative theology-as free from virtue, power, action, intelligence, and desire. As explained by Abbe Grosier and numerous other authors, the aim of Fo's "inner" doctrine was to achieve union with this principle: To be happy one must, by continuous meditations and by frequent victories over oneself, make an effort to become similar to this principle, and to achieve this, to get used to doing nothing, wanting nothing, feeling nothing, and desiring nothing. As soon as one reaches this happy state of insensibility there is no more question of virtues, punishments and rewards, providence, and immortality of souls. All holiness consists in ceasing to exist in order to become merged into nothingness [se confond,"e avec Ie neant]; the more man approaches the nature of a stone or a tree trunk, the more he becomes perfect, and finally it is in indolence and immobility, in cessation of all desire and all bodily movement, in the annihilation and the suspension of all faculties of soul and mind [esp'"it] that virtue and happiness consist."4 This state-which Hegel subsequently linked to the "Buddhist" Nirvana-renders man perfectly similar to the God Fo: from the moment he achieves this degree of perfection there is no more transmigration "because he has ceased to be and has become perfectly similar to the God Fo."ll5 In the light of such sources Hegel's brief portrayal of the religion of Fo in his 1822123 lecture has a very familiar ring: The religion of Fo is very famous; whether it is identical with that of Buddha is still doubtful: One main idea in the Foist religion is metempsychosis, i.e., that all shapes [such as] man, stars, etc., are only forms, revelations of the One, of the Absolute. Furthermore, the adherents of this religion posit the ultimate in nothingness [das Nicbts]; man is thus said to elevate himself to God when he renounces all notions of particularity [E71Zpfindungen des Besondenn], turns himself into abstract contemplation [Anstbauung] and reaches a point where good and evil along with all distinctions have vanished and where he immerses himself totally in emptiness, in the motionless. Thus the utterly empty must be sought. (164)

The Indian Antithesis

After this brief portrayal of the religion ofFo which nonchalantly equates immersion in nothingness with "elevation to God," Hegel's lecture moved straight to India where he detected two forms of pantheism. The first is a dispersed kind of pantheism where "everything sensual is [...] deified" (170); this corresponds to Hinduism ("BrahGrosier, Desct"iption gene",le, vol. 2, 208-209. Grosier, Desc,"iption generale, vol. 2, 209-210. Grosier, DeSC7"iption genemle, vol. 2, 210.

133

134
135

The Tibet of the Philosophers: Kant, Hegel, and Schopenhazte7'

31

manism"). In the second, the sensualization of God is concentrated and "reduced to a center which is immediately present." This second kind of pantheism reigns in regions that Hegel closely linked to India: Ceylon and Southeast Asia with its "Buddhismus," and of course also Tibet and Tartary with their "Lamaism." The general fragmentation belongs to brahmanical India, the second [concentrated] form to the Buddhist principle or Lamaism. The people of this [second] principle are mainly the Tibetans, Mongols, and Kalmyks, furthermore the Ceylonese and those on the eastern peninsula beyond the Ganges [i.e., the Burmese and Thais]. Of all religions, Lamaism is the most widespread. (170-171) It is interesting that Hegel made no mention of the "religion of Fo" here. Constrained by his geographical framework he contrasted the Chinese principle with an Indian one. Their relationship remained as hazy as that between the Chinese "religion of Fo," Southeast Asian "Buddhismus," and "Lamaism." Hegel's remark about Lamaism as the world's largest religion would indicate that he included the immense population of China among its adherents. Hegel learned that Indian places are regarded as sacred both in Tibet and in Ceylon (226), and this led him to regard "the religion of Buddha" as a remnant of ancient Indian religion: Thus also the Buddhists and the Tibetans point to India. Earlier on, both [Brahmanism and Buddhism] were united. This simple religion [Buddhism] may have originated through a reform of Brahmanism. More likely, however, is the older age of the Buddhistic [religion]. (226) Such guesswork by Hegel was obviously influenced by Carl Ritter's theories which peek through many formulations of the philosopher. But they contradicted most other sources and left Hegel full of doubts about the historical sequence of Brahmanism and "Buddhismus" as preserved in Ceylon and Southeast Asia: There is a great controversy as to which of these two religions is older and more simple. For both [views] there are reasons, but one cannot commit oneself with assurance. It appears that the Buddhist religion is simpler; as such, it could either be the oldest [religion] or the result of a reformation of an earlier one. (225)'36 As he continued to study in preparation for his lectures Hegel managed to somewhat clarify his ideas with respect to the founder figure. In the spring of 1823 he spoke of the "Buddha whom one believes to be identical with the Chinese Fo and who in Ceylon is mostly called Gautama" (225). This founder "is not somehow a phenomenon of nature, not heaven, not the sun, but he was substantially human" (227) and his creed "forms the counterpart of Brahma" (225) and Brahmanism: This religion [of Buddha] is in all respects more human [than Brahmanism]. With regard to its view of God this is so much the case that, on one hand,
116 Cf. Vorleszmgen, vol. 12, 225: "Already regarding India it was noted that India proper can be called brahmanical, to which the buddhisric can be opposed."

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for them their highest God has been a man, and on the other hand, their God is still alive as a man, so that they venerate a living person as God. (227)

The two elements of former humanity and living presence present the framework of Hegel's view of the "Buddhist religion" and of Lamaism in a nutshell. Though both appear to be linked to the same figure ("Gautama is the God of Ceylon but extends through Tibet up to the ice sea" [227]), the first is characterized by the "portrayal of God as a former man whose death forms an aspect of their veneration" (227), and the second by the worship of Lamas, i.e., "humans who are worshiped as the incarnated God" (228). In the "Buddhismus" of Ceylon and Southeast Asia "God as a former man" and the ideal of "Nirvana" (227) are central: Of his life on earth they have tales as extravagant as we have found with the other Indians. [He] is an incarnation, the ninth one, and is to be venerated as God. He has arrived at Nirvana, i.e., at the state of supreme abstraction, where the spirit [is] immersed in itself and does not hold on to anything, has become free of everything; in this respect we can call it bliss [Seligkeit]. The attainment of this state comes after death. He who attains Nirvana has become Buddha. This Gautama therefore is the true God. (227) Though Gautama had been "essentially human" [wesentlicb Nlenscb] (227), the Buddhists also "say of him that he is eternal, immortal" and "attribute to him all the characteristics that we use for the supreme being" (227). In this religion, both the Buddha who is "imagined as king, as teacher, as God" and his last disciples are venerated (226). They venerate him as image in temples where he is portrayed sometimes sitting, sometimes standing, and seemingly also together with his disciples. On the one hand, the Buddhists have temples where [his image] is installed; [on the other hand] in addition to these temples dedicated to him there are pyramidal buildings, for example in Java, which are completely solid and where relics of him are stored, some of them from his body, although it is said that his body was cremated after death on a heap of sandalwood. (227) This "Buddhist religion" of Ceylon and Southeast Asia is thus characterized by a classic euhemerist elevation of an eminent mortal to the status of God, and nirvana is a posthumous state. "They portray God as a former man whose death forms an aspect of their veneration" (227). In Hegel's "Lamaism," by contrast, worship entails the "veneration of a living man, the highest lama (priest) in whom God is present for them" (228)y7 vVhile such incarnations are a1so found in India, this cult is more prominent in Tibet behind the Himalayas and Tartary (228). There are three such Lamas. First the Dalai Lama in Lhasa, second the Tashi Lama in Taschi-Lumpo, and third, beyond the Himalayas and to the south of
137 Hegel drew much of this information from Samuel Turner, Samuel Tzm",-'s, Capitains in Diensten del- ostind. Compagnie, GesandtscbaftS1"eise an den Hof des Tesboo Lama dunb Bootan ",zd einen Tbeil von Tibet (Hamburg: B. G. Hoffmann, 1801).

The Tibet of the Philosoph en: Kant, Hegel, and Schopenhauer

Lake Baikal on the slope of the high plain where Dschingis Khan came from, the Taranant Lama, also called Buddhista (sic) Lama, in Urga in Karim. (228)

33

Though Hegel found that "the details here show great confusion" (228) he thought that the Lamaistic cult which regards "men as the present [gegenwartige] God" does "link itself with the Buddhist religion, with the idea that Buddha here has a living presence" (228). Nevertheless, in 1822/23 Hegel was not yet sure how the veneration of these Tibetan and Mongol living Gods relates to that of a long-dead Buddha and other divinities: "However, apart from the Lama there are indeed also many other Gods, Buddha, or Gautama, etc." (229). With regard to the actual state of this religion Hegel was better informed. He knew that "these Lamas are both worldly and spiritual leaders, but worldly ones only in Tibet proper" (228-229). "They are venerated by the Mongol people as spiritual heads, asked for advice in political affairs, and spiritually venerated as God." Having read Turner's account of his meeting with the two-year-old Taschi Lama (Panchen Lama),llB Hegel was impressed both by the character and the government of the Lamas (229): One could imagine of such highest Lamas that they are the proudest men and would in their folly fall into supreme arrogance, but this is not at all the case [...] The priests choose excellent characters to be Lamas. The former Lama has been praised as the most noble and humble man. He was learned and far removed from pride and arrogance, lenient toward his subjects and aiming at their advantage in every possible way, as the government of the Lama is one of the most fatherly that is to be found. (22 9) However, Lamaism as a religion did not fare so well in his judgment. A Lama as one "through whom God is present to the peoples so that God may care for them" constituted for Hegel "a relationship that is very close to pantheism as such" (229). Rather than being an Indian pantheism where everything is seen as divine, the Lamas contract "dissipated [Indian] pantheism into the One" (229). This "contraction into one" was also reflected in the lives of the Buddhist and Lamaist people; with the partial exception of Ceylon no caste system is known, ~nd people thus enjoy "a freer, more courageous, friendlier existence" than the poor Indians (230). These people are benevolent, openhearted, servile, and "far removed from the tendency of the Indians to lie, from their cowardice, and their vileness" (231). The lYlongols and Tibetans, "trustworthy and friendly" as they are, "lead a quiet life," and "the laypeople go quietly and without worry about their business" because "the priests are devout" in their stead (231). On the whole, though they also have strange customs such as polyandry (188), they are peace-loving (231). Apart from their nonviolent lifestyle Hegel saw additional links between Lamaism and the religion of Buddha of Southeast Asia: Priests come from among the people; and especially in Tibet and in the Burmese empire they live together in large monasteries. Io Tibet the monks
138

See previous note.

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in one monastery number more than 2,000. The priests do not form a separate caste but are individuals chosen among the entire people. In Tibet there is a rule that, of four sons, one must be trained as a priest. In Tibet, these priests draw an income from land holdings and subsist on gifts. In the Burmese empire they live predominantly from voluntary gifts; early in the morning, the priests wander through the streets seeking gifts from the populace. (230)

In contrast to the Indian Brahmans, the priests of Burma ("Rahans") and Tibet ("Gylongs") are humble, learned, and friendly (230-231). The Tibetan priests even distribute goods tothe poor and offer shelter to travelers (231). There are two sects, one of which marries and the other not. The latter is the most widespread. They are distinguished by their dress, red or yellow, and are opposed to each other to the extent of the bloodiest battles. They are pious, learned, and hold services both in temples and in monasteries. Their main service consists of chanting which they carry to the loudest shouting. The ambassadors were living in a monastery and could not stop marveling at these tremendously strong voices. (231) In his 1822123 lecture Hegel had thus in various ways linked Lamaism and Ceylonese/ Southeast Asian "Buddhismus" to India. But in spite of his study of the Asiatick Researches and other sources on Asiall9-many of which Kant could not yet consult-he conveyed little information about the doctrines of this alternative to Brahmanism. Compared with the lengthy discussions of Indian religion Hegel's remarks on Buddhism and Lamaism are very brief. But a major objective was nevertheless achieved: Hegel's "Indian principle" was erected, characterized by a dynamic juxtaposition of the Indian "diffuse" pantheism and the "focused" pantheism as exemplified by the "Buddhists" and Tibetans. This had to suffice as a stepping stone to the more advanced realizations of Spirit further West.

The Mongolian Synthesis

As Hegel read more widely, the confusing influence of Carl Ritter's theories gradually waned. The limits of Creuzer's Symbolics, a major guide for Hegel's initial conception of India and for secondary literature about its religions,14O also became
Il9 See the good survey of Hegel's sources on India in Viyagappa, G. W. F. Hegel's Concept ofIndian Philosophy, 11-60. Viyagappa focused too narrowly on sources of Europe's burgeoning indology (i.e., information which today is considered to be more or less scientific) and overlooked the importance of German authors of more general scope such as Carl Ritter and Joseph Garres. 140 In a letter to Creuzer translated by Viyagappa (Hegel's Concept ofIndian Philosophy, 54) Hegel wrote: "I lived much in your company il). the winter of the past year. It is so again this summer. My lectures on The Philosophy of World History, last year, and the resumption of the lectures on. Aesthetics as well, for this summer, have to depend upon your Symbolics, so much so that I draw from it the richest inspiration for materials as well as for thought. It is a reason for me to be much indebted to you."

The Tibet of the Philosophers: Kant, Hegel, and Schopenhaue7'

35

ever more apparent in the light of the erudite articles contained in the Asiatick Reseanhes, the Journal des Savants, Schlegel's Indische Bibliothek,and numerous other recent sources at Hegel's disposal. Vlhen Hegel gave his Philosophy of History lectures for the second time in the winter of 1824125 he acknowledged the difficulty of geographical categorization: how was he, for example, to categorize a religion that "partly belongs to China-where it was only imported later-and partly falls outside of what is characteristically Chinese" (333)? 141 Indeed, the geographical structure of Hegel's earlier scheme which somehow linked Ceylon, Burma, Tibet, Tartary, and China to India was not exactly ideal for a streamlined progress story based on "principles" bound to nation states. In 1824125 Hegel thus decided to focus' on doctrine rather than historical origin and fashioned a principle which could serve as a bridge between China and India: the Mongolian principle. Hegel's geographical description is exceedingly vague; for him, "the term .Mongols serves in general to refer to Far Eastern peoples" (j1intemsiatische Volker; 332). What is common to them all is "that they are nomads and recognize the Buddha and the Lama as their God." Such initial statements are immediately contradicted by Hegel's own explanations which make clear that this "principle" in fact simply encompasses everything which . we today associate with Buddhism. The title "Mongolian Principle," whether chosen by Hegel or his editors, should thus not be taken literally. vVe have seen that in 1822/23 Hegel was still not sure whether Buddha and Fo refer to the same person; but two years later he was certain that the "religion of F 0" in China is simply "another shading". (eine andere Schattierung) of the religion of "Buddha, Gautama, or Sakjamuni" (333-334). In the first lecture cycle (1822123) Hegel had portrayed the "Indian principle" as a juxtaposition of a diffuse brahmanical pantheism with a more focused pantheism which either worshiped the dead Buddha (Buddhism) or a living Lama (Lamaism). The religion of Fo was left out of that first scheme. Now, two years later, Hegel proposed a new configuration, namely, a "NIongolian principle" in which a negative transcendence (religion of Fo and religion of Buddha) stands against a positive transcendence (Lamaism). The elements have not changed ("religion of Buddha" still refers to the religion of Ceylon and Southeast Asia), but now Hegel had found an umbrella under which to unite the different "shadings" of the religion of "Buddha, Gautama or Sakjamuni." The facets of Chinese, Siberian, Tibetan, Ceylonese, and Southeast Asian religion which Hegel discussed under this label leave no doubt that his "Mongolian principle" corresponds more or less to our "Buddhism." Hegel's Lamaism, the religion of Fo, and his "religion of Buddha" had finally found a home in a greater whole that covered large parts of Asia; and even though the name was a bit lopsided the object now revealed its vast contours.
141 Page numbers in this section refer to the Anhang (Appendix) entitled "Das mongolische Prinzip" (The Mongolian Principle) in G.W.F. Hegel, Vodeszmgen iibeT die Philosophie d,," Weltgeschichte, ed. Georg Lasson (no. 171 b-d): 332-342. It is not clear which student notes were used for this edition, and the dating is therefore' doubtful. Hegel read about this principle a total of three times (1824125, 1826127, and 1828129), but according to Lasson's introduction (p. x) he omitted this section in the last lecture cycle (1830/31).

36

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The coagulation of Buddha, Gautama, Shakyamuni, and Fo "in historical form as teacher" rather than as God was one of the results of contemporary. scholarship, for example an article by the sinologist Abel-Remusat on the names of the Buddha which Hegel had read. [42 But Hegel continued to have doubts about this and tended to see Gautama, Shakyamuni and Buddha as different persons or incarnations. Furthermore, in spite of articles that portrayed Buddhism as unambiguously atheist (a fact immediately remarked and emphasized by Schopenhauer), Hegel kept bringing God into play. He obviously knew where history was heading; the question was just how to have it go there. As one would expect, Hegel's Mongolian principle also had two dialectical poles. Both are characterized by the term "Erhebung" (raising; transcendence) as, in contrast to fetishism and magic, both Hegel's FoismlBuddhism and his Lamaism "rise beyond" the immediate object. Foism does so negatively, i.e., by striving through meditation toward the elimination of all desire, will, and feeling, and toward union with a kind of Spinozan God: The conception which mainly concerns us here is that nothingness is the principle and goal, the aim of all things. From nothingness our first parents arose, and into nothingness they returned. All things are different by virtue of their forms and qualities; they are modifications of substance as in Spinoza. (334) Hegel's "negative transcendence" thus corresponds to the "inner" teaching which the Buddha had supposedly revealed to his closest disciples on his deathbed, as presented above in Abbe Grosier's words. It is deeply linked to transmigration: They see the connection with metempsychosis as follows: everything is change of form; it always stays one and the same.... This principle is complete, pure, simple, an eternal quiescence wherein God does not appear to man, without movement: its. essence consists in being without activity, intelligence, soul, without will. (334) Happiness then consists in "uniting oneself with nothingness. The more man approaches 'passivity and becomes like a rock or tree, the more he approaches perfection" (334). Hegel could read such things in numerous sources, but the link of this "nothingness" to the nirvana of Ceylon and Burma (where Hegel located his "Buddhism") was based on his study of a seminal article by Buchanan in the Asiatick ' Researches,t43 which the Berlin professor summarized for his students as follows:

142

Jean-Pierre Abel-Remusat, "Note sur quelques epithetes descriptives de Bouddha,"

Jou1"12al des Savants (1819): 625-633. Reprinted in Abel-Remusat, Melanges asiatiques (Paris: Dondey-Dupre, 1825): 100-112. Hegel mentions this article in Lasson ed., Vo1"lmmgen (no. 171 b-d): 339.. _ 143 Claudius Buchanan, "On the Religion and Literature of the Burmas," AsiatickResearches

6 (1799): 163-308. The passage containing "weight, old age, disease, and death" is found on p. 266; it was also crucial for Schopenhauer (see below).

The Tibet of the Philosopbe1'S: Kant, Hegel, and Scbopenbauer

This is approximately what also occurs in Buddhism, in Ceylon and in the empire of the Burmese; in Ceylon the divine teacher is still called Buddha, on the Eastern peninsula Gautama, and the described state is called Nirvana. An Englishman who had many discussions with the Burmese priests, the Ragunas, cannot praise them too highly; he has noted down many questions and answers from these talks. A main topic was Nirvana, which is described as follows: vVhen a man is no longer subjected to the following troubles: weight, old age, illness, and death, then he has reached Nirvana. Through meditation, i.e., abstraction of the human spirit in himself, does he reach this bliss, and the God Gautama is in essence [wesentlicb] in Nirvana. (335)

37

Based on the work of the Italian priest Vincentius Sangermano, Buchanan explained in the article used by Hegel that Nirvana (Nieban) signifies by no means a state of annihilation but rather one of "being exempted from all the miseries incident to hnmanity." In contrast to Hegel; Buchanan resolutely rejected the interpretation of Nirvana as an "absorption into the divine essence"l44 and questioned the doctrinal identity of the inner teaching ofFo and Burmese Buddhism. I45 In Hegel's 1824125 lectures, however, this "inner teaching"-which two years earlier was only briefly mentioned in the context of the Chinese "religion of Fa"-now made a gala appearance as the uniting link between Chinese "Foism" and Southeast Asian "Buddhism." The deep connection of this "negative transcendence" with Indian pantheism and Chinese Daoism also made it a good candidate for the fundamental characteristic of the "oriental character" in generaJ146 and ofIndian philosophy in particular that Hegel studied in the mid-IS20s.I4? But what about the positive transcendence of the Mongolian principle? vVhereas Hegel's Foists and Buddhists thought that "the absolute is Spirit" yet "imagined God only as a yonder" (das Jenseitige, 335) to be approached through "annihilation" and "abstraction" (i.e., negative transcendence), the Tibetan and Mongolian Lamaists by contrast grasped the absolute in its sensual, "immediate" form. This "affirmative transcendence" was necessarily a step closer to Hegel's perfection where "absolute Spirit" is "in Christ only through itself" (335).

If we now ask: what is the natural form of Spirit, the immediacy [Unmittelbarkeit], then it is nothing other than the human form .... Thus we arrive in the domain of the Dalai Lama where man is revered as God-something which is completely contrary to abstract reason, also in Christianity. Certainly, the modification must proceed until it eventually forms the core of Christian religion. (336)
l44 Buchanan, "On the Religion and Literature of the Burmas," 180. Buchanan, "On the Religion and Literature of the Burmas," 267 (note on Grosier's account of the Chinese religion). 146 G.vV:F. Hegel, Vo,lesztngen. Ausgewiiblte Nachschriften und iVlanttskripte, vol. 6: Vorlesungen iiber die Geschichte del" Philosopbie, Part 1, eds. Pierre Garniron and vValter Jaeschke (Hamburg: Felix Meiner, 1994); 267 (lectures on the history of philosophy of 1825/26). 147 See the detailed study by Ignatius Viyagappa, G. Wop. Hegel's concept ofIndian Philosophy, which can now be revised based on the newly published materials mentioned in the previous
145

note.

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The affirmative pole of Hegel's Mongolian Principle thus points toward the goal of history where Spirit forms a unique Son of God. Though obviously still far from the ideal incarnation of Christianity, for Hegel the "religion of the Dalai Lama" now represented a crucial phase of the Spirit's self-revelation, a phase which was all the more significant in view of the huge geographical reach: This is the religion of the Dalai Lama; of all religions it is the most widely spread. The Ivlongols, Tibetans, Kalmyks adhere to it. It reaches from all Mongols subject to the Chinese empire to the Himalayas, Hindukush, across Central Asia, and also to the Mongols in Siberia under the dominance of the Russians. The Manchus venerate all of the supreme Lamas; the Mongols also venerate the Dalai Lama. (336) If for Kant Tibet had been a crucial sanctuary of humanity during the earth's last upheavals and a way-station for trade and cultural exchange between China and Europe, Hegel zeroed in on Tibet's religion as a stepping stone to Christianity. Thanks to his study of recent French and English journals Hegel was now much better informed than Kant about the history of Tibetan religion, and the wild fantasies of Giorgi had given way to a much more modern perspective: The worship of Lamas, the cult of the spirit domain and generally of the spiritual has supplanted the religion of the Shamans, the magicians who intoxicate and benumb themselves through drink and dance, move, fall down in exhaustion, utter words, and are regarded as oracles. Buddhism and Lamaism have taken the place of this religion. (341-342) But for Hegel such origins were far less interesting than Lamaism's position as a springboard from Indian pantheism and Foist/Buddhist abstraction to the more advanced "incarnation" conceptions in the vicinity of Jerusalem. Far from finding the figure of the Dalai Lama "paradoxical and revolting," as has been asserted,148 Hegel actually defended Lama worship as a significant step in the right direction when compared with Indian pantheism: The Lama is thus the one through whom God is present to the people in order to care for them. The relationship is one that is very close to pantheism proper. But it is not the Indian pantheism where all mountains, all rivers, all Brahmans are divine so that Brahma [is] immediately present in him. Rather, the limitlessly encompassing [Indian] pantheism has in Lama worship contracted into the One. These peoples distinguish themselves from the Indians proper by their higher degree of freedom. They recognize themselves in

14B Lopez, Prisonen of Shang";-la, 23. The quote given by Lopez may be based on the passage in the 1824 appendix on the Mongolian principle translated above in which Hegel significantly includes Christianity: "vVe have thus come to the realm of the Dalai Lama where man is revered as God, which is entirely contrary to abstract reaSOll, also in Christianity" [was dem abstrakten Verstande ganz zuwider ist, auch am Christentum]. G.vV.F. Hegel, Vodesungen iib,, die Philosophie de,. vVeltgeschichte, ed. Georg Lasson, 336.

Tbe Tibet of tbe Pbilosopbers: Kant, Hegel, and Scbopenbauer

God by positing him as man, have a friendly view of their God, and have thus attained a freer God. 149

39

As the lectures on the Philosophy of Religions of 1824 also show, Hegel had now gained a more distinct picture of the world's religious geography and Buddhism's position therein: It is the religion of the Chinese, Mongols, Tibetans, furthermore of the Burmese and Ceylonese. However, what the Chinese call F 0 is there called Buddha; but both mean the same thing, and it is the religion which we lmow under the form of the Lamaist religion. The slight difference between the religion of Fo and Lamaism is only superficial. ... It can be stated that this religion is the most widespread and that which counts most adherents; those who venerate it are more numerous than those of Mohammedanism, which in turn has more faithful than the Christian religion yo After many centuries of delusions of grandeur, Christianity had once again become a minority religion and a relative newcomer on the stage of world history; so much more reason to portray it, as Eusebius l51 and the church fathers had in the old days, as the promised goal of other religions and philosophies. This tactic turned other creeds into preludes to Christianity: everything could become a pmepamtio evangelica. Hegel's lectures on the Philosophy of Religions, which will be briefly examine.d in the next section, form patt of this time-honored tradition of pious hijacking.

Buddha the Baptist

In his 1822123 lectures on the Philosopby of Histmy Hegel had tried to establish a streamlined religious geography of Asia by inserting the India-related "Buddhism" and "Lamaism" between India and Persia. This placed them on the ascending line leading from the more primitive creeds of China and India toward the Middle East. But two years later, when "Foism," "Lamaism" and "Buddhism" were congealing into Hegel's "Nlongolian Principle," it was more convenient to-place this principle somewhere between China and India. This meant, however, that the neat East to West progression was messed up: diffuse Indian pantheism appeared too close to Jerusalem for comfort, and the historical progression from older to more recent was quite obviously murley. A complex multi-national religion such as Buddhism was bound to cause problems in such simple historical and geographical schemes. Categories such as "magic"

149 Hegel, Vodestmgen tiber die Philosophie det Weltgeschichte (eds. Ilting, Brehmer and Seelmann): 229-230. Cf. the similar passage on p. 339 of the Lasson edition. 150 Jaeschke (ed.), G.W.F. Hegel, Vodeszmgen. Aztsgewablte Nachscl,,iften zmd il1anZtskTipte, vol. 4a: Vodesungen iib,,' die Philosophie del' Religion, part 2: Die besti77Z",te Religion (Hamburg: Felix Meiner, 1985): 211. 151 Eusebius of Caesarea, Die Pmeparatio Evangelica, ed. Karl Mras (Berlin: AkademieVerlag, 1954-1956).

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or "spirituality" which Hegel employed in his Pbilosopby of Religion lectures seemed more adequate to his attempt to trace religion as the self-consciousness of absolute Spirit from childish-concrete forms ("natural" or "determined religion") to the adulthood of Christianity, the "perfect" or "accomplished" religion ("die vollendete Religion").152 Hegel was shooting for a classification of "religion" that encompasses all of its forms from the remote past to the present; and, as with his world history, this classification could be likened to a human lifespan. The magic of primitive mankind corresponded. to childhood and was as difficult to intuit: vVe can thus certainly unde7stand natural religion [NaturreligionJ, but we cannot put ourselves in that position, cannot empathize and feel it inside, just as we can well understand a dog but are unable to empathize with it. (176),53 Hegel called the religion of magic "the oldest mode of religion, its most savage and crude form" (177). In contrast to fetishism and other primitive magic where power is located in some object, Lamaism (which in 1824 still formed part of the "religion of magic") appeared slightly more advanced because it locates power in man himself. If this power does not depend on status or "outer existence" but rather on "inner spirituality" we have "that which we call Lama" (196). The religion of the Lama is the form, the aspect of reality, this self-consciousness, a real, living man, but there are several such highest lamas, especially three-the Lama in Northern Tibet, the Lama in Southern Tibet, and then back there in Russian Mongolia, in Siberia, there is also such a leaderall of whom are venerated as Gods. (211) For Hegel, reincarnation of the Lamaist kind became the key to understanding the confusing variety of Buddhas such as the thousand-fold incarnations of Fo (216), the Gautama of the Buddhists who is also the seventh incarnation of Vishnu (217), and the Lamas of Greater and Lesser Tibet (218). "Here the insignificance of form extends also to the objective, the eternal, to God. Buddha exists in several shapes, just like Lama; as soon as a Lama dies, another arises so that both have the same substance" (213). In Buddhism and Lamaism, death thus only happens "to the accidental exterior form in which the God shows himself" (271); the human form "is just an imagined form, as with Buddha" (274). Such Spinozan equations of substance with God indicate th~ direction in which Hegel's views developed when he lectured again on the Philosophy of Religion in 1827. The category of magic had been stretched beyond recognition by Buddhismrelated phenomena and it made more sense to reserve it for Daoism and Chinese

152 Jaeschke, Die Ve172zmft in de,. Religion. Studien zur Gmndlegung de,. Religionsphilosophie Hegels (Stuttgart! Bad Cannstatt: Fromrnann-Holzboog, 1986). ISJ Jaeschke (ed.), G.vV.F. Hegel, Vodeszmgen. Attsgewahlte Nachscl,,iften zmd 1VIanuskripte, vol. 4 a: Vodeszmgen iibez die Philosophie de7 Religion, part 2: Die besti77Z77Zte Religion (Hamburg: Felix.lVleiner, 1985). Numbers in parentheses in the text of this section all refer to this book.

The Tibet of the Philosophers: Kant, Hegel, and Schopenhauel'

41

state religion with its ghosts, gods, and talismans. Thus Hegel created a new category for the phenomena associated with his Mongolian Principle: "Being-withinself" (Insichsein). The progression of Spirit in Asia thus presented itself as an ascent from the "religion of magic" (Daoism and Chinese state religion) to the "religion of being-within-self" (religion of Fo, Ceylonese and Southeast-Asian Buddhism, Lamaism) to "Indian religion." The introspective tendency (Insichgehen) present in Daoism is intensified in the religion of "Being-within-self" in which "the absolute is not grasped in the immediacy of self-consciousness but as a substance, as an essence (H7esen)" (459). The icon of this "most widespread religion on the face of the earth" (460) is "the image of Buddha in this thinking posture, feet and arms .intertwined so that one toe reaches into the mouth-this withdrawal into oneself, this sucking on oneself" (461). But in Hegel's protestant hands the goal of Foist, Buddhist, and Lamaist meditators soon revealed itself as union with God: The holiness of man is that by this annihilation he has united with nothingness [NichtsJ and so with God, with the absolute. Having reached this holiness, this highest level, a human is indistinguishable from God, eternally identical with God, and all change ceases; the soul must fear no further transmigration. (462) The Nirvana of the Buddhists (defined as in 1824 following Buchanan as the liberation from "weight, old age, sickness, and death") was now explained as follows by Hegel: "One is then identical with God, is regarded as God himself, has become Buddha" (464). Hegel was aware that this interpretation could raise eyebrows but defended it: At first glance it must be surprising that humans conceive of God as nothingness [NichtsJ; this must appear extremely strange. But considered more closely this definition means nothing other than that God is nothing determinate whatsoever, that he is the indeterminate; that there is no determinacy of any kind that applies to God; that he is the infinite. For when we say that God is the infinite we mean that God is the negation of everything particular. (464) "Being-within-self" is thus a "crucial stage in the progression from immediate empirical particularity to the determination of essence" which is seen as "a substance, a substantial power that governs the world, causing everything to come into being and to be produced according to a rationally coherent design [ZusammenhangJ" (467). In this elegant manner Hegel arrived at an interpretation of Buddhist nothingness that l"rads to the Christian creator God. He even called for tolerant underc standing of "the most revolting, shocking and unbelievable tenet" (467) that a man with all his deficiencies could be regarded as a God. Thus the Buddhist majority was unexpectedly defended by the Berlin philosopher: God is grasped as nothingness [NichtsJ, as essence overall; this calls for more explanation, especially also regarding the fact that this essential God is nevertheless known as a particular human being, as Fo, Buddha, Dalai Lama.... We must learn to understand this view, and in understanding it we justify it. (467)

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Hegel's call for understanding echoes that of Church fathers portraying Egyptian religion, Judaism, or Greek philosophy as necessary steps toward Christianity, or by Jesuit figurists attempting to turn ancient Chinese religion and history into an episode of their Christian narrative. But Hegel went a step further: he in effect turned Buddha, the Jesuits' reviled impostor, into a kind of John the Baptist who prepared the way for the incarnated God of Christianity. Hegel's final conception of Asian religion, as summarized by D. F. Strauss (618) on the basis of the 1831 lectures, restores the "lamaist-buddhist religion" once more to its original place after India:
1. Chinese religion. Here the substance is known, but as inwardly determined foundation, as measun. 2. Indian religion. The substance as abstract unity, akin to spirit; man raises

himself to this abstract unity. 3. Lamaist-Buddhist religion, finds in a particular individual this concretization of substance to which other human beings also raise themselves, which then is annihilation. (618) This final scheme shows Hegel's "lamaisch-buddhistische Religion" as the peak of religion in Asia before the Spirit's momentous move to the Middle East. All three Oriental religions were described as "pantheist," but Hegel's Buddhism (the religion of Fo, Ceylon, and Southeast Asia) and Lamaism produced "concretized substance" in the form of particular individuals, i.e. the Buddha and the Lamas. Thus a traditional core accusation against idolatrous Buddhism, namely, that of mixing up Godthe-creator with man-the-created, turned into an auspicious foreshadowing of perfect religion and its divine incarnation. The ancient art of typology had portrayed Adam as the promise oEJesus and Noah's Ark as the prototype of the saving church; but who would have dreamed that, in a curious twist of fate, the impostor Buddha, the cheating Lamas, and their nihilistic atheism would take on similar prototype roles in a German philosopher's mind? At the peak of Hegel's career, Tibet and its Lamas had thus become an all-important stepping stone to Christianity, a ray from the peaks of the Himalayas pointing directly to that humble crib in Bethlehem where the Spirit's promise was finally going to be fulfilled.

SCHOPENHAUER

vVhen Schopenhauer was born in 1788 the French, British, and Russian colonialist and scientific enterprises were gradually closing in on Tibet and its religion from several angles. On the Western front (Persia, Afghanistan, Kashmir, Caucasus) the likes of Anquetil-Duperron, William Jones, and Herder were approaching the Himalayas in their search for the cradle of mankind and older testaments than the Old Testament. On the Southern front the first volume of the Asiatick Researches with a report on Tibetl54 appeared in Calcutta and opened a steady stream of British
154

Samuel Turner, "An Account of a Journey to Tibet," Asiatick Researches 1 (1788).

The Tibet ofthe Philosophers: Kant, Hegel, and Schopenhazte1'

43

information on Asia with sensational impact across Europe. On the Eastern and Southeastern front news about Chinese and Southeast Asian religions and customs continued to amaze European readers. But it is the northern front which furnished some of the most interesting early information about Tibet and its religion. Several Russian expeditions exploring the outer reaches of Siberia had stopped with the Kalmyks among whom they were confronted with an old tradition of Tibetan Buddhism. Much of this research was done by Germans employed by the Czar and published in German, which may be one reason why it has been almost totally ignored by 20,h-century historians of the Western discovery of Buddhism. At the time, however, the detailed reports of Pallas!55 (who also relied on data from Gerhard F. Muller [1705-1783] and others) were much read. Ah-eady in 1771 Pallas had, as mentioned above, furnished -a rather detailed description of the religion of the Kalmyks with its cosmogony, rituals, customs, and doctrine "which is the so-called lamaic one that for the most part they share with their brothers, the lVlongols."156 He had also included some of the earliest accurate drawings of Buddhist images ("Giitzenbilder"), for example statues of the founder "DshakDshimuni," "Abida," "Maidarin,"!57 and the Dalai Lama. By the year 1803, when fifteen-year-old Schopenhauer (1788-1860) stood fascinated in front of a Buddha statue in an Amsterdam shop, Pallas had also published a book which I regard as the first Western book-length study on Buddhism l58 On 440 pages with many excellent illustrations the "Tibetan fable doctrine," its origin, its cosmogony and myths, its major divinities, doctrines, rituals, precepts, clergy, altars and much else is presented in great detail and for the most part based on direct observation and interviews with Buddhists conducted with the help of Pallas' interpreter ]ahrig. The following illustration from this 1801 volume (pI. 14) may suffice to indicate once more how wrong it is to state categorically that Buddhism was "created" or "invented" by Westerners after the 1820s and that this happened primarily on the basis of texts rather than the ~bservation of actual practices. Given the international fame of Pallas it was hardly surprising that his results very soon found their way into other publications, for example the Gene1-al Mythological Lexicon of 1803 by Friedrich Majer who ten years later was to become Schopenhauer's
See above, p. 17. Pallas, Reise, vol. 1, 332-364, here 332-333. Pallas, Reise, voL 1, Fig. 1,2, and 3. Maidarin is lvIaitreya. See the reproduction above

155
156

157

on p. 19. 158 Pallas, Sanz11Zlungen bistorische1" Nacbl'icbten iiber die 11Zongolischen V611"1"Scbaften, vol. 2 (St. Petersburg: Kaiserliche Akademie der vVissenschaften, 1801). Pallas's title at the beginning of the text reflects more accurately the content of this book: "Samlungen (sic) iiber den
G6tzendienst, die Geistlicbkeit, Tempel zmd ab"-gliiubische Gebriiuche der nzongolischen V01k"'schaften; hauptsiicblicb die aus dem Tybet abstam77Zende Fabelleln'e zmd damit v"'kniipfte Hiemrchie"

[Collection about the idol worship, the clergy, temples, and superstitious customs of the Mongol peoples; mainly the fable doctrine of Tibetan origin and the hierarchy connected therewith]. An earlier publication, though of only 54 pages length, also deals with TibetanBuddhism: Karl Dietrich Hiillmann, Historisch-k1-itische Abhandlzmg "b,," die Lamaische Religion (Berlin: Carl Ludwig Hartmann, 1795).

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India mentorY' Pallas was, of course, also studied by Benjamin Bergmann and Isaak Jakob Schmidt who lived among the Kalmyks between 1802-3 and 1804-6 respectively and continued the tradition of Germano-Russian research there. From the 1820s onward Schmidt was to become Schopenhauer's most trusted source on Tibet and on Buddhism.

Fig. 2: Pallas, Sanmzlungen bistoriscber Nacb17cbten vol. 2 (1801): Plate 14

Early Tibet-Related Notes

Peter Simon Pallas and Benjamin Bergmann were adduced as the best sources on the Kalmyks and Mongols in Schopenhauer's earliest Central Asia-related notes from the year 18ll,'60 i.e., just around the time when the 23-year-old Gottingen University student took his first courses in philosophy.l6l These notes stem from the ethnography lectures of Professor Arnold Hermann Ludwig Heeren (1761-1842),
159 Friedrich Majer, Allgemeines lVlytbologiscbes Lexicon (Weimar: Landes-IndustrieComtoir, 1803). For an appraisal of Majer's role in the birth of Schopenhauer's interest in India see Drs App, "Schopenhauer's Initial Encounter with Indian Thought" Scbopenbau.,,Jal,,'bucb 87 (2006): 35-76, here 40-44 and 52-59. 160 See the German transcription of these notes discovered i;' 1996 in App, "Notizen Schopenhauers zu Ost-, Nord- und Sudostasien vom Sommersemester 1811," SchopenhauerJahrbucb 84 (2003): 13-39, here 35. Heeren referred to Pallas' Sammlungen historisch,,' Nachrichten and to Benjamin Bergmann, Nomadiscbe Streife1'eien unter den Kalmiiken in den Jalmn 1802 zmd 1803 (Riga, 1804-5). 161 Schopenhauer took his first philosophy course in the winter of 1810-11 (Seminar on metaphysics by Prof. Gottlob Ernst Schulze [1761-1833]).

Tbe Tibet of tbe Pbilosopber's: Kant, Hegel, and ScbopenbaueT

45

a man of very broad interests who was extraordinarily well informed about Asia. Because mistaken ideas about the timing of Schopenhauer's acquaintance with Asia and with Buddhism persist I here include my English translation of the student's 1811 Tibet notes in their entirety.l62 Tibet. It is among the least well known countries, though missionaries had made their way there. The southern part is called Butan, has its own regent; the northern [part] or Tibet proper is under Chinese dominion. 16 ] Tibet is identified as the most elevated mountain country and can be compared to Switzerland. Many mountains rise beyond the snow line even though Tibet is next to the northern tropic. Due to the elevation winter is thus very cold, and products and animals of hot countries are no more present; but in exchange [there are] many native ones, for example the Yak (Bas grunniens of Linn[aeus]) whose white tails are a trade product; the angora goat; the musk ox, etc. There is much gold and silver which is why they are of low value. Tibet is well irrigated. The mountains are said to be considerably higher than the Alps, which is doubtful. Tibet has much trade as the low price of precious metals attracts many, from China, Kashmir, India, etc. There are also many lamaic pilgrims who make their way there. The ruler of Bhutan belongs to the clergy. The residence of the Dalai Lama is in Northern Tibet or Tibet proper. 164 The Tibetans are tall and strong, gende, and the nobles have knowledge and education. Their religion is said to be a branch of the Indian one, they themselves say that the Brahmins had been their teachers. On his death the soul of the Dalai Lama enters a child. He inhabits a monastery whose entire council of monks forms the government. The order lives in chastity, with prayers and spiritual exercises. The novices enter at age 10, receive instruction, are called Tuppas until age 15 when they are named Tobahs, and at age 24 they become Giilon monks and can take over monastic and state functions. Those in such positions are called Lamas; the first is the Dalai, the second the Teschu-Lama. There is dispute among them; they are divided into Geluppas with yellow hats and Lamas widl red hats. In Tibet tbe1'e is p09,and1Y: The wife of the elder brother is simultaneously that of the younger. The Tibetans not only eat cooked but also raw meat. Tibet has long been dependent on China and remains that way because of the Chinese protection. The Nepalese once invaded, and on the Lamas' request the Chinese drove d,em out. Since then they keep the country under

162

For the author's transcription of German text as well as Schopenhauer's notes related Next to these notes Schopenhauer wrote in the margin: "Georgi Alphabetum Tibeta-

to adjacent regions see App, "Notizen."

16]

nUID, contains information about Tibet, also about its language and religion; is written very

confusedly and fuzzily." 164 Here Schopenhauer wrote in the margin: "The letters of the missionary Gruber of 1661 in the collection of voyages." This refers to Schwabe's Allgemeine Histo";e, vol. 7, 554561.

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occupation: among the Nepalese some claimed to have seen Englishmen. Therefore Macartney was received coldly in China. Like Hegel a decade later, Professor Heeren was confused about the identity and origin of the "religion of Budda"; according to Schopenhauer's notes he felt that "the religion of Budda is a branch of that ofBrama,"165 and while he correctly mentioned its presence in Mongolia, Burma, and Japan166 it is not quite clear how this relates to the Chinese religion ofFo and to Lamaism. About Chinese religion Schopenhauer noted: The present religion of the empire is the lamaic one because this is the religion oLthe Manchu Tatars. The Dalai Lama came to Peking almost at the same time that Pope Pius VI visited Joseph II; he died there of small-pox. The Chinese themselves have the religion ofFo: their cult is said to be similar to that of the catholics; it is thus the most widespread. I67 Schopenhauer's good attendance record at Heeren's ethnography course and his careful notes indicate ~ certain interest in such exotic matters but not much more; there is no sign of independent reflection, reading, or reaction in 1811. Almost fifty years later, when Schopenhauer died on his couch in 1860, a "Tibetan" Buddha figure, which the philosopher had ordered from Paris and gilded in Frankfurt, was gleaming on a special console in his study, and a handwritten note in his major work equated the goal of his philosophy with pmjfiii piimmitii as explained in Isaak Jakob Schmidt's translation of the Diamond Sutra from Tibetan. What had happened in these five decades?

Empirical and Better Consciousness

vVhile Kant's interest in Tibet focused on its role in the history of mankind and Hegel was trying to fit its strange religion into his grand theology of the Spirit's universal march to perfection, the roots of Schopenhauer's interest were more existential and stretch deep into his youth. In one of his philosophical notebooks Schopenhauer reminisced: In my 17m year, without any learned school training, I was so gripped by the misery oflife, like the Buddha in his youth when he saw illness, old age, pain, and death [...J and for me the result was that this world could not be the work of an all-good being but rather that of a devil who brought creatures into existence in order to enjoy their agony: the data pointed to this, and the belief that this was so gained the upper hand. I6s It is this experience of life's misery and the early loss of faith in God which lie at the bottom of Schopenhauer's "pessimism" which stands opposed to theistic "opti165 App, "Notizen," 22 and 33. 166 App, "Notizen," 22 (Burma); Mongolia and Kalmyks (35); Japan (39).
167 lOB

ApPl "Notizen," 3l.

Arthur Schopenhauer, Der bandscbriftlicbe Nt/cblafl, ed. Arthur Hiibscher (Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1985): vol. 4/I, 96.

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47

mism" marked by faith in an all-good creator God as well as polytheism and pantheism. 169 In view of his later pronouncements on Buddhism and his own philosophy it is important not to misunderstand Schopenhauer's "pessimism" as some kind of depressive world view or dark mood: for him it is a philosophical term and forms an antithesis to religious or philosophical optimism, for example the optimism of "and God saw that it was good" of Genesis 1 or of Leibniz's TheodicyYo Schopenhauer's decision to study philosophy was driven by the same experience. vVhen old Wieland advised him against pursuing this plan the young man reportedly explained: "Life is a miserable affair, and I have set myself as aim to spend it thinking about this.,,17! Such thinking of course involved contemplating ways to alleviate or eliminate suffering, and Rudolf Malter was right to regard the whole trend of Schopenhauer's philosophy as soteriological: He who suffers from the world and wants to flee its misery has to know what the world is and how he can escape it. The soteriology-as which Schopenhauer's thinking sees itself right from the outset-is in need of a metaphysics which furnishes an answer to its question about 'what' [the world is]; and metaphysics in turn presupposes the self-reflection of cognition [E,.kemzen] which seeks that essence. A philosophy whose aim it is to elucidate the origin and cessation of existence-as-suffering [Leidensexistenz] thus requires a complicated and lengthy exposition.172 Already around the time of Schopenhauer's 1811 notes about Tibet he compares life with a "long dream that often turns into a oppressing' nightmare,,17) (no. 23) and associates everything issuing from selfhood with "illusion and night" (no. 28). Religion is said to show "the connection between the world of illusion and the real world" (no. 32). These two worlds form the matrix of Schopenhauer's entire philoso169 In his 1836 Essay on "Sinology" Schopenhauer praised Buddhism for being neither monotheistic nor polytheistic or pantheistic "because Buddha did not regard a world immersed in sin and suffering, whose creatures are all destined to die and who subsist for a short while by eating one another, as a theophany." Schopenhauer, Ube,. die vieifacbe 'WiLTzel des Satzes Vom zZLTeicbenden Gnmde. Ubel' den vVillen in de,. Nat"z' (Zurich: Diogenes Verlag, 1977): 328. 170 In his monograph on Schopenhauer's use of the word pessimism Andreas Dorpinghaus rightly states: "Schopenhauer uses the concept of pessimism exclusively in a philosopbical sense; it is related to cognition [E1'kemztnisj and forms the antithesis to the concept of 'optimism' as coined by Leibniz. The rarity of his use of the word 'pessimism' is striking;
even in later years he often- circumscribes pessimism as the antithesis to optimism." j1,lIundus pessimus. Untenucbzmgen zzt7n pbilosopbiscben PessimisntZts Arthur Scbopenbauen (Wiirzburg: Konigshausen & Neumann, 1997): 44. !71 Arthur Hiibscher (ed.), Az,th",' Scbopenhauez': Gesp"iicbe (Stuttgart: Friedrich Frommann Verlag, 1971): 23. 172 Rudolf lvlalter, Del' eine Gedanke. HinfiibTZt1Zg zztr' Pbilosophie Art/JUT Schopenbauen (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1988): 2. 173 Schopenhauer, Del' bandscb1,iftlicbe Nachlafl, voL 1, no. 23. Translations are based on the German original version; the English translation by E.F.]. Payne (Schopenhauer, lYlanltSC1'ipt Remains, Oxford/New York: Berg, 1988) is unreliable. In the following section numbers are inserted into the text.

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phy, and from 1812 onward they gradually gain profile in the young philosopher's mind. Schopenhauer soon associates the "real world" with "better consciousness": it is "beyond all experience and thus all reason" (no. 35). The world of illusion, on the other hand, "our world," is the domain of "our empirical, sensual, rational consciousness in space and time" from which we can only be liberated "by virtue and asceticism" (no. 79).

Virtue is the affirmation of the extra-temporal existence [AufleTzeitlichen Se)'ns] , indeed it is the unmediated expression of the consciousness of such [an existence]: pure affirmation.-However, with asceticism an intentional negation is added, the formal negation and rejection of all that is temporal as such (no. 72).
God does not form part of this fundamental matrix unless one understands him as a symbol of better consciousness: But I say: in this temporal, sensual, rational world there certainly is personality and causality; they are even necessary.-But the better consciousness in me elevates me to a world where there is neither personality and causality nor subject and object. My hope and my belief is that this better (suprasensuous extra temporal) consciousness can become my only one: which is why I hope that it is no God.-But if one wishes to employ the concept God in a symbolic manner for that better consciousness itself, or for sundry things one is u;'able to distinguish or name: so be it; yet not among philosophers, I should think (no. 81). Schopenhauer's dissertation On the Fourfold Root of the Principle of Sufficient Reason (1813) was a philosophical analysis of the world of reason: the world of subject and object in space, time, and causality. But in his philosophical journal Schopenhauer kept thinking about that "better consciousness which lies for above alll~easo7Z, expresses itself in conduct as holiness, and is the true salvation of the world" (no. 85). In this realm, "when we become conscious of ourselves as not in time and space,-then we rightly call that which is [in time and space] nothing" (no. 35). This passage, written in 1812 when Schopenhauer's system existed only as a bud and before any of his readings on Buddhism, prefigures the gloss he added before his death to the concluding word "nothing" at the end of his magnu77Z opus: Just this is also the Pratschna-Paramita of the Buddhists, the "Yonder of all cognition" [das Jenseit aller ETkenntnifl], i.e., the point where subject and object are no more. (See].]. Schmidt, Uebel~ das Nlahajana zl11d PradschnaPara17Zita.j114

174

Compare Schopenhauer, Tbe WiJdd as vVili and Rep,esentation (vol. 1), trans. E. F.

J. Payne (New York: Dover Publications, 1969): 412. See App, "Nichts. Das letzte Wort
in Schopenhauer's Hauptwerk" in Das Tiel; das du jetzt totest, bist du selbst .... ArtlJ!w ScbopenbaueT li11d Indien, ed. Jochen Stollberg (Frankfurt: Vittorio Klostermann, 2006): 51-60.

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This quick sketch indicates that even before Schopenhauer's Asia-related readings began (and thus before he came to identify his two worlds with maya/samsara and with nirvana) there was a. basic affinity of outlook which may help explain Schopenhauer's curiosity and growing interest in Indian philosophy and Buddhism whose first traces go back to the winter of 1813/14.175

First Readings
Schopenhauer's first reading on Buddhism was an article in Klaproth's Asiatiscbes lVIagazin entitled "About the Fo-Religion in China" which reflected the 18,h cenmry views of de Guignes about the "religion of the Samaneens," "one of the most widespread of the world since all people from Mustag to the East coast of Japan adopted it with more or less modifications."l76 Of Kashrnirian origin and almost extinct in India it was preserved most purely in Siam. Further north however, in Tibet and Tartary where Fo is called "Lab," his servants "Lalmza," and their chief resident in Lhasa "Dalai-Labnza," this religion was "extremely disfigured and changed."177 Two years after reading such opinions, Schopenhauer's careful study of the first nine volumes of the Asiatic1e Reseanbes in 1815-1816 resulted in numerous notes and excerpts l7B which for the most part concern Indian philosophy and hardly touch Tibet. But it is in these notes and excerpts that we can catch a glimpse of Schopenhauer's incipient interest in Buddhism, which a decade later was to focus increasingly on Tibet. In contrast to Hegel, the former student of theology eighteen years his senior, Schopenhauer's interest was from the outset philosophical: it is clear that he was the first European philosopher to take Asian philosophy seriously and to acknowledge this influence as central to his system. l79 Schopenhauer's notes relating to volume 6 of the Asiatick Reseanbe/ 80 already show some of the themes
175 Schopenhauer's first documented reading on Indian philosophy was a German tran-slation of the Bbagavadgztii (see App, "Schopenhauer's Initial Encounter with Indian Philosophy"); on Buddhism it was the article "Ueber die Fo-Religion in China," Asiatiscbes Nlagazin 1.3 (1802): 149-169. It contained a German re-translation of the F01ty-Two-Cbapter Sutra. See App, "Schopenhauers Begegnung mit dem Buddhismus," ScbopenbaueT-Jabrbucb 79 (1998): 42-45. 176 H. Julius Klaproth (plagiarizing Joseph de Guignes), "Ueber die Fo-Religion in China," 149-169, here 169. l77 Klaproth (de Guignes), "Ueber die Fo-Religion in China," 166. For more information on Schopenhauer's early readings on Buddhism and a general timeline see App, "Schopenhauers Begegnung," 35-58. 178 These notes are transcribed (and when necessary translated into English) in App, "Notes and Excerpts by Schopenhauer Related to Volumes 1-9 of the Asiatick Researches," Scbopenbatte7-JabTbucb 79 (1998): 11-33. 179 The latter cannot be said of Buddhism, as Schopenhauer rightly noted; he named the Latin Upanishads, Kant, and Plato as his most important influences. See App, "Schopenhauers Begegnung mit dem Buddhismus," 39-42 and App, "Schopenhauer's Initial Encounter witb Indian Thought." 180 App, "Notes," 20-21. These notes and excerpts date from the first half of April of 1816.

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that were to dominate his views regarding Buddhism and Tibet: transmigration and karma; the absence of a creator God; a strictly atheistic religion with highly developed morality; the ideal of humans who reach supreme happiness through their virtue; life as an affliction marked by aging, illness, and death; nirvana as freedom from such suffering; and the existence of numerous valuable books containing Buddhist doctrine. In the first edition of Schopenhauer's W07'ld as Will and Repnsentation (1818) he addressed several of these themes and particularly stressed the ideas of nirvana!S! and transmigration, the "non plus ultra of all myths."!" But it is clear that, in contrast to the Bhagavadgftii!B3 and especially Anquetil-Duperron's Latin Upanishads,I84 Buddhism played only a minor role in the formation of Schopenhauer's philosophical system. In fact, he expressed his surprise at discovering, years after Pllblication of his major work, how closely they matched: Were I to take the results of my philosophy as the measure of truth, I would have to prefer Buddhism to all other [religions]. At any rate, I cannot but be pleased to see such great agreement between my teaching and the majority religion on earth, the religion that has more adherents than any other. This harmony must be all the more pleasing to me as in my philosophizing I have certainly not been under its influence. Until 1818, when my work appeared, only very few, highly imperfect and poor reports about Buddhism were to be found in Europe; they were almost entirely limited to a few papers in the early volumes of the Asiatick Reseanhes and dealt mainly with the Buddhism of the Burmese. Since then more knowledge about this religion has gradually reached us, mainly in form of the well-founded and instructive treatises of the meritorious academician of St. Petersburg, 1. ]. Schmidt, in the memoin of his academy, and in addition through several English and French scholars. So I was able to furnish, under the heading "Sinology" of my book On the Will in Natzm, a rather long list of the best publications about this religion.!B5 Whether Schopenhauer's claim of "great agreement" was criticized!B6 or confirmed/ 87 the reference point was always a Buddhism which Schopenhauer did not yet know, namely, Buddhism as it came to be known at the end of the 19 i1i and in the 20,h

Schopenhauer, Die Welt als Wille und Vorstellung, 443 ( 63). Schopenhauer, Die vVelt als vVilie und Vo1"Steilung, 443 ( 63). 18J See App, "Schopenhauer's Initial Encounter with Indian Thought." 184 Abraham Hyacinthe Anquetil-Duperron, Oupnek 'hat (id est, secretum tegendum) (Argentorati: Levrault, 1801). See my forthcoming monograph on the discovery of the Upanishads. 185 Schopenhauer, Die vVelt als Wille zmd Vorstellztng, vo!' 2, 197 ( 17). 186 See for example Droit, "Schopenhauer et Ie bouddhisme: une 'admirable concordance'?" in Schopenhauer, Ne1v Essays in Honor of his 200th Bi1'1:hday, ed. Eric von der Luft (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 1988): 123-138. 187 See for.example Glasenapp, Das Indienbild deutsche1' Denker' (Stuttgart: Koehler, 1960): 100 where the well-known indologist states: "No need to explain further that what was presented here as the core of Buddhism is in complete harmony with the core of Schopenhauer's
lSI

182

teaching.~'

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51

century. But Schopenhauer did not claim agreement with Hermann Oldenberg, D. T. Suzuki, or vValpola Rahula, as some modern critics seem to assume. So it may be time to examine what kind of Buddhism he was actually familiar with and primarily referring to. Roughly ten years after his first encounter with the Chinese Forty-Twa-Chapter Sutra and the Nieban of Burmese monks, Schopenhauer from the mid-1820s began to discover Mahayana teachings through his study of the first volumes of the Jounzal Asiatique l88 and Abel-Remusat's Melanges asiatiques. Deshauterayes's translation of a Chinese biography of the Buddha had a particularly deep impact on him and may well have whetted Schopenhauer's appetite for Mahayana doctrine, as the following passage from Deshauterayes's translation which he copied in his notebook indicates: With my eyes of Fa I consider all sentient beings of the three worlds; nature is in me, yet by itself disengaged and free of all bonds; I look for something real in all the worlds but cannot find anything; and as I have put my root in nothing also the trunk, the branches and the leaves are completely annihilated; so when someone is liberated or freed from ignorance he is at once liberated from old age and death. l8 ' Schopenhauer mused that one could classify all religions into two types: 1) an optimist, theist, and realist type that is exemplified by Persian, Judaic, and Mohammedan religion; and 2) a pessimist, atheist, and idealist type exemplified by ideal Christianity and actual Buddhism: The other world-religion is that of the Vedas or the Samanaeism from which Buddhism (the teaching of Fo, Gotama, Shigemuni) and Christianity of the New Testament in the narrowest sense stem: it has the Avatar and is characterized by recognition of the world as mere appearance [ErscheinungJ, of existence as an evil, of liberation from it as goal, of total resignation as way, and of Avatar as master of the way.190

The Mecca ofBuddhism

Inspired by Deshauterayes and Abel-Remusat, Schopenhauer began to seek and read publications on Buddhism systematically. The doubts that had been raised about the genuineness and reliability of his most revered Asian scripture, Anquetil-Duperron's Latin rendering of a Persian translation of the Sanskrit Upanishads, strengthened his determination to get information about Buddhism

1S8 Of particular importance was NIichel-Ange-Andre Leroux Deshauterayes, "Recherches sur ]a religion de Fa, professee par les bonzes Ho-chang de la Chine," Journal Asiatique 7 (1825): 150-173. 189 Schopenhauer, Del' handschriftliche NachlajJ, vol. 3, no. 161 (1826): 305. Schopenhauer omitted an explanatory comment in the French original and underlined the words as in this translation. 190 Schopenhauer, Del" handschriftliche NachlajJ, vol. 3, no. 162 (1826): 308.

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only from trustworthy sources, i.e., European researchers who had proved their skill in handling Oriental-sources in their original languages by publishing grammars, dictionaries, or scientific studies of those languages. Hegel-who during the 1820s lived in the same city of Berlin as Schopenhauer and read the same journalswas still to a considerable extent relying on information from missionaries and travel report compilations. By contrast, Schopenhauer wanted to seek his information, as Abel-Remusat suggested, "in the writings of the Buddhists themselves whose testimony, needless to say, is vastly superior to that of European specialists.,,191 Having no command of Asian languages he could at least inform himself about the major original sou;rces. In 1827 he jotted in his notebook: The Chinese translation of the extract of the main source [Haupt-U7-kzmde] of the Buddhaic religion is called San-tsang fa sou and is attributed to the Buddha himself. A copy of this is in the Bibliotheque de l'amnal in Paris. Abel Remusat, Melanges-asiatiques Vol. 1, p. 103.192 Jean-Pierre Abel-Remusat, Europe's famous first professor of Sinology who at that point still enjoyed Schopenhauer's trust/"' claimed in the article cited by Schopenhauer that the sacred scriptures of the Buddhists, which they attribute to the founder of their religion; were composed close to the lifetime of the Buddha in Sanskrit, exist "as originals" in the countries where the religion is dominant, and were "conserved with scrupulous care," so much so that tfte versions made in more recent times in Chinese, Mongolian or Tibetan "were redacted with that almost servile fidelity which characterizes- the Orientals and represents the texts so exactly that, even apart from Sanskrit words which were retained, one recognizes in them the Indian genius down to the old-style phraseology."194 In addition, inspired by a genealogy of Zen patriarchs going back to the Buddha that he found in the SinoJapanese encyclopedia Wakan sansai zlte ~lJ:.::::.::t~1t, Abel-Remusat had cooked up a theory of transmission of Buddhism's original teaching which had, similar to Zen lore, the Indian monk Bodhidharma introduce the genuine teaching from India to China in the fifth century. In China, according to Abel-Remusat, this original teaching"had survived for eight centuries only to be transmitted once more, during Genghis Khan's reign in the thirteenth century, to Tibet where it was preserved in a continuous transmission of Lamas ever since. 19S

191 Abel-Remusat, "Sur quelques epithetes descriptives de Bouddha, qui font voir que Bouddha n'appartenait pas a la race negre," Melanges asiatiques vol. 1 (Paris: Dondey-Dupre, 1825): 100-112, here 102. 192 Schopenhauer, D,,- handsch,-iftliche NachlafJ, vol. 3, no. 209 (1827): 339. See AbelRemusat, "Sur quelques epithetes," note on page 103. Sanzang .::::.il refers to the Chmese Buddhist canon (Tripi,aka). 193 His IvWanges asiatiques figure in the first version of Schopenhauer's list of recommended readings on Buddhism (see below) but were eliminated in the second version of 1854_ 194 Abel-Remusat, "Sur quelques epithetes," 103. 195 Jean-Pierre Abel-Remusat, "Sur la succession des trente-trois premiers patriarches," Melanges Asiatiqu~s, vol. 1 (Paris: Dondey-Dupre, 1825): 113-128.

The Tibet of the Philosophers: Kant, Hegel, and Schopenhauer

53

Such good news seemed to be backed up in an informative article by Eugene Burnouf ("On the literature of Tibet") which summarized some of Hodgson's and Csoma de Koras's discoveries in Nepal a~d Tibet. Apart from confirming the ancient presence of Sanskrit original texts in Tibet and the older age of Sanskrit compared to Pali, Burnouf related Csoma de Koras's information about "two very extensive compilations named Kah-gyur and Stan-gyur" which, though probably compiled rather recently, "are in effect translations from. Sanskrit originals.,,196 Schopenhauer's notes from the year 1829 about The History and Doctrine ofBuddhism by Upham 197 show that such informatioIi about "the teaching of Buddha proper" and about the best source that ought to be consulted in such matters had an effect: This book contains only a littIe of the teaching of Buddha proper, neither the life nor the doctrine of Buddha, does not mention the Gandschur; instead ,it tells mainly about the popular mythology connected with Buddhism in Ceylon [...] Of Buddhism it furnishes the scaffolding and body rather than tile spirit and is furthermore not well written but rather confused: the author exhibits litrle insight and esprit. I98 It is clear that around 1830 Schopenhauer already thought that Tibet was the land where original Buddhism had survived and was thriving, and it is at this juncture that he encountered the writings of the man who was to become, even more than Csoma de Koras, his hero and most trusted source on Buddhism: Isaac]akob Schmidt. I99 Schmidt's History of the East Mongols is a translation of an original Mongolian source thoroughly annotated by the knowledgeable translator. From its notes Schopenhauer immediately picked up bits and pieces that interested him and wrote, for example, in his notebook: The Gandschur is really called hka-aGjttr. p. 411. The Dalai-Lama is an emanation' of Awalokita-Iswara, or Arja Palo, or Chongschim Bodisatwa; p. 412: he is not Buddha because [Buddha] has become Nirwana while that [AwalokitaIswara] is an enduring incarnation of one of the Buddha's first disciples. p. 424: The beginning of the history of the Mongols translated by Schmidt tells about the origin of the world from elements, without any Deus creator; then the origin of mankind tIlI:ough sinful degeneration of higher spirits; and the origin of animals tluough metempsychosis of sinful humans. zoo
196, Eugene Burnouf, "Sur la litterature du Tibet, e..'{trait du no. VII du QUal"terly Oriental Magazine, Calcutta 1826," JournalASiatique 10 (1827): 129-146, here 138-139. This article appeared in the same year and journal as Deshauterayes's biography of the Buddha that ScllOpenhauer so highly recommended. 197 Edward Upham, The History and Doctrine of Budbism [sic], Popularly Illustrated (London: R. Ackermann, 1829). 198 ScllOpenhauerr Der bandscbriftlicbe NachlajJ, vol. 3, no. 242 (1829): 622. 199 IsaacJakob Schmidt flrst appears in Scl1openhauer's notes in 1830: Der handschriftliche NachlajJ, vol. 4/1, no. 60 (1830): 33. Scl10penhauer made notes about Schmidt, Geschichte der Ost-lvlongolen und ibres FiJ,-stenhauses verfojJt von Ssanang Ssetsen Chungtaidschi der Ordurs (St. Petersburg/Leipzig: N. Gretsch/Carl Cnoblocl1, 1829). On Schmidt see also the contribution by Walravens in this volume, 200 Schopenhauer, Der handschriftliche NachlajJ, vol. 4/1, no. 60 (1830): 34.

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Schopenhauer's enthusiasm found its first printed expression in On Will in Nattm of 1836 where he included a substantial section on Buddhism in his essay on "Sinology" that included a list of recommended readings "for the general study of the life and teaching of the Buddha." Schopenhauer excluded most of what he had read on this subject in the past decade, and this first edition of his list consisted of only three recommendations: For general knowledge about his [the Buddha's] life and teaching I especially recommend the beautiful biography of him, as it were the gospel of the Buddhists, by Deshauterayes in French in vol. 7 of the Journal Asiatique Parris] 1825.-Likewise one finds much valuable information about Buddhaism in the Melanges Asiatiques by Abel-Remusat Vol. 1 1825-as well as in J. J. Schmidt's History of the East Mongols 1829.-And now that the Asiatic Society of Paris finally has taken possession of the Gandschur or Kaghiour we can with joyful expectation look forward to a presentation of Buddhaism on the basis of these canonical books themselves. 201 Such presentation was to take considerably longer; but in the meantime Schopenhauer eagerly read about Buddhism in whatever publications he could lay his hands on. He placed orders for valuable foreign books such as Burnouf's Introduction Ii l'histoin du Buddhisme Indien 202 and part 2 of volume 20 of the Asiatic Reseanhes with Csoma de Koras's groundbreaking research on Tibetan Buddhist literature. 203 The second edition of On Will in Natm"e from 1854 contains a much longer list of recommended readings which reflects the explosion of Buddhism-related publications from the 1830s.204 Ten of twenty-six sources are about South and Southeast Asian Buddhism (Burmese Buddhism, Ceylonese Buddhism, etc.); three about Chinese Buddhism; two about Indian Buddhism and Buddhist history in general (Burnouf, Koeppen); and the entire rest of eleven publications plus several additional papers about Tibet. Notably, the first seven entries on Schopenhauer's list of recommendations are all about Tibet and begin with Schmidt's most famous translation: For the benefit of those who would like to acquire a more detailed knowledge of Buddhism I will here list out of the literature about it in European languages those which, since I own them and am familiar with them, I can really recommend; some others, for example. by Hodgson and A; Remusat, I leave out on purpose. 1) Dsanglun, or the Wise [Man] and the Fool, Tibetan and German, by I. J. Schmidt, Petersburg 1843, 2 vols., 4., contains in the preface to the first, Tibetan volume from p. XK.,'C[ to XL'{V[II a very short but 201 Schopenhauer, Sii771tlicbe We1i,e, ed. Arthur Hiibscher (Mannheim: Brockhaus, 1988): vol. 7, 125. 202 Schopenhauer acquired this volume in November of 1845, barely one year after its publication, in the auction of August Wilhelm Schlegel's library; see Arthur Hiibscher (ed.), A"tbur Scbopenba!m": Gesa77171Zelte Briefe (Bonn: Bouvier, 1987): 224 (no. 208). 203 Schopenhauer, D,," bandscbriftlicbe Nachlajl, vol. 5, 320. 204 The printed edition of 1854 contains 23 carefully chosen titles; see also Schopenhauer, Kleinere SchTiften (Zurich: Haffmans, 1988): 307. Modern printed editions usually add three more titles based on Schopenhauer's handwritten notes.

The Tibet, oftbe Pbilosophers: Kant, Hegel, and Schopenhauer

excellent summary of the whole teaching, very well suited for, a first acquaintance with it; and the whole book, as part of the Kandschur (canonical scriptures), is to be recommended.

55

It is significant that Schopenhauer's first recommendation concerns one of the earliest integral translations of a Kangyur Buddhist text into a Western language. Schopenhauer continues: 2) By the same excellent author the respective volumes of the Academy's Memoirs contain several German papers about Buddhism read from 1829-1832 and later. Since they are exceedingly valuable for knowledge about this religion it would be'most desirable to have them published together in Germany. - 3) By the same: Researches about the Tibetans and Mongols, Petersburg 1824. - 4) By the same: On the parentage of gnostic-theosophic doctrines and Buddhism. - 5) By the same: History of the East Mongols, Petersburg, 1829. 40 (is very instructive, especially in the notes and the appendix which contain long extracts from the religious scriptures, many passages of which clearly present the profound meaning of Buddhism and breathe the genuine spirit thereof~ - 6) Two papers by Schiefner, German, in the Melanges Asiatiques ti,es du Bulletin historico-philologique de l'academie de St. Petersbourg vol. 1. 1851. - 7) Samuel Turner's voyage to .the court of the Teshoo Lama, from the English, 1801. In addition, Schopenhauer proposed the following Tibet-related publications:

11) Rgya Tsher Rolpa, transl. from the Tibetan by Foucaztx. 1848, 4. This is the Lalitavistara, i.e., the life of Buddha, the gospel of the Buddhists. [...] - 13) Description du Tztbet, trans. from the Chinese to Russian by Bitchourin, and from Russian into French' by Klaprotb. 1831. [...] - 18) Asiatic researches, [...] Vol. 20, Calcutta 1839, part 2, contains three very important papers by Csoma Kiirosi which contain analyses of the books of the Kandschur.
For Schopenhauer Tibet clearly was the Mecca of Buddhism where his trinity (atheism, pessimism, and idealism) appeared to be fully realized and where Buddhism's authentic scriptures and original teachings were best safeguarded. The enthusiasm which he expressed both orally and in writing led to accusations of his being a Buddhist/OS and in this respect too Schopenhauer was ahead of his time. In his eyes Europeans had trouble understanding this religion because of their upbringing: There, by contrast, existence itself is seen as an evil and the world as a scene of misery in which one would rather not be; furthermore [Europeans have. difficulty understanding] because of the unmistakable idealism essential to Hinduism and Buddhism-a view which in Europe is only known as a paradox of certain abnormal philosophers that can hardly be taken seriously, whereas in Asia it forms even part of popular belief. In India it is generally accepted as the teaching of Maja, and in Tibet, the main seat of the Buddhist church, it is even presented in very popular ways: on the occasion of a great festival a religious comedy is performed that shows the Dalai Lama in dispute with the chief
205

Arthur Hiibscher (ed.), A,"1;hur Schopenbauer: Gesammelte Briefe, 390 (no. 388).

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devil, the former defending the position of idealism and the latter that of realism. Among other things he [the devil] says: 'vVhat can be perceived through the five sources of all cognition (the senses) is not an illusion, and what you teach is not true.' After a long dispute the case is decided by throwing dice: the realist, i.e., the devil, loses and is chased away to the sneers of the public.'06

PTajiiit-Pitranzitit
Thus Buddhism became for Schopenhauer the best of all possible religions and Tibet the Ark of its original content. vVhile Schopenhauer continued purchasing and reading the latest publications such as Spence-Hardy's works'07 and Koeppen's synthesis,08 he remained convinced that Schmidt's portrayal of Buddhist philosophy and its copfirmation in his translations from Kangyur texts were the best expression of genuine Buddhist teaching. Schmidt stressed that the teaching ofPrajfia-pararnita "must be regarded as the peak of the whole edifice of Buddhism",o9 and summarized the content of its exposition in the Diamond sutra as follows:

It thus becomes clear ... that Mahayana ... aims at the recognition that
everything in namre, each single being or entity thereof, everything that has a form or a name-in one word, everything that represents the idea of an I-ness [Ichheit]-must be regarded as empty, and that only the encompassing unity beyond all limits of namre, that into which every I disappears, the Beyond-any-cognition, is genuine and true being.2IO The highest wisdom (praj71it-piira7nitii) of Mahayana Buddhism is therefore, according to Schmidt, the "beyond" of any representation or thinking: Here, in this Beyond, nothing is mirrored, and there is nothing to cognize; there is no relation to any object, and thus there is also no I, no subject. Here is the true unchanging being, as opposed to the illusory being of forms and shapes in the world of appearances.2l1 Schmidt's preface to The vVise and the Fool-which Schopenhauer found "very apt as a first introduction" to Buddhism212 -describes prajiiii-piiTmnitit or "Being in Non206 Schopenhauer, Ube,. die vieTfoche Wiwzel des Satzes V07n zZlTeichenden GTlmde. Ube7' den Willen in deT Natzw (Zurich: Diogenes Verlag, 1977): 329-330. 207 Robert Spence Hardy's Eastem Nlonachism (London: Partridge and Oakey, 1850) and A NIanual of Budhism [sic] in its modern development; t7'anslated from Singhalese mss. (London: Partridge and Oakey, 1853) were both lauded by Schopenhauer as useful for getting insight into Buddhist dogma. Schopenhauer, UbeT die vie7fache Wll1'zel, 327. 208 Carl Friedrich Koeppen, Die Religion des Buddha und ib,'e Entstehung (Berlin: Schneider, 1857-9). Koeppen's second volume attempted to gather all information about "the lamaic hierarchy and church." 209 Schmidt, "Uber das lVIahajana and Pradschna-Paramita der Bauddhen," 125. 210 Schmidt, "Dber das iVlahajana and Pradschna-Paramita der Bauddhen," 212-214. m Schmidt, "Dber das iVIahajana and Pradschna-Paramita der Bauddhen," 220. m Schopenhauer, Ub,,' die vie,-focbe Wurzel des Satzes va'" zzt7"eichenden Gnmde. Ub,,' den Willen in deT Nat!i1; 327.

The Tibet ofthe Philosophe1,: Kant, Hegel, and Sehopenhauer

57

Being [S<:Jm i7lt Niehtseyn]" and contrasts it with "seeming, false Being" which strik- . ingly resembles young Schopenhauer's "empirical consciousness": . ... all that which impacts both the senses and reason and also concerns one's own self [das eigene Ieh] in its character as cognizing and judgmental subject [wah1"1,ehmendes und u1,theilendes Subject] by vIrtue of which it enters into relation and contact with objects outside of itself. As this is all subject to incessant change of being [Weebsel des Daseym] and form it is recognized as thoroughly void [niehtig] and as not belonging to the realization [Erkenntniss] of the true and unchanging. 1IJ In a manner unequalled by other researchers of his time, Schmidt then goes on to explain the non-duality of nirvana and sarnsara: Since in this 'yonder' [Jenseits] all that has name is regarded as void and nonbeing [niebtig und niehtseyenaj, it follows that all concepts and relations bound to name are equally void, without signification,214 and empty [niebtig, bedeut/mgslos zmd Ie,,']. This extends to all objects and concepts, be they high or low and noble or base, simply because they have a name. Thus, for example, because Buddha is named Buddha he is not Buddha; because virtue is called virtue it is not virtue, and vice for the same reason is not vice; yes even Sansiira-i.e., the entire world as it appears to our cognition and perception in its ceaseless change and infinite variety of physical, organic, physiological, and moral characteristics-and Niz"Wiina, i.e. the egress and complete release from this boundless and endless change and from these c<:;aseless transfigurations, are not-two [ttnversebieden] since they have names and therewith relationships.215 For Schopenhauer this typical Mahayana teaching was in a sense a dream come true: his youthful dream of a better consciousness. Unlike Hegel and Schelling he had always recognized the limits of philosophy: though it could better analyze the world of subject and object-sa7ltSiira-thm any religion, it shoUld and could never transcend its rational limits. Though common mortals could get a taste of the "beyond," for example through ecstasy in art,216 it was permanently realised only by mystics, saints, and buddhas able to cross the ultimate frontier and to see the world
2lJ I.]. Schmidt, Dsanglztn, ode,. del' Weise ztnd derThor (St. Petersburg/Leipzig: W. Graffs Erben/Leopold Voil, 1843): xxxiv. 214 This is exactly the (very positive) meaning of the same' word "bedeutungsleer" in Schopenhauer's final passage of Tbe Wodd as Will and Rep"esentation which is usually completely misunderstood as a critique of nirvana and Buddhism: "[...llike the Indians through myths and words that are empty of signification [bedeutungsleere Wortel such as absorption "into Bmhm or the Nirwana of the Buddhists:' Schopenhauer, Die Welt ali Wille und Vo"stellttng, vol. 1, 508. An example of such misunderstanding is the essay by Moira Nicholls, "The Influences of Eastern Thought on Schopenhauer's Doctrine of the Thing-in-Itself," in The Camb";dge Companion to Sehopenhazte1; ed. Christopher ]anaway (Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999): 171-212. 215 Schmidt, Dsanglztn, xxxiv. 216 This is the subject of book 3 of Schopenhauer's The World as Will and Representation.

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as the "npthing" which shines at the end of the last book of The World" as Will and Representation. It is this goal that Schopenhauer, shortly before his death, identified in a handwritten note with the Buddhist perfection of wisdom (prajfiii-piiramitif).217 Toward the end of his life Schopenhauer'sadmiriiltion for Buddhism and Tibet found expression not only in a steadily increasing stteam of notes and remarks but also in references to himself as "Buddhist." Whether this was meant as a provocation or not, he was to my knowledge the first Westerner to call himself by that name. 218 In 1826 he had already noted the "marvelous match" ("wundervolle Ubereinstimmung") of the Buddha's teaching with his own philosophy,219 but three decades later he urged Eduard Criiger to purchase for him a genuine Buddha statue in Paris. Afraid of getting a fat Chinese Buddha, the philosopher was elated to find a slim bronze figure in Cruger's parcel. He quickly had the black coating of the statue removed and was so pleased with what he saw that he forgot his famous parsimony and had it plated in gold to grace his study.220 At the time little was known about Buddhist art but Schopenhauer's idea of Tibetan orthodoxy made him conclude: It is totally genuine and presented entirely in the orthodox manner: I guess that it comes from the great foundry in Tibet; but it is already old. It will grace a console in the corner of my living room, and yisitors-who at any rate enter the room with holy shivers and considerably dressed up-will immediately know where they are, in these hallowed halls. If only Reverend Kalb from Sachsenhausen showed up, he who panted from the pulpit 'that even Buddhism gets inttoduced in Christian lanc!s'!221 Some weeks later it was already "probable" that the statue "stems from the great foundry in Tibet" and Schopenhauer remarked with satisfaction that it "fulfilled a long-held desire": "it has all the canonical characteristics, and there it sits: ready for private worship.,,222 It took another month for Schopenhauer to reach certainty about the statue's origin: My Buddha is now galvanically gold-plated and will gleam splendidly on his console in the corner. The Burmese, according to the Times, have recently gold-plated an entire pagoda: there I must not be trumped. Another Buddha is here [in Frankfurt], the property of a rich Englishman. Though of lifesize, it is not made of bronze like mine but of papier mltchi, a cast probably from China, entirely gold-plated and similar to mine to a T. I prefer mine: it is genuine, Tibetan!22l
217 Most editions feature this handwritten note as part of the printed text or as a footnote to the concluding word "nothing." "8 App, "Schopenhauers Begegnung," 53-56. 219 Schopenhauer, Der handschriftliche Nachlafl, vol. 3: 305; App, "Schopenhauers Begegnung," 46. 220 Schopenhauer, Gespriiche, 197; App, "Schopenhauers Begegnung," 54. m Schopenhauer, Gesammelte Bdeft, 390. 221 Schopenhauer, Gesammelte Brieft, 39l. 12l Schppenhauer, Gesammelte BI'iefe, 394. For additional information about this statue and

Tbe Tibet oftbe Pbilosopbel's: Kant, Hegel, and Scbopenbaue7'

59

Fig. 3: Schopenhauer's Buddha statue. (Schopenhauer Archiv, Frankfurt am Main)

Shortly before Schopenhauer's death in 1860 the first Buddha statues thus made their way into central European cities. The philosopher's ignorance about their origin was to be expected. More surprising is that of modern researchers who still repeat the philosopher's enthusiastic guess and identify the statue as "Tibetan"214 in spite Schopenhauer's descriptions and a photograph in the Schopenhauer Archive which indicate that the philosopher's beloved figure was probably of Thai origin.

Rather than an overall "disenchantment" with Asia225 and an orientalist "creation" of Buddhism driven primarily by national egoism and colonial rapacity,'26
the photo in Fig. 3 see Stollberg, "Arthur Schopenhauer uber seinen Buddha in Gesprachen und Briefen," in Das Tiel; das du jetzt tOtest, bist du selbst. Artb,,," Scbopenbauer und Indien, ed.]. Stollberg (Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 2006): 163-172. 224 See for example Droit, "Une statue tibetaine sur la cheminee," in Pnfsences de Scbopenbatw', ed. Droit (Paris: Grasset, 1989): 201; and Hugo Busch, Das Testament A"thuT Schopenbaum (Wiesbaden: Brockhaus, 1950): 134. m Jurgen Osterhammel, Die Entzaubenmg Asiens. Europa zmd die asiatischen Reiche im 18. ]ahdJZmd,,t (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1998). This interesting study largely ignores the religious sphere,
126

Almond, Tbe B1 itish DiSCOVe1J' ofBuddhism.

0

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our three case studies show a gradually increasing interest in Asian philosophy and religion fueled by a variety of different motives, from Kant's interest in the origins of humanity to Hegel's desire to maintain Christianity as the goal of history and Schopenhauer's youthful intuition of samsara and nirvana. Instead of a clean break between "pre-nineteenth-century commentators" whose ideas had "not been widely circulated" and a new age of "scientific Buddhist studies" beginning with Colebrooke, Hodgson, Csoma de Koras and Burnouf,227 we have seen that the transition was very gradual and that the supposedly forgotten earlier commentators were in fact widely published in travel accounts and letter collections and exerted a dominating influence well into the 19 th century.228 Instead of the purported sudden revelation of Buddhism by virtue of the colonialist mindset and the study of Sanskrit texts, our case studies show the gradual emergence of a religion over a number of centuries, an emergence which took place in the context of the slow breakdown of the medieval world view, the rise of the scientific study of our earth and its inhabitants, the search for origins and the explosion of the length of history, coupled with an ever-growing awareness of the history, limits, and relativity of Christianity and its sacred scriptures. It is this change of awareness that helped open the door to a reified vision of religion permitting less biased examination and comparison of various creeds. To Kant, as we have seen, Noah and the deluge revealed themselves as myths and were replaced by an almost secular narrative of origin in which Tibet played a pivotal role. Hegel, by contrast, held on to the time-honored deluge and biblical chronology while trying to turn secular history into a universal march to salvation in which the Tibetan lamas were" accorded a privileged place as prototypes of (and springboards to) the Christian savior. In Schopenhauer's writings Noah and the deluge are notably absent: sacred and secular history dwindled to insignificance together with man, revealing themselves as mere chance products of a blind universal force that the philosopher called "will." Annihilating what the German mystics had called "Eigenwille" [own-will] or "the realm of 'I' and 'mine'," and banishing once and for all the mirage of samsara-this was Schopenhauer's ideal since his youth, an ideal whose realization he perceived in faraway Tibet as the peak of Buddhist doctrine: pmjiiii-piiramitii.

227 Guy R. vVelbon, The B'lIddbist Nirva1za and Its Westen, Intel'preters (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968): 23; numerous more recent studies basically make the same

argument.
228 We have seen that Hegel's views on the content of Buddhist doctrine were still mainly based oli the "esoteric" teaching detected by the missionaries. Indeed, Pope John Paul II's opinions on Buddhism demonstrate that despite two centuries of so-called scientific study of Buddhism such influence is alive and well. See Pope John Paul II, Crossing the Th1'eshold of Hope (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1995): 84-90.

The Nazis of Tibet: A Twentieth Century Myth

A long, multilayered, and complex process lies behind an alleged Nazi-Tibetan connection, most recently widely promulgated via the Internet. The kinds of distorted historiography exhibited in this process are exemplified in the oft-repeated claim that the Ernst Schafer Tibet expedition of 1938-1939 had some occult purpose and intended to enlist mysterious powers in Tibet on the side of the Nazis in their search for world domination, The development of the popular perception of Tibet as the land of the occult and the home of such powers is taken up in this article, along with its contribution to the growth of myths about the occult and Nazism, Since the Schafer expedition constitutes the main piece of "evidence" adduced to prove concealed links between National Socialism and Tibet, the author describes how the false attribution of occult purposes to the Schafer expedition grew from a variety of unrelated elements to become eventually an object exploited by later speculative historiographers, After seeking to separate the fact and fiction as they appear in the most influential works of the Nazi-Tibet genre, the author proposes an explanation for this kind of occult historiography based on the concept of conspiracy myths, The prevailing and persistent occult perception of the Schafer mission has retained far-reaching consequences to the present day, with the result that the Tibetans and the Dalai Lama are both unjustly co-opted by the right wing and neo-Nazis, or demonized by the Left as agents of a Tibeto-Buddhist global conspiracy,

Les Nazis du Tibet: un my the du xx' siecie L'allegation d'une connection nazi-tibetaine, largement divulguee recelnment via internet,

sous-tend un processus long en multiples strates etcomplexe, Les historiographies manipulees qui se ",volent dans ce processus, s'illustrent en pretendant, de fa,on repetee, que l'expedition de Ernst Schafer au Tibet en 1938-1939 avait un but occulte : celui de gagner des pouvoirs mysterieux au Tibet it la cause des nazis en quete de domination du monde, Le developpement de la perception populaire du Tibet comme terre de l'occulte et foyer de certains pouvoirs est aborde dans cet article, conjointement a sa contribution a la creation des mythes concernant l'occulte et Ie nazisme. Dans la mesure au l'expedition Schafer constitue la preuve maitresse fourllie pour etayer l'existence de liens secrets entre Ie National-Socialisme et Ie Tibet, I'autem decrit comment I'attribution erronee des buts occultes de I'expedition Schafer s'est Mveloppee it partir de differents elements independants pour devenir, finalement, un objet exploite par les speculations d'historiographes ult6rieurs, Apres avoir tente de faire la part entre les faits et la fiction tels qu'ils apparaissent dans Ies ouvrages Ies plus influents du genre Nazi-Tibet , I'auteur propose une explication pour une telle historiographie de I'occulte, reposant sur Ie concept des mythes de la conspiration, La perception occulte prevalante et persistante de la mission Schafer a eu des consequences durables jusqu'it nos jours, avec pour resultats que les Tibetains et Ie Dalai-Lama sont soit recuperos injustement par
l'extreme-droite et les nea-nazis, sait diabolises par la gauche et presentes comme les agents d'une

conspiration globale tibetaine-bouddhique,

THE NAZIS OF TIBET

A TWENTIETH CENTURY MYTH

Isrun ENGELHARDT

Our brains grew accustomed to connecting, connecting everything with everything else. "The refuge: It's Tibet." "Why Tibet?" "The refuge is Agartha. You gentlemen must have heard talk of Agartha, seat of the King of the ~World, the underground city from which the masters of the World control and direct the developments of human history. You must be aware of the connection between the realm of Agartha and the Synarchy." "... but anti-German documents circulated that prove synarchy [rule by secret societies] was a Nazi plot: Hitler was a Rosicrucian influenced by the Masolls." "vVhen did we ever invent anything? We've always started with objective data, with information in the public domain.'" Umberto Eco, Foucault's Pendulum

nJuly 2000, a large poster in shades of red and brown caught my eye, announcing a nationwide conference entitled "Irrationalism-Esotericism-AntiSemitism" to be held at the Ludwig-Maximilian University in Munich. At the upper right corner of the poster was a picture of the Dalai Lama, surrounded by pictures of authors with right-wing and esoteric tendencies, and at the lower left-opposite the Dalai Lama-was a picture of Hitler. 2 Since that time, I have endeavored to trace how a connection could be construed between the Dalai Lama and Hitler.]
Umbeno Eco, Foucault's Pendulum (New York: Random, 1989): 386, 122, 265, 420. Admittedly the president of the University of Munich received a number of letters of
protest and promised to investigate the matter.

] For many ideas I am indebted to lvIartin Brauen, Dreamworld Tibet: Western Illusions (Bangkok: Orchid Press, 2004): 46-81 (orig. Ti'flumwelt Tibet - Westlicbe Ti-ugbilde1; Zurich: Haupt, 2000, 53-92), who already addressed the subject with many detailed examples in a different context; Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, Black Sun: Aryan Cults, Esote1'ic Nazism and the Politics of Identity (New York: New York University Press, 2002), and The Occult Roots of Nazism (New York: New York University Press, 1992); Hans Thomas Hakl, Unknown Som'ces: National Socialism and the Ocwlt, trans. Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke (Edmonds, WA: Holmes 2000); Joscelyn Godwin, Arktos: the Polar Myth in Science, Symbolism, and Nazi

Images of Tibet in the 19 tb and 20 rlJ CentltTies Paris, EFEO, coIl. Etudes thematiques (22.1), 2008, p. 63-96

64

ISrim Engelhm'dt

Searching the Internet for explanations of this confusing, and indeed ~hocking, association by entering the words "Tibet" and "Nazi" in the Google search engine, one is rapidly confronted with both the immediacy and the frisson associated with this topic in the electronic age; a search for these terms returns around a hundred > thousand entries, with a further twenty thousand for "Nazi-Tibet connection," rp.ost of them involving a "creative" reshaping of history. Occult- or crypto-historians, those who are writing such speculative history, skillfully blur the borders between fiction and fact, illusion and reality. They document a speculative and crypto-history of occult forces and powers that invisibly govern or control history-facts that have hitherto remained hidden to serious historians, including the fact that the homeland of these powers, including the masters who direct the pattern of world affairs, is often identified as Tibet. But what is the point of occupying oneself with this spurious historiography? Up to now, the genre has been largely ignored by serious historians. However, the danger of such lack of concern has been pointed out by John Roberts, who has argued that the power of this literature should not be underestimated: "Because the historian passed by, the charlatan, the axe-grinder and the paranoiac lOIig >had the field to themselves. In due course, the assertions of terrifying conspiracy and demoniacal subversions which they produced made historians even less inclined to take the subject seriously.'>4 But historians must respond to simplified interpretations of history and attempt to uncover and correct popular myths, since simplifications and dramatizations of history continue to be a theme with relevance today and can spread like wildfire, particularly in the medium of the Internet. The theoretical inferiority of these ideas and publications, from an academic point of view, must not be permitted to obscure or belie their attraction, and their potential danger. s The growth of the mythology of the occult inspiration of the Nazis and its dependence in part on a distorted view of an "occult" Tibet provides an instructive example of the way such patterns of thought can influence judgments far beyond the absolute scope of the matters at hand, and occult Tibet provided an ideal setting for the emergence of European conspiracy myths.

The Invention of "Unknown Superiors" and "Hidden Masten" in Tibet

Views of Tibet as the occult land pm' excellence were not derived from any actual experience of the land and its people. Remarkably, the "occultization" of Tibet was not set in motion by those who had actually been there; instead, it was attributed to sources who never set foot in that country and who may not even have existed.
Survival (Grand Rapids: Phanes, 1993). As a number of books of the occult historians were not available in Germany, I am grateful to Bianca Horlemann and Giinter Schiitz for providing me with copies from the Library of Congress, Washington and the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. 4 John Roberts, The Mythology ojSemt Societies (London: Seeker & Warburg, 1972): 9. S Armin Pfahl-Traughber, Der antise71zitisch-antifreima",'erische Ve"schwbi'1tngsmythos in de1' Weima1'e1' Q.epublik und im NS-Staat (Vienna: Braumiiller, 1993): 121.

The Nazis afTibet

65

One group seen as possible world-controlling hidden masters was the mysterious secret society of the Rosicrucians. As early as 1618, Heinrich Neuhaus, in his critique of the Rosicrucians, allegedly commented that one would seek them in vain in Germany since they had emigrated to India shortly after the society's foundation and were living in the high plains of Tibet. This statement has been repeated by a number of scholars, but without a scrap of evidence. 6 I have been unable to find any mention of Tibet by Neuhaus, even after repeated readings of his book. He merely writes that the Rosicrucians could not be seen because their whereabouts were unknown.' However, the mere inference of a retreat to Tibet by the Rosicrucians is interesting in itself. In 1710 Samuel Richter, writing under the pseudonym of Renatus Sincerus, did write that the Rosicrucians were no longer in Europe since they had retreated to India to live in peace thore easily.' (From 1782 an offshoot of the Rosicrucians was formed that even took tl,e name "Asiatic Brethren.") Their destination was pr~bably later shifted to Tibet since India was apparently not mysterious enough.' vVhen Gottlieb Baron von Hund founded the Masonry of the Strict Observance in the middle of the eighteenth century, he doubtless had in mind the Rosicrucians of the early seventeenth century.IO Its founder claimed to derive his knowledge and authority from "Unknown Superiors," who at the proper time and in the proper place would make themselves known and to whom implicit obedience was dueY

6 Paul Arnold, HistaiTe des Rase-Ooix et les O1'igines de la Fmnc-NIaronne1ie (Paris: Nlercure de France, 1955): 150; Arthur Edward "Vaite, The B,otheThaod of tbe Ras), Cross (London: Rider, 1924): 244; Rene Guenon, Le Roi du lVIo17de (Paris: Bosse, 1927): 97-98; cf. also Bruno Hapel, Rene Guinan et Ie ,oi.du ",onde (Paris: Editions Tredaniel, 2001): 204; Frans "Vittemans, HistoiTe des Rose-Ooix, 3,d ed. (Paris: Adyar, 1925): 51; Christopher McIntosh, Tbe Rosicnleians: Tbe Hist01)" Nlytbolog)" and Rituals of an Esot,,ie O,-cieT (York Beach, Maine: Samuel "Veiser,

1997): 5l 7 "Videri possent non esse, quia de nulla certo loco constat, ubi habitent." Heinrich Neuhaus (Henricus Neuhl~sius), Pia et utilissima admollitio de fratribus Tosae-cTucis, ni77Zirlt11t an sint? Quales sim? Unde nomen ille ascive1"int? Et quo sine eius modi jil1Jla7n spm"SeTinr? (Frankfurt: Vetterus, 1622): 5; (French translation: He",i Neube"s de Dantzig: Advertissement pieZlx et tres utile des p,e,es de la Rose-C,oix, Paris, 1623). Peter "Vashington (lVIadame Blavatsk)"s Baboon, New York: Schocken Books, 1995) quotes on p. 39: ""Vhen Heinrich Neuhaus mischievous-

ly suggested that these brothers could not be found because they had all retreated to India and Tibet, he neatly made their existence or non-existence impossible to prove either way, entrenching yet further popular belief in the reality of the brothers." , Renatus Sincerus, Die 7vabrbafte zl7ld vollkozmnene Bereitung des pbilosophiscben Steins de) Briide7"Sehaffi aus dmz O,den des Gulden wzd Rosen K,'eutzes [The true and complete preparation of the philosopher's stone of the brotherhood, from the Order of the Golden Rosy Cross; translation of the title, McIntosh] (Breslau: Fellgiebel, 1710), preface, no pagination, ca. p. 10. , See for example the polemical work: Anonym, Der Asiate in seiner BIOfle. Oder gTiindlieber Beweis: daft die Ritt" und B,iider Eingeweihten aus Asien debte Rosenk7'eZlz,,' sind. [The Asian revealed. Or: Detailed evidence that the knights and brethren of Asia are true Rosicrucians], Asien [sic] 1790. 10 ]. Godwin, Arktos, 85. II Paul K. Johnson, The NIasters Revealed: NIadame Blavatsl'J' and tbe NJ)'tb of the G,'eat Wbite Lodge (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1994): 20.

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Engelhm~dt

The myth of the imaginary retreat of the Rosicrucians and the "Unknown Superiors" certainly influenced the conception of the "Hidden iVIasters"l2 propounded by Helena Petrovna Blavatsky (1831-1891), the Russian founder of modern Theosophy, Her chief source of inspiration was her great-grandfather, Prince Pavel Dolgurukii, a member of the Strict Observance 10dge,1J Thus eventually "the Russian Rosicrucianism's legend of a worldwide network of iVIasters and a secret link with Tibet was a profound influence on HPB's development."14 Late in the summer of 1875, shortly before founding the Theosophical Society, she noted in her first notebook that she had received the order "to form a society-a secret society like the Rosicrucian Lodge,"15 She made the preposterous claim that she had spent seven years in Tibet, working with her mysterious hidden masters, who lived there but were not Tibetans, Tibet was their refuge from civilization, In 1906 an anonymous article even appeared in the Theosophical Review by ''A Russian," which referred to an anonymous manuscript supposedly from 1784, where a Rosicrucian from Berlin, Simson, "said he had heard that the true Masonry will arise once more from the kingdom ofTibet.,,16 The myth of the retreat of the Rosicrucians to Tibet was also taken up at the end of the 1920s by representatives of the Polaires, a group of French intellectuals, who were interested in occultism and orientated themselves on the PolestarY Jean Marques-Riviere, a student ofJacques Bacot, in his popular fictional autobiography A l'ombn des 77zonastens thibitains,18 contributed to the further "occultization" of Tibet by positing once again the existence there of mysterious power figures. (It was not until 1982, in an epilogue to a new edition, that Marques-Riviere admitted that the texts he presented were accounts of his nightly dreams as a young student, intellectually stretched to the limits of his capacity during his waking hours.Y9
On the "Hidden ~Masters" of Blavatsky see p, K. Johnson, The NIasters Revealed. P. K, Johnson, The NIasten Revealed, 4. 14 p, K,Johnson, TheNIasten Revectled, 22, 15 Cited in Sylvia Cranston, HPB: The ExtmordinU1J' Life and Influence of Helena Blavatsk)', Founder of the NIodem TheosophicalNIove77Zent (New York: Tarcher-Putnam, 1993): 132, 16 A Russian, "The Rosy Cross in Russia: Russian ]\iIasonry and Novikoff," The Theosophical Revi,," 38 (1906): 489-501, here 495-496; 39 (1906/07): 9-20, 138-144,201-211, 304-306. 17 Zam Bhotiva [i.e., Cesar AccomaniJ, Asia m),steriosa (Paris 1929, repro Combronde: Editions Janvier, 1995): 68 and 148. Rene Guenon in his withdrawn foreword to Asia 77Z),steriosa, see Bruno Hapel, Rene Guenon et Ie 1~oi du monde, 204-206; Maurice Magre, La clef des choses cacbees (Paris: Fasquelle, 1935); I had access only to the German translation: Die Kraft dezfrzjhen Himmel (Bad Miinstereifel: Edition Tramontane, 1986): llS. Later Ambelain wrote that Magre had implied the lamas had come from Tibet to become politically active in Europe by using Tantric magic (Robert Ambelain, Les arcanes noi1'5 de l'hitlez~isnze, Paris: Robert Laffont, 1990, 114), For more on the Polaires, see Arnaud d'Apremont, "La fratemite des Polaires: Une epopee Romantico-Rosicrucienne du x,'{eme siecle," in Asia nt)'stez~iosa, ed. Z. Bhotiva, 8-41; J Godwin, A,-ktos, 87-92; Victor and Victoria Trimondi [i.e., Herbert and Maria RtittgenJ, Hitlez; Buddha, K,-ishna (Vienna: Ueberreuter, 2002): 271-288. 18 Jean Marques-Riviere, A 1'01nbz~e des 7lzonasth~es thiMtains (Paris: Attinger, 192 9), 19 J. M. Riviere, A l'onzbre des monasth'es tibitains (Milan: ArcM, 1982): 209-213.
I2 Il

The Nazis of Tibet

67

In his "autobiography" he describes a supreme, mighty King of the World, superior in status even to the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama, and a "Council of the Twelve Nom'-Kan," an organization that extends throughout the Orient and unites it in both a spiritual and political sense.'o Alexandra David-Neel also reinforced the myth of Tibet as a country full of occult sciences and magicians, principally in

lWystiques et magiciens du Tibet. 21 By the time of the rise to power of the founders of the Nazi movement, the supposed existence of hidden world masters in Tibet was thus widely known, and often believed in, throughout Western Europe.

Creation of Western iWyths of Shambhala and Agarthi as Subte7'ranean Theocracies

The vVestern myths of the lands of Shambhala and Agarthi were created in parallel to the "Hidden Masters" myth, and also had wide popularity. Shambhala was indeed part of the belief system in Asia, a land from which a great king would emerge to bring peace to the world, but Agarthi was created from whole cloth to fill a need for a further mysterious realm beyond ordinary human knowledge. . In addition to popularizing the idea of Hidden Masters, Madame Blavatsky was the first to gain a large audience in the West for ideas of a hidden abode of spirituality in the East, and Tibet as a secret site of ancient spiritual knowledge. In The Secret Doctrine of 1888, based on a mysterious ancient text called the Book ofDzyan (probably created by Blavatsky herself), she popularized the first Western version of the Shambhala myth, linking the original Indian myth of Shambhala to other myths of legendary sunken islands (Lemuria, Atlantis) to produce a creation myth marked by esoteric and racist elements in which chosen survivors "had taken shelter on the sacred Island (72070 the 'fabled'Shamballah, in the Gobi Desen)."" The other popular hidden center of spirituality in the East had no source in history or Asian mythology. Louis Jacolliot created the myth of Agartha and mentioned it for the first time in the 1873 work Le fils de diezt. 2l This spurious legend of Agarthi or Agartha, was taken up and developed by French occultists from the end of the nineteenth century. In 1886 the holy city of Agartha was described in detail by Joseph-Alexandre Saint-Yves d'Alveydre in Mission de !'Inde en Ezwope. 24 This subterranean theocracy was apparently located under the Himalayas, from where its rulers directed global events. Its ruler, the Supreme Pontiff, presided over a spiritually and technologically advanced population many millions strong. The Polish
20 ].

Nlarqnes-Riviere, A I'omb,'e des monasteres tbibitains, 154-156; see also R. Guenon, Le

Rai d" Monde, 46-47.

Alexandra David-Neel, lVlystiques et magiciens du Tibet (Paris: PIon, 1929). See Helena Petrovna Elavatsky, The SeC1'et Doct1'ine, 2 vols. (London: Theosophical Publishing Co., 1888): vol. 2,319. 2l Louis Jacolliot, Le fils de dieu (Paris: Lacroix, 1873): 237. 24 Joseph-Alexandre Saint-Yves d'Alveydre, Mission de l'Inde en Europe. Originally published in 1886 by Paris: Calmann-Levy. It was deleted except for two copies and republished in 1909 in Paris; and as facsimile repro Nice: Edisane, 1981,49-54.
21
22

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Isnm Engelhardt

explorer Ferdinand Ossendowski presented a further version of the Agarthi myth in his 1922 best seller Beasts, Men and Gods. 2s In his account, he claims that Agarthi is an actual kingdom lying under Central Asia. Its ruler, the King of the World, knows all powers of the world and can read the souls of men and the Book of " Destiny. Although claiming that the history of Agarthi could be traced to an ancient Mongolian legend, he actually adapted the key elements of his account from SaintYves d'Alveydre. 26 While the Agartha or Agarthi myth has no Indian or Tibetan roots whatsoever, it still influenced the French traditionalist Rene Guenon in his widely read work Le Roi dzt Monde, published in 1927 and translated into many languages, in which he supported Ossendowski's claims. The topos of both a subterranean kingd~m and an occult brotherhood in Tibet was also addressed by Theodore Illion in his popular Dark1iess over Tibet, although the work has no factual connection with Tibet.27 He tells of an alleged visit to the "Secret City in the Valley of Mystery," to a powerful "Occult Fraternity," in "the Underground City of the Initiates." Although their ruler pretended to be a "Prince of Light," he "was really the Prince of Darkness in disguise." The "City of Great Light Power" turned out to be the "City of the Evil One." This "Occult Hierarchy" planned to cmitrol the world through telepathy and astral projection.28 It may be worth noting that the Gestapo ordered Illion to furnish documentary evidence of his alleged visits to Tibet when he returned to Germany in 1941,29 "since he was under suspicion of being a liar, who claimed he had visited Tibet although he had never been there."3o
15

Ferdinand Ossendowski, Beasts, lYlen and Gods (New York: Dutton, 1922): 314.

2. Cf. Sven Hedin, Ossendawski ,md die Wah,"heit (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1925): 78-109.
Although Sven Hedin was quick to reveal Ossendowski's sources by applying a synoptic comparison with Saint-Yves d'Alveydre, as did lVIarco Pallis later in "Ossendowski's Sources," Studies in Campamtive Religion 15 (1983): 30-41, Ossendowski's work was widely disseminated in several translations. 27 Theodore Hlion, Dmkness OVeI" Tibet (London: Rider, 1938). Various claims are made about lilian's nationality: Canadian (Bundesarchiv Berlin, R 43/4107, fo!' 193), Italian (Bundesarchiv Berlin 135/46, fa!. 164604), or American (Bundesarchiv Berlin R 135/46, fa!. 164600). Jiirgen Aschoff (Annotated Bibliography afTibetan Medicine, 1789-1995, Ulm: Fabri, 1996, 195) cites Hubert Novak, who knew mion personally, to the effect that he was born in Canada and was a scion of the great Plantagenet family. 28 Johannes Schubert, the Leipzig Tibetologist, reported of his meeting with Illion in 1941: "I am not familiar with another book of his, Dmkness OVeI Tibet; in it, he speaks-as he told me-of a Tibetan secret society assembled in a 'subterranean city' and closely aligned to the Freemasons. A reason why the book had been translated into Swedish, but not into German!! Mr Illion, like Alexandra David-Neel, places more value on the occult and parapsychological phenomena which Tibet evinces than on other things." However, in Schubert's view his excellent knowledge of the Tibetan language, both written and spoken, proved a "glaring contrast" to the content of Illion's first book Secret Tibet (Bundesarchiv Berlin, R 135/46, fa!. 164600-164601). See now also Hartmut Walravens, "BriefWechsel Johannes Schuberts mit Bruno Beger und Ernst Schafer," Nachrichten der Gesellschnft ft, Natztr- U1,d VOlke1"l",nde Ostasims"74 (2004): 165-224, here 173-174. '9 Bundesarchiv Berlin, R 43/4107, fo!' 20l. 30 Bundesarchiv Berlin, R 135/46, fo!' 164604.

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Thus two crucial concepts-that of a set of hidden masters and the existence of two possible realms where they dwelt, both of them in Tibet-were in place' to influence interpretations of the purpose of the 1939 Schafer expedition to Tibet.

Constr'Zlction of tbe Mytbology of tbe Nazis and tbe Occult

Careful study of the evidence does not support, however, the idea that National Socialism was inspired by and permeated with occult ideas and purposes, especially to the extent of seeking an alliance with secret powers in Tibet. This lack of evidence has not, however, prevented the growth of a large literature-both contemporary and later-on the subject. Speculative historiography by French authors]! in the genre "Nazis and the Occult"" and the influence of occult forces on Hitler paved the way for an assumed connection between occultism and National Socialism. "The lightning successes of the Nazis, both electorally and later militarily, together with their manifest evil, stimulated notions of their demonic inspirations" and "represented the Nazi phenomenon as the product of arcane and demonic influences."J] As early as 1933, a text of primary importance in this regard was published by Teddy Legrand,Je who propounded an initial indirect connection between National Socialism and Tibet. However, it was not until more than a quarter of a century later that a part of this work received widespread attention and further elaboration by Louis Pauwels and Jacques Bergier, who included a passage from it, without attribution, in their "key work" The Morning of the JIIiagicians, a best seller ttanslated into many languages that opened the floodgates for similar publications. However, the authors, who were addicted to a fantastic realism, had themselves downplayed the importance of their work and warned that many of their claims were as fantastic and

II A reference to Hitler as being under the guidance of occult forces appeared as early as 1934 in Rene Kopp, "Le secret psychique des maitres du monde: Bonaparte, lVlussolini, Hitler," Le Cbm'iot 54 aune 1934): 85-89, which regards Hitler as a reincarnation of Luther (p. 86). Further French books consulted on the Nazis and the Occult: R. Ambelain, Les arcanes noit'S de I'bittel'is"te; Elisabeth Antebi, Ave Lucifer (Paris: Calmann-Levy, 1970); Jean Robin, HitleT l'ilu du dragon (Paris: Tredaniel, 1987); Roger Faligot and Remi Kauffer, Le marcbi du diable (Paris: Fayard, 1995); Adolphe D. Grad, Le temps kabbaliste (Neuchiitel: Baconniere, 1967); Fran,ois Ribadeau Dumas, Hitler et la somlleTie (Paris: Pion, 1975); JeanMichel Angebert, HitleT et la tmdition catbm'e (Paris: Robert Laffont, 1971); Jean-Claude Frere, Nazisme et societes Seel'etes (Paris: Grasset, 1974); Andre Brissaud, Hitl,, et l'oTdre nair: Histo;"e SW'ete du National-Socialisme (Paris: Perrin, 1969); ,Nemer Gerson, Le Nazisme, societe secrete (Paris: Pierre Belfond, 1969); Rene Alleau, Hitler et les societes sw'hes (Paris: Grasset, 1969); Serge Hutin, GOUVe1'11ants invisibles et societes sw'etes (Paris: Editions J'ai lu, 1971). Jl H. T. Hald, Unknown Soul'ces; Michael Rissman, Hitlen Gott (Zurich: Pendo, 2001): 145-161; N. Goodrick-Clarke, Black Sun, 106-127; N. Goodrick-Clarke, The Occult Roots of Nazism, 217-225. II N. Goodrick-Clarke, Black Sun, 108 and 127. J4 Teddy Legrand [i.e., Frederic Causse? (1892-1951)], Les sept tetes du dl'agon vert (Paris: Editions Berger-Levrault, 1933). See below for further discussion of his identity.

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exaggerated as Marco Polo's accounts of his travels.)S A direct comparison between the texts of Legrand and Pauwels and Bergier is included below in the section titled The Legends of "Vril". Hitler himself has been represented as an 'occult figure, despite his own stated scorn for interest in the occult. The most influential publication for the "occultization" of Hitler was Hermann Rauschning's 1939 publication of a forged collection of talks with Hitler, Hitlez" Speaks,'6 intended to present Hitler as an infernally-inspired foe. In the spring of 1939, Edouard Saby published Hitler et les jones occultes, in which he depicts Hitler "as the sorcerer's apprentice" and manufactures occult connections between Hitler and Tibet: "vVasn't it Trebitsch-Lincoln, the friend of the Tibetan Badmaiev, who initiated Hitler, by revealing to him the doctrine of Ostara, a secret school of India, where the lamas teach' the supremacy of the Aryan?,,)7 C. Kerneiz's work La Chute d'Hitler, published in 1940, attempts to analyze Hitler "cosmo-biologically" and claims that the group around General Ludendorff of all people, with whom Hitler was in fact almost unconnected, had subjected Hitler to a course of training of a type practiced in India and Tibet since time immemoria).l8 Some Nazi party leaders, principally Himmler and Rosenberg did have strong mystical leanings, but these were falsely extrapolated to apply to the entire Nazi ruling elite, including Hitler. According to today's standards of historical research,'9 however, Hitler himself dismissed occultism and was skeptical of others' otcult ambitions, mocking the mystical interests of Himmler and Rosenberg40 in a speech at a Kulturtagung on September 6, 1938:
35

Louis Pauwels and Jacques Bergier, The j'yloming oj the j'ylagicians (New York: Stein

& Day, 1964): xvi; (orig. Le matin des magiciens: Int1"odllction au realisme Jantastique, Paris:

Gallimard, 1960). 36 Hermann Rauschning, Hitlez" Speaks (London: Thornton Butterworth, 1939). However, as Theodor Schieder (Hermann Rausdmings Gespriiche mit Hitler als Gescbichtsquelle, Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1972) remarks on p. 80, the relevant chapter on Hitler's occultism appears only in the French and English edition, not in the German one. See also EckhardJesse, "Hermann Rauschning-Der fragwiirdige Kronzeuge," in Die b7YIune Elite, ed. Ronald Smelser (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1999): 193-205; vVolfgang Ranel, Her71zcmn Rausc/mings "Gespr'iiche mit Hitle1""-Eine GeschichtsJiilschzmg (Ingolstadt: Zeitgeschichtliche ForschungssteIIe, 1984); Fritz Tobias, "Auch Falschungen haben lange Beine: Des Senatsprasidenten Rauschnings "Gesprache mit Hitler," in GeJiilscht! Betz"ug in Kunst, Litemtz,,; j'yIttsii<, Wissenschaft llnd Politik, ed. Karl Corino (Frankfurt: Eichborn, 1990): 91-105. 37 Edouard Saby, Hitler' et les forces occultes: La magie noire en Allemagne. La vie occwlte du Pub-er (Paris: Societe d'Editions Litteraires et de Vulgarisation, 1939): 131, trans. N. GoodrickClarke in H. T. Hald, Unknown Sounes, 26. 38 C. Kerneiz [i. e., Felix Guyot], La chute d'Hitler' (Paris: Editions Jules Tallandier, 1940): 45. For more details on the publications of Kopp, Sabry, and Kerneiz, see Hald, Unknown SOUlTes, 22-27. iVlore information on Ludendorff's ideas and publications is given below. 19 Cf. for example, Ian Kershaw, Hitler; 2 vols. (London: Allen Lane / Penguin, 19982000); Michael Burleigh, Tbe Thiz"d Reicb; A Ne7v History (New York: Hill & Wang, 2000); N. Goodrick-Clarke, The Occult Roots oJNazisnz; Corinna Treitel, A Science fo,. tbe Soul: Occultisnz and tbe Genesis oj the Ge777tan 1Ylodez"." (Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press, 2004). 40 On Himmler see also Albert Speer (Inside the Tbi,.d Reich, London: Phoenix, 1998,

Tbe Nazis of Tibet

National Socialism is a cool and highly reasoned approach to reality based upon the greatest scientific knowledge and its spiritual expression .... Above all, National Socialism is a VolT, lVlovement in essence and under no circumstances a cult movement! ... For this reason, the infiltration of the movement by mystically inclined researchers into the otherworldly cannot be tolerated. They are not National Socialists, but something else-certainly something with which we have nothing to do .... Cult-like acts are not our responsibility, but that of the churches. 41

71

Hitler also scoffed at astrology and horoscopes. 42 All of this is supported by the fascinating new book by Corinna Treitel, A Science for tbe Soul,43 whose "approach to the history of German occnlt contrasts strongly with the prevalent view among historians," and challenges the view of the early and highly influential book by Hugh Trevor-Roper, Tbe Last Days of Hitle7;44 about the connection between Nazism and the occnlt. She writes that "as a careful examination of printed and archival sources shows, the larger story of the Nazi regime and the occult movement is one of escalating hostility," and state officials "did not hesitate to oppress the occult movement brutally."45 And "an official decree in July 1937 dissolved Freemasonic lodges, Theosophical circles and related groups throughout

147-148): "What nonsense' Here we have at least reached an age that has all mysticism behind it, and now he wants to start all over again. We might just as well ha';'e stayed with the church. At least it had tradition." And Speer goes on to report that Hitler also regarded Himmler's ideas of the ur-Gerrnanic peoples as equally absurd: ""Vhen for example, the Japanese presented [Himmler] with a samurai sword, he at once discovered kinships between Japanese and Teutonic cults and called upon scientists to help him trace these similarities to
-a racial common denominator."
41 Nlax Domarus, Hitler', Reden zind P,'okla77Zationen, 1932-1945 (Munich: Suddeutscher Verlag 1965): voL 1, bk 2, 893-894. Translation partly taken from M. Burleigh, The Tbiz'd Reich, 253. (If not stated otherwise, all translations are mine). Burleigh comments that Hitler regarded the "ideologue Rosenb~rg as an obscurantist and Himmler as a loyal crank" and that the speech was a "coded warning for Rosenberg and Himmler." See also M. Domarus, Hitler', voL 1, 223. 42 See Adolf Hitler (Hitler's Table Tall, 1941-1944, ed. Hugh R. Trevor-Roper, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988, first published 1953), July 19, 1942,583: "The horoscope, in which the Anglo-Saxons in particular have great faith, is another swindle whose significance must not be under-estimated." Hitler's attitude here is confirmed by Walter Langer, former officer of the Office of Strategic Services (055) in Germany during the last years of World War II ("Valter Langer, Tbe Nlind ofAdoJfHitlez; New York: Basic Books, 1972, 31-32): "All of our informants who have known Hitler rather intimately discard the idea [of Hitler's belief in astrology] as absurd. They all agree that nothing is more foreign to Hitler's personality than to seek help from outside sources of this type. Not only has the Fuhrer never had his horoscope cast, but he is in principle against horoscopes because he feels he might be unconsciously influenced by them. It is also indicative that Hitler, some time before the war, forbade the practice of fortune-telling and star-reading in Germany." 43 C. Treitel, A Science fo1' tbe Soul; see also Anson Rabinbach in Times Litera7) Supplement (November 12, 2004): 36. 44 Hugh R. Trevor-Roper, The Last Days ofHitIe,. (London: Nlacmillan, 1947; 6"' ed., 1987). 45 C. Treitel, A Science f01' tbe Soul, 211.

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Germany. Occult action now became illegal. Then in 1941, in the wake of Hess's flight to Britain, police action against occultists rose to fever pitch."'6 Furthermore, the subject of Tibet and its religion appeared alien and irrelevant to Hitler. He did say that in his youth the figure of Sven Hedin had been of great interest to him,47 so he must have had at least some vague knowledge of Tibet. But the following remark made about Hitler in his vVolfsschanze headquarters on May 14, 1942, demonstrates his later lack of concern for Tibet: "At lunch, the boss [Hitler] was told about the film about Tibet made by the SS Schafer expedition. The boss said that if anyone tried to criticize a Tibetan priest, the whole of the Catholic Church and the Protestant Church too would scream blue murder."'8 This statement also clearly shows that the content of tl1e film Geheimnis Tibet was not presented to Hitler as a Nazi propaganda film. It is noteworthy that Hitler made this comment in connection with Schafer's visit to the FUhrer's headquarters. However, Schafer neither met Hitler personally, nor was the disappointed Hitler able to grasp the significance of the gifts from the Tibetan regent which Schafer was finally able to present to him, via Hitler's adjutants, three years after his return from Tibet:9

The Legends of"Vril" and the Thule Society linleing Nazism 7vith Tibet
But how did Nazi occultism become linked, however falsely, to secretcenters of knowledge in Central Asia? This connection is attributed to the Vril Society and the Thule Society. As early as 1871, in his novel The Coming Race,'o which also inspired Blavatsky,'l Edward Bulwer-Lytton described a subterranean race of Uberme1Zschen, the Vril-ya. These "superbeings" were far in advance of humanity in every respect, due to their ability to tap a mysterious force or energy to which Bulwer-Lytton gave the name "Vril." From these roots, the Vril Society emerged in Germany. The association's existence is corroborated by nothing more than a single reference in a brief essay written in 1947 by rocket engineer vVilly Ley, who emigrated to the USA in 1935: "The next group was literally founded upon a novel." This Berlin group called itself Society for Truth and "devoted its spare time to looking for Vril .... The secret ofVril could be found by contemplating the structure of an apple, sliced in halves.""

C. Treitel, A Science for the Soul, 224. Henry Picker, Tischgesplil"che i71Z Fiib1"eThauptquaTtie1" (Munich: Propylaen, 2003, first published 1951): 460, May 21, 1942. 4S H. Picker, Tischgespriiche, 421, JVlay 14, 1942. 49 Cf. Isrun Engelhardt, "Mishandled Mail: The Strange Case of the Reting Regent's Letters to Hitler," PlATS 2003: Proceedings of the Tenth Seminar of the Intemational Association f01" Tibetan Studies, Oxford (in press). 50 Edward Bulwer-Lytton, The Coming Race (London: Routledge, 1871). 51 Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, Isis Unveiled (New York: Bouton, 1877): vol. 1, 64, 115. 52 Willy Ley, "Pseudoscience in Naziland," Astounding Science-Fiction 39 (1947): 90-98, here 92.
46
47

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This brief report was taken up by Pauwels and Bergier in The Morning of the Magicians to inflate the significance of this unknown group and to insinuate th~ determination of the Nazi ruling elite to make contact with an omnipotent subterranean theocracy, thus enabling Germany, armed with the knowledge of this power, to conquer the world. The group was known as the Vril Society or the Luminous . Lodge, and the geo-politician Karl Haushofer was said to have been a member.53 An influential role as' an occult center of the National Socialist elite was also attributed to the Thule Society, founded in Munich in 1918. According to Pauwels and I;lergier it was said to be part of a network of occult groups and associations, some with origins dating back to far-distant times and places. The society not only functioned as an organization of occult adepts, but primarily served as a direct point of contact to supernamral powers or as a link to the "Hidden Masters," chiefly in Tibet, to whom secret knowledge, superhuman abilities and occult powers were attributed. With Karl Haushofer having been identified already by Pauwels and Bergier as Hitler's occult mentor,s4 the Thule Society was said to have played a key role in the development of National Socialism. Pauwels, himself a disciple of the holistic master George lvanovich Gurdjieff, claimed that Haushofer, who traveled through India, Burma, Korea and China from 1908-1910, was Military Attache at the German Embassy in Tokyo, and had a lifelong interest in the Far East and Japan in particular, met Gurdjieff several times in Tibet55 between 1903 and 1908: In 1923 Haushofer founded an esoteric group modeled on similar groups in Tibet .... The group was called the "Thule Group" and its philosophy was founded on the famous book of magic of the Dzyan, which belonged to certain Tibetan sages; according to this book there were two sources of power in the world: the right-hand source, which comes from a subterranean monastery, a fortress of meditation, situated in a town called, symbolically, Agarthi. This is the source of the contemplative power. The left-hand source' is the source of physical power, and comes from a town on the surface called Shampullah. This is the city of violence and is ruled by the "King of Fear." Those who succeed in making an alliance with him can dominate the world. Through a large Tibetan colony in Berlin which kept constantly in touch with Haushofer, the "Thule Group" formed this "alliance" in 1928 .... The following men were members of the group at this time: Hitler, Himmler, Goering, Rosemberg [sic] under Haushofer's direction. The members communicated in two ways with Shampullah and the "King of Fear": firstly, by electronic transmitters and receivers which put them in contact with a so called "Tibetan" information centre through which they obtained valuable comments on India andJapan ... 53 L. Pauwels and]. Bergier, The 1'IIorning of the NIagicians, 147-148. However, Peter Bahn and Heiner Gehring (Der Vri!-NIytbos: Eine geheimnisvot!e Energieform in Esoterik, Technik und Th"'apie, Dusseldorf: Omega, 1997) have succeeded in casting some light on the darkness of this myth and have discovered the actual background to the organizational history of the small Berlin group. 54 L. Pauwels and]. Bergier, The Morning afthe Magicians, 194-195. 55 See on Gurdjieffs reputed stays in Tibet, M. Brauen, Dreamworld Tibet, 41-46.

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The treacherous insinuations were further magnified: "They [my informants] affirm, too, that one of the conditions of the pact made between the 'Thule group' and the Tibetan 'authorities' was the extermination of Gypsies."56 However, this sensationalized picture of the Thule Society and its members is a complete fabrication. As in later works, Pauwels inverted the Theosophists' positive concept of Shambhala into its opposite. Hitler never took part in a single meeting of the Thule Society, nor was Goring a member. Among those Nazi leaders known to hold esoteric beliefs, Himmler was never associated with the Thule Society. Wbile Alfred Rosenberg had contact with the society, the esoterically influenced Rudolf Hess was the sole leading Nazi who was a member. But what was the Thule Society actually? It was certainly not an occult group. During the rise of Nazism the Thule Society took on certain significance as a racist, anti-Semitic and viilkisch, albeit not an occult group, particularly in the crushing of the Munich Rlitmpublik (Republic of Councils). After 1919 the group's political influence dwindled. 57 The claims concerning Haushofer's contacts with and membership in the Thule Society and Vril Society have no foundation whatsoever, and Pauwels's allegations of meetings between Haushofer and Gurdjieff in Tibet do not withstand critical examination. Haushofer did not travel outside Europe prior to 1908, and his precisely documented schedule through Asia allowed no time for a visit to TibetS8 or for a meeting with Gurdjieff. S9 Thus it can be seen that Nazi concern with occult beliefs and mysterious powers available to them in tlle East have been greatly exaggerated, to say the least.

Facts about the Schafer Expedition

Let us now turn to the project in which the myths and legends described above appear to culminate: "No expedition to Tibet so captured public attention with its plans than a group of five German researchers shortly before the outbreak of the Second World War."6Q This expedition constitutes the main piece of "evidence" used by crypto-historians in their construction of a Nazi-Tibet connection. Here only
Louis Pauwels, Gurdjieff(Douglas, Isle of Man: Times Press, 1964): 62-65 (orig. conz77Zentai7~es S'll1" 'ltne societi initiatique C01ltempomine, Paris: Editions du Seul, 1954, 59-61). 57 Detlev Rose, Die Thule-Gesellschaft: Legende - Ntythos - Wirklicbkeit (Tiibingen: Grabert 1994; 2nd ed., 2000); Reginald Phelps, "Before Hitler came: Thule Society and Germanen Orden," Joumal ofNIodem HistmJ' 25 (1963): 245-261. Although this serious article has been available in English for a long time, none of the occult historians has made use of it. 58 Hans-Adolf Jacobson, Km-l Haushoft7: Leben u71d J;Verk, 2 vols. (Boppard: Boldt, 1979): voL 1,47,86-89,224-258,451. 59 Apparently Gurdjieff was mistaken for the Mongolian monk Agvan Dordjiev, see, for example, James Webb, Tbe Hm'monioZts Circle: Tbe LivesofG. L GzwdjiefJ, P. D. Ouspensky, and tbe;,- Followers (New York: Putman, 1980): 45, 49-50. 60 Ernesto Mila, Nazisme et esotbisme (Puiseaux: Pardes, 1990, orig. Nazis77zo y esoteZ'is71lo, 1989): 83. Hpwever, the sentence continued with the fiction, "accompanied by twenty SS men."
56

lvlonsiezt1" GUTdjieff: Documents, trinzoignages textes et

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the main points of the expedition, those bearing on later insinuations, since a more detailed account is available elsewhere. 61 This 1938/39 Tibet expedition, although planned by its members as a purely scientific venture, actually fell between the two stools of politics and science from the very outset of its planning stage. Heinrich Himmler and the "Ahnenerbe" (the SS Ancestral Heritage Society) wanted to influence and determine the venture from a political, esoteric, and pseudo-scientific viewpoint. The expedition then fell into the area of foreign affairs conflicts when official permits were required from the English. National Socialist foreign policy, political affiliations, fll1d propaganda ultimately damaged the completion of the expedition's goals and created enormous obstacles for it. Ernst Schafer, born in 1910 in Cologne, had just started to study zoology and geology in Gottingen when Brooke Dolan, a wealthy young American, came to Germany in 1930 to recruit scientists for a zoological expedition. Schafer, a mere twenty years old at the time, participated in the first Brooke-Dolan expedition to Western China and Tibet. 6 In 1932 he returned to Germany to resume his studies ' and joined the SS in 1934. From 1934 to 1936 Schafer took part in a further scientific expedition with Brooke Dolan, this time as scientific leader, to Eastern Tibet and China. 63 After his return to Germany, Schafer continued his studies in Berlin and received his doctoral degree in zoology in 1937. Meanwhile, the success of the expeditions Schafer had participated in had attracted Heinrich Himmler's attention. Despite his ambivalence towards Asia as a whole, Himmler, who was fascinated by.lurid, fantastic ideas of Asian mysticism and believed in karma, had a genuine interest in Tibet. 64 vVhen he heard about Schafer's plans to lead an independent expedition to Tibet, he was immediately keen on launching this expedition under the auspices of the SS "Ahnenerbe." A memorandum from the "Almenerbe," dated August 1937, finally stated that the Reichsfuhrer wished "the 'Ahnenerbe' to equip a new expedition to Tibet. The expedition is to be organized officially by the 'Ahnenerbe'."65 The "Ahnenerbe,"66 founded in 1935 in Berlin by Himmler and others, initially occupied itself with subjects such as early Germanic history, runic research, and fringe subjects like the Atlantis myth. However, it was increasingly endeavoring to
61 Isrun Engelhardt, "Tibetan Triangle: German, Tibetan and British Relations in the Context of Ernst Schafer's Expedition, 1938-1939," Asiatisebe Studien 58.1 (2004): 57-113. Some of the material in the essay appeared in a preliminary form in "The Ernst-SchaeferTibet-Expedition (1938-1939)," in Tibet and he,. Neighboun, ed. Alex McKay (London: Hansjiirg Mayer, 2003): 187-195. 62 Ernst Schafer, Berge, Buddbas, Bih'en (Berlin: Parey, 1933). 6J Ernst Schafer, Unbekanntes Tibet: DUTCh die Wildnisse Gsttibets ZU71! Daeh de,. E"de, Tibetexpedition 1934136 (Berlin: Parey, 1937). 64 See I. Engelhardt, "Tibetan Triangle," 65-66. 65 Memo Sievers, 6 August 1937, Bundesarchiv Berlin, NS 21/682. 66 The standard work on the "Ahnenerbe": NIichael Kater, Das ''Ahnener'be'' de,. SS 1935-1945: Ein Beitrag ZlW Kultu,-politik des D,.itten Reiebes, 3. unveranderte Aufl. mit einem Nachwort zur 2. Auf]. 1997 (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2001).

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gain a foothold in the field of serious science, to extend its scope of study to focus on natural sciences, and to attract first-class scientists, so that it was concerned with both areas in paralleL Himmler constantly attempted to influence the work of scientists when he dis-. covered a topic that interested him.67 Indulging his mystical bent, he wanted Schafer and his e..'l:pedition to conduct research based on Horbiger's "World Ice Theory," which claimed that Atlantis was destroyed by a great flood caused by the collision of an ice moon with the Earth. "Himmler b~lieved that ancient emigrants from Atlantis had founded a great civilization in Central Asia, the capital of which was a city called Urbe."68 However, as a scientist Schafer had more legitimate purposes in mind, and several times declined-eventually with success-to include on his team the pseudoscientist Edniund Kiss, whose task would have been to furnish proof of this theory. The primary objective of Schafer's research was the creation of a complete scientific record of Tibet, through a synthesis of geology, botany, zoology, and ethnology, referred to in the German science of the day as "holism." 69 The difficulties of travel to Tibet and the hardships facing the expedition were dwarfed by the problems Schafer faced in organizing and financing the project. Although he had succeeded in asserting his scientific freedom over Rimmler's wild plans,7 his objectives and those of Rimmler and the "Ahnenerbe" apparently diverged more and more widely until iNolfram Sievers, the head of the "Ahnenerbe," declared in January 1938 that "In the meantime the task of the expedition has diverged too far from the goals of the Reichsfuhrer-SS and does not serve his ideas of cultural studies"71 "because it would lie outside the scope of his work.'>72 "The Reichsfuhrer complied with Dr. Schafer's request to be permitted to conduct negotiations himself concerning the expedition's financing and organization. The ''Ahnenerbe'' subsequently transferred the file to Dr. Schafer."73 And later: "At the request of the Reichsfuhrer SS, SS Obersturmfuhrer Schafer's expedition was not conducted by the 'Ahnenerbe,.,,74 Doubtless financial factors also played a key role in this decision. Thus, in the end, the expedition was not sponsored or financed by the SS or the "Ahnenerbe." However, Schafer continued to receive political help from .the 67 Helmut Heiber, Reichsfiihrer! .:. Briefe an Zlnd van Himmler (Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1970). 68 Final Intelligence Report (OI-FIR/32), "The Activities of Dr. Ernst Schaefer, Tibet Explorer and Scientist with SS-Sponsored Institutes," 12 February 1946,. National Archives, Washington, RG 238, M-1270, roll 27, fol. 3-4. 69 Ernst Schafer, Geheimnis Tibet (Munich: Bruckmann, 1943): 7-16. 70 Schafer in undated letter to Beger from the end of December 1937: "And I set the yardstick for our coming expedition quite independently of other people or explorations ... This independence awarded to me by the Reichsfuhrer-and without which I would never have taken 011 the charge ...." Bundesarchiv Berlin, R 135/43 fols. 163367-163370. 7! Bundesarchiv Berlin, NS 21/682, 23 January 1938; and NS 211165 from 27 May 1938. 72 Sievers to Wolff, 23 January 1938, Bundesarchiv Berlin, NS 21/682. 13 Memo Sievers, 9 March 1938, Bundesarchiv Berlin, NS 21/165. 74 27 May 1938, Bundesarchiv Berlin, NS 21/682.

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"Ahnenerbe" and Himmler. He was well aware of the fact that he was dependent on Himmler's goodwill, and was forced to compromise on some points in order to retain his support with the English and obtain passports. Himmler gave his consent to the expedition on the condition that all of its members join the SS. Himmler's meddling was not always helpful in dealings with the English, however. In preparation for the expedition, Schafer had had "Schafer Expedition 1938/39" letterheads printed and applied for sponsorship from businessmen. Schafer was forced to yield on the matter of the expedition's official title. In February 1938 Himmler decreed that on the orders of the "Ahnenerbe" the expedition's name would have to be changed and letterheads were ordered with the new text "German TibetExpedition Ernst Schafer [in large print], under the patronage of the ReichsfuehrerSS Rimmler and in cOlmection with the 'Ahnenerbe'" [in small printJ.75 This letterhead, in large Gothic type, caused Schafer considerable difficulties with the British authorities after his arrival in India. The consequence was that Schafer ordered new, discreet letterheads in Antiqua typeface, apparently while still in Calcutta, which stated simply "Deutsche Tibet Expedition Ernst Schafer." During the expedition he used only this and his original "Schafer Expedition" paper. Schafer continued his efforts to establish the financing of the expedition and carry through his research objectives. He actually raised the funds of his expedition by his own efforts, albeit with the support of the "Ahnenerbe." He received the sum of 30,000 Reichsmark (RM) from the DFG. 76 The final statement dated November 15, 1940, shows that the Public Relations and Advertising Council of German Business (Werberat der deutschen Wirtschaft) made the largest contribution, of RM 46,000. In return for supplying reports for the newspapers Viilkiscbe1~ BeobacbteT and the IllustTie1'te1' Beabacbte1~ their publisher Eher Verlag paid the sum of RM 20,000; Ri\1 7,000 came from the Foreign Office, and a further RM 6,500 from private donors including BrooIce Dolan. The costs totaled RiVI 112,111, of which the greatest expenditure, RM 12,119, was to be for the ethnographic collection. 77 Only a part of the hasty return flight from India-from Bagdad to Berlin- as the outbreak of war became imminent was financed by Himmler's "circle of friends.,,78 One of the greatest problems in those years was the procuring of foreign currency, which was only possible through Hermann Goring. Goring was a great hunting enthusiast/' and Schafer, also a hunter, was introduced to him through the agency of Himrnler at the Munich International Hunting Exhibition at the beginning of November 1937. 80 The meeting between the two hunters was successful, and the problem of foreign currency was solved.

75 Memo Sievers, 9 March 1938, Bundesarchiv Berlin, NS 211165. 76 Rudolf Mentzel, President of the DFG to Schafer, 8 March 1938, Bundesarchiv Koblenz, R 73/1498 and Bundesarchiv Berlin, NS 21/682. '77 Bundesarchiv Berlin, R l35/5, fo1. 150165. 78 For Rimmler's circle of friends, see Reinhard Vogelsang, Del' F"ezmdeskreis Himmle1' (Giittingen: Musterschmidt, 1972). 79 Schafer to Galke, 14 October 1937, Bundesarchiv Berlin, NS 21/682. 80 Memo Sievers, 4 October 1937, Bundesarchiv Berlin, NS 211165.

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The expedition was finally ready. It comprised five members: Schafer as mammologist and ornithologist; Ernst Krause as entomologist, photographer, and camera operator; Bruno Beger as ethnologist; Karl Wienert as geophysicist; and Edmund Geer as technical caravan manager. They set off in the spring of 1938, heading first to Calcutta. However, political reality caught up with them on their arrival. vVhen they left, the National Socialist propaganda newspaper Viilkischer Beobachter had printed an article headlined "SS Expedition Leaves for Uncharted Regions ofTibet.,,81 The. Indian Statesman immediately reprinted the article, but under the headline "Nazi invasion-Blackguards in India." This would cause Schafer enormous problems during negotiations with the English over entry permits for Sikkim and Tibet. The German Consul-General in Calcutta, Count Podewils, expressed unusually open and direct criticism to the Foreign Office: I attribute the refusal [of the entry permits] primarily to the fact that the expedition was overly presented as an 55 enterprise. The known fact that the English consider the SS to be a police and espionage organization could not do otherwise but cause the expedition's scientific goals to be regarded as a mere pretext and scent political objectives in the background. The detailed article in the Viilkischer Beobachte,' of 20 April, "Expedition into the Uncharted Regions of Tibet, Research Expedition with the Support of the SS Reichsfiihrer and Volkischer Beobachter" was as unhelpful in this context as the letterhead "Deutsche Expedition Ernst Schafer, Unter der Schirmherrschaft des Reichsfiihrers der SS Himmler und in Verbindung mit dem Ahnenerbe e.v. Berlin," which was used prior to the expedition's deparmre. Namrally, the English learnt of all this immediately and became suspicious, so that not only the London Times, but also the local press published notes pointing out the expedition's connection to the SS." In support of Schafer and his expedition, Himmler himself wrote a letter to his friend Admiral Sir Barry Domvile, a fact that also came to the attention of the India Office. s3 While Himmler's intervention helped to get the required permits, the suspicion of the English had now been awakened in earnest. Even though Schafer appeared to be successful in convincing the British of the exclusively scientific purpose of his mission, British suspicions of espionage clung to the expedition throughout its duration and imputed to it a far greater importance than was warranted. Although the Tibetan government refused entry to the expedition several times, some months later Schafer and his crew were admitted to Lhasa, where they stayed a full two months. The members of the expedition established official contact with the Kashag ministers and the Reting Regent, and friendly contact with many aristocratic families;
81 82

OIOe, LlP&S/12/4343, fo!' 333. Podewils to Foreign Office, 11 June 1938, Bundesarchiv Berlin, ZM 1457 AS, fols.

47-48.
83 Himmler to Domvile, 18 May 1938, OlOe, LlP&S!12!4343, fals. 264-265; Bundesarchiv Berli~, ZM 1457 AS, foIs. 78-79.

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Given the myths surrounding the expedition's alleged secret political aims, let us now focus on the contact with the Reting Regent and perhaps the most famous outcome of the expedition, the letter the Regent wrote to Hitler. 84 Schafer convinced Reting to write a letter to Hitler, although Reting probably had little idea of who Hitler was. The letter, in the official accompanying English translation, reads: To his Majesty Fuhrer Adolph Hitler, Berlin, Germany. From The Regent of Tibet. On the 18'" day of the first month of Sand-Hare Year. Your Majesty, I trust your Highness is in best of health and in every progress with your goodly affairs. Here I am well and doing my best in our religious and Government affairs. I have the pleasure to let Your Majesty know that Dr. Schaefer and his party, who are the first Germans to visit Tibet have been permitted without any objection, and every necessary assist is rendered on their arrival. Further, I am in desirous to do anything that will help to improve the friendly tie of relationship between the two Nations, and I trust your lVIajestywill also consider it essential as before. Please take care of Your good self, and let me know if Your Majesty desire anything. I am sending under separate parcel a Tibetan silver lid and saucer with a red designed tea cup, and a native dog as a small remembrance. Sincerely Yours, Reting Ho-Thok-Thu. Although this letter is no more than an example of the noncommittal polite correspondence typical of Tibet, it gave rise to much speculation and is nowadays often cited as proof of the Tibetans' friendly attitude toward Nazi Germany. In 1995 Reinhard Greve published the German translation of the Tibetan original by the TibetologistJohannes Schubert. Schubert may have thought it advantageous to try to translate this letter in a Nazi style, and may thus have falsified the translation deliberately to flatter Hitler. But his translation is quite simply inaccurate. He even added remarles that are not found in the original document, the most egregious interpolation being the substitution of "At present you [Hitler] are making all efforts in creating a lasting empire in peaceful prosperity based on a racial foundation," for the correct translation of the common Tibetan phrase: "Here I [Reting] am well and doing my best in our religious and Government affairs."85 Schubert's inaccurate translation
84 However, Claudio lVIutti ("Le SS in Tibet," www.centrostudilaruna.it/SSTibet.html) claims that "the Panchen Lama received the expedition and issued a document of friendship with the Third Reich." See also next section. 85 Reinhard Greve, "Tibetforschung im SS-Ahnenerbe," in Lebenslust und Fremde71fzmht: Ethnologie im Dritten Reich, ed. Thomas Hauschild (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1995): 168-199, here 175, note 25; and recently v: and v: Trimondi, Hitler, Buddha, Krishna, 130.

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has since been used to demonstrate Tibetan sympathy for racist ideas and to ascribe to the Tibetan ruler an uncritical friendship toward the Nazis. S6 The expedition completed its projected work and was from a scholarly point of view highly successful, collecting an amazing amount of scientific material about Tibet that continues to be of great value even today. It ended, however, in a hasty and dispiriting return to Europe: some weeks after the return of its members the Second World War broke out. These, then are the facts-the history-of this expedition, as far they can be reconstructed on the basis of the sources available at present.

Myths a~d Fictions about the Schafer Expedition

The mere fact that a scientific expedition of SS members visited the mysterious land of Tibet at this time, shortly before the outbreak of the Second World War, has been enough to add weight to the fictitious occult links between Nazism, Hitler, and the "Hidden Masters" in Agarthi und Shambhala. But what of the distortions of fact and stories concocted on the basis of this history? And how was the expedition exploited to support myths of occult connections between Hitler, Nazism and Oriental theocracies? . Although Pauwels and Bergier were the most influential creators of the myth of a Nazi-Tibetan connection, they were not the first to do so; they used and expanded a story mentioned earlier in this article, one from a French spy novel of 1933, Les sept tetes du dragon vert, in which connections between the Tibetans and Hitler were fabricated. s7 Its author was allegedly a French secret agent writing under the pseudonym Teddy Legrand who was later said to have died under mysterious circumstances. The novel, which describes a powerful secret organization responsible for the rise of National Socialism and Communism, adroitly interweaves fact and fiction. ss In the novel, two British secret agents in 1933 visited an Asian magician in Berlin described by the Berliner Zeitzmg as "the man with green gloves." He had three times accurately predicted the number of Hitler's supporters who wo~ld be elected to the Reichstag. s9 The Tibetan 11Zala (rosary) with which the two British agents were presented-with 110 beads instead of 108, for occult reasons-implied that he was Tibetan, although
B6

87

On the Reting letter to Hitler see 1. Engelhardt, "Mishandled Mail." T. Legrand, Les sept tetes dzt dmgon veTt, chapitre 4, "L'homme aux gants verts," 225-

245.
8B However, I doubt that the author was a mere secret agent. There are too many details pointing to inside information concerning the French occult, and the Buddhist and Tibetan scenes of the day. In fact, whatever the true identity of Legrand himself may be, the authors are said to have been two experts on the occult, Pierre Mariel and Arnaud de Vogue. According to E. Antebi (Ave Lztcife'; 137) and]. Robin (HitZ,,'l'tZzt dzt d,-agon, 141), the Editions Berger-Levrault issued this book in a series of army books because the secret service was shocked by the rise of Nazism and gave them the form of briJZant dossiers to increase their success. See http://tessa-quayle.joueb.comlnews/52.shtml. S9 E. Antebi (Ave Lztcif"; 140) mentions the possibility that "L'homme aux gants verts" might have been the famous magician Erik Hanussen.

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this is not specifically mentioned. His fluorescent gloves gleamed like glow-worms. His gaze was cruel, penetrating and sly; he had perfect control over his reflexes. Be addressed the British agents in perfect Oxford English: "Gentlemen, although you belong to a race other than mine, the green hand will be extended to you, since you bear the keys that open the 110 locks of the secret kingdom of Aggharti."90 Let us examine what Pauwels and Bergier made of this in their Tbe Morning of

tbe lVlagicians:
In Berlin there was a Tibetan monk, nicknamed "the man with the green gloves," who had correctly foretold in the Press, on three occasions, the number of Hitlerian deputies elected to the Reichstag, and who was regularly visited by Hitler. He was said by the Initiates to possess the keys to the kingdom of Agarthi .... It was in 1926 that a small Hindu and Tibetan colony settled in Berlin and Munich. vVhen the Russians entered Berlin, they found among the corpses a thousand volunteers for death in German uniform without any papers or badges, of Himalayan origin. As soon as the [Nazi] movement began to acquire extensive funds, it organised a number of expeditions to Tibet, which succeeded one another practically without interruption until 1943 .. ,,91 In Tibet, acting on orders from Dr. Sievers, Dr. Scheffer [sic] was in contact with a number of lamas" in various monasteries and he brought back with him to Munich, for scientific examination, some "Aryan" horses and "Aryan" bees, whose honey had special qualities. 93 Here we find further occult details added to Teddy Legrand's fictional story, but none of them have any basis in fact. No green-gloved Tibetan monk lived in Berlin to advise Hitler. Furthermore, far from a constant succession of German expeditions to Tibet from 1926-1943, only a single German expedition went to that country, that of 1938-1939.94 There were also no Tibetan colonies in Munich, Berlin or other cities, no Tibetan monks, and no troop of uniformed Tibetans in Germany. In fact, in the first half of the twentieth century only a single Tibetan lived in Germany: he was Albert Tafel's interpreter, whom Tafel had brought with him after his expedition in 1907.95 There is also no proof at all for the claim of a thousand uniformed Tibetan corpses. This story may be a legend arising from the fact
90 91
92

T. Legrand, Les sept tetes du d1'agon ver't, 243-244. L. Pauwels and]. Bergier, The iVI07'ningofthe Magicians, 197-198. According to R. Ambelain (Les arcanes noiTS de !'hitle,'isme, 122), they are "the Tibetan

instructors of the Nazis."

L. Pauwels and]. Bergier, The NIoming of the NIagicians, 207. Plans for a second, military expedition in 1939-1940 failed, e.g. Final Intelligence Report (OI-FIR/32), "The Activities of Dr. Ernst Schaefer, Tibet Explorer and Scientist with 5S-Sponsored Institutes," February 12, 1946, National Archives, Washington, RG 238, lVI-1270, Roll 27, fols. 7-9; Bundesarchiv Berlin, NS 1912709, fa!. 35-41. 95 His name was Bordjal (Tib. spu rgyal i). However, his integration into German life was so complete that he could be traced only with difficulty at the beginning of the 19405 near Stuttgart. In 1920 he had married Tafel's cook and taken a German name. Bundesarchiv Berlin, R135/46, fa!. 162120, 162123, 164458, 164522, 164527.
9J

94

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that in the Second vVorld vVar Mongolian Kalmyks had fought on the side of the Germans, although at the end of the war there were almost no Kalmyks in Berlin.?6 Nonetheless, it was thus that the myth arose. Once "Pauwels and Bergier had provided this basic stock of myths relating to the occult inspiration of Nazism, further authors were tempted into a sensational field."97 Trevor Ravenscroft added to this repertoire of myths in his widely read work, also translated into several languages, The Spem' ofDestiny: It was largely through the initiative of Professor Karl Haushofer and other members of the Vril Society in Berlin and Munich that exploratory teams were sent out to Tibet. The succession of German expeditions to Tibet, which took place annually from 1926 to 1942, sought to establish contact with Cave Communities and persuade them to enlist the aid of Luciferic and Ahrimanic Powers in the furtherance of the Nazi cause and in the projected mutation which would herald the new race of Superman. Three years after the first contact had been made with the Adepts of Agarthi and Shamballah, a Tibetan community was established in Germany with branches in Berlin, Nlunich, and Nuremberg. But only the adepts of Agarthi, the servants of Lucifer, were willing to support the Nazi cause. The Initiates of Shamballah, who were concerned with the advent of materialism and the furtherance of the machine age, flatly refused to co-operate. Serving Ahriman, they had already made contact with the vVest and were working in affiliation with certain lodges in England and America! The adepts of Agarthi were known in Germany as "The Society of Green Men" and strong measures were taken to keep silence about their real significance. They were joined by seven members of the "Green Dragon Society" of Japan, with whom they had been in astral communication for hundreds of years .... During the final months of the war the lamas from Tibet were utterly neglected by the Nazis. They had failed in their mission to harness the powers of Lucifer to the Nazi cause. To show his personal disfavour Hitler ordered that they should live on the same reduced rations as the inmates of the Concentration Camps. vVhen the Russians reached their quarters in the suburbs of Berlin, they discovered their naked bodies lying in orderly rows, each with a ceremonial knife piercing the abdomen." This freely invented fantasy obviously incorporated dualist ideas taken from the anthroposophy of Rudolf Steiner. However, I was unable to discover any reliable information about the "Green Dragon Society" or the "The Society of Green Nlen." In the first book on this general topic in the German-speaking world, Dietrich Bronder's 1975 Bevo1' Hitler kanz, we read: In 1928 the Thule Society, via the strong Tibetan colony in Berlin with which Haushofer was in permanent contact, is said to have resu~ed the links to Tibet's secret societies of monks, which were even maintained during the Joachim Hoffmann, Deutsche und Kalnzyken, 1942-1945 (Freiburg: Rombach, 1974). N. Goodrick-Clarke, The Black Sun, 117. 98 Trevor Ravenscroft, The Spear of Destiny: The Occult Power Behind the Spear, which Piened the Side ofCh6st (New York: McGraw-HilI, 1972): 255-257.
96 97

The Nazis a/Tibet

Second vVorld vVar. The key used in radio communication between Berlin and the Tibetan capital of Lhasa at this time was the book Dz)'an, a secret book of magic of Tibetan sages. . The links to Tibetan Buddhism forged by Trebitsch, Haushofer, and Hess were represented by Karo Nichi, an emissary of the Tibetan Agartha in Berlin; he wore the brush-shaped moustache that indicated an adept. On the evening before the outbreak of the Second World vVar Schafer's SS expedition departed from Germany for Tibet, guided by Karo Nichi and Eva Speimiiller, bringing the Dalai Lama radio equipment with which to set up links between Lhasa and Berlin. Schafer's SS men were permitted to enter the holy city of Lhasa, otherwise barred to Europeans and Christians-and even the lamas' magnificent temple, containing one single enormous object, the holiest symbol of the Mongolian empire: the swastika.'9

83

Of course, the expedition was neither led by the unknown Karo Nichi, supposed emissary of Tibetan Agartha in Berlin, nor did it have the aim of supplying the Dalai Lama with radio equipment to pass messages between Lhasa and Berlin and establish an axis of the occult, as claimed by Dietrich Bronder. It is, however, correct that the expedition brought gramophones and a radio, which were presented to the Regent and the Kashag; however, these objects, which were part of the equipment of the expedition, were only converted into gifts during the course of the expedition. lOo The myth would be recycled and reconstituted in works in English, German, and French. Although the members of the Schafer expedition had no knowledge of Illion's Darlmess ove7' Tibet before 1941, the introduction to the currentlyavailable edition states: "It is believed that Illion's accounts of Tibet were instrumental in persuading the Nazi government of Germany to send yearly expeditions into Tibet,"IOI which "tried to find fossilized remains of giants. Anyone who attacked Horbiger was promptly suppressed by the 'Ahnenerbe'."I02 It is evidently of no importance that, as natural scientists, all members of the expedition categorically rejected the vVorld-Ice Theory and specifically refused to allow it to be included as part of the expedition's goals. The sources continued to be equally creative, stating that there were "persistent rumors that the Nazi interest in Tibet was actually inspired by a desire to contact the black adepts of Shambhala and/or Agartha and to enlist their aid in the conquest of the world."JOJ Rudolf Hess is said to have cried in a moment of euphoria, "The secret powers of Tibet are fighting on the side of the Axis powers."I04 And the German Tibet

99

Dietrich Bronder, Bevor Hitler kam: Eine histo1-iscbe Studie, 2"d ed. (Geneva: lVlarva,

1975): 248-251.

Bundesarchiv Koblenz, R 73/1498, fo1. 25. Theodore Illion, Dadmess over Tibet (Kempton, Illinois: Adventure Unlimited Press, 1997): v. Similarly David Hatcher Childress, Lost Continents and the Hollow Eartb (Stelle, Illinois: Adventure Unlimited Press, 1999): 325 as mentioned in Alan Baker, Invisible Eagle: Tbe Histo1J' OfNazi Occultism (London: Virgin, 2000): 121. 102 Dusty Sklar, Gods and Beasts: The Nazis and the Occult (New York: Crowell, 1977): 77. !OJ A. Baker, Invisible Eagle, 121. 104 R. Faligot and R. Kauffer,Le nzarchi dzt diable, 244.
100 101

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expedition was said to be an attempt by tbe Nazis to establish communications witb true "supermen.,,105 In an American book, it is explained that tbese SS men "were the warrior elite of a new civilization, immeasurably superior to the old, tbe high priesthood of the New Age, the standard bearer of the corning Superman. Their leaders were magicians, who had formed alliances witb the mystic Tibetan cities of Agarthi and Schamballah and had mastered the forces of the living universe."106 vVe read in a French work that "there was continuous contact between National Socialist Germany and Tibet and it is known that orders were issued directly by tbe imaginary fatherland of the Germans tbat concerned tbe material conquest of the world by the Seven Initiates of the Society of Thule. v'iTe know today tbat our merciless sectarians were magically 'protected' by their Tibetan masters under the sign of the swastika."107 The letter to Hitler from the Tibetan Regent also triggered speculations: There were also claims that Schafer had brought tbe Fuhrer a document of inestimable value and tbat tbe Fuhrer locked it away in a dark corner of the bunker at Rastenberg where he was said to meditate. However, this docu-. ment was nothing more tban a parchment on which the Dalai Lama had signed a pact of friendship with Nazi Germany, where Hitler was known to him as head of the Aryans. vVhile it is possible tbat Schafer brought such a document with him, it is not possible to estimate tlle value ascribed to it by all sides. Was it a declaration of principles, or merely a document of diplomatic value? ... One item out of all those brought back by Schafer deserves particular attention: the Tantra ritual Kalachakra and a detailed dossier concerning this Tantric initiation ... the first document on this subject to reach the vVest.108 Once again, however, reality is less mysterious. Of course, at tbis time the threeyear-old Dalai Lama had not arrived in Lhasa yet. And, as Bruno Beger confirmed to me, the expedition members were not even aware of the term Kiilachakra 109 and brought no such documents back with themYo Perhaps the authors had confused the term Kiilacha/,ra with tbe Kanjur (bKa' 'gyur), a copy of which had been presented to the expedition in exchange for medical assistance. Yet even this fact galJames H. Brennan, Tbe Occult Reicb (London: Futura, 1974): 82. Gerald Suster, Hitler; tbe Occult NIessiab (New York: St. Martin's, 1981): 191-192. 107 Adolphe D. Grad, Le temps kabbaliste, 12-13. 108 E. iVIila, Nazisme et esoterimze, 86-87. 109 Interview on December 6, 2003. However, it was presumably Johannes Schubert, who had written a list "Desiderata der Tibetforschung," in which he did list a question as to whether there were special places in Tibet, where the Kalacbak1"a cult was still practiced. (Bundesarchiv Berlin, R 135/57 fo!' 151363). It is unknown whether the expedition received this list in time and took it to Tibet. Bruno Beger has no recollection of it. 110 Cf. Gunter Griinbold, Die tibetiscben Blockdmcke de,. BaYe1'iscben Staatsbibliotbek: Eine Titelliste (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1989),in which all blockprints brought to Germany by the Schafer expedition are listed. After having also checked all Tibetan manuscripts from the expedition with the kind help of Namgyal Nyima, I found absolutely nothing of an occult
105 106

nature-rather, they concern mundane matters such as brawls in a restaurant, problems with

the hay harvest, and some prayers.

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vanized other authors' imagination and inspired speculations such as those of Dietrich Bronder: "Finally the [Panchen] Lama presented the SS expedition With the Lamaist bible Kanjur in over a hundred volumes, as a gift for his friend Hitler, or Hsi Tale."lll This last "fact," however, would have exceeded the framework of space and time, since the Panchen Lama spent the last 15 years of his life outside Tibet and had died two years prior to the expedition's arrival. A mystery has even been concocted about the fate of this copy of the Kanjur. Peter Levenda speculated: "I have been unable to discover what has happened to it after the war, though I suspect it wound up in a- museum in Vienna."112 Peter Moon even added: "I have been informed by others that they [the documents] ended up in Russian hands and that they were copies of original sacred texts from the inner caves of Tibet. Monks would spend entire lifetimes dutifully copying sacred scriptures and depositing them in secret Ibcations.'>l1l In fact, this impressive hundred volume edition of the new Lhasa Kanjur, initiated by the 13 m Dalai Lama, has spent the last several decades in the Bavarian State Library in Munich. 114 A greater problem, and a murkier one, than that of the work of occult or cryptohistorians, sensationalist writers, or conspiracists are publications by those journalists and self-styled "agents of enlightenment" who, while purporting to bring light into darkness and to demythologize Tibet, actually construct new myths by skillfully mixing fact and fiction-deliberately or not. For example, the American historian Lee Feigon explains: "In the late 1930s Hitler and Himmler went so far as to send an expedition to Tibet to measure Tibetan head sizes and ascertain that the Tibetans were .not Jews but true Aryans. Hitler even is reputed to have brought a group of monks back to Germany, instructing them to perform special chants to alter weather patterns in preparation for his ill-fated Russian invasion."115 Orville Schell, an American professor of journalism, reports: "Indeed, as early as 1926, long before they were a force to be reckoned with, future Nazi supporters managed to send the first of several 'anthropological' expeditions to the area under the leadership of zoologist Ernst Schafer."ll6 The occult insinuations surrounding the expedition reappeared in 1997, when the release of the film Seven Years in Tibet, based in large part on his 1952 book,117 prompted research into Heinrich Harrer's Nazi past. Among statements published at that time we find things like this:
111 D. Bronder, Bevor Hitler kam, 2S0-251. However, of course, in Tibetan "Hitler" was not spelled "Hsi Tale" but "he ti lar." 112 Peter Levenda; Unholy Alliance: A History of Nazi Involvement with the OCCZtlt, 2nd ed. (New York: Continuum, 2002): 196. 11l Peter Moon, The Black Sun: Montauk's Nazi-Tibet Connection (New York: Sky Books, 1997): 211. 114 Cf. Gunter Gronbold, The Words of the Buddha in the Languages of the World (Munich: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, 2005): 128-129. 115. Lee Feigon, Demystifying Tibet (Chicago: Elephant, 1996): 15. 116 Orville Schell, Virtual Tibet: Searchingfor Shangri-La from the Himalayas to Hollywood (New York: Holt, 2000): 289. 117 Heinrich Harrer, Sieben Jahre i'; Tibet; mein Leben am Hoft des Dalai Lama (Vienna: Ullstein, 1952).

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In 1938,Schafer left for Tibet with 30 men and a large cache of weapons, arriving'in Lhasa in early 1939.... The SS storm troops were on a mission to persuade the Tibetan army, by giving them gifts, to wean it away'from British influence .... The plan was ... that it was the Tibetans who would teach the Germans how to survive in the harsh environmentYs

And even more of a falsification: Himmler believed that the Tibetans were fellow Aryans. Schafer's mandate was to turn the Tibetans against the British with the ultimate end of forming a German-Tibetan Aryan alliance that would eventually conquer Asia. Tibet would be then settled by colonies of Germans seeking the precious Nazi ideal of Lebensraum-"living space.'H!9 However, even if individual authors were forced to admit, after conscientious research and, for example, after searching all files in the National Archives in Washington, that they could fmd nothing "about the occult activities and interests of the Third Reich concerning Tibet,"120 they often conclude with innuendo along the lines of this: "Thus we cannot rule out the hypothesis that Schafer was involved in something more than butterfly gathering in this historic (and official) trek to the Himalayas at that time of great international crisis and global tensions."!2!

An Attempt at Explanation, based on Considerations of Conspiracy Theories

What is it that compels authors to write such things? The root causes, the methods of representation ahd the conventions of the genre may be approached from the perspective of conspiracy theories,122 where events are interpreted from the viewpoint of the occult, and groups are identified as "secret societies."
lIB Gerald Lehner and Tilman Miiller, "Dalai Lama's Friend: Hitler's Champion," Rimal Ouly/August 1997): 42-44, here 44. This is the English translation of the article in the German magazine Stern from May 28, 1997, which triggered an avalanche of "revelations." '119 David Roberts, "The Nazi Shadow in Tibet," Men's Journal 6.8 (1997): 61-62, 119120, here 62. !10 P. Levenda, Unholy Alliance, 191. III P. Levenda, Unholy Alliance, 192-193. Despite Levenda's frequently quoted comparison of Schafer to a "Nazi Indiana Jones" (p. 194), he never had anything to do with the search for any Ark of the Covenant, Holy Grail, etc. III This section on conspiracy theories and myths is drawn from the following literature: Geoffrey T. Cubitt, "Conspiracy Myths and Conspiracy Theories," Journal of the Anthropological SoCiety ofO:iford 20 (1989): 12-26; Dieter Groh, "The Temptation of Conspiracy Theory, or: Why do Bad Things Happen to Good People? 'Preliminary Draft of a Theory of Conspiracy ;Theories," in Changing Conceptions of Conspiracy, eds. Carl F. Graumann and Serge Mbscovici (Berlin: Springer, 1987): 1-11; Daniel Pipes, Conspi1YlCY: Row the Paranoid Style Flourishes and Where it Comes p"om (New York: Free Press, 1997); John Roberts, The Mythology ofSecret Sodeties (London: Seeker & Warburg, 1972); Armin Pfahl-Traughber, Der antisemitisch-antifreimaurerische Verschwbrungsmythos in de1" Weima1"er Republik zmd im NS-Staat (Vienna: Braumtiller, 1993): 115; Armin Pfahl-Traughber, '''Bausteine' zu einer Theorie tiber 'Verschworungstheorien': Definitionen, Erscheinungsformen, Funktionen und Urs.chen,"

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According to Geoffrey Cubitt, "A conspiracy myth tells the supposedly true and supposedly historical story of a conspiracy and of the events and disastrous effects to which it has given rise."l2l Daniel Pipes observes that "a conspiracy theory is the fear of a non-existent conspiracy. The German term Verschworungsmytbos ('myth of conspiracy') serves better than the English conspi7Y1cy tbe07Y, for it points more directly to the imaginary nature of the content."124 Conspiracy myths arise in times of radical social upheaval and sustained agitation. In this situation of insecurity and problems of orientation, conspiracy myths are a method of mastering crises and a simple cognitive tool, which "makes it easier to reduce dissonant perceptions, and allows one to reduce complexity," and there is a great "power of attraction resulting from the unburdening and reducing function in a dualist view of the world."125 Even though the act of revelation itself does not contain actual blueprints for solutions, it is an unburdeningl26 Thus in an effort to give a comprehensible explanation of the threatening situation of the rise to power of Hitler and National Socialism, the pivotal emotional experience of a superpower, and the need to exonerate one's own failure, Hitler and the Nazi ruling elite are demonized~since one is powerless against demons.127 However, the mysterious and secret nature of the alleged activities is one of the reasons for the attraction and power of conspiracy myths. The characteristic features of conspiracy myths are a dualistic world view and occultism: nothing is accidental and appearances deceive. Conspiracists adopt the role of champions of a duped public. l28 "Any conspiracy theory involves a claim to provide access to a realiin Verscbwo'T7mgstbeorien: Them'ie - Gescbicbte - Wir'kzmg, ed. Helmut Reinalter (Innsbruck: Studien Verlag, 2002): 30-44; Michael Hagemeister, "Die hotokolle del' FVeisen von Zion - eine Anti-Utopie oder der groBe Plan in der Geschichte?" in VeTscbwonmgstheoTien, 45-57; D. Rose, Die Tbule-GeselischaJt. The following articles are in Ute Caumanns and lvIathias Niendorf (eds.), VencbwoTUngstbemoien: AntbTopologiscbe Konstanten - HistoTiscbe Viwianten (Osnabriick: fibre, 2001); Rudolf Jawor.sky, "Verschworungstheorien aus pSYchologischer und historischer Sicht," 11-30; Johannes Rogalla von Bieberstein, "Die These von der Verschworung der Freimaurer," 75-88; Michael Hagemeister, "Die PTotokolle deT Weisen von Zion - eine AntiUtopie oder der grosse Plan ... ," 89-100; Dieter Groh, "Verschworungstheorien revisited," 187-196; Ute Caumanns and Mathias Niendorf, "Ra11m und Zeit, Mensch und Methode: Uberlegungen zum Phiinomen der Verschworungstheorie," 197-210. 12l G. Cubitt, "Conspiracy Myths," 130 124 D. Pipes, Conspiracy, 21. 125 D. Groh, "The Temptation of Conspiracy Theory," 5. 126 R.Jaworsky, "Verschworungstheorien," 22. 127 No Goodrick-Clarke, Black Sun, 108, 109, 113: "All writers in this genre document a secret history of the Third Reich, unknown to conventional historians, as the instrument of dark powers for the achievement of satanic ends" and "dehistoricize the facts of dictatorship, terror, war and oppression into a mythical tableau of demonic mission." The claim is made that "Hitler's rise to power is directly linked to supernatural, secret power that supported and controlled Hitler and his entourage" and "that the Nazi leadership was determined to establish contact with an omnipotent subterranean theocracy in the East, mainly Tibet, and gain knowledge of its power. It was supposed that this power would enable Germany to conquer the whole world."
128

R.Jaworsky, "Verschworungstheorien," 27.

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ty which is. by its nature, hidden,,129 and there is an occult force operating behind the seemingly real outward forms of political life. Such myths primarily tend to be triggered by groups and organizations that appear impenetrable, and that give rise to the wildest speculations on the grounds of their obscure organizational structure and mysterious rituals and symbols. Thus, according to the crypto-historians, the occult connection with Tibet in the era of National Socialism is supposed to have operated via the SS. A specific technique is used to establish causality and plausibility: the gap in one conspiracy myth is explained by yet another conspiracy mythY o Narrative techniques are also used in the attempt to create plausibility, when details are scattered throughout the text to convey insider knowledge or feign authenticity concerning insider knowledge. l3l A rational method is applied, although not immediately recognizable as such: the generation of calculated insecurity by means of manipulative elements of style,ll2 vague formulations such as passive verbs and indeterminate pronouns ("they"), allusions and references to long-lost printed sources and so-called secret dossiers. vVe have seen all these techniques at work in the specific case of the Schafer expedition. Despite the dubious treatment given to scientific and pseudoscientific speculative literature alike by these crypto-historians, they nonetheless view themselves as genuine historians, often making efforts to imitate the forms of genuine researchYJ Furthermore, occult historians and conspiracy theorists commonly slight traditional historians, promising to reveal secrets that they imply would have been avoided by these historians out of prejudice, cowardice or even a deliberate intention to conceal,u4 They dismiss contradictory evidence as a sign of a conspiracy. However, conspiracy myths must contain a kernel of truth and reasonableness to make them plausibleP5 Schafer did, after all, lead an expedition to Tibet at a time of great worldwide tension. Further, to make an organization appear more historical and weighty, the allegedly conspiratorial groups are depicted as a homogeneous block, even if totally unconnected with each other;1l6 this gives the impression of a united power operating its conspiracies in secret at not only a national, but a globallevelY7 Its leaders 129 G. Cubitt, "Conspiracy JVlytbs," 16.
D. Pipes, Conspimcy, 41. U. Caumanns and M. Niendorf, "Raum und Zeit," 205. ll2 D. Rose, Die TbulegesellschaJt, 197. lJJ D. Pipes, Conspiracy, 34. 134 For example, the cover blurb of a book by James H. Brennan states: "This is the strangest book ever written about Nazi Germany. It deals with facts-but facts that orthodox historians ignore." James Herbert Brennan, Occult Reich, 2"d ed. (London, 1976), cited in D. Rose, Die Tbule-GesellschaJt, 166. Brennan went on to publish Occult Tibet: Secret P'Ylct;ces ofHimalayan Magic (St. Paul, Minnesota: Llewellyn, 2002). lJ5 Johannes Rogalla von Bieberstein, "Die These von der Verschworung der Freimaurer,"
1)0
III

78.
136 D. Pipes, Conspimcy, 133: "Time and place hardly matter," Conspirators "are blithely located where they do not live," secret societies "blamed for conspiracies occurring long before either group came into existence." 137 A. Pfahl-Traughber, Der antisemitisch-antifreimaul''''iscbe Verschwb'rzmgsmythos, 117.

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commonly invent long histories of connections to other groups. However, "conspiracism turns some of history's most powerless and abused peoples into the most pmverful,"1l8like the Tibeta:rs in our case.

Ironic Pamdox: Nazi Construction of Tibetan Wodd Conspimcy

Is there any evidence among writings by the Nazis themselves concerning a Tibetan connection? Here an ironic paradox emerges, one which devastatingly demonstrates the absurdity of the myths, attributions, and imputations of an occult collaboration with secret Tibetan world commanders. Beginning in the early 1930s, a number of National Socialist writings, all of which achieved widespread circulation, painted a diametrically opposed scene of a Tibetan world conspiracy directed against Germany and Europe, a topos that was developed by another group of crypc to-historians, using the same techniques we have seen coming into play in the creation of the Tibetan connection myth. As noted earlier, Hitler's attitude towards Tibet was characterized by his lack of interest and understanding of Asia and Tibet. "His thoughts and actions essentially fell into European categories at all times. To Hitler, Asia remained a foreign and misunderstood world."1l9 However, Alfred Rosenberg, the "chief ideologist" of National Socialism, already held decidedly different opinions as early as 1930. In his main work, The ~Myth of the 20';' Century, he expressed his understanding of "'history' as the struggle of antagonistically interrelated powers" and designated the Roman Catholic Church to be the principal enemy seeking world domination, claiming that its sole aim was the subjugation of the faithful to the claims of power and mastery represented by its exclusive caste of priests. 140 Thus all eras of Germany's history were assigned "without exception to the primary antithesis of 'Germanic struggles against Rome' and interpreted accordingly."141 Although Rosenberg was fascinated by ancient India142 and in general interpreted Buddhism in a positive light,'43 he was evidently influenced by Albert GrlinwedeP44 in his rejection of Tibetan Buddhism,'45 to which his conspiracy-based views ascribed
D. Pipes, Conspi1'acy, 48. Johannes H. Voigt, "Hitler und Indien," Vie17:eljabTesbefte fiir Zeitgescbicbte 19 (1971): 33-63, here 33. 140 Cf. Frank-Leithar Kroll, Utopie als Ideologie: Gescbichtsdenken und politisches Handeln im Dritten Reich: Hitl,, - Rosenberg - Dam! - Himmle,- - Goebbels (Paderborn: Schoningh, 1998): 134-135. 141 F. Kroll, Utopie als Ideologie, 146. 142 Alfred Rosenberg, De,. iVlythus des 20. Jabdntnderts (Munich: Hoheneichen, 1940, first published 1930): 28-32,147-150,265-273,389-390,660-664. 143 A. Rosenberg, Mythzzs, 265, 341. 144 Rosenberg had obviously discovered the leading German Orientalist, philologist and archaeologist Albert Grunwedel through the inaccurate decipherings and strange interpretations of Etruscan texts that the elderly and already sick Griinwedel had attempted; cf. Reinhard Bollmus, Das Arm Rosenb"'g ztnd seine Gegner: Studi"z ZZim iVlacbtkampf im nationalsozialistischen He17'schaftssystem (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1970): 23, 257. 145 A. Rosenberg, iVlythus, 65. Grunwedel had viewed the Etruscan texts as "new testimolJB lJ9

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negative influences on the Roman Catholic Church such as "the rosary still in use today in Tibet, the mechanism of which has been perfected in the prayer wheel" and the custom 'of "kissing the Pope's foot; the Dalai Lama demands the same honor today .... Lamaism had, in the form of the Roman priestly caste, completed its invac sion and continued the Oriental policies of the Babylonians and Egyptians and Etruscans." Furthermore, we learn from Rosenberg, that'it was Martin Luther who had halted "the progress of that magical monster that had come to us from Central Asia" and had "marched into battle against this spiritual totality, remaining as the victor." Had Martin Luther not saved the Western world, "Europe today would have attained the state of the filth-encrusted holy men of India and Tibet, a state of the utter imbecility, the most dreadful superstition, poverty and misery-as its caste of priests grew steadily richer.,,146 The most absurd conspiracy myths, however, were developed by the retired general Erich Ludendorff and his wife Mathilde and their circle. After this brilliant commander of the First World War47 had lost his position of military and political power with the 1918 Armistice, "the frustrated manwho had been the virtual master of G~many's destimes, General Erich Ludendorff, sought an outlet for his bitterness,,148 and attempted to carve ,out an image for himself as a populist politician. The Ludendorffs were constantly at loggerheads with everyone, including Hitler.149 The anti-Semitic attitude they held, however, was even more radical than that of the National Socialists. 150 Ludendorff had developed a belief in the activities of "supranational powers"~worldJewry, the Roman Catholic Church, Freemasonryand believed it his historic task to uncover "global conspiracies" and "supranational powers" and to attack the imaginary foes who were supposed to have deprived him and Germany of victory. Around 1931 151 they discovered Tibet and the "Asian priests" as a further power in the global conspiracy, and began to denounce Tibetan monasteries as centers of a new, Judeo-Freemason, global conspiracy with the aim of installing the Dalai Lama as ruler of the world. In 1938 they put together their attacks on the "Tibetan priestly caste," recycling their collected articles for publication in their joint work Europa den Asienpriestern?
ny to the original home of witchcraft and Satanism as 'being on European soil" and perceived a "close relationship with the Tibetan Tantras oflamaism." 146 A. Rosenberg, lvIytbus, 184-186. 147 "He possessed outstanding military talent, .. , and he must be ranked as one of the very greatest military organizers of all time," Donald James Goodspeed, Ludendo7if: Soldier: Dictator: Revolutionary (London: Hart-Davis, 1966): 248. 148 TbeAme7'icanMerczl1'Y 52 (February 1941), No. 206. 149 However, the allegedly prophetic letter written by Ludendorff to Reich President Hindenburg at the end ofJanuary 1933, in which he expressed a warning concerning Hitler, is pure fiction. Cf. Lothar Gruchmann, "Ludendorffs 'prophetischer' Brief an Hindenburg vom Januar/Februar 1933. Eine Legende," Vimeljabrsbefte for Zeitgescbichte 47 (1999): 559-562. 150 Winfried Martini, Die Legende vorn Haztse Ludendorff(Rosenheim, ca. 1949): 72; cf. also Gert Borst, Die LudertdorffBewegung 1919-1961: Eine Anatjse monologer Kammunikationsformen in der' sozialen Kamnzzmikation (PhD diss., University of Munich, 1969): 261-264. 151 Erich Ludendorff, Vom Feldberm zum Welt1'evolutioniir und Wegbereiter Deutscber Volksscbopftmg: Lebenserinnerungen II (Stuttgart: Hohe Warte, 1951): 343.

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Although both Mathilde LudendorffI52 and Hermann Rehwaldt lS' frequently pointed out that at the time Tibet had neither a Panchen Lama nor a Dalai Larin and that civil war was imminent in the country, the specter of a global conspiracy originating in Tibet was conjured, as the following passages from Ezwopa den Asienpriestern? demonstrate: The General [Ludendorff] wisely let the situation develop until he directed the eyes of the people-initially a few years ago, and since then repeatedlyto the Roof of the 'World, Tibet, and to the desire for world power held by Asiatic priests,E4 With good reason, we refrained for a long time from informing the people of the danger emanating from the Tibetan priestly caste, for we were aware of the shoulder-shrugging and wanton indifference with which the Germans treat occultism, as if it were a mere game for semi-lunatics that could never hope to shape global history, to say nothing of that global history that portends such calamity for the freedom of the German people. In the past few years we have begun to reveal the goals of political world dominance held by the Asiatic priests to the people in all their detail. This aspect of our struggle has also achieved successYs In fact the spread of Central Asian occultism in tlle Western world, i.e., in Europe and the United States, to a previously unheard of extent is one of the strangest phenomena of the twentieth century. It was associated with the spread of certain secret orders that are inseparable froIll "mysteries." And yet today it does not seem so strange. The Buddhist caste of priests at the "Roof of the World" is the oldest priestly caste still in existence in the world. 'so Authors close to the circle of Ludendorff, whose writings had already triggered a renaissance in conspiracy theory in Germany beginning at the end of the 1920s,157 denigrated the Tibetans as a people greedy for spiritual power in Europe "and working for the purpose of the 'great plan' of the occult ruler of the world.,,'58 S. Ipares, Fritz vVilhelmy, Josef Strunk, and Hermann Rehwaldt published further writings concerning the Tibetan global conspiracy-and all, with but one exception, were published by Ludendorff's own press. Ipares explains that "this is by no means the start of the Eastern world's preparations for an unimaginably sweeping global attack on the white races' plans for world dominance .... However, behind these masses from the Middle and Far East

152 Nlathilde Ludendorff, "Es rumort im 'Dache der Welt'," Am heilige?! Quell deutsche?' Kmft 9 (November 5, 1938): 460-464. 153 Hermann Rehwaldt, "Gotter, Priester, Politik: Der Buddhismus als weltpolitischer Faktor," Am heilige?! Quell deutsche?' Kmft 8 (February 5,1938): 831-839. 154 Erich and Mathilde Ludendorff, Europa den AsienpTiestem? (Munich: Ludendorffs Verlag 1938): 27. 155 E. and M. Ludendorff, Ew'opa den AsienpTiestem?, 2L 156 E. and M. Ludendorff, Ezt1'opa den AsienpTiestem?, 5. 157 A. Pfahl-Traughber, De,. antisemitisch-antifreimmwerische Ve1'SChWo71mgsmythos, 64. 158 Hermann Rehwaldt, vVeissagungen (Munich: Ludendorffs Verlag, 1939): 133.

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pressing onto the great stage of world politics, there watches an invisible power that influences and guides them, the occult hiemnhia ordinis of the lamaist theocracy."159 vVilhelmy was troubled by the fact that the Dalai Lama is alleged to bear "the presumptuous sounding, pompous title of 'Secret Ruler of the vVorld'."160 Josef Strunk warns: "NIay the people therefore recognize the great danger threatening them more than ever before from the 'Roof of the vVorld.' May they be vigilant that their striving for freedom be not abused by these, for the spirit of Asia is already among them."161 Hermann Rehwaldt was one of the most active publicists of the Ludendorff movement during the Third Reich, and he continued to address the subject in his manifesto and several articles. Rehwaldt belonged to a new group of propagandists trained in this role by the Ludendorffs from 1935. 162 He argued: The occasional influence on the Occident by ideas from the Orient was not sufficient for Tibet's sages. Like all priestly hierarchies, they derive their power over men directly from heaven. Like all propagators of world religions, they take this as the orientation of their claim to world domination. However noble their motivation~world domination to world sublimation~ it is this that they strive for, conceiving ways and means to speed the achievement of this, their goal. And despite ali the sweet and seductive words of a world movement of love, peace and general global joy, the "Sages of Tibet" are prepared to use any methods in championing their claim to world domination~including monstrous genocide. 16] In 1939, he wrote that "Europe is currently undergoing a period of invasion by the third, previously little-known supranational power, the full form of which was only revealed by the General~'Tibet'!"164 And further on he added: "From there, the secret supreme priestly caste of all Asia extended its tentacles into every country in the Far East, Central and Northern Asia, India, the Near East, and even beyond to America, Africa, Australia and Europe."165 As late as 1955, writing under the pseudonym German Pinning, Rehwaldt mentioned that the Ludendorffs had reported on Tibet's supranational power and invas'ion of the vVest in EztTopa den Asienpl~iestern.2, and concluded by actually claiming: "Today, after some twenty years, they are suddenly 'topical' as if they had been written specifically for our age. At the time, in 1937, people still laughed at the idea that
159 S. Ipares [i.e., Harry DorflerJ, Geheime vVeltmiichte: Bine Abhandlzmg iiber die "ln1ZelT Regierung" del' Welt (Munich: Ludendorffs Verlag, 1936): 45. 160 Fritz Wilhelmy, Asekha, del' Meistez, aus Femost: Der Kreztzzug del' Bettelmonche! (Dusseldorf: Verlag "Deutsche Revolution," 1937): 25. 161 ]. Strunk, Z" Juda - Rom - Tibet: 1hz' Ringen zan die vVelthez7'Scbaft (Munich: Ludendorffs Verlag, 1937): 51. 162 Helmut Neuberger, vVinkelnzass und Haken/,,-euz: Die F,-eimazwer zmd das D,'itte Reich (Munich: Herbig, 2001): 341. 163 Hermann Rehwaldt, Vom Dacb der vVelt: UbeT die "Syntbese aller Geisteskultur" in Ost zmd West (Munich: Ludendorffs Verlag, 1938): 16,57. 164 H. Rehwaldt, vVeissagzmgen, 14. 165 H. Rehwaldt, vVeissagzmgen, 48.

Tbe Nazis a/Tibet

93

some 'heathen,' 'savage,' idolatrous priests in the remote monasteries of impenetr!lble Tibet could influence the highly civilized political and cultural life of Europe and America. No one could believe that the religious and philosophical ideas of Asia, springing up everywhere and propagated on all sides, could be directed centrally from a specific location."166 . In the 1930s the reputation enjoyed by the retired general still sufficed to promote these claims, which evidently reached a broad public. In addition, the Ludendorffs could rely on their own publishing house, several periodicals, and, at one time, forty bookshops under their ownership. On lecture tours, the Ludendorffs succeeded in filling halls holding well over a thousand people.167 All this contributed significantly to the high sales figures of their writings. Even though the serious press refused to have anything to do with their publications,168 the Ludendor:ffs increasingly isolated themselves and the public prestige of the retired general crumbled. Yet, the Ludendorff's works were not without effect.169 For example, Ludendorff's fortnightly publication Am beiligen Quell deZttscher Kraft even reported on the adoption of their beliefs in Holland 170 and Italy.l71 A news report in the New York Journal from April 27, 1938, in which Henry Ford had stated in an interview that he was an adherent of the Indian doctrine of reincarnation concluded that "Ford [appeared to be] the spiritual representative of the 'Wise Men ofTibet'.,,172 Thus it is the ironic paradox of these Nazi writings that they not only do not provide any evidence to support the claim of the existence of any Nazi-Tibetan conspiracy for world domination, but rather corroborate our debunking of the claims of the above mentioned authors and crypto-historians.

Neo-Nazi Constructions ofa Nazi-Tibet Connection

In tile past; allegations that Hitler and National Socialist policy were controlled from afar by the supernatural and occult powers of Tibetan "Hidden Masters" were exploited to lend comprehensibility to the horror of Hitler and Nazi rule; by elevating them to a plane of magic. However, since the 1990s new trends have begun to emerge. These trends emerge from the right-wing neo-Nazi sector. On the one hand Neo-Nazi apologists employ the conspiracy myths about the Tibetans as supposed friends of the Nazis in order to exculpate Hitler and the Nazi regime and portray part of the National Socialist ruling elite as innocently ensnared victims, while
166 German Pinning, "Tibet vor den Toren," De,. Quell, Zeitscb.-ift fli' Geistesfreiheit 7 (1955): 797-801, here 797. 167 G. Borst, Die Ludend01ff-Bewegtmg 1919-1961, 204. 168 Mathilde Ludendorff, "Tibet macht Weltgeschichte," De,. Quell, ZeitschriJt fur Geistesji-eiheit 7 (1955): 481-486, here 481. 169 A. Pfahl-Traughber, Der antisemitisch-antiji-eimaurerische Verschwii,.,.ngsmythos, 68. 170 Am heiligen Quell dentscher Kraft 9 (March 20, 1939): 775. 171 Am heiligen Quell deutscher Kraft 10 Uuly 14, 1939): 331. 172 Am heiligen Quell detttscher K,aft 9 Uune 20, 1938): 194. This was probably also an allusion to the "Protocols of the Elders [Wise Men] of Zion."

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on the other hand assimilating the Tibetans and the Dalai Lama as their comrades in National Socialism. In this vein, an astonishing article was published in 1995 in a US neo-Nazi publication by A. V Schaerffenberg, entitled "The Fuhrer and the Buddha." Although the article itself is extremely diffici:!lt to locate, an abridged version of its content is widely available on the Internet as "Germany and Tibet," and it has been translated into severallanguages.173 Schaerffenberg writes: The Tibetans' relationship with National Socialism began even, while Adolf Hitler was batrling the Jewish strangle-hold on Germany. During the 1920's Thupten Gyatso was the 13 th Dalai Lama, or religious-political leader of Tibet. He was a scholar of deep learning and wide intelligence who sought to strike a balance between technical innovations from the West and the spirimal heritage of the East. He had many books translated from European languages into Tibetan. One of these was Mein Kampf Even in the distant Himalayas, Thupten Gyatso had heard something about this man of humble origins who inspired almost religious admiration from millions of his followers. The Dalai Lama was more than impressed by the written eloquence of this uneducated ex-soldier. The inji, a Tibetan term for "honorable foreigner," is assisted by God for some high purpose in his life. He filled his copy of the FUhrer's masterpiece with pithy annotations of enthusiastic agreement and underlined numerous favorite passages in yellow ink, virmally on every page. So much of what he read mirrored the ancient,wisdom of his own Tibetan heritage .... He was likewise surprised to find several important comparisons between National Socialism and Buddhism, especially the belief both held in common regarding service to one's people as the highest dharma, or purpose in one's life. Hitler, of course, was familiar with Buddhist principles, but it seems more likely that both he and Buddha drew upon the same font of Aryan genius to come to similar conclusions. Accordingly, after the FUhrer was elected Chancellor, in 1933 he received warm congratulations all the way from Tibet .... Harrer was part of the National Socialist influences already at work in Tibet for twenty years, but it was his personal contact with Tenzin that formed the 14th Dalai Lama's world-view. It seems strange, and then again, not so strange, that the great spokesman of Tibetan Buddhism is today's only world-class leader who embraced National Socialism, however subtlyY' Schaerffenberg even styles himself as the champion of the Tibetans, who "were being ground under the heel of Chinese Communist executioners" and accuses the Western public of indifference to the fate of the Tibetans. Such assimilations of the Tibetans and the Dalai Lama by neo-Nazis are naturally grist for the mill of those who charge the current Dalai Lama with friendship with the Nazis and with having been influenced during his youth by National Socialism. These charges appeared in the wake of the publicity surrounding Heinrich Harrer's membership of the SS in connection with the 1997 film Seven Years in Tibet; for exam-

l7l

174

w: Grimwald, "Germany and Tibet," first published in NEXUS 4 (May 1996). A.V. Schaerffenberg, "The Fiihrer and the Buddha," The New Order 119 (1995): 2,11.

The Nazis of Tibet .

95

pIe, Tom Korsky says that "The Dalai Lama has been branded as a Nazi dupe who fell prey to certain influences of the Hitler regime as schoolboy."175 Fascist influences on the Dalai Lama have been inferred from his audiences with lVIiguel Serrano and Shoko Asahara. 176 Even the fictions of Pauwels and Bergier, such as that of the thousand dead Tibetans in German uniform in Berlin at the end of the war, are laid at the Dalai Lama's door: "One wonders what today's Dalai Lama might be conveniently forgetting in relation to his community's Nazi affIliations, each time he proclaims the . Tibetan Buddhist's identification with the suffering of the Jews.,,177

Recent Constructions ofa Tibetan World Conspiracy Myth

Another trend has originated from German authors,in whose books the idealized image of Tibet is being turned into its dark, but equally distorted, mirror image. Here the alleged connections to National Socialism and neo-Fascism are linked to a literal interpretation of the final victory of the armies of Shambhala, with Tibetan Tantric Buddhism being seen as a tool for world dominance by the Tibetans.178 In describing the most strident proponents of such claims, Martin Brauen writes: Like Ipares, Strunk, Ludendorff, Wilhelmy and Rosenberg some sixty years earlier, the Rattg-ens construct a conspiracy theory according to which the Dalai Lama i~ a world ruler and wants to establish a global 'Buddhocracy' by infiltrating the vVest with his omnipotent lamas ... and in sublime way making Western people ... part of his world-wide Kalachakra project. 179 And this wave has already spilled over to fundamentalist evangelical groups in the United States, which are now conjuring up images of an impending TibetoBuddhist global conspiracy. Quite apart from the monstrous nature of these claims, it should be pointed out once again that "conspiracism turns some of history's most powerless and abused peoples into the most powerful."

To conclude, and return to our starting point of the poster at the University of Munich, what actual basis is there for the belief in a Tibetan-Nazi connection? There was no collaboration of any kind whatsoever between the Tibetans and
"

Tom Korsky, "Dalai Lama a 'Nazi Dupe'," China Morning Post (October 3, 1997). 176 Victor and Victoria Trimondi [i.e., Herbert and Maria RattgenJ, Der Scbatten des Dalai Lama: Se:cualitiit, Magie und Politik in. tibetischen Budhismus (Dusseldorf: Patmos, 1999), and Hitler, Buddha, Krishna; Colin Goldner, Dalai Lama: Fall eines Gottkiinigs (Aschaffenburg: Alibri, 1999). Instead, these audiences were apparently the result of poor planning of either poorly informed advisers, naivete or a lack of inmition with regard to the simation. See for example Helmut Clemens, "1st der Dalai Lama ein Nazifreund? Die Protokolle der Weisen von Munchen," Tibet-Forum 2 (2000): 6-S. 177 Hannah Newman, "The Rainbow Swastika: Nazism and the New Age," http:// philologos.org/_eb-trs/naF.htm. 178 V. and V. Trimondi, Der Schatten des Dalai Lama, and Hitler, Buddha, Krishna. 179 lV1. Brauen, Dreamworld Tibet, SO.
175

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Isrztn Engelhardt

Germany in the Second World War. From the outset, the tenor was that "Tibetan opinion appears to expect an Allied victory in the EUFopean War, but the official attitude is one of careful neutrality.,,180 A statement rriade by Minister Surkhang in conversation with the young Tibetan revolutionary Phuntsog Wangyal in 1943 in Lhasa does make plain why certain hopes arose in some circles of the Tibetan aristocracy that Japan and Germany might be victorious, but for strictly domestic reasons: "If Germany and Japan win, the Council of .Ministers feels that we don't have to worry much. The British will eventually withdraw from India and their power will no longer be a direct threat to Tibet. And when Japan conquers China, they will leave Tibet alone. They are a Buddhist country.,,1.1 There is no indication in this statement, however, of any connection with or support of Nazi Germany. Thus, apart from the misrepresented scientific expedition to Tibet of five scholars associated with the SS and the non-committal letter from the Tibetan Regent to Hitler, the only evidence that can be adduced for a Nazi-Tibet connection consists of a host of unproven sensationalist best-selling stories. The occult Nazi-Tibet connection was first concocted by the French in the 1930s as a method to either exonerate or discredit the Nazis, drawing a direct line from Blavatsky's Theosophy to Nazi occultism, and alleging that there had been occult and esoteric connections between the Nazis and Tibet since that period. This same myth has been resurrected today to blacken Tibetan Buddhism and Tibet's exiled representatives, with the claim that the Dalai Lama was influenced by Nazi ideology and insinuating a Tibetan conspiracy to conquer the world. However, in the age of the Internet these conspiracy myths seem to spread with breathtaking rapidity and take root in the minds of those predisposed to such beliefs. Tibet, once a dream world, now a nightmare? The Western imagination appears to be inexhaustible when it comes to inventing new roles for Tibet. Written in May 2005

180 London, British Library, Oriental and India Office Collections (OIOC), LlP&S7121 4165, fa!. 68, Political Department, Secret, note from March 1, 1940. 181 Melvyn C. Goldstein, Dawei Sherap, William R. Siebenschuh, A Tibetan Revolutionary; The Political Life and Times of Bapa Phiintso Wangye (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004): 77-78.

Tibet: The "Ancient Island" of Giuseppe Tucci "Down to our day and age ... Tibet remains an ancient island floating above a world ravaged by new ideas. An island of great culture and of the innate artistic sensitivity of delicate humanity " .. I love the medieval spirit that still lives in Tibet and that, despite outward appearances, leaves a man more in control of himself than he could ever be in the West." These are the words of Giuseppe Tucci and they illustrate his vision of the country that he loved most of all those he had visited: Tibet. Thcci's work was directed towards both geographic exploration and scientific research; this resulted in both scholarly publications and more widely read popular ones. The study presented here tries to describ!, how Tucci's vision of the snow-covered country, which he described from various perspectives (especially the religious), was received by twentieth- century culture and influenced subsequent studies, always taking into consideration the overriding vision that motivated him: that the entire cultural history of Europe and Asia can be written as the history of only one continent: Eurasia.

Tibet: 1' ancienne lIe de Giuseppe Tucci

Encore de nos jours et a notre .opaque ... Ie Tibet reste cette ancienne lIe qui semble flatter sur un monde ravage par de nouvelles idees. Une lIe de grande culture et d'une sensibilite artistique innee d'une humanite delicate ... J'adore cet esprit medieval qui vit encore au Tibet et qui, audela de toute apparence, laisse un homme sous contrOle de lui-meme, bien plus qu'i1 ne pourrait jamais I'etre en Occident . C'est en ces termes que s'exprime Tucci. Ceux-ci m;ntrent clairement Ie regard qu'i1 portait sur Ie Tibet, Ie pays qui, de toutes les contrees qu'i1 a visitees, lui tenait Ie plus a creur. Le travail de ce savant pionnier a eu pour objet autant l'exploration geographique que la recherche scientifique. II s'est consacre non seulement a des publications a caractere scientifique mais aussi a des Ceuvres pour grand public. La presente etude tente de cerner et d'analyser comment la vision de Tucci du pays couvert de neige, qu'i1 decrit selon diverses perspectives (en particulier du point de vue religieux) a ete peryue par la culture' du xx' siecle, et comment elle a influence les etudes ulerieures. Elle prend en compte I'approche globale qui I'a auime, faisant de l'histoire de la culture de I'Europe et de l'Asie I'histoire d'un seul et meme continent: I'Eurasie.

TIBET
THE "ANCIENT ISLAND" OF GIUSEPPE TUCCI

Elena DE ROSSI FILIBECK

iuseppe Tucci's vision of the "ancient island" of Tibet may serve as a valid metaphor to define the difference between the way of life of the "other" and western concepts prevalent in his times. But first, let us recall briefly some biographical data on the great scholar of Asia. Tucci was born inNIacerata on June 5,1894 and died at S. Polo dei Cavalieri on April 5, 1984. He had a long and active life inspired by a strong humanistic motivation that pushed him to study Asian religion from what we might today consider a global perspective, holding that the entire cultural history of Europe and Asia can be written as the history of only one continent: Eurasia.! He taught Italian language and literature at the Indian universities of Shantiniketan and Calcutta before becoming, in 1932, Professor of "Religion and Philosophy ofIndia and the Far East" at the University of Rome, where he taught until 1964. In 1933, with Giovanni Gentile, he founded the Institute for the Middle and Far East (Istituto per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente - IsMEO), which is today the Institute for Africa and the East (Istituto per I'Africa e I'Oriente - IsIAO), and remained its president until the end of the seventies. It was through this institute in particular that he promoted and developed cultural relations between Italy and East Asian, cultures and developed Italy'S knowledge of East Asian languages and culture. Between 1928 and 1956 he uaveled many times to Tibet and Nepal, absorbing the background and gathering data for his many works on those countries' religions, art, literature, and history. He then directed his attention to other paths and other cultures. He studied Hinduism, Buddhism, and Daoism, in each case basing his religious and philosophical research on a thorough knowledge of philology and linguistics. His interest, I would even say love, for Tibet, which arose from his studies of

For a bibliography of Giuseppe Tucci's scholarly work see Raniero Gnoli, Ric01'do di Giuseppe Tucci (with contributions by Luciano Petech, Fabio Scialpi, Giovanna Galluppi Vallauri) Serie Orientale Roma LV (Rome: IsMEO, 1985) and the contributions in Beniamino Melasecchi (ed.), Giuseppe Tucci-Net centena1"io della nascita (Rome: IsMEO, 1995). See also the newly open website on Tucci: www.giuseppetucci.isiao.it.

Images of Tibet in the 19 rb and 20 rb Centuries Paris, EFEO, coll. Etudes thematiques" (22.1), 2008, p. 99-111

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Elena De Rossi Filibeck

Buddhism,2 gave to the study of Tibetan culture a special identity, separating it from many other academic studies concerned with the Asian world. The image of "the ancient island'" is, among the many devised by the great Italian scholar, the one that best describes his view of Tibet, the most meaningful in relation to his vision of the snow-covered country. In many passages in his writings Tibet is presented as a place of unspoiled nature that inspires magical visions, a land that is mystical because it is unknown and because it is imbued with a strong religious faith: The Tibetans' almost exclusively religious culture was deepened by the isolation imposed by the belt of mountains that encloses the country' He continues: Few know the tragic beauty of those roads, the brilliant prayer of the land, and the dangers of the paths, and the storms in the sky-all so interrelated that a man walks almost dreamily there, caught between the admiration of a prodigy and the expectation of death.' As we reflect on the meaning of this "image" passed down through generations of readers and scholars, we cannot ignore the fact that Tucci the man was a product of his time, influenced by the culture of his time, especially during his academic formative years. Recent articles 6 on Giuseppe Tucci have ignored this aspect, for essentially two reasons: the first is that there are not as yet any documented studies that examine

See the Introduction to Giuseppe Tucci, Tibet, Paese delle nevi (Novara: De Agostini,
1967): 12. 2nd ed, Rome: Newton Compton Editori, 1980) on p. 116 says: "Fino ad oggi ... il Tibet e restato COIne un'isola antica galleggiante suI manda sconquassato dalle idee nuove. Un'isola di grande cultura, di una sensibilid artistica innata, di umanita delicatissima .... 10 arna

G. Tucci (A Lhasa e olwe, l'ultima esplomzione italiana alla scoperta dei seg"eti del Tibet,

questa aura medievale che anc,?ra spira nel Tibet e che in fondo malgrado Ie apparenze, las cia I'uomo pili padrone di se medesimo di quello che non sia in Occidente." [Down to our day and age ... Tibet remains an ancient island floating above a world ravaged by new ideas. An island of great culture and of the innate artistic sensitivity of delicate humanity .... I love the medieval spirit that still lives in Tibet and that, despite outward appearances, leaves a man more in control of himself than he could ever be in the West.] Unless otherwise noted, all translations are by the anthor. 4 G. Tucci (Italia e O"iente, Rome: IsIAO, 2005) on p. 150 tells us that "Ia cultura quasi unicamente religiosa dei tibetani si approfondiva nell'isolamento cui la cintura delle montagne castringe iI paese .... " , G. Tucci (Italia e Oriente, 154): " ... pochi sanno la tragica bellezza di quelle strade, la scintillante preghiera della terra e Ie insidie dei sentieri, e Ie tempeste del cie10 COS1 congiunte
che Puomo vi cammina quasi trasognato tra l'ammirazione di un prodigio e l'aspettazione

della morte ...." See Gustavo Bonavides, "Giuseppe Tucci, or Buddhology in the Age of Fascism," in Cumto,-s of Buddba, The study of Buddhism 1/uder- Colonialism, ed. Donald S. Lopez (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1995): 161-196, and Per Kvaerne, "Tibet images among

Tibet: Tbe ''Ancient Island" of Giuseppe Tucci

101

sPu rang rdzong (Taklakot), vVeste~n Tibet, June 29, 1935. Giuseppe Tucci with a local dignitary. (Negative stored [Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente, Rome] 6027/21)

all aspects of the life of the scholar and thinker that we can refer to/ and the second is that the authors of these articles have tried to interpret Tucci's adherence to fascism as spiritual and intellectual, without considering the cultural climate of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, therefore reading in certain passages of Tucci's work a tout COU7't reflection of fascist ideology. vVe must not forget that within Fascist ideology and culture "one can find everything and its opposite ... since it was

researchers on Tibet," in Imagining Tibet, PeTCeptions, pTojections, and fantasies, eds. Thierry Dodin & Heinz Rather (Boston: vVisdom Publications, 2001): 47-63. These authors did not accept that Tucci subscribed to Fascism in the same way that eighty percent of all Italians at the time did; a man of such great culture and of such great vision could never be a doctrinaire fascist. This was clear to his close friends such as the palaeontologist Ruggero Schiff Giorgini (1882-1949), who was himself arrested by the Nazis for his antifascist views (see the newspaper II NlessaggeTo for lvlay 23, 1950). On Tucci's activities during the fascist regime, the only serious documented study on the subject is Valdo Ferretti, "Politic a e cultura: origini e attivitil dell'IsMEO durante il regime fascist,a," St07'ia Conte7"p07'anea 17.5 (1986): 779-819. Here, Tucci's great cultural work for the Institute is recollected through a careful examination of documents. Raniero Gnoli has left us the best definition of Tucci's position: "His thoughts were elsewhere, somewhere in the past, and if he ever did follow the events of the present it was only because this was necessary for the achievement of his plans and projects; the events of his own time were always secondary to his scholarship." See R. Gnoli, "Giuseppe Tucci e l'India," in Giuseppe Tucci nel centenaTio della nascita, ed. B. lvlelasecchi, 287-295, here 295. 7 These were the words of prof. Giuseppe Parlato during his speech on the Day of Asia 2006 (February 16, 2006) at the IsIAO of Rome.

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Elena De Rossi Filibeck

formed by many different ideological blocks of a non-homogeneous nature,'" thereby answering Fascism's desperate need for support and cultural backing. Fascism borrowed extensively from late nineteenth and early twentieth century thought, but this appropriation does not make that thought itself in any way "pre-fascist." Rereading Tucci's works and his actions while positioning them in their correct historical cultural context, we can try to understand which intellectual influences conditioned those images of Tibet that flowed from his pen. Yet we must distinguish between Tucci's scholarly works, which published the scientific results of his travels, and his more popular publications, the latter accompanying the former in a travelogue or travel diary form, or as articles that illustrated special aspects of the expeditions. The "ancient island" image is more common in his popular works, those in which we often find a romantic, late-eighteenth century spirit. According to this spirit, in the travel diary form he allowed himself to give way to emotion and to abandon curiosity about the different in favor of a sensitivity to the remote and the ancient in Tibet, a kind of space-time detachment vis avis modern Europe and elsewhere. Thus Tucci tells us this in another of his written works recalling his travels in Tibet: To enter Tibet not only meant finding oneself in a country where nature isolates and protects, but it was also like traveling through time, immersing oneself in a far off medieval age when religion dominated human thoughts and human actions, as if the events that elsewhere changed and transformed conditions, that caused empires to crumble, and that gave birth to new balances [of power] had not been able to penetrate the snow covered country and overcome the resistance posed by traditions and millennia-old superstitions.' He continues: To travel at a time when the world becomes more and more uniform is to wander in a hospital full of dying people. Flashes of ancient traditions dissolve into a flurry of fading sparks and all we can do is try to bring the dead back to life. There is nowhere left to explore on Earth. With Tibet and Nepal I have ended my travels, and even there all is changing now that the East is absorbing our poison. All that we can do now is to travel back into the

Giovanni Battista Ferri, Filippo Vassalli 0 il diTitto civile come opem d'ane (Padua; Cedam 2002); 4-5. I introduce the example of the great Italian jurist Filippo Vassalli (1885-1955) here because, after the war, he fell upon the same fate as Giuseppe Tucci, i.e., in his appearance before the Investigative Committee (Commissione d'epurazione) for his collaboration in the writing of the Italian Civil Code in 1942. 9 G. Tucci, "II Tibet ne! momento attuale," Rassegna Italiana di politica e di cultzl1'o 18 (1951); 99-108, here 100; "Entrare nel Tibet non significava soltanto trovarsi nel mezzo di
un paese dove la' natura isola e protegge, rna era come andare a ritroso, immergersi in un

medioevo nel quale la religione dominava il pensiero e Ie azioni umane, come se gli avvenimenti che intorno cambiano e trasformano Ie situazioni, fanna crollare imperi e creano altri

equilibri non avessero potmo penetrare nel paese delle nevi e vincere Ia resistenza di tradizioni e superstizioni millenarie."

Tibet: Tbe "Ancient Island" of Giuseppe Tucci

past and, as we deal with shadows and images, the soul finds peace. The rest does not matter. lO

103

It is important to recall what the late Maurizio Taddei (1936-2000) pointed out, that Tucci avoids the typical late-eighteenth century habit of the narrator's description of small and unimportant incidents at the onset of his travels. Tucci, on the contrary, begins his recollection as if already on location and with his journey from Italy very far away.ll In his popular publications there is a great feeling of melancholy and regret for a disappearing world, and for a nature that "isolates and protects." These impressions are strongly influenced by the cultural tenets of romanticism, but that is not their only source. Between the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth the great current of idealism generated ramifications like the romantic idealism of Benedetto Croce and Giovanni Gentile. Te07~ia della spi7~ito conze un atto puro (1916), Gentile's most important work, is undeniably inspired by Fichte's romantic concept of the infinite. In romantic culture, art and religion found new strength: the former as the expression of sentiment, and the latter as the sentiment of the infinite. Artistic experience is thus the only effective way to touch the absolute. The cult and exaltation of the infinite brings with it intolerance for the finite.!' Many passages from Tucci's works show this leaning towards the infinite springing from the experience of uncontaminated nature, as in the following passage: It was already late November. Under a pure sky of crystal transparency the jagged peaks of the Himalayas smiled in all the whiteness and luster of their virgin ice and snow. lVlounts Gaurisankar and Everest seemed lost, giants amongst giants, within the infinite succession of the mountain range and pinnacles. Dazzled by these fantastic sights it almost seems that the religious experiences of whole generations are facing our conscience and giving rise to ineffable feelings of nostalgia that push us inexorably towards God. lJ

10 G. Tucci (La via dello Swat, Rome: Newton Compton Editori, 1978) on p. 92 says: "Non c'" pili nulla da esplorare sulla terra; con il Tibet e il Nepal io ho finito Ie mie esplorazioni; anche II tutto cambia. Ora che l'Oriente sta assorbendo il nostro veleno non c'" altro da fare che scendere nel passato; e siccome abbiamo a che fare con ombre ed immagini, I'anima

e in pace. Tutta il Testa non canta."

11 1vlaurizio Taddei, "Giuseppe Tucci narratore/' in Giuseppe Tucci nel centenoTio della nascita, ed. B. Melasecchi, 113-126, here 113. II On the philosophical tendencies of the early twentieth century see Ludovico Geymonat, Storia del pensie,'o filosofico e scientifico, vol. 7, II Novecento (1) (Milan: Aldo Garzanti Editori, 1976); SIAE (Societii Italiana degli Autori ed Editori) and Nicola Abbagnano, Dizionm-io di filosofia (Milan: UTET, 1971): s.v. "Idealismo," 454-455, and s.v. "Romanticismo," 760. B G. Tucci, "L'ultima mia spedizione sull'Hymalaya," in Nuova Antologia (1933), reprinted as "Himalaya," in G. Tucci, Il paese delle donne dai ntofti 7nal'iti, ed. Stefano lVIalatesta (Vicenza: Neri Pozza Editori, 2005): 19-34, here 34: "Era gia novembre inoltrato: suI cielo purissimo, di una trasparenza cristallina, sorridevano Ie cime dentate dell'Himalaya in tutto il candore e 10 scintillio delle nevi e dei ghiacciai inviolati. II Gaurisankar e rEverest sembravane perdersi, giganti fra giganti, nell'infinita fuga delle giogaie e dei pinnacoli. Destate da queste visioni fantastiche par quasi che Ie esperienze religiose di generazioni intere si affac-

104
And also:

Elena De Rossi Filibeck

These late-Buddhist schools carefully examined the Self and found in it the image and symbol of the microcosm and taught how to free from our imperfect nature a perfect being, beyond all restraints and all pain. 14 It would almost seem that these are the words of a romantic spirit, yet Tucci himself moves away from romanticism when he writes: Romanticism is always a contradiction between reality and fantasy: The romantic dreams of imaginary escapes while he sits safely at his desk: I, on the other hand, have lived this life and hope to live it even more as long as my years or my body, even more than my will, will permit. l5 The creation of a mythic image of Tibet, a process already widespread in twentieth century culture, was based on some of the same considerations that we can fmd in Tucci's works, especially with regard to the sense of mystery that surrounded Tibetan culture and religion;16 Tucci realized that Tibet's pull on western culture was due to its mysterious and alien nature; in fact even those who have dedicated themselves to the study of Tibetan culture and religi~n still find many shadowy areas "because the science of Tibetan culture is stilI in its infancy ... and Tibetan religion is still a mystery [to us] in its details and liturgy.,,17 Another typical aspect ofIate-nineteenth, early-twentieth century culture is the worry that industrial development and the ensuing uniformity of mass production could somehow destroy the aesthetic ideal of life and therefore destroy the exaltation of the beauty of nature. It is therefore typical of the literary and artistic philosophical culture of the time to see'in the East a world still dominated by natural beauty.'8 This intolerance for the trappings of civilization is very common in Tucci's works when he speaks, for instance, of "these cities of sounds and shrieks and shots,

eino insieme alIa nostra coscienza e suscitando nostalgie ineffabili ci risospingano con forza irresistibile verso Dio." 14 G. Tucci, "Nel Tibet occidentale, Splendori di un mondo che scompare," Le vie d'Italia e del mondo 8 (1935): 911-938, here 918: "... queste seuole del tardo b.uddismo sottoponendo ad acuta analisi il nostro io scoprivano in esso I'immagine e il simbolo del microeosmo ed insegnavano ad enucleare da questa imperfetta natura che noi siamo un essere perfetto al di 1.. di ogni contingenza e di ogni dolore." 15 G. Tucci, Vita nomade (Club Campeggiatori Romani, 1956), reprinted in G. Tucci, II paese delle don17e dai molti mariti, 191-203, here 194: "II romanticismo e sempre una contraddizione fra la realta e la fantasia: il romantico sogna evasioni immaginarie restando seduto a tavolino: rna io questa vita I'ho vissuta e spero di viverla ancora finche gli anni 0 il corpo piu del mio volere potranno." 16 T. Dodin and H. Rather (eds.), Imagining Tibet, Perceptions, projections,. and fantasies, 6. 17 G. Tucci, "Berretti Rossi e Berretti gialli," Asiatica 4 (1938): 255-262, here 225 (reprinted in G. Tucci, II paese delle donne dai molti mariti, 131-139, here 131): "... poiche la scienza delle eose tibetane e ai suoi inizi ... e la religione a volerla esaminare nei particolari e nel signifieato della sua liturgia e aneora un mistero." 18 An interesting presentation on this theme can be found in Rossana Bossaglia (ed.), Gli Orientalisti Italiani, Cento anni di esotUmo, 1830-1940 (Turin: Marsilio, 1998): 13.

Tibet: The ''Ancient Island" of Giuseppe Tucci

105

the forced race between walls and tracks, the necessity to bow one's head when entering long corridors which slice the skies."l9 He also writes: . Perhaps in no land other than Tibet does one feel the contrast between the tiresome doing and undoing that they call history and the impassive majesty of nature, which is almost a reflection of eternity, watching remotely and detachedly such a useless acting out of passions .... 20 Only there can one find and enjoy [true] freedom-not the freedom that so many rant on about today and that is always uneasiness because freedom in social life means only to bend before routines, or before the opinion of the many, or before brute strength, or before that consensus of common opinion that, in truth, means having no opinion of your own- ... because [true] freedom is that of the man who speaks with the stars and contemplates the mountains that blossom in the smile of dawn or dusk. 21 Tucci's academic development took place during the early twentieth century, therefore within a culture that strongly sought innovation in a11 areas, and was especially in need of a new approach towards science. This is certainly not the place to discuss the many philosophical currents of the time, some of which would soon give a voice and a meaning to the monstrosity of Fascism and Nazism, especially those that endorsed an irrational tendency towards violence, towards the total freedom of instinct, and towards unproven myths of race." Giuseppe Tucci's personal philosophy and works have very little in commmi with all this, I had become one with them (i.e., the Tibetans): The only European at their presence, in their country, I lived their life, I spoke their language, I nurtured myself on the same experiences, I shared their enthusiasms and their fears. 23 but very much in common with a new approach towards scientific studies.
19

G. Tucci, Vita 12071wde, 194: "Queste citti rimbombanti di rumori e stridori e scopCOf-

piettii, la corsa obbligata fra mura e fotaie, 11 necessaria incedere a testa china nei lunghi

ridoi che tagliano il cielo a fette." 20 G. Tucci, A Lhasa e oltre, 134: "Forse in nessun altra luogo come nel Tibet senti il contrasto fra l'affannoso fare e disfare che chiamano storia e l'impassibile maestositi della natura: e come un riflesso delle cose eterne, che guardano remote ed assenti tanto inutile giacD di passioni .... " 21 G. Tucci, Vita nomade, 195: "Soltanto allora trovate e godete la liberti, non quella di cui tutti oggi cancionano ed e sempre soggezione, perche liberta nel vivere consociato vuol dire soltanto piegarsi alle consuetudini a alia volonti della maggioranza e della forza, 0 quel consensa con I'opinione comune che significa di fatto non avere la propria ... perche libert' e quella dell'uomo che parla can Ie stelle e contempla Ie montagne che si aprono al sorriso dell'alba 0
del tramonto."
22 In Christopher Hale, Rimmler's Crusade (London: Bantam Press, Transword Publishers Ltd, 2003) one can find documentation on the spirit with which Nazi's travelled to Tibet. On this see also the contribution by Isrun Engelhardt in this volume.
23

G. Tucci, "Himalaya," 21: "10 era diventato tutt'uno con essi (i.e., i tibetani): solo

europeo aHa lora merce, nelioTo stesso paese, vivevo Ia lora stessa vita, parlavo Ia medesima lingua, mi nutrivo delle medesime esperienze, condividevo Ie lora ansie ed i lora enwsiasmi."

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Elena De Rossi Filibeck

To recall that context, and we can only recall it, means to try to understand which of these new philosophies Tucci made his own and which he refused during his life as a scholar. In a small volume on the men of the twentieth century, Geminello Alvi24 presents the figure of T~cci as that of "a pilgrim," and therefore grasps a truly essential aspect of his personality. Tucci's pilgrimage took place on a double level, one physical and the other spiritual. While the former is striking for the strong feeling of adventure-one has simply to think of the means of transport of the time!-that makes him one of the great e.-'{plorers of the modern age, as one of his most famous students, professor Raniero Gnoli, once called him,25 the latter is demonstrated by Tucci himself, when in a study on his journey through Swat he says: To study is an adventure that lasts a lifetime, a continuous and careful pilgrimage, made by an ever curious and never satisfied intelligence. 26 He adds, in a lyrical passage that ends with a statement of his scholarly intent: As you can see, I have already confessed that science has pushed me towards the difficult and perilous roads of Asia. There is also no doubt that the pull of science has fostered in me an inborn desire for escape, an instinctive love for freedom and for space, the whim of imagination and of dreams that is satisfied only far away from human society-when one is alone between the earth and the sky, here today, there tomorrow in a landscape new every day, in the company of people who are new, but strongly rooted everywhere in this ancient land where even the men of today are the unconscious creation of a millennia-old tradition and the images of the past can tell those who look into them, the drama of past events, vain dreams, and eternal hopes. 27 The emeritus professor Luciano Petech, another of Tucci's great students, clearly states what he believes to be the two basic principles on whicll Tucci based his studies: First, the common heritage of today's modern historical science is that of the unity of the cultural phenomenon of a country in its diachronic vision, in its many components and political, institutional,. literary, artistic and religious aspects. Therefore, iri his works of synthesis, popula; or academic, the history Geminel!o Alvi, Uomini det Novecento (Milan: Adelphi, 1995): 162-166. 25 R. Gnoli, RieDldo di Giuseppe Tucci (Rome: IslVIEO, 1985): 20. 26 G. Tucci, La via della Swat, 16: "Anche gli studi sono un'avventura che dura tutta la vita, un pellegrinaggio continuo ed attento, compiuto dall'intelligenza sempre curiosa e mai soddisfatta." 27 G. Tucci, Vita nomade, 192: "Voi vedete che con questa confessione vi ho gia detto che se la scienza m; ha sospinto sulle ardue e faticose vie dell'Asia, non c'e dubbio che 10 sprone della scienza secondava in me una nativa volonta d'evasione, un istintivo amore della liberta e dello spazio, il capriccio del fantasticare e del sognare che 10 si soddisfa lontano dal!'umano consorzio, quando si e soli fra 1a terra e il cielo, oggi qui domani la in un paesaggio quotidianamente nuovo, tra gente nuova, rna radicata dappertutto su questa terra antica dove anche gli uomini d'oggi sono 1a creazione inconsapevole di una tradizione millenaria e Ie vestigia del passato narrano a chi sappia interrogarle, i drammi delle vicende trascorse, i sogni vani 0
Ie speranze eterne."

2'

"<,!,-

Tibet: The ''Ancient Island" of Giuseppe Tucci

107

of politics is never treated as such. The other principle behind his work is that of the inconsistency and artificiality of the Europe-Asia antithesis. For him the Euro-Asiatic continent was indivisible and should be studied as such." A conference has been dedicated to this subject, but here it is more important that rather than repeat the opinions presented there, we recall a summary of Tucci's position on this matter, the position that impelled him both to study and to travel in his effort to understand the Eastern world: I believe that he felt Asia and Europe as two different moments of hllman thought, divided but not incompatible, in need of each other, as if they were two poles needing to meet each other in order once again to be one, as in Plato's Symposium.'

As a man of great culture and science Tucci based his research on Tibet on scientific principles. We must keep in mind other reasons for such travels to Tibet: on the one hand, from Antonio de Andrade (1580-1634) to August Hermann Francke (1870-1930),30 the interest in Tibet was aroused by the hope of finding an ancient Christian community, and on the other, the few westerners who had earlier walked upon the high Tibetan plateau before Tucci were interested in mapping and natural sciences. Tucci, however, was interested in searching for a link between Tibet and India as the birthplace of Buddhism. 31 Therefore, during his travels, he dedicated himself to the human sciences and to historical geography, as well as to studying artistic productions and epigraphic manuscripts from the Country of Snows. Sabatino Moscati (1923-1997) points out that Tucci succeeded in introducing a new form of scholarship and a new scientific approach through his long and adventurous journeys that included fascinating investigations of the customs and traditions of the land as well as archaeological research. Before Tucci, Italy's position in the field of oriental studies was secondary and marginal if compared to what was being done abroad. Tucci changed this in part by his use of "the English language at the same level as the Italian language in speech and writing, [which] gives a final touch to his international dimension as a scientist."" Sabatino Moscati published others of Tucci's non-scholarly works in his very popular series of books, and these contributed greatly towards the knowledge of Tibet and Nepal in Italy. Although these publications were popular successes33 as were others such as Tibet paese delle nevi, Italy's interest in Tibet was still confined
" Luciano Petech, "II contributo di Giuseppe Tucci alia storia dei Paese Himalayani," in Gittseppe Tucci net centenario della nascita, 7-19, here 16. ,. M. Taddei, "Giuseppe Tucci narratore," 125. 30 Giuseppe M. Toscano, Alla scoperta del Tibet, relazioni dei missionari del secolo XVII (Bologna: E.M1. Editori, 1977): 75-78. 31 Ramon N. Prats, "Giuseppe Tucci e il Tibet," in Le Marche e l'Onente. Una tradizione inint"'1'otta da Matteo Ricci a Gittseppe Tucci, ed. Francesco D'Arelli (Rome: IsIAO, 1998): 303315, here 308. 12 See the preface by Sabatino Moscati to G. Tucci, La via della Swat, 7-8. 13 L. Petech, "II contributo di Giuseppe Tucci alIa storia dei Paesi Himalayani," 14.

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to .a limited public and, for example, did not echo into Italian art and literature. 34 Nevertheless, it is to note that Tucci was always mentioned in connection with the Tibetan literature, as EIemire Zolla (1926-2002) pointed out. J5 Tucci's influence on the twentieth century's scientific culture, namely on scholars of Asia, was far greater. The history of Buddhist studies in Italy appears to be divided into two stages, separated from one another by a phase of transition that lays the foundation for a later, more scientific stage in Buddhological research. Giuseppe Tucci is unanimously given recognition for the switch from simple and subjective cultural analysis to scientific and critical objectivity.J6 Even in his scientific studies on Tibetan Buddhism, however, one can recognize Tucci's recurring image of Tibet as a civilization deeply steeped in religion. In Tucci's opinion the rituals of the esoteric and initiatory schools exist to erase the innate spiritual ignorance in the human mind and make him capable of embracing the redeeming light in order to understand the liberating truth in the symbolism of religious action and divine images: a truth that frees and grants salvation. 37 Many Tibetan doctrines and ideas are imbued with personal and mystical experiences that tend to abolish the barder between imagination and the physical being, thereby creating a slender line of links between the limits of the body and the threshold of the soul, and thus awakening psychophysical forces that may appear to be miraculous." God is absolute life, but with the withering of the flesh that has given temporary lodging to the divine spark He reminds man of the destiny of all that which is born and created so that man turns his thoughts toward the eternal. J9 A constant image in Tucci's works is that of the Tibetan monks who seek only to' unite themselves with the absolute, an image that both explains and goes beyond the esoteric aspects of Tibetan art and religion. The esoteric aspects were favored, however, by a western cultural tendency that, at the time, reached towards the exotic and the mysterious,40 a tendency that was common in European culture from the figurative arts to operatic music.4! Tucci's pllllosophical position, which I alluded to earlier, was too strong, however, to be defeated by any demons of Tibet: 34 We must go as far back as Giacomo Leopardi (1798-1837) to find even the word "Tibet" in Italian literature, in his Discorso sulta poesia romantica, Zibaldone (October 13, 1821), Paralipomeni alla Batracomiomachia (canto 8/43). J5 Grazia Marchiano, EUmire Zolla - II Conoscitore di segreti - Una biografia intellettuale (Milan: Rizzoli; 2006): 429. J6 Oscar Botto, "Appunti per una storia degli studi buddisti in Italia,'" in Orientalia Iosephi Tucci memoriae dicata, eds. Gherardo Gnoli and Lionello Lanciotti (Rome: IsMEO, 1985-1988): 175-190, here 180. J7 G. Tucci, A Lhasa e oltre, 30, and 113. J8 G. Tucci; "Metapsichica tibetana," Asiatica 1 (1946): 1-13, here 12. J9 G. Tucci, A Lhasa e'oltre, 95: "Dio evita assoluta, ma col disfacimento della carne che ha dato provvisorio albergo alla divina scintilla egli ricorda all'uomo il destino di ogni cosa nata e creata perche l'uomo volga il pensiero all'eterno." 40 Martin Baumann, "ll buddismo in Occidente," in Storia delle Religioni 4. Storin dell'India e dell'Estremo Oriente, ed. Giovanni Filoramo (Rome: Laterza Editori, 1996): 484-497, here 487. 41 See R.Bossaglia (ed.), Gli Orientalisti Italiani, 7.

Tibet: The ''Ancient Island" ofGiuxeppe Tucci

The monks took me down into the most secret and. hidden place in the convent (they call it gonkhan), they themselves reluctantly and quite nervous. In those hidden subterranean corridors without windows or lights live the guardian deities, the defensores fidei .... The carcass of animals stuffed with hay hangJrom the ceiling and mummified heads of slain enemies smile with the blank white of their teeth. By night the sight would later return and wake me from my weary slumber .... It thus seems that the East can find no peace, that a demoniac terror shakes it, and everywhere lift; is threatened by hostile forces. This is a first impression, the same that made many travelers and writers turn away from such an Asia so troublesome and spiritually void. But appearances are always deceptive ... if we look closer we realize that things are quite different.42 Regarding this subject Tucci also writes: But you must be strong, talk to the monks, read the holy writings and you shall see those images disappear, those deities dissolve, and like magic you shall see this religion that seemed desperately poly-demonic magically rid itself of its idols, the phantasmagoria of sacred figures vanish, like the mists of the night before the first light of the day, and the polychromes of dancing monsters fade away into a faint and pale emptinessY

109

He notices that, within the lamaist temples, which contain images of thousands of deities and of demons that multiply themselves indefinitely, the Tibetan soul with all its visions and its ecstasies is reflected in all the colors anp. all the images. The crowded multicolored effigies painted on the walls of these temples represent the infinite forces that stir the physical universe and shake the depths of our souls.44 This art of which we were almost completely unaware ... is more than simple art: it is the symbol of spiritual vision and it is the method to achieve it; it is
42 G. Tucci, "II demoniaco in Oriente," Quaderni dell'Associazione Cultural. Italiana (1952), reprinted as "L'abisso delle madri," in G. Tucci, II paese delle donne iai 11!olti 11!ariti, 241-255, here 241~242: "I monaci mi conducevano, essi stessi riluttanti e spauriti, nei pill secreti sacrati del convento (Ii chiamano gonkhan); in quei Iuoghi appartati e sotterranei senza fmestre e luci abitano Ie deita protettrici, i deftns01es fidei ... . Carcasse di animali imbottite di paglia pendono dal soffitto e teste mummificate di nemici uccisi sorridono con I'ebete biancore dei denti intatti. Lo spettacolo di notte risorgendo turbava il mio sonno stanco ... par dunque che l'Oriente non abbia pace, che un terrore demoniaco 10 scuota, e sulla vita incomba d'ogni parte Ia minaccia di potenze ostili. E' la prima impressione, quella che a molti viaggiatori e scrittori ha reso I'Asia cosl fastidiosa e spiritualmente remota. L'apparenza esempre ingannevole .... Approfondiamo e vedremo che Ie cose vanno altrimenti." 43 G. Tucci, "Gli dei di burro," La Letut1"a (1943), reprinted in G.Tucci, II paese delle donne dai 11!olti 11!01"iti, 179-187, here 185: "Ma fatti animo, interroga i monaci, Ieggi Ie seritture sacre e vedrai quelle inunagini svanire, quegli dei dissolversi e questa religione che sembrava un polidemonismo esasperato svuotarsi per incanto dei suoi idoli; Ia fantasmagoria di figure saere sparire, come Ie nebbie della notte alIa prima Iuce dell'alba, e Ia policromia dei mostri danzanti dileguare in un vuoto incolore e scialbo." 44 G. Tucci, "Nel Tibet occidentale, Splendori di un mondo che scompare," Le Vie d'Italia e del Mondo 8 (Milan: Italian Touring club, 1935): 911-938, here 918.

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the necessary stimulus to meditation, a translation of interior ecstasy into an allegory of color and lines." \Vith his definition of Tibetan art as liturgy, Giuseppe Tucci was one of the few of his time to understand its true meaning although it was very far from a European vision of art. In Tucci's words:
It almost appears as if the Tibetans understand the raptures of religion, but as yet have no experience of the divine rapture that raises lVIan into the free kingdoms of art."

Yet again Tucci's image of Tibet, described through his attentive examination of religious art, once again recalls "the medieval spirit of the ancient island." In the words of Heather Stoddard:

An essential component, no doubt the essential component, is, as Giuseppe Tucci well described it, the 771),ste7'ium magnum. The art of Tibet is its visual, tangible expression."
From art to literature, Tibetan and especially' Buddhist religion, because of its great social value, modeled and directed all of Tibetan culture, just as in medieval Europe.48 From this point of view the image that Tucci projects in his Tibetological studies is a traditional image commonly associated with the Lhasa ruling class:9 but not completely. Erik Haarh writes that only a handful of scholars, such as Tucci, Petech, Hoffmann, and Stein, fought against the common historical opinion according to which the Tibetan people had lived in barbaric darkness until Buddhism was introduced. For this reason the study of Tibet's ancient history, including its mythological and historical tradition, had been up to then neglected. 50 Popular religion, along with the B~n religion, with its mythology and tradition, are included among the subjects of Tucci's later volume Le religioni del Tibet. 51

G. Tucci, "Nel Tibet occidentale, Splendori di un mondo che scompare," 918: e altra cos a che semplice arte: e simbolo di visione spirituale e il metodo per realizzarla, stimolo necessario alIa meditazione, traduzione nell'allegoria del colore e delle linee di estasi interiori." 46 G. Tucci, "Gli dei di burro/' 184: "... appare che se i tibetani conoscono i rapimenti
45

"Questa arte di cui non S1 conosceva quasi neppure l'esistenza ... questa arte

della religione, non hanna anear esperienza del divino entusiasmo che solleva l'uomo nei

liberi regni dell'arte." On the subject of nature and art and poetry's synthesis see Joachim Ritter, Paesaggio, Uomo e natura nell'eta mode1'1za, translated from German by Gabriella Catalano (Milan: Edizioni Angelo Guerini e Associati, 1994): 42-45. " Heather Stoddard, "The development in perceptions of Tibetan art," in Imagining Tibet, 223-253, here 223. See also 231 on Tucci's monumental work: Tibetan Painted SC1'olls. 48 G. Tucci, "La letteratura del Tibet," in Ie lettemture dell'India, Con un profilo della lettemtuTa del Tibet di Giuseppe TIleci, eds. Vittore Pisani and Laxman Prasad Mishra (Florence: Sansoni Accademia, 1970): 533-544, here 535 and G. Tucci, Tibet, Paese delle nevi, 14. 49 Alex McKay (ed.), The History of Tibet, The EaTly Period: to c. AD 8S0, The YaTl'llng Dynasty (London: Routledge Curzon, 2003): 12. 50 Erik Haarh, The YaTlung Dynasty (Copenhagen: G.E.c. Gad, 1969): 11. 51 G. Tucci and Walter Heissig, Ies religions du Tibet et de la iVIongolie (Paris: Payot, 1973).

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This volume is the final expression of Tucci's take on this vast subject52 and its preface clearly proves that he realized how contemporary events were swiftly changing the land of snows. vVhile describing Tibetan religion he constantly switches from the present to the past tense. He claims that such a discrepancy is a result of Tibet's unique situation: the crisis there is not only political but also religious-a centuries-old institution has fallen and is making way for something completely different. But in fact this kind of transformation is common to societies when exposed to new ideas and new concepts. It is something that tries the strength and resistance of religions all over the world. Tucci's contribution to our understanding of Tibet was deep. His image of Tibet as "an ancient island," whose customs can put to shame those of the west turns. out, however, not to be his alone. Let us close with a quote from the Lazarist Father Hue (1813-1860), a missionary in Lhasa during the nineteenth century: There is a very touching tradition in Lhasa, a tradition that has created in us a sort of envy especially because it is also practiced by non-believers. Towards the end of the day all Tibetans cease their activities and come together-men, women, and children-in the main neighborhoods of the city and in the public squares. As soon as these groups have formed they all kneel to the ground and begin to sing a prayer slowly and quietly. The religious concert generates a great soul-soothing harmony in the city. The first time that we witnessed such a display we could not help but draw a painful parallel between this pagan city, where all pray together, and the cities of Europe where many are embarrassed even to make the sign of the cross in public. 53 I am sure that Tucci had read these words and that this vision of Lhasa moved him.

L. Petech, "II contributo di Giuseppe Tucci alia storia dei Paesi Himalayaui," 16. Evariste Regis Hue, Sottvenin d'nn voyage dans Ie Thibet (Paris: Librairie Generale Franpise, 1962): 333.
52
5J

Spirit(s) of Tibet-Tibetan Buddhism in France: paradoxical topographies, territorialization, and the economy of the tibetophile imagination In the last decade, a number of influential scholarly works have been devoted to the idealization of Tibet (and_ its fantasizing corollaries) in the Orientalist imagination, suggesting at the same time the key role of Western images in the active reception of Tibetan Buddhism by devotees in Western nations. However, the establishment in the West of Tibetan religious traditions, as well as other Buddhist schools or other national traditions, cannot be attributed solely to idealistic causes. They do represent a primary feature (on an historical level) but are far from exclusive (on an analytic level). Other much more materialistic aspects account for the expansion of Tibetan Buddhism, i.e., the agents, channels and means of diffusion for the Tibetan "message," the processes of implanting Buddhism in the religious, cultural and social landscape of its host countries, and the modes of transposition of effective cultic forms. Rather than a global account of the transplantation of Tibetan traditions in the West, this paper considers the role of Tibetophilia in the diffusion and the establishment of Tibetan Buddhism (mainly) in Western Europe in the last three decades (focusing largely on France) through the detailed study of the conditions and processes of its implantation and its organization, i.e., the translation of Tibetan doctrines and ideas, the attempts to legitimize them in Western cultural frameworks, the modes of communalization, social and sYmbolic territorialization by means of the establishment of "high places," and lastly the processes of r~ligious affiliation.

Esprit(s) dn Tibet - Le bouddhisme tibetain en France: topographies paradoxales, territorialisation et oconomie de l'imaginaire tibetophile Ces dernieres annees de 110lnhreux travaux universitaires importants ont porte sur l'idealisation du Tibet (procedant parfois de la fantasmagorie) dans l'imaginaire orientaliste, suggerant par la-meme qu'elle joua un role essentiel dans la reception du bouddhisme tibetain dans les nations occidentales. Cependant, l'etablissement en Occident des traditions religieuses tibetaines, ainsi que d'autres ecoles bouddhiques ou bien d'autres traditions propres it ces nations, ne peut toutefois etre atbbue aces seules raisons idealistes. Celles-ci representent certes une caracteristique premiere (sur Ie plan genealogique) mais loin d'etre exclusive (sur Ie plan analytique). D'autres aspects plus materiels sont egalement a prendre en compte dans l'expansion du bouddhisme : les agents, les voies et les mecanismes de diffusion du message tibetain, les moda!ites de l'etablissement du bouddhisme dans Ie paysage religieux et culturel de ses pays d'accueil, et les modalites de transposition des conditions de l'exercice du culte. Plutot qu'une simple description des modes de transplantation religieuse, cette contribution se propose d'examiner Ie role effectif de l'imaginaire tibetophile dans la diffusion et l'enracinenient du bouddhisme en Europe occidentale durant les trois dernieres decennies atravers l'etude detaillee des circonstances et des mecanismes d'implantation et d'organisation : la traduction des contenus religieux etdes concepts, les tentatives de legitimation de ces derniers dans Ie cadre culture! occidental, les modes de communalisation, de territorialisation sociale et symbolique par la constitution de hauts lieux , ou enfin d'affiliation confessionnelle.

ESPRIT(S) DU TIBET
LE BOUDDHISlvIE TIBETAlN EN FRANCE: TOPOGRAPHIES PARADOXALES, TERRITORIALISATION ET ECONOlvIIE DE L'IlvIAGINAlRE TIBETOPHILE

Lionel OBADIA
Tibetains d'Occident
u cceur de la Bourgogne, une region agricole fran~aise d'une grande notoriete sur Ie plan viticole, les natifs du cru sont manifestement assez peu troubles de vivre a proximite d'un inattendu voisinage : un vaste complexe monastique, comprenant un batiment de forme carree surplombe d'un imposant toit pointu, decore de couleurs vives, entoure de rangees de poteaux supportant des drapeaux barioles ainsi que de curieux monuments en forme de feuille d'arbre, eux aussi richement decores. Ces symboles chatoyants tranchent avec l'austere architecture et la pierre grise ternie par les siecles des eglises catholiques locales - et de l'antique batisse qui se trouve au cceur meme du complexe monastiqlie. En deambulant dans Ie bocage, il n'est pas rare de rencontrer les residents de cette etrange congregation, deambulant Ie crane rase, vetus de robes d'or et de pOUlpre. Les moines tibetains (puis que c'est d'eux dont il s'agit) qui se sont etablis et officient en France, donnent a cette verdoyante region rurale de la pointe occidentale de l'Europe, un air de petit Tibet . Fondee en 1974, cette congregation monastique, du nom de Dashang KagyuLing, est, au debut des annees 2000, nne remarquable replique des (grands) monasteres que 1'on trouve dans les regions de culture et de religion tibetaine. Compose d'unensemble de batiments respectant, avec rigueur, les canons esthetiques de la tradition de 1'architecture religieuse tibetaine, il regroupe un sanctuaire (gonzpa) d'irnposantes dimensions, entoure de monuments votifs (ch6"1-ten), ainsi que des logements reserves au personnel religieux, des moines (lanza) ou des nonnes (anila), Ie tout decore de drapeaux apriere (Jzmgta), et de quantites d'autres symboles de la religion tibetaine, tout comme l'est l'interieur du sanctuaire au centre duquel tronent d'imposantes statues du pantheon bouddhiste. Ses dimensions et sa demographie en font l'une des plus larges communautes d'obedience tibetaine d'Europe : il est d'ailleurs plus connu sous Ie nom de Temple des mille Bouddhas . Des dizaines de religieux d'origine fran~aise y resident en permanence et y suivent une formation monastique sous l'autorite de leurs maitres (dits tibetains mais princi-

171IogesofTibet in the 19 and 20 111 Celltllnoes Paris, EFEO, call." Etudes thematiques" (22.1), 2008, p. 113-147
1"

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paIement bhoutanais, une subtilite qui n'apparait pas de prime abord). Quotidiennement, des centaines de hics penetrent I'enceinte du monastere. Un premier examen de la composition et des attitudes de ce public revele que la plupart d'entre eux sont de simples promeneurs attires par l'exotisme de l'architecture et des pratiques des residents: ils se conduisent en observateurs curieux des lieux (et de leurs occupants) comme Ie feraient les visiteurs d'un musee a ciel ouvert. D'autres, moins nombreux, font partie de cette categorie statistique dite des sympathisants ou plus generalement de ceux qui s'affirment interesses par Ie bouddhisme : certains prennent sporadiquement part aux activites cultuelles, comme les enseignements religieux ou les meditations. Un troisieme sous-groupe, encore plus reduit, est constitue d'adeptes (hics et moines) du bouddhisme tiberain, qui frequentent avec (plus ou moins) d'assiduite Ie sanctuaire et sont investis dans des pratiques organisees selon un calendrier de pratiques collectives et rituelles. Tous expriment, d'une maniere directe ou detournee, par la parole ou par leurs actes, un interet vif a I'endroit des lieux qu'ils traversent ou occupent, des pratiques qu'ils observent ou ont adoptees, une attitude qui confirme, s'ille fallait encore, l'idee que Ie bouddhisme a gagne (sMuir et atteint) I'Occident. Depuis une vingtaine d'annees, il est courant de voir les specialistes et les medias de masse souligner la montee en puissance du bouddhisme - notamment de tradition tibetaine - en France et dans les nations occidentales : une affirmation dont Ie bien-fonde se justifie d'une part, en vertu d'un succes d'estime ou d'une popularite que connaissent les traditions bouddhistes depuis un siecle sur un plan ideologique, des Etats-Unis jusqu'en Australie, en passant evidemment par l'Europe occidentale, et d'autre part, au moyen d'evaluations statistiques des sympathisants et des pratiquants (occasionnels ou reguliers) du bouddhisme d'Occident, dont Ie poids demographique ne cesse de c~oltrel. Ces donnees, dont la valeur scientifique est d'ailleurs parfois difficile a etabEr', n'offrent pourtant a la sagacite des observateurs que la plus apparente des manifestations d'un mouvement de vaste ampleur : des temples et des monuments votifs, dans des environnements charges de symboles OU des rites sont conduits a I'attention de communautes de pratiquants recrutes dans la population locale, sont autant d'elements qui confirment a l'evidence que Ie bouddhisme (tibetain ou d'autres traditions monastiques) a veritablement pris Tacine en France. Au debut des annees 2000, entre cent trente et cent quarante lielL",{ de culte tibetains, pour la plupart de modestes dimensions, sont en effet dissemines it travers Ie territoire national : ils regroupent, en totalite, des milliers de pratiquants (occasionnels ou reguliers). Si les grands temples - les plus visibles mais aussi les moins nombreux - sont locali-

Je refere ici aux donnees statistiques recueillies et analysees par Martin Bal.)mann : "Creating a European Path to Nirvana. Historical and Contemporary Developments of Buddhism in Europe", JoZtT1Jal ofContenzpora7Y Religion 10.1 (1995) : 55-70, "The Dharma has Come vVest: A Survey of Recent Studies and Sources", C,-itical Review of Books in Religion 10 (1997): 1-14, "Buddhism in Europe. Past, Present, Prospects", in Westwm-d Dha17na. Buddhism be),ond Asia, ed. M. Baumann et Charles S. Prebish (Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2002) : 85-105. 2 Lionel Obadia, "Tibetan Buddhism in France: A Missionary Religion?", Journal of Global Buddbimz 2 (2001) : 92-105.

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ses dans les zones rurales, qui se pretent plus a leur reconstitution, les espaces urbains sont pour leur part tres largement investis : c'est la que se concentre la grande majorite des petits centres d'etude et de meditation de tradition tibetaine, fondus dans Ie paysage des metropoles fran~aises, ou se retrouvent a intervalles reguliers, de petits groupes de pratiquants ou de sympathisants. Enfin, si Dashang KagyuLing est (comme son nom l'indique)de tradition kagyzt - l'une des ecoles tibetaihes les mieux representees en France -Ies autres grandes branches historiques du bouddhisme tibetain (gelztg, nyingma ou sakya) sont egalement tres largement implantees en Occident, OU de nouvelles mouvances religieuses secessionnistes (comme la New Kadampa Tradition) ont beneficie de conditions favorables a leur transplantation. De memes signes se manifestent depuis trois decennies dans toute l'Europe occidentale : en Grande-Bretagne\ en Allemagne" en Italie, en Espagne, en Suisse5 ou encore Hollande et en Belgique,. mais aussi bien au-dela, dans un processus de mondialisation du bouddhisme qui touche l'Europe de l'Est, l'Amerique du Nord6 et l'Amerique du Sud, l'Asie Australe7, la Russie et l'Afrique du Suds. Le bouddhisme tibepin n'est certes pas l'unique forme historique de l'antique religion asiatique a avoir .gagne l'Occident et d'autres regions hors d'Asie, dans un processus de vaste ampleur qui peut aisement etre qualifie de mondialisation du bouddhisme . L'explication de sa presence hors d'Asie oscille entre deux theses complementaires : la premiere l'inscrit dans ce mouvement general qui a porte, par des voies differentes, Ie bouddhisme - toutes traditions confondues - a s'implanter en Occident et dans bien d'autres regions hors d'Asie. La seconde se restreint au seul bouddhisme tibetain et se rapporte en premiere instance aux conditions' geopolitiques particulieres qui caracterisent Ie destin historique du Tibet: l'invasion par les forces communistes parvenues au pouvoir a Pekin (1949) et l'exil de son leader politique et religieux, Ie XIV' Dalal-lama, et d'une partie de sa population depuis 1959. Sans jamais nier Ie role joue par la diaspora tibetaine, Ie sens de la presence du bouddhisme tibetain en Occident s'epuise dans cette reduction de l'explication aces seuls elements localises a la source historique et geographique de ce phenomene : car ce meme Tibet est sans doute l'une des plus captivantes icones de ce continent dans l'imagiStephen Batchelor, The Awakening of the West, The Encounter ofBuddhism and Western Culture (London: Thorsons, 1994). . 4 M. Baumann, Deutsche Buddhisten: Geschichte und Gemeinschaften (Marburg: DiagonalVerlag, 1993). 5 Mary Van Dyke, "Grids and Serpents. A Tibetan Foundation Ritual in Switzerland", in Const:rllcting Tibetan Culture: Contempormy Perspective, ed. Frank Korom (St-Hyacinthe: World Heritage Press, 1997) : 178-227. 6 En particulier : Rick Fields, Haw the Swans Came to the Lake. A Nm'rative History of Buddhism in America, 3' ed. (Boston: Shambala, 1992) ;. C. Prebish, et Kenneth K. Tanaka (ed.), The Faces of Buddhism in America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998); Richard Seager, Buddhism in America (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999); Duncan Ryiiken Williams et Christopher S. Queen (ed.), American Buddhism. Methods and Findings in Recent Scholarship (Richmond: Curzon Press, 1999). 7 Michelle Spuler, "Characteristics of Buddhism in Australia", JoZt171al of Contemp01oary Religion 15.1 (2000): 29-44. S Michel Clasquin etlS. KrUger (ed.), Buddhism and Africa (Pretoria: Unisa, 1999).

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naire occidental, et la presence de ces monasteres releve de bien d'autres processus qu'un simple deplacement de population. Plus que Ie resultat d'une influence derivee de I'exil des seuls maitres de religion, I'enracinement du bouddhisme tibetain en Occident participe it la fois de cette fascination orientaliste et de processus de diffu. sion clairement identifies. La publication de ce volume offre ainsi une contribution supplementaire aux explorations recentes et fort a propos qui ont degage les contenus et les modalites historiques de construction d'un imaginaire tibetophile qui a saisi les nations occidentales depuis plusieurs decennies 9 Pour de nombreux chercheurs actuels, I'existence meme de cette vogue tibetophile justifierait a elle seule les progres du bouddhisme tibetain en Occident: I'explication se fonde alars a l'exclusive sur une fascination a l'endroit d'une religion partiellement ou totalement moulee dans des figurations fantasmagoriques occidentales lO Pour interessante qu'elle soit, cette demarche revient it inverser Ie modele d'analyse fonde sur I'histoire asiatique recente et it ne situer cette fois I'explication que sur Ie versant occidentaL En explorant les modalites de construction ideologique de I'imaginaire du Tibet, ces travaux poursuivent en fait une voie ouverte par la publication de l'Orientalisme d'Edward Said 11 et par I'analyse critique de l'idealisation (negative ou positive) de l'Orient en reflet des changements ideologiques de I'Occident 12 ou derives de rapports internationaux de nature geopolitique13 Nlais dans un cas comme dans I'autre, 11 trop y voir Ie jeu d'une fantasmagorie issue du creuset ideologique de figurations fantasmatiques de l'alterite culturelle, Ie risque est grand d'exclure de l'analyse d'autres types de phenomenes et d'autres processus a l'ceuvre dans l'expansion occidentale du bouddhisme, tibetain. Si on ne saurait nier l'importance que jouent ou qu'ont joue les idees dans I'adoption, dans quantites de nations occidentales, des croyances et des pratiques tibetaines, cette perspective souleve un certain nombre de problemes. La predominance de la these de la fascination tend en effet it la constituer en facteur exclusif de I'analyse, mais son role est plus souvent postule que demontre. Elle procede en outre d'une analyse en termes strictement idealistes qui fait inopportunement l'economie des processus effectifs de diffusion et d'implantation du bouddhisme. Le role des Tibetains se limite alars a celui d'une diaspora qui aurait introduit ses pratiques religieuses au cceur d'un Occident deja ideologiquement gagne par la ferveur tibetophile. Elle occulte surtout les dimensions materialistes de l'expansion religieuse tibetaine laquelle ne se laisse saisir en totalite qu'au prix d'un reexamen du role effectif de l'imaginaire orientaliste et de la tibetophilie, de son impact et de ses relais. Peter Bishop, DTearlZS ofPmv,,. Tibetan Buddbisnz and tbe vVestem Imagination (London: Athlone Press, 1993) ; F. Korom, "Introduction", in Const77tcting Tibetan Culture, 1~ 17. Donald S. Lopez, Prison,,'s of Shangri-La. Tibetan Buddbism and tbe vVest (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998). 10 Par exemple, chez Frederic Lenoir, Le bouddbisnze en France (Paris: Fayard, 1999). 11 Edward Said, L'01"ientalis77Ze. L'Orient mil! pm'I'Occident (Paris: Le Seuil, 1980). 12 Roger-Pol Droit, Le culte du n<ant : les philosophes et Ie bouddbis77Ze (Paris: Le Seuil,
1997).
1l

Plus proches du propos de Said, Pascal Bruckner, Le sanglot de l'bo77Zme blanc. Tien-

monde, culpabilite, baine de soi(Paris: Le Seuil, 1983).

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En degageant tout d'abord quelques traits saillants de la tibetophilie occidentale, cette section s'interrogera ainsi moins sur son contenu que sur son impact dans la reception du bouddhisme tibetain en Occident. En second lieu, elle offrira quelques pistes pour l'analyse de l'expansion du bouddhisme tibetain en Europe (et plus generalement en Occident). La reflexion presentee ici privilegiera la question fondamentale des topographies reelles et imaginaires du Tibet, dans la perspective d'une anthropologie des imaginaires territoriaux et des territoires de l'imaginaire14 laquelle permet d'examiner les rapports entre les developpements de la tibetophilie occidentale et la recomposition de te1Titoi1'es bouddhistes en Occident, plus particulierement en Europe, autrement dit les liens qu'il est possible de degager entre les formes de la tibetophilie et la transplantation des traditions religieuses tibetaines dans Ie contexte occidental.

Imaginaires en flux
Pour nombre d'Occidentaux contemporains, Ie Tibet figure grosso modo trois images: en premier lieu, celle d'un pays attache ason independance mais sous domination chinoise depuis son annexion par Ie gouvernement de Pekin en 1959, en second lieu, Ie toit du monde , dont la reputation repose sur les descriptions de hautes montagnes battues par Ie vent et de paysages rocailleux, et enfin, un monde enchante peuple de mysterieux habitants dont les martres religieux s'illustrent par Ie contrale et l'usage de pouvoirs surnaturels inconnus ailleurs. Les dimensions politique et ecologique ont depuis longtemps ete des ingredients fondamentaux de l'imaginaire occidental sur Ie Tibet, et ils Ie demeurent actuellement plus que jamais. En depit de l'importanceque revetissent a ce jour les enjeux strictement politiques autour de la question du Tibet ", c'est l'ultime dimension, encore souvent qualifiee inopportunement de mystique ou, plus a propos, de magique , et qui, des trois, confine Ie plus au feerique, qui semble avoir colonise la majeure partie de l'imaginaire orientaliste, De tous les pays d'Asie, Ie Tibet est celui qui semble avoir eu Ie privilege ambigu d'incarner Ie plus de fantasmes dans l'imagination occidentale affirme ainsi Ie tibetologue Georges Dreyfus l5 , ratifiant les demonstrations de Peter Bishop (1993), Frank Korom (1997) ou Donald Lopez (1998). Si, pour tous ces auteurs, Ie Tibet occupe une place centrale dans la fantasmagorie orientaliste d'Occident, celle-ci associe parfois des regions tres differentes en les unifiant au double plan religieux et culturel dans une meme categorie generique. Dans un ouvrage populaire publie en France et traitant de I'occultisme - desormais date - on trouve par exemple la definition suivante du Tibet: comme l'Inde, Ie pays duo surnaturel par excellence 16 Cet amalgame entre deux pays, l'un a majorite hindouiste et

14 Arjun Appadurai, "Grassroots Globalization and the Research Imagination", in Globalisation, ed. ArjunAppadurai (Durham: Duke University Press, 2001): 1-21.

15

Georges Dreyfus, "Le nationalisme. Entre minorites glorifiees et identite collective",

in Tibitains, 1959-1999, 40 ans de colonisation, ed. Katia Buffetrille et Charles Ramble (Paris: Autrement, 1998, collection" Monde , Hors Serie nO 108) : 21-57, ici 21. 16 Julien Tondriau, L'occultisme (Verviers: Editions Marabout, 1974) : 254.

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l'autre repute d'obedience bouddhiste, est evidemment errone au plan anthropologique, mais persiste encore et beaucoup d'Occidentaux portent encore peu d'attention a ces differences: la distance physique avec l'Asie est proportionnelle ala fascination que ce continent exerce chez les Occidentaux, et, en vertu d'un imaginaire topographique differencie, certains de ses peuples, au premier rang desquels se situent les Tibetains, cristallisent plus que d'autres cette fascination. La mythification du Tibet dans l'imaginaire occidental ne saurait etre disqualifiee en vertu des erreurs geographiques et anthropologiques qu'elle charrie, pas plus qu'elle ne saurait etre analysee comme la simple conclusion d'une transfiguration dont Ie pays des neiges a fait I'objet independamment des voies que ses images ont empruntees a destination de l'Occident, des supports physiques par lesquels cette diffusion s'est operee. A l'heure d'un contexte general dit de mondialisation , Ie Tibet, comme beaucoup d'autres regions du monde, est engage dans un de ces processus de mise en flux - de ses habitants, de leurs representations culturelles et de leurs pratiques religieuses - qu'Arjun Appadurai a decrit comme I'un des traits parmi les plus saillants de la situation mondiale contemporaine17 , La diaspora tibetaine est en effet disseminee de I'Asie a I'Amerique, en passant par l'Europe, Les rares vieux maitres religieux qui ont echappe au sort funeste que leur reservait l'armee chinoise parcourent Ie monde de part en part pour transmettre les enseignements fondamenta1LY du Vajrayana tibetain, desormais secondes et supplees dans leur tache par de nouvelles generations de moines dont beaucoup n'ont plus de tibetain que leur heritage cultureL Dans les nations occidentales, Ie Tibet est parallelement devenu l'objet d'une vogue dont les manifestations s'observent en effet tant au plan des croyances religieuses qu'a ceux des modes musicales, des opinions politiques ou philosophiques, de la culture populaire (notamment cinematographique et audiovisuelle), d'une litterature spiritualiste ou plus academique, des habitudes vestimentaires", pour ne citer que les domaines de manifestation les plus couramment evoques parce que les plus visibles 18. Tracer les contours et Ie contenu exacts de I'imaginaire occidental contemporain sur Ie Tibet n'est neanmoins pas chose aisee : son extension et sa diversite semantique et semiotique sont proportionnelles a son antiquite et aux transformations perpetuelles auxquelles il est soumis, Differentes strates de sens lui ant ete assignees et se sont progressivement sedimentees dans Ie temps, parmi lesquelles se retrouvent des conceptions primitivistes, une fantasmagorie feerique, des traits esoteriques au encore un universalisme humaniste. Plus que son contenu, largement explore par ailleurs, c'est son architecture qui retiendra ici notre attention: il repose en effet sur des amalgames (associations d'idees et allocations topographiques a ce qui touche de pres au
17 Arjun Appadurai, "Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy", in Global Culture. Nationalism, Globalization and N[odemity, ed, Mike Featherstone, 8' ed. (London: Sage Publications, 1999) : 295-310. lB D, Lopez, Prison en of Shangri-La; C. Prebish et K. Tanaka (ed.), The Faces of Buddhism in A71teTiea; C. Prebish, Luminous Passage. The P"aetiee and Study of Buddhism in.Ame7'iea (Berkeley: The University of California Press, 1999),

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de loin au Tibet) et des transfigurations (la reduction ou l'amplification de traits attribues au Tibet et en particulier it ses formes religieuses). L'analyse ne retiendra ici que deux dimensions particulierement signifiantes derivees de cette matrice de l'imaginaire : la reduction du Tibet au bouddhisme et son inscription dans une topographie d'un imaginaire du monde magique , deja largement associe a bien d'autres societes que l'Occident a longtemps considerees comme primitives 1'. Pour nombre d'Occidentaux, Ie Tibet se confond en effet avec une tradition religieuse unique supposee Ie figurer - Ie bouddhisme. Malgre un role politique dont il ne s'est jamais affranchi, Ie XIV' Dalal-lama Tenzin Gyatso, de p~rt ses efforts d'universalisation du message bouddhiste, contribue de la sorte a conforter cet amalgame. On comprend mieux, des lors, que si elle se manifeste de maniere germinale a la fin du XIX' siecle avant de se deployer massivement les annees 1960 et 1970, la tibetophilie n'est pas un phenomene autonome : elle s'inscrit dans Ie cadre d'une bouddhamania (expression recemment consacree par la presse occidentale), et a un mveau plus general, d'une vogue orientaliste, dont elle ne represente qu'une facette parmi d'autres". Les travaux pionniers d'Henri de Lubac (1952) avaient deja largement mis en lumiere les strates historiques de cette transfiguration occidentale du bouddhisme, filtre .au fil du temps a travers les cadres de references ideologiques ou culturels de 1'0ccident et traduits dans des termes culturels acceptables pm~ 1'0ccident21. Dans ce processus de traduction culturelle deja amplement analyse", la reception du bouddhisme est tributaire de sa textualisation21 . C'est en effet sous la forme de textes, en premier lieu des legendes, puis des recits de voyages, et enfin plus tardivement, d'un corpus religieux que Ie bouddhisme s'est manifeste aux Occidentaux. C'est encore de cette maniere que nombre d'entre elL,{ etablissent un rapport singulier (mediatise) qu'entretiennent les categories de sympathisants et les se!fconve1~ted24 mais aussi par ce biais que nombrede pratiquants assidus se sont initialement connectes au bouddhisme tibetain".
19 En particulier celles dont les pratiques religieuses sont vues comme relevant du magisme . Ernesto de Martino, Le monde magique (Paris: Marabout Universite, 1971). 20 Comme par exemple l'indophilie, Mcrite notamment par Regis Airault, Fous de l'Inde : dili,-es d'Occidentaz~v et sentiment odanique (Paris: Payot, 2000). 2J L. Obadia, Bouddbisme et Occident. La diffusion du bouddbis17Ze tibetain en p"ance (Paris: L'Harmattan, 1999). 2Z Henti de Lubac, La ,-encontre du bouddhis77Ze et de ['Occident (Paris: Aubier, 1952) ; Brian 'Nilson, "The vVestward Path of Buddhism", Tbe Jozmzal of O,-iental Studies 2 (1989) : 1-8; Ninian Smart, "vVestern Society and Buddhism", The JouTnal of Or-iental Studies 2 (1989) : 43-49; Thomas Tweed, The Ame1-ican Encounter- "vith Buddhism, 1844-1912 (Chapel Hill, London: University of North Carolina Press, 1992) ; M. Baumann, "Creating a European Path to Nirvana". 23 Argument developpe par Phillip C. Almond, The British Discove,-y of Buddbism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988). 24 Selon l'expression de Thomas Tweed, "Night-Stand Buddhists and Other Creatures: Sympathizers, Adherents and the Study of Religion", in Am"'ican Buddbism. lYletbods and Findings in Recent Scbolanhip, ed. Duncan Ryiiken Williams et Christopher S. Queen (Richmond: Curzon Press, 1999) : 71-90. 25 L. Obadia, Bouddbis77Ze et Occident, 202.

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Historiquement, Ie Tibet apparait aussi a l'Occident sous la forme d'informations disparates, filtnes par des modalites narratives particulieres, elles-memes nourries aux sources indirectes des legendes 26 ou plus directe des recits de voyageurs", et un flux d'informations qui devait se concentrer dans un premier temps dans les spheres academiques, au sein des Etudes bouddhiques28 et de 1a tibetologie29, pour n'y demeurer que de maniere tres temporaire, avant que les intellectuels europeens, americains ou sud-africains ne s'en saisissent et ne les popularisent aupres d'un public plus large tout au long du XL,,' et du X);:' siecles. Dans la seconde moitie du xx' siecle, les technologies de diffusion de masse (comme la television, Ie cinema ou !'Internet) ont encore accru la popularite du Tibet et du bouddhisme en l'etendant a de plus vastes secteurs des societes occidentales. Le developpement et I'elargissement recents de la tibetophilie suivent ainsi tres precisement les contours de la vogue orientaliste, l'intensification des contacts culturels entre l'Asie et l'Occident, et les developpements des technologies de la communication, sans oublier Ie role des acteurs humains qui s'avere fondamental pour l'enracinement de la religion tibetaine hors d'Asie. Dans cette perspective, individus et reseaux socialL,{, litterature et productions mediatiques forment les agents et canalL,{ d'un processus de diffusion dont les racines plongent au plus profond de l'histoire des contacts culturels 11 I'origine de l'expansion occidentale du bouddhisme.

Topographies histo1-iques et geographiques de l'imaginain orientaliste

La bouddhamania n'est, dans cette perspective historiciste, que]'expression contemporaine d'un orientalisme enthousiaste et positif, qui resulte d'une inversion progressive de l'image du Bouddha (et de sa doctrine) dans l'imaginaire occidental. Elle s'est deroulee en un siecle (Ie XL,,'), tout au long de ce que l'on a nomme la question bouddhique qui a mobilise des philosophes et savants de tous horizons en Europe occidentale, aux Etats-Unis ou en Afrique du Sud. La mena~ante figure du primitivisme, de la subversion et du nihilisme incarne~ dans Ie saint indien fondateur d'une religion delL,{ fois et demi millenaire, s'est transformee en I'avenante icone du progressisme, de la tolerance et de la liberteJo C'est de ce cadre de reference imaginaire dontbeneficient la majorite des traditions ou des mouvances bouddhistes qui ont atteint l'Occident'l, meme si chacune d'entre elles s'inscrit dans sa propre trajectoire historique, suit ses propres modalites d'enracinement et est ancree dans un ima-

26

Qu'aborde longuement Michael Taylor, Le Tibet, de Ma1TO Polo a Alexandm David-

Neel (Paris: Payot, 1985).

27 IVIichelJan (ed.), Le voyage en Asie centmle et au Tibet: anthologie des voyagezlTs occidentaux, du l'l1oyen age a fa pZ'emiere 71Zoitie du xx' sied, (Paris: Robert Laffon, 1992) ; Cornelius Wessels, Earo' Jesuit Travellen in Central Asia, 1603-1721 (Delhi: Book Faith India, 1998). 28 H. de Lubac, La nncontre du bouddhis71Ze et de I'Occident. Z9 D. Lopez, Pzisonen of Shangri-La, 15-45. 30 R.-P. Droit, Le culte du nlfant.

31

Al'exception de cenes qui ne s'inscrivent pas dans cette filiation orientaliste, et

a ce

titre, la Soka Gakkal japonaise est exemplaire.

ESp7'it(s) du Tibet

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ginaire singulier : les traditions religieuses duJapon, de l'Asie du Sud-Est ou du Tibet offrant evidemment des images differentes, donnant lieu a des perceptions et des projections culturelles dissemblables de la part des OccidentauJ{" ou plus generalement des pays qui ont accueilli Ie bouddhisme hors d'Asiell . Le bouddhisme tibetain est assujetti it une identique inversion dans l'orientalisme occidental. Avec ceci de particulier qu'il s'inscrit dans une figuration singuliere de l'alterite marquee par un ancrage historique et topographique paradoxa!. En premier lieu, Ie bouddhisme du Tibet fait l'objet d'assignations contradictoires, apparues dans l'ordre chronologique, qui stigmatisent d'un cote son caractere de degenerescence , et qui flattent de l'autre sa purete originelle 34. L'imaginaire tibetologique se divise de plus initialement en deux representations diametralement opposees : l'une, fascinante est ancree dans une imagerie romantique d'un lieu mythique, et I'autre, repoussante, de la rudesse du pays et de ses habitants, que les recits de missionnaires et d'explorateurs donnaient amieux connaitre en Occident's. La localisation du Tibet dans une topographie imaginaire renvoie en outre a l'idee d'une alterite qui situe Ie pays des neiges sur un plan historique : c'est un vieux TibetJ6 ou un Tibet immemorial qui aurait ete brutalement arrache de sa condition medievale pour etre projete dans Ie xx' siecleJ7 , autrement dit, un Tibet primitif brutalement projete dans Ie monde moderne 38 -l'un des plus recurrents narratives de la tibetophilie contemporaine. Si la pertinence de la denomination medieval it propos de l'histoire du Tibet a deja ete mise en questionJ9 , ce n'est ni l'exactitude terminologique, ni la portee du comparatisme historique' qui retiennent ici I'attention, mais la traduction, sur Ie plan de l'imaginaire et de la fascination, de cette projection. Car sous cet angle, ces projections primitivistes s'inscrivent moins dans 1a pejoration que dans l'idealisation positive et Ie Tibet devient par-la meme Ie lieu de I'authenticite en reference it une historicite longue: l'apologie de ses techniques religieuses, de ses philosophies ou encore sa medecine sous nos latitudes reflete en creux la vision d'un Occident qui se voit lui-meme prive, en vertu de son histoire recente (designe comme modernisation et comme secularisation), de ces formes traditionnelles - une nostalgie qui renvoie it un imaginaire edenique de l'alterite

J2 Pour un panorama diversifie de ces projections: D. Lopez (ed.), CU1'atOTS of the Buddha. The Study of Buddhism unde7- Colonialism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995). Voir aussi sur ce theme la contribution de Urs App dans ce volume. 33 En mirair d'un Jesus blanc en Europe mais sous la figure d'un Black Buddha >; en Afrique, Darrel Wratten, "The Buddha of Suburbia. A nineteenth-century South African imagining", in Buddhism and Africa, ed. Michel Clasquin et ].S. Kruger (Pretoria: Unisa, 1999) : 13-30, ici 21-22. 34 D. Lopez, P7'isoneTs ofShangri-La, 4. 35 F. Koroffi, "Introduction", Const1-ucting Tibetan Cu/tm-e. J6 Qu'Alexandra David-Neel oppose par exemple ala nouvelle Chine . A. DavidNeel, Le vieux Tibet face ala Chine nouvelle (Paris: PIon, 1953). 37 Tom Dummer, Tibetan }\IIedicine and otlm' Holistic Health Cm'e Systems (New Delhi: Paljor Publications, 1994) : xxi. 38 R. Fields, Hmo the Swans Came to the Lake, 274. J9 Rolf A. Stein, La civilisation tibetaine (Paris: Le Sycamore / L'Asiatheque, 1972).

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qui se revele dans les motifs qui president it l'adoption du bouddhisme tibetain ou a la formulation d'une sympathie a I'endroit du Tibet en Occident meme 4D . Au prisme de ]a pensee occidentale, Ie bouddhisme tibetain, auparavant forme degeneree d'un bouddhisme ancien, se metamorphose ainsi en forme pure , non pas, it I'image du bouddhisme zen, comme pure experience ,,41 mais comme une sagesse utopique amarn3e a des temps immemoriaux, une image que certains considerent comme la reponse des orientalistes tibetologues - comme Giuseppe Tucci - it l'emprise des temps perturbes de la modernite occidentale 42. L'un des innombrables paradoxes de cet imaginaire est que Ie bouddhisme en general et celui des ecoles tibetaines en particulier trouvent simultanement des affinites et des proximites avec Ie cadre ideologique antithetique au premier, en l'occurrence du rationalisme Ie plus strict, comme Ie positivisme ou Ie scientisme, asavoir des ideologies qualifiees de modernes. L' etonnante modernite que les contenus du bouddhisme tibetain se voient assigner par ses adeptes ou panegyristes d'Occident (un bouddhisme devenu psychologie , ethique moderne ou encore spiritualite du X,'(I' siecle ) les localise alors virtuellement non plus sur Ie plan d'une idealisation d'inspiration passeiste mais sur celui, inverse, d'une imagination ancree dans ]a contemporaneite. Cette ambigulte fondamentale que Ie succes de la diffusion et de I'implantation du bouddhisme tibetain dans les nations occidentales - en particulier en France - repose, outre d'efficaces moyens de diffusions, sur les images opposees d'une tradition ancienne , d'un cote, et d'une rare modernite sur Ie plan ideologique, de I'autre, situe les traditions tibetaines sur Ie versant des nouvelles religiosites occidentales et explique, entre autres facteurs, la recusation du vocable religion applique it cette forme de bouddhisme, et la preference accordee it I'idee de sagesse 43. Le bouddhisme pro cede enfin d'une zttopie dans les deux acceptions du terme, sur Ie double plan du tapas et du logos: par un processus de desincarnation sociale et culturelle, il figure desormais l'ideal d'une sagesse universelle, laquelle est par definition transculturelle et metasociale. Paralle1ement, et encore une fois paradoxalement, l'imaginaire occidental se refere au Tibet et it la tradition religieuse qui lui est attribuee it l'exclusive (Ie bouddhisme), sur Ie plan d'une topographie imaginaire des lieux recules (<< pays des neiges ou toit du monde ), et mystiques ou mysterieux qui nourrit en particulier les ideologies New Age occidentales. Selon Schell, les topographies imaginaires sont neanmoins d'autant plus puissantes qU'elles sont ancn3es dans des geographies concretes 44. Car Ie Tibet est depuis longtemps un formidable pole d'attraction pour des generations d'explorateurs dont
L. Obadia, Bouddhisnze et Occident. Robert H. Sharf, "The Zen of Japanese Nationalism" (in Czwaton of the Buddha, ed. D. Lopez) : 107-160. 41 Gustavo Benavides, "Giuseppe Tucci, or Tibetology in the Age of Fascism" (in CzwatolS of the Buddha, ed. D. Lopez) : 182. Voir aussi dans ce volume la contribution de Elena De Rossi Filibeck. 43 L. Obadia, "Une tradition au-dela de la modernite : l'institutionnalisation du bouddhisme tibetain en France", Rech,,ches Sociologiques 3 (2000) : 67-88. 44 Orville Schell, VizUtal Tibet. Seaz-ching FOl' Shangz'i-La Fom the Himalayas (New York: Metropolitan Books, Henry holt and Co, 2000) : 16.
40

41

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123

l'histoire a retenu Ie nom ou d'autres moins renommes, qui sont tous d'autant plus fascines par Ie plateau tibetain que sa localisation et les politiques de cloture l'ont fait apparaitre comme un pays ferme et interdit 45 et que nombre d'entre eux se sont penses - et certains se pensent encore - comme de veritables decouvreurs de sagesses prinlordiales 46, pares de l'herolsme ingenu qui inspire les explorateurs de terres sacn!es 47 ou demeurees inaccessibles 48. Si l'inlage magnifiee du Tibet ~ exemplifiee par Ie Shangri-La de James Hilton49 - comme lieu du mysticisme paisible a finalement remplace les antiques visions teratologiques ou l'imaginaire d'une hostile sauvagerie qui ont un temps prevalu - celle d'un pays de fourmis geantes >,so ou plus tardivement d'une region barbare peuplee de magiciens dangereux manipulant les forces sombres de la surnature51 - Ie caractere secret dont Ie Tibet se voit affuble l'associe evidemment a l'esoterisme - dont c'est egalement Ie principal trait distinctif52 Un vaste corpus litteraire continue d'alimenter un insatiable imaginaire tibetophile, regulierement nourri a la source de recits fantastiques (comme Ie celebre troisieme rEil de Lobsang Rangpa) ou colores d'esoterisme (les Mystiques et magiciens du Tibet, d'A. David-Neel), d'un erotisme spirituel (sous la forme d'un tantrisme resolument sexue5J), d'une magie occulte, d'une geomancie naturaliste ou encore de pratiques hygienistes : aujourd'hui, et plus que jamais, Ie rayon esoterisme des librairies de France et d'ailleurs se trouve encombre d'une litterature diversifiee OU Ie celebre Bardo-Thadol (ou livre des morts ) cotoie les dernieres productions de l'occultisme occidental sur Ie versant psycho-spiritualiste d'un New Age friand de traditions necromanciennes - ou vues comme telles. Depuis les annees 1980, cette fiction d'un Tibet magique ; secret et inaccessible a deborde de la litterature pour trouver dans l'industrie cinematographique (notamment nord-americaine) un nouveau relais de diffusion54 Ce brouillage de la topographie et de l'historicite du Tibet et de ses expressions religieuses a et6 un des principaux facteurs ideologiques qui ont conduit au deni de ses incorporations culturelles et sociales, ainsi que de son enracinement (sur un plan strictement materiel) dans Ie contexte occidental. Articulee ideologiquement autour des poles opposes de la fantaisie romantique de l'orientalisme populaire et d'un rationalisme conquerant en Occident, la tibetophilie se range de la sorte au nombre des facteurs qui ont contribu6 ala reception du bouddhisme dans deux types d'analyse : l'une privilegie une explication en termes de transformations ideologiEnond; comme tel par Landon, McGovernou David-Nee!, au debut du xx' siecle. Par exemple : Peter Matthiessen, TheSnow Leopm"d (New York: Viking, 1978). 47 Decrypte dans Ia stimulante critique de Vincanne Adams, "Dreams of a Final Sherpa", A11ZericanAnthropologist 99.1 (1997) : 85-98. 48 M. Jan, Le voyage en Asie centrale et au Tibet, iv. 49 James Hilton, Lost Horizon (New York: Pocket Books / W. Morrow and Co., 1939). 50 M. Taylor, Le Tibet, de Marco Polo it Alexandl"a David-Neel. . 51 F. Karam, "Introduction", Constructing Tibetan Culture, 2. 52 Antoine Faivre, L'isotmS11!e (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1992). 53 Francis King, EsotmS11!e et se>."'Ualiti (Lausanne: Payot & Rivages, 2004) : 49-59. 54 Largement explore par D. Lopez in P1'isone1"S of Sbangri-La et O. Schell in Virtual
45

46

Tibet.

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Lionel Obadia

ques qui ont affecte les nations occidentales55 , i'autre se fonde sur une analyse de la transmission du bouddhisme a partir de l'Asie56 Nul n'est sans doute besoin de rappeler dans d'abondants details les grandes theses qui expliquent habituellement la presence du bouddhisme en Occident: la lai'cisation progressive de l'Occident (conc secutive d'une secularisation actuellement tres discutee), qui, loin de voir s'essouffler Ie sentiment religieux ouetre combles d'hypothetiques besoins spirituels par les ideologies rationalistes, aurait profite a des religions moins deIegitimees socialement et ideologiquement que Ie christianisme. Le bouddhisme, 'qui devait susciter un vaste debat tout au long du XL,{' siecle, finira par beneficier de la vogue orientaliste pour se constituer en tant que rival des religions occidentales, d'autant moins menacant qu'il presentait les traits du quietisme et de la serenite, et offrait a l'Occident des alternatives spirituelles et pratiques conformes a des aspirations proprement occidentales 57 Une ligne d'argumentation par ailleurs similaire au discours des bouddhistes eu.""{-memes58 La presence du bouddhisme n'est toutefois pas exclusivement Ie fruit de cette importation par des Occidentaux d'un bouddhisme fa90nne a l'image de leurs propres attentes et conceptions: elle est aussi Ie resultat d'une exportation par les Asiatiques59, laquelle contribue a un vaste mouvement d'expansion du bouddhisme vers l'Ouest depuis un siecle et demi. L'etude (emergente) de cette mondialisation du bouddhisme a pourtant jusqu'ici privilegie son inscription dans les espaces ideologiques de ses societes d'accueil : son enracinement dans des espaces physiques, si elle est souvent mentionnee et parfois decrite, n'a toutefois pas donne lieu a des developpements theoriques subsequents, comme si la delocalisation, et meme la deterritorialisation du bouddhisme (une consequence couramment attribuee a la mondialisation) ne s'accompagnaient pas - ou dans des circonstances tres particulieres, comme dans les situations de migration - d'une relocalisation et d'une re-territorialisati6n.

La principale these de F. Lenoir in Le bouddhisme en" France. C. Prebish et K. Tanaka (ed.), The Faces of Buddhism in America; L. Obadia, Bouddhisme et Occident; D. Williams and C. Queen (ed.), Ame'rican Buddhism; C. Prebish et M. Baumann (ed.), Westward Dharma. 57 Chronologiquement et parmi d'autres references: Edward Conze, Le bouddhisme (Paris: Payot, 1951) ; H. de Lubac, La rencontre du bouddhisme et de l'Occident (1952) ; R. Fields, How the Swans Came to the Lake (1981) ; P. Almond, The British Discovery afBuddhism (1988) ; B. Wilson, "The Westward Path of Buddhism" (1989) ; N. Smart, "Western Society and Buddhism" (1989) ; T. Tweed, The American Encounter with Buddhism, (1992) ; S. Batchelor, The Awakening of the West (1994) ; M. Baumann, "Creating a European Path to Nirvana" (1995) ; Bruno Etienne et Raphael Liogier, Etre bouddhiste en France aztjourd'hui (Paris: Albin Michel, 1997) ; C. Prebish, "Introduction" in The Faces of Buddhism in America (1988) ; L. Obadia, Bouddhisme et Occident (1999) ; F. Lenoir, Le bouddhisme en France (1999). 58 Pour les Tibetains : Ch5gyam Trungpa, Pratique de la voie tibetaine. Au-de/a dumaterialisme spirituel (Paris: Le Seuil, 1976) ouJean-Fran~ois Revel et Matthieu Ricard, Le moine et Ie philosophe (Paris: Ed. Nil, 1997). De maniere recurrente, tous les ouvrages de Tenzin Gyatso, Ie Dalal-lama actue!, abordent ces questions. 59 Jan Nattier, "Who is a Buddhist ?" Charting the Landscape of Buddhist America", The Faces ofBuddhism in America, 183-195.
55

56

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125

La fascination occidentale pour Ie bouddhisme tibetain procede ainsi de deux processus apparemment contradictoires. Celui, deja evoque, cle l'inscription dans une geographie fantasmee de l'Orient, et celui, tout aussi repandu, de la constitution d'une atopie - en l'occurrence, de l'inscription dans une abstraction qui Ie situe a un plan metaculturel et metageographique : Ie bouddhisme ne serait virtuellement attache a aucun territoire, ni a aucune culture particuliere, conformement, d'ailleurs, a certains des principes fondamentaux de ses doctrines, et surtout, a son caractere universaliste. De la, l'etonnement cle Kobus Kriiger pour qui Ie bouddhisme, religion de la non-corporeite et du rejet de la materialite mondaine par excellence, trouve etonnamment moyen de s'incorporer ou de s'enraciner en Occident60 Loin d'etre disqualifie par les faits, cet imaginaire paradoxal d'un Tibet ala fois atopique et anhistorique d'un cote, topographique et seculaire, de I'autre, est precisement I'un des pivots les plus actifs de son enracinement et de sa transposition.

Topographies en 77ZOZlvement : l'expansion du boztddhisme vers !'Ouest

Par-dela une metaphore botanique d'ailleurs contrajre a une vision desincarnee du bouddhisme, la notion d' enracinement signale l'importance de I'inscription des traditions tibetaines dans des espaces physiques et sociaux en Occident: carau-dela de l'idealisation du Tibet, dont l'histoire et les mecanismes ont deja largement ete explores, c'est un veritable processus de territorialisation de ses traditions religieuses qui est a l'ceuvre en terres d'Occident. Des temples ou sanctuaires; cle taille variable, ont depuis pres d'un siecle ete fondes dans quantite de nations occidentales, en particulier en Europe OU debute historiquement l'implantation d'un bouddhisme a destination d'une audience locale. Au debut des annees 2000, Ie bouddhisme tibetain represente, sur un plan statistique, l'une des branches les mieux implantees en Occident, avec Ie zen japonais et Ie theravada cinghalo-birman61 L'invasion du Tibet et son annexion par les forces armees d'un gouvernement chinois fraichement rallie a l'ideologie communiste reste l'un des pivots majeurs de l'explication de cette relocalisation du bouddhisme tibetain a l'Ouest. S'il est vrai que l'arrivee massive clu bouddhisme clu Tibet en Occident est simultanee de l'invasion et des persecutions qui ont conduit a la fuite du 1.W Dalal-lama et a la diaspora tibetaine, une cOIncidence historique n'est pas une explication tant que les liens de causalite exacts entre les deux phenomenes n'ont pas ete etablis. II est generalement admis dans les BuddbiS77z in tbe livest Studies que la diffusion du bouddhisme a emprunte deux voies differentes : les deplacements de population (les flux migratoires ou la dispersion d'exiles) et la diffusion. Le bouddhisme tibetain ne participe apparemment que tres partiellement du premier processus: peu de pays d'Occident ont accueilli de veritables communautes de migrants a I'exception de la Suisse, en
60 Kobus Kruger, "Buddhism in Africa, some strategic issues", in BZlddhism and Africa, ed. M. Clasquin etJ,S. Kruger, 13-30. 61 N1. Baumann, "Creating a European Path to Nirvana" ; ('The Dharma has Come

vVese' ; "Buddhism in Europe. Past, Present, Prospects".

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1963, et du Canada, en 1968 62 Si Ie drame du rattachement politique du Tibet par la Chine a effectivement ere un facteur important de la dispersion des moines porteurs d'une tradition seculaire qu'ils allaient transmettre, la presence du bouddhisme tibetain en Occident ne doit cependant que partiellement sa presence it cet accident historique. Certes, on s'accordera, avec Charles Ramble, que Ie desastre de I'invasion chinoise aura ete contrebalance par I'expansion occidentale du bouddhisme 63 , et avec Rick Fields 64, Amy Lavine 65 0u Richard Seager66 que les Tibetains ont explicitement opte pour une strategie de diffusion et de recomposition extranationale de leurs traditions religieuses comme moyen d'enrayer la disparition programmee de la civilisation tibetaine. L'action des moines a en effet grandement contribue it la popularite, en Occident, des themes religieux du Tibet, de son iconographie et de ses symboles, bien au-dela d'une diaspora it la consistance fragile (parce que disseminee, fragmentee et parfois as simile e) mais aux objectifs de survie vigoureusement defendus. Mais cela ne permet pas d'expliquer integralement les raisons pour lesquelles Ie bouddhisme tibetain s'adresse hors d'Asie it une audience principalement occidentale, ni encore la rapidite avec laquelle il s'est repandu et enracine en Occident. Cette transmission it l'externe du bouddhisme tibetain distingue en effet ce dernier d'un bouddhisme qualifie d' ethnique (transporte par les migrants et it l'usage des migrants) et ne lui confere parallelement pas totalement non plus Ie -statut de bouddhisme de cQnvertis (it destination des seuls Occidentaux) - une opposition largement adoptee au sein des Buddhism in the vVest Studies 67 mais aux fortdements ideologiques equivoques". L'explication de la presence du bouddhisme tibetain au cceur de l'Occident consecutive it l'invasion chinoise releve d'une Common 7visdom : car la tibetophilie est anter'ieure a ce phenomene et des Ie XIX' siecle,les theosophes avaient fait du Tibet un lieu mysterieux , source d'une inepuisable fascination qui devait susciter, chez les Occidentaux, des vocations d'explorateurs et tres rapidement, de convertis qui devaient par la suite contribuer it l'importation des traditions religieuses tibetaines. Mais leur massification et suttout leur enracinement est aussi Ie resultat tres direct d'un elan missionnaire, caracteristique des religions universelles, dont I'efficacite ressortit dans ce contexte it des conditions ideologiques et sociologiques qui se sont averees propices it la reception du bouddhisme en general, et du bouddhisme tibetain en particulier69 lequel a donc ete it la fois importe par l'Occident et exporte par l'Asie.
62 Janet MacLellan, !v[any Petals of the Lotus. Five Asian Buddbist Communities in Toronto (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999). 6J Charles Ramble, "Prologue", in Tibitains, 1959-1999, 40 ans de colonisation, 7-17, ici 10.

64
65

How tbe Swans Came to Lake, 277.

Ami Lavine, "Tibetan Buddhism in America", in The Faces of Buddbism in Amel"ica,

Buddhism in Ame1'ica, 113-135.

100-115, ici 100.

66

67

Depuis C. Prebish, "Two Buddhisms Reconsidered", Buddhist Studies Review 10.2 R. F;ields, "Divided Dharma: vVhite Buddhists, Ethnic Buddhist, and Racism", in The La these que je defends dans: L. Obadia, Bouddbisme et Occident.

(1993): 187-206.
6B

Faces of Buddhism in Artm'ica, 196-206.

69

Esprit(s) du Tibet

127

Si l'on s'autorisait a regrouper dans un meme processus general l'ensemble des contextes culturels, geographiques et historiques OU Ie bouddhisme s'est diffuse et enracine en Occideneo, c'est une serie de transitions qui en eclairent les mecanismes et la dynamique : un glissement du narratif au concret, de l'etude a la foi, de cercles informels aux lieux de culte, d'une elite restreinte a de larges portions de la population des societes occidentales, enfin, sur un plan plus large, de l'Asie a l'Occident. L'impulsion originale vient en effet de societes savantes consacrees au bouddhi~me, lesquelles etaient d'abord localisees en terre asiatique avant de trouver une terre d'election au cceur de l'Europe (co=e la Buddhist Society of Great Britain tl1Zd Ireland fondee en 1907) mais Ie bouddhisme - de tradition theravadin - y demeure un objet esthetique 71. Ce sont les mouvances esoteriques influentes au toumant des XIX' et xx' siecles (la Societe Theosophique, l'Anthroposophie ou l'ecole Arcane d'Alice Bailey) qui etablissent Ie Tibet co=e Ie lieu par e."'{cellence OU sont dispenses, par des maitres aux pouvoirs extraordinaires, des enseignements secrets . Mais il faut attendre la fondation de la Societe des Amis du Bouddhisme (a Paris en 1926) pour que se popularise en France - et plus largement en Europe -Ie bouddhisme tibetain sous l'influence notable des theosophes. Au depart consacrees a des activites strictement academiques, ces cercles savants voient s'operer en leur sein un glissement progressif de l'etude a la pratique alors que parallelement se constituent localement, en Europe et en Amerique du Nord, les premiers groupes informels de pratiquants generalement, reunis autour d'une figure charismatique dont les velleites a fonder de veritables co=unautes - ou sangha -, se trouve a la source de l'implantation des formes cultuelles du bouddhisme7Z. Cette importation initiale etait d'abord Ie fait exclusif des O<;cidentaux : elle se transforme par la suite en une exportation concomitante de l'inversion du sens des flux humains. Alors qu'a la fin du XIX' siecle, les premiers Occidentaux rallies au bouddhisme se rendent individuellement en Asie afin d'y revetir la robe et suivre une formation monastique, confirmant ainsi Ie pouvoir d'attraction de l'Asie co=e terre sacree , apparaissent conjointement les premieres lezardes dans l'image d'un continent que l'imaginaire occidental avait designe comme Ie lieu par excellence
o

70 Dans une conception et~ndue de cette notion, a l'image de celle defendue par S. Batchelor qui inclut I'Asie Australe, meme si son analyse porte principalement sur les contacts entre l'Asie bouddhiste et I'Europe, in The Awakening ofthe West. 71 Une analyse developpee chez P. Almond en termes de textualisation (Tbe British Discovery of Bztddbism) ou de perception philosophique par R.-P. Droit (Le eztlte dzt ntfant), traitee sous l'angle de la nature des contacts culturels pour S. Batchelor (Tbe Awakening of the West), reprise par M. Baumann danS la reconstitution historique du bouddhisme en Occident ("Creating a European Path to Nirvana" et "Le bouddhisme theravada en Europe : histoire, typologie et rencontre entre un bouddhisme moderniste et traditionaliste", Recherthes sociologi'fUes 3, 2000, 7-31) et enfin consider6e par moi-meme comme prealable ideologique al'adoption pratique du bouddhisme (Boztddhisme et Occident). 72 Phenomene qui se retrouve rapidement dans differents contextes d'implantation du bouddhisme : en Europe (M. Baumann, "Creating a European Path to Nirvana") et plus particulierement en Allemagne (M. Baumann, Dezttsche Bztddbisten), ainsi qu'aux Etats-Unis : R. Fields, How the Swans Came to the Lake, 146-166.
o

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de la sacralite : des intellectuels (camme Henry S. Olcott ou Paul Carus) n'hesiteront pas it formuler ulterieurement I'idee que la lumiere de l'Asie louee par Edwin Anl0ld se serait eteinte et que les Occidentaux etaient desormais plus aptes que les Asiatiques it recevoir Ie Dharma'3. Au tournant des XL'C' et xx' siecles, I'Asie, auparavant aboutissement de I'itineraire spirituel pour les premieres generations de spi1-itual seekers Occidentaux, en devient l'origine : des Ie debut du :A'X' siecle, les premiers maitres bouddhistes commencent it parcaurir I'Europe et a dispenser leur enseignement dans une relation directe it une audience occidentale qui n'a alors plus obligation it rejoindre physiquement les sites sacres du bouddhisme en Asie. Depuis cette epoque, si Ie bouddhisme apparait depuis longtemps et pour beaucoup d'Occidentaux resolument marque du sceau de I'individualisme, c'est neanmoins aussi sous la forme de communautes - la presence vivante du renoncement du Bouddha precise Stephen Batchelor'4 - qu'il se manifeste, a la fois dans Ie contexte d'un bouddhisme dit ethnique (celui des migrants) et d'un bouddhisme dit de convertis '5.

La te7~ritorialisatio7Z du bouddbisme tibhain

Les ecoles mahayanistes ne sont neanmoins parvenues qu'assez tardivement a l'Ouest, et un peu partout, Ie bouddhisme tibetain est l'une des dernieres traditions bouddhistes a avoir atteint les societes occidentales. Le theravada de tradition cingalo-birmane s'etait deja implante en Europe dans les annees 1910-1920 76 , en Suisse et en Allemagne, alors que, porte par Ie mouvement beat, Ie bouddhisme zen s'enracine aux :Ftats-Unis dans les annees 1950-196077 . Le boom tibetain ne debute pour sa part qu'it partir des annees 1960-1970, ala faveur d'un mouvement de contre-culture toujours plus inspire d'influences asiatiques. C'est au debut des annees 1970 que les grandes figures du bouddhisme tibetain (Ie Dalal-lama et Ie Karmapa) entreprennent leurs premiers grands tours de I'Europe, suscitant une premiere vague de conversions massives. Paradoxalement, alors que Ie bouddhisme est vu comme une utopie spirituelle et transculturelle, ses traditions s'enracinent d'emblee sous une forme eminemment materielle. La premiere implantation tibetaine en France est Ie fruit d'une initiative isolee lorsque Alexandra David-Neel, de retour de ses peregrinations asiatiques, cree, en 1928, sa forteresse de meditation it Digne (Sud de la France) avant que celle-ci ne se transforme ulterieurement en un veritable temple. C'est seulement en 1958 que Ie premier moine tibetain (d'origine mongole), Geshe Wangyal, de I'ecole Gelug s'installe aux :Ftats-Unis7S Mais c'est avec Ie celebre Chogyam Trungpa,

R. Fields, How tbe S,utl1iS Came to tbe Lake, 141. Tbe A,vaieening of tbe }Vest, 45. 75 C. Prebish, Luminous Passage. 76 M. Baumann, "Le bouddhisme theravada en Europe". 77 Stephen Prothero, "Introduction", in Big Sky jHind, Buddbism and tbe Beat Genemtion, ed. Carole Tonkinson (New York: Riverhead, 1995) : 1-20. 7B A. Lavine, "Tibetan Buddhism in America", 101.

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de tradition Kagyu, que Ie bouddhisme tibetain s'implante en Europe a la fin des annees 1960", et que vont fleurir les communautes et se mUltiplier les temples. Alors que les routes de Benares et de Katmandou - plus difficilement celles de Lhassa - demeurent, depuis les annees 1960, largement ouvertes nombre des tibetophiles sont depuis lors des voyageurs immobiles : a la difference des aventuriers de la premiere heure, ils ne sont pas alles a la rencontre physique de ce Tibet magi que des aventuriers et des explorateurs de l'etrange, mais l'ont laisse venir a eux, beneficiant d'un contexte de tibetomania , de la circulation reguliere (mais de la residence intermittente) des moines et maitres de religion tibetains, ainsi que de la proximite geographique de veritables sanctuaires, pour se laisser tenter par des experiences spirituelles . II ne saurait, certes, etre question d'eluder la variete des modalites d'appropriation du Tibet - comme objet fantasmagorique ou non - et du bouddhisme dans Ie contexte occidental qui decoulent d'une telle situation de proximite physique. L'accent mis ici sur des faits qui eclairent les aspects communautaires, institutionnels et materiels de l'expansion du bouddhisme tibetain (les dimensions privilegiees par une analyse de la transposition religieuse) ne revoque en aucun cas l'existence d'approches individualistes et non-communautaires, celle des Night-Stand Buddhists qui ne s'inscrivent ni dans des institutions, ni dans une tradition particuliere, et etablissent une connexion au bouddhisme mediatisee par la seule litterature 80 NIais dans la mesure ou Ie fait communautaire s'impose avec force it l'observation81 et represente une perspective indispensable a la comprehension du bouddhisme d'Occident82 , et qu'enfin Ie rapport au bouddhisme tibetain se constitue sur une oscillation entre les poles individuel et communautaires 83 , ces derniers representent moins des approches differentes qu'un continuu77Z des modalites d'appropriationde la religion tibetaine : une religion q;"i se pratique aussi bien dans des communautes ou han de celles-ci, dans des circonstances privees comme dans des contextes publics, dans un cadre institutionnel comme d'une maniere emancipee de tout contrale ecclesiastique. Sur Ie versant communautaire (celui qui nous interesse ici), cette relocalisation du bouddhisme tibetain s'accompagne neanmoins de strategies d'accommodation aux societes d'accueil et repose sur une territorialisation sociale et symbolique - deux volets d'une transposition culturelle et Leligieuse, melant, dans un entrelacs complexe, les imaginaires collectifs (pour les Tibetains, comme pour les Occidentaux) et les conduites sociales. NIalgre la multiplication des travaux sur Ie bouddhisme d'Occident, notamment de tradition tibetaine, la question de la transposition du bouddhisme n'a donne lieu qu'a peu de veritables developpements : elle demeure subsidiaire dans des analyses qui privilegient I'optique d'uneacculturation sur Ie plan des doctrines, des pra79

80
81

S. Batchelor, Tbe Awakening of tbe West, 104. T. Tweed, "Night-Stand Buddhists and Other Creatures", 76. C'est la raison pour laquelle C. Prebish en fait Ie point de depart et Ie fil rouge de son

opus Luminous Passage. S1 C'est sous une forme communautaire que les pratiques se donnent a observer pour I'enqueteur, B. Etienne et R. Liogier, EU'e bouddbiste en FrTlnce, aujoltrd'bui. 8J L. Obadia, "L'adhesion au bouddhisme en France", in ViVl'e de plnsieurs religions: pl'omesse on illusion ?, ed. Dennis Gira er Jacques Scheuer (Paris: Editions de l'Atelier, 2000) : 32-43.

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tiques B4 ou de la composition sociale des communautes 85 La oil Baumann, l'un des rares specialistes it s'etre penches sur la question, privilegie une analyse de la transposition en termes d'ajustements ideologiques et pratiques S6 , d'autres, comme Numrichs7 , Van Dyke" ou Saalfrank89 reintegrent une dimension materielle (la fondation des temples et leur fonctions sociales), encore trop souvent negligee, dans l'analyse du processus global de la diffusion du bouddhisme. Car plus que la deambulation ordinaire des moines dans les rues des grandes cites ou des campagnes d'Occident - souvent pris comme illustration par excellence de la presence du bouddhisme 90 - ce sont surtout les temples qui assurent sa visibilite dans l'espace social et culturel des nations occidentales, en particulier pour Ie bouddhisme de la diaspora91 Les etudes consacrees aux lieux de culte tibetains en Franceet aux pratiques qui s'y deroulent renoncent neanmoins encore trop souvent it une quelconque analyse, et ne rendent compte, de maniere souvent superficielle et autoreferentielle, que des seuls aspects textuels des traditions religieuses92 comme si, du texte it la pratique, les croyances doctrinales s'incarnaient en l'etat dans Ie domaine empirique, par un effet de transparence trompeur. Pour eviter l'ecueil de cette simplification, il faut porter son regard sur les processus effectifs et reintroduire la complexite de la vie sociale : car si les temples apparaissent comme les principalL"'l: points d'ancrage de la diffusion tibetaine", l'examen de leur configuration materielle et sociale offre cependant une lecture encore peu exploitee des mecanismes de la transposition religieuse94 et des ethnographies plus approfondies devoilant des dimensions actuellement inexplorees sur Ie plan de l'analyse font encore defaut.
84 John Snelling, The Buddhist Handbook. A Complete Guide to Buddhist Teaching and Pmctice (London: Rider, 1987) ; C. Prebish et K. Tanaka, The Faces ofBuddhism in Ame7ica. S5 Elements que l'on retrouve chez R. Seager, Buddhism in AmeTica. D. vVilliams et C. Queen (ed.), American Buddhism; C. Prebish, Luminous Passage; C. Prebish et.LVi. Baumann (ed.), Westwm'd Dharma. 86 M. Baumann, "The transplantation of Buddhism to Germany: Processive .LVlodes and Strategies of Adaptation", Method and ThemJ' in the Study ofReligio" 6.1 (1994) : 35-61. B7 Paul D. Numrich, Old vVisdom in the Ne7D Wadd. Ame1'icanization in Two Immigrant Themvada Buddhist Temples (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1996). 88 "Grids and Serpents", in Constructing Tibetan Culture. S9 Eva Sabine Saalfrank, Geistige Heimat hn Buddhismus allS Tibet: Eine empirische Studie am Beispiel der Kag),uepas in Deutschland (Ulm: Fabri Verlag, 1997). 90 E. Conze, Le bouddhisme, 245. H. de Lubac, La ,"encont,"e du bouddhisme et de I'Occident, 274. 91 Catherine Choron-Baix, "De forets en banlieues. La transplantation du bouddhisme lao en France", Archives de sciences sociales des religions 73 (1991) : 17-33. Diana Eck, "Foreword", in Ame,"ican Buddbism (ed. D. R. vVilliams et C: Queen) : ix-xi; Douglas M. Padget, "The Translating Temple. Diasporic Buddhism in Florida", in West7vaTd Dhamw (ed. M. Baumann et C. Prebish): 201-217. 92 Une demarche qu'illustrent par exemple les deux ouvrages de Corinne Butigieg : Les bOllddbismes en Fmnce (Paris: Ie Grand livre du mois, 2001) et Le lotus et la roue, l'brte7"gence dll bouddbisme fi'an,ais (Rodez: Ed. du Rouergue, 2003). . 9J L. Obadia, "Des monasteres tibetains al'usage des Fran,ais", Hommes & Nligratio77s 1171 (1993) : 17-20. 94 L. Obadia, "Transplantation religieuse et amenagement de l'espace : l'exemple du

Esprit(s) du Tibet .

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Pour revenir a la territorialisation, Ie tout premier (et plus connu) des temples tibetains eriges sur Ie sol occidental porte Ie. nom de Samye Ling: il a ete fonde par Chiigyam Trungpa et Akong Rinpocbe en ]968 en Ecosse, et est toujours en activite. D'autres temples allaient etre fondes peu de temps apres en Europe occidentale et a la fin des annees 1960, on en comptait au miell.,{ une dizaine sur Ie vieux continent. Au debut des annees 2000, c'est par centaines qu'ils apparaissent dans les guides et autres directories, dissemines principalement en Allemagne, en Grande Bretagne ou en France, et par dizaines ailleurs (Italie, Hollande, Espagne, Belgique ...). Cette multiplication ne correspond pas aune evenmelle efflorescence independante de toute autre logique que celle des appropriations localisees et individuelles : c'est bien un veritable processus d'essaimage initie par les maitres et mis en oeuvre par les disciples qui preside a cette croissance exponentielle des lieux de culte tibetains95 Cette dynamique expansionniste ne dit neanmoins rien de la maniere dont se forme une communaute, pas plus qu'elle n'informe sur ses processus qui la constituent ulterieurement (ou pas) en temple. C'est tout d'abord Ie facteur humain qui se trouve a l'origine de la fondati9n des sancmaires : un temple est toujours peu ou prou la manifestation de la constimtion d'une communaute et de son installation dans la duree. Le fait n'a rien d'etonnant : que Ie bouddhisme suive la voie des flux migratoires ou celle de la circulation des maitres, dans les deux cas, elle s'accompagne de la fondation de lieux de culte, dont Ie role est evidemment tres different selon qu'ils s'adressent a des migrants ou a des convertis. Partout a 6te degage un lien fort entre la reconstimtion des temples bouddhistes et Ie degre de consolidation des communautes de pratiquants (en particulier pour Ie bouddhisme de l'irnmigration96). On dispose d'assez peu d'informations precises sur la maniere dont les temples tibetains ont ete fondes - a l'exception de l'histoire officielle que livre la narration collective et quelque peu mythique des communautes sur elles-memes. Selon leurs propres recits - collectes aupres de leurs membres - les communautes d'obedience tibetaine se sont d'abord fondees a partir du charisme des maitres tibetains : mais malgre l'importance ,du maitre. (guru ou lama) comme lien (samaya) pour la realisation spirituelle (bodht) du pratiquant, Ie charisme ne saurait pourtant representer l'unique facteur agissant, d'autant plus pour des communautes dont les maitres sont en permanente itinerance. L'explicatiOl:< gagne a etre enrichie d'un examen des conditions (notamment economiques) et des processus particuliers qui president ala constitution des communautes, leur etablissement dans Ie temps et dans la materialite physique. Pour les acteurs memes de ce processus, la fOlldation des temples semble s'inscrire simplement dans la continuite naturelle de la communaute. Mais si les tem-

bouddhisme en Occident", in Perception et organisation de I'espace twbain : tme confrontation Orient - Occident, ed. Paul Servais et Roger Hagelstein (Louvain-Ia-Neuve: AcademiaBi.-uylant, Serie Reocontre Orient-Occident, 2001) : 301-324. 95 Pour une description plus precise de ces phenomenes, voir L. Obadia, Bouddhisme et Occident et "Tibetan Buddhism in France: A Missionary Religion?" " C. Choron-Baix, "De Forets en Banlieues" ; P. Numrich, Old Wisdom in the New Wodd ; J. McLellan, Many Petals ofthe Lotus.

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pIes sont toujours fondes par des communautes et a leur destination, toutes les communautes n'ont pas donne lieu a la fondation d'un temple, ou en d'autres termes, n'ont pu s'inscrire dans une territorialite. La transition de la communaute au temple depend des possibilites locales de reunir un certain nombre de conditions economiques et humaines, qui ne sont pas systematiquement satisfaites : des ressources financieres suffisantes et une certaine consistance sociale de la communaute semblent, sur ce point, des parametres essentiels, et supposent l'inscription de la communaute dans Ie temps via un processus d'institutionnalisation. Les communautes favorisent ainsi la cristallisation des flux humains", elles sont egalement des lieux privilegies de la dynamique de transplantation: la reconstitution des formes originales de la pratique cultuelle y est visiblement it l'oeuvre en tant qu'elles representent les espaces sociaux reunissant les conditions d'exercice les plus traditionnellement devolues it la ritualite98 Autrement dit (mais la conclusion parait logique) les temples reconstituent toujours plus les conditions cultuelles initiales que les espaces prives de la pratique. C'est par un processus d'institutionnalisation, auquel contribuent les moines tibetains tout autant que leurs disciples occidentaux99 que ce qui etait de simples petits groupes informels reunis sporadiquement pour verser dans une pratique meditative sont devenus des communautes aux usages et aux normes codifiees, it l'origine de la fondation des temples tibetains, et agents actifs de leur essaimagelOO La territorialisation du bouddhisme tibetain passe par des phenomenes de stabilisation physique et topographique des flux humains, sous les formes les plus cristallisees que sont les communautes, mais egalement par des modalites de legitimation qui supposent une consecration officielle de lieux specialement devolus it la pratique religieuse. Des rituels de fondation president en effet it 1'officialisation des grands temples ou des instituts (comme 1'a montre Mary Van Dyke en SuisselOl ). Ces ceremonies marquent en outre 1'identite et les limites de l'espace dela transposition et ouvrent la voie it une appropriation symbolique du sol et meme du soussol: au depart simples espaces prives (generalement domestiques), les lieux se transforment alors en lieux de culte ou sanctuaires 102 et se voient conferer une dimension publique et des usages collectifs it portee symbolique. On y penetre en se dechaussant, certains comportements (langagiers, alimentaires ou toxicomaniaques) y sont prohibes, les attitudes y sont codifiees en vertu du caractere religieux de 1'espace - et des conduites qui lui sont subsequemment suspendues : performance individuelle ou collective de rites, apprentissages des doctrines, exegese des symboles,
97

L. 'Obadia, "Une tradition au-dela de Ia modernite", 86.

Pour I'analyse de phenomenes identiques dans Ie theravada d'Europe, voir Sandra Bell, "Being Creative with Tradition: Rooting Theravada Buddhism in Britain", Jozmzal of Global Buddhism 1 (2000) : 1-23. 99 L. Obadia, "Une tradition au-deE, de Ia modernite", 80-82. 100 L. Obadia, "Tibetan Buddhism in France: A Missionary Religion?", 98-99.
9B
101

"Grids and Serpents", in COllstTZlcting Tibetan ellltU7'e.

Cette terminologie, conceptuelle et descriptive releve d'un choix de perspective et se retrouve surtout dans Ies analyses de transplantation du bouddhisme de convertis (E. S. Saalfrank, Geistige Heimat im Buddhismus aus Tibet et L. Obadia, Bouddhis11le et Occident).
102

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pratiques a visee ataraxique et/ou soteriologique. Ces memes ceremonies ont aussi pour effet de circonscrire les sanctuaires dans une toponymie cultureIIe et religieuse qui leur confere une identite non seulement topographique, mais egalement genealogique : ce qu'indiquent I'usage regulier d'un suffixe nominal ling (<< lieu ) et/ou d'un prefixe nominatif (Kagyu, Nyingma, Gelug, Sakya) dans les denominations des temples, lesquels informent tout aurant de leur localisation que de leur affiliation a une ecole tibetaine particuliere. Les degres de transplantation sont neanmoins variables, notamment sur Ie plan de Ia culture materieIIe. Si les grands temples sont effectivement les espaces les plus visibles de reconstitution des formes architecturales et des structures monastiques, la tres grande majorite des sites ou se pratique Ie bouddhisme tibetain sont de petits centres d'etudes et de meditation (comme c'est d'ailleurs egalement Ie cas pour les autres branches du bouddhisme monastique implantees en OccidentIOJ ). Pour autant que Ie potentiel economique et humain local Ie permet, ces petites communautes, 10rsqu'eIIes sont ins crites dans des traditions monastiques, s'efforcent neanmoins de creer des conditions de pratique religieuse qui s'alignent tendancieIIement sur les canons traditionnels. Les normes architecturales des grands temples ne pouvant etre systematiquement reproduites dans ces conditions, c'est sur Ie plan de I'organisation $patiale interieure que se deroule cette recomposition microscopique des formes de Ia pratique religieuse tibetaine : les murs sont peints aux couleurs traditionneIIes (jaune, rouge et bleu), agrementes de peintures traditionneIIes (tbangka), des autels sont reconstitues, ainsi qu'un ensemble d'objets liturgiques a la disposition et it I'usage des maitres et des pratiquants (dOI]e, cloches, tambours ...). L'organisation meme du mobilier interieur reflete Ie degre d'institutionnalisation des pratiques religieuses : des trones richement decores sont par exemple disposes en vis-a-vis de coussins, et des rangees de sieges it la hauteur echelonnee sont amenages sur un plan perpendiculaire, signalant Ia disposition respective des officiants (Ie maitre, face a I'auditoire, les moines de rang inferieur, it ses cotes) et de I'assistance (qui leur font face) lors des enseignements et des ritesl04 . fA cette materialite inerte mais socialement structurante s'adjoint une materialite relationneIIe a travers Ia circulation entre les maitres et leurs disciples, ou entre les membres des communautes, d'objets les plus divers relevant generalement d'un usage prive pour les autels personnels que composent les pratiquants dans leurs domiciles (tbangkas, photographies de maitres renommes, effigies ritueIIes symboliques ou tormas, encens, statuettes ...). Cette culture materieIIe mobiliere et circulatoire a deja ete decrite comme relevant d'une economie religieuse constitutive de la dynamique adaptative des cornmunautes bouddhistes d'OccidentJ05 On peut lui adjoindre les dimensions imaginaires et topographiques qui font l'objet de cette secIOJ Pour les :ftats-Unis : Don lvIorreale (od.), Buddhist America: Centen, Retreats, Pmctices (Sante Fe: John Muir Publications, 1988). Pour la France: Philippe Rance, Guide des Celm'es bouddhistes en France (Paris: Noesis, 1998). 104 L. Obadia, "Transplantation religieuse et amenagement de l'espace", 318. 105 Douglas Padget, "Americans need something to sit on, a Zen lvIeditation lvIaterials and Buddhist diversity in North America", Jozmzal of Global Buddhism 1 (2000) : 61-81.

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tion : car l'origine geographique et l'histoire de ces objets circulants sont particulierement importantes. Venus d'Asie et en particulier du Tibet lui-meme, ils se voient octroyer une charge symbolique particuliere et ici joue it plein l'imaginaire topographique de I'Orient. L'echange des objets liturgiques ou de decoration religieuse du Tibet est un puissant mecanisme de formation et de maintien du lien socioreligieux entre les pratiquants d'une meme communaute. De meme que cette origine est, dans les genealogies spirituelles qui se tissent entre maltres et disciples, un pivot fondamental de l'autorite morale conferee aux maltres et de la confiance que vont leur accorder leurs adeptes : la dimension biographique du pouvoir spirituel des lamas est l'une des bases de leur autorite, en particulier lorsque leur curriculum revele une parente ou une residence (meme temporaire) au Tibet106 Neanmoins, l'essor demographique de maltres occidentaux sans aucun lien ni physique, ni culturel avec Ie pays sacre est en retour susceptible d'ebranler cette base symbolique107. II pourrait resulter de ce processus de territorialisation un changement dans la distribution topographique des lieux sacres du bouddhisme tibetain. Les temples sont d'abord des lieux de culte et it ce titre, meme s'ils se voient peu ou prou attribuer un caractere de sacralite, ils ne possedent pas toutes les caracteristiques des Hauts Lieux . Parce qu'elles ont conserve un ancrage fort dans leurs racines culturelles (i.e., que leur legitimite repose partiellement mais indubitablement sur l'image d'un Tibet sacre ), les traditions religieuses tibetaines d'Occident ont su maintenir leurs Hauts Lieux en Asie. Les Hauts Lieux du bouddhisme en general (lieux de naissance et de disparition - paTiniTvana - du Bouddha historique, les temples qui ont conserve ses reliques) et ceux des traditions tibetaines en particuliers (residences historiques de grands maltres tibetains de chaque ecole, et notamment hors du Tibet: au Bhoutan, au Nepal, au Sikkim, au Ladakh) sont inscrits dans une histoire ancienne conservent de facto la charge symbolique devolue au.'{ lieux consacres par la tradition: des pelerinages organises it partir de la France (ou plus largement de l'Europe) y sont regulierement effectues. Et c'est sur ce plan, majore au processus de diffusion initial qui l'a amene d'Asie, que Ie bouddhisme tibetain revet - une fois de plus - un caractere transnational. Les sanctuaires de France et d'Occident ne sont toutefois pas, dans cette perspective, de simples espaces de pratique it la valeur symbolique negligeable face aux Hauts Lieux d'Asie. Ils assument en effet, it une autre echelle, une fonction de lieux de memoire pour leurs adeptes : c'est encore l'ethnographie de longue duree qui revele que les temples!centres tibetains de France offrent une memoire identificatoire dans laquelle s'inscrit l'histoire personnelle des pratiquants, celle de l'institution du temple ou de la figure charismatique de son fon,dateur, de la lignee de transmission ou de l'ecole tibetaine it laquelle il se rattache, et, en derniere instance, au bouddhisme dans sa totalite - les differentes matrices d'identification des

106

Sur ce point, l'importancE: de ce trait est manifeste dans 1a presentation des commu-

nautes bouddhistes par elIes-memes. P. Rance, Guide des centres bouddhistes en Piance. 107 A. Lavine, "Tibetan Buddhism in America", 104.

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pratiquants occidentaux du bouddhisme tibetain qui constituent les niveaux d'appartenance dans lesquels ils peuvent se reconnaitre l08 Certains sites (les grands temples tibetains de France) possedent neanmoins une place particuliere dans la topographie et la memoire collective des communautes : des pelerinages y sont organises par les petits centres pour des visites regulieres, it une echelle nationale, cette fois, moins comme substitut a des sites sacres inaccessibles au Tibet lui-meme, que comme autant de sites memoriels " renvoyant a l'histoire de l'implantation du bouddhisme dans la nation franc;:aise.

Fonction des temples et echelles d'organisation

Cette premiere mise en lumiere de la territorialisation du bouddhisme tibetain en Occident s'est jusqu'ici limitee it l'examen des modalites d'ancrage physique et de recomposition de la culture materielle. II reste it explorer Ie rapport entre les temples et les communautes, et l'impact de cette territorialisation dans les formes d'organisation sociale du bouddhisme tibetain de France et d'ailleurs. Au dela de la simple topographie, elle reflete en effet une morphologie complexe it l'echelle des espaces localises (les temples) ou supralocaux (les reseaux nationaux et transnationaux), et devoile une dynamique de transmission et d'ajustement qui n'est pas moins complexe. Pour des raisons deja evoquees precedemment, les specialistes ont jusqu'ici principalement porte leur attention sur la fondation de temples dans Ie contexte des flux migratoires, a savoir dans Ie cadre d'un bouddhisme ethnique " dans Ie sens OU les enjeux de continuite culturelle et religieuse sont les plus patents. De l'Amerique it l'Australie, en passant par l'Europe, les temples bouddhistes ont ete fondes peu de temps apres l'<~tablissement des diasporas asiatiques 109 C'est notamment en reponse aux perils de deracinement culturel et d'apostasie que les organisations religieuses asiatiques (au depart, japonaises et chinoises) ont depeche des moines missionnaires pour reintroduire et renforcer les pratiques bouddhistes au cceur des oversea communities dans Ie but explicite de leur fournir une direction spirituelle "llO. II incombait aces emissaires un role officiel comme support pour des institutions ethniques lll, un trait distinctif habituellement attribue en priorite au bouddhisme asiatique par un discours savant qui a homologue l'idee de dynamiques sociales et culturelles divergentes entre les flux migratoi-

lOB L. Obadia, "Becoming a 'vVestern Buddhist: conversion, adherence and belonging", s.d., unpublished paper. 109 R. Fields, How tbe Swans Came to tbe Lal" ; Alfred Bloom, "Shin Buddhism in America: ASocial Perspective", in The Faces of Buddbisnz in AmeTica, 32-47 ; Stuart Chandler, "Chinese Buddhism in America: Identity and Practice", in Tbe Faces of Buddbism in Anze7'ica, 13-30 ; K. Tanaka, "Issues of Ethnicity in the Buddhist Churches of America", in Ame,'ican Buddbisnz, 3-19 ; J. MacLellan, Nlany Petals in tbe Lotus. llO A. Bloom, "Shin Buddhism in America", 35 ; S. Chandler, "Chinese Buddhism in America", 25 ; K. Tanaka, "Issues of Ethnicity in the Buddhist Churches of America", 5. III K. Tanaka, "Issues of Ethnicity in the Buddhist ChUl'ches of America", 8-9.

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res et l'expansion missionnaire du bouddhisme, une posture inteUectuelle qui disjoint un bouddhisme ethnique d'un bouddhisme blanc 112 IT a ete note que, pour les diasporas asiatiques, les temples assument un role substantiel dans la structuration socialelll mais ce sont egalement des lieux OU s'opere une traduction ou une redefinition des identites ethniques, par l'intermediaire des pratiques rituelles 114, la capitalisation communautairell5 , l'economie diasporique!16 entre autres activites designees comme ethniques , au point que certains n'hesitent pas a qualifier leur role de culturel plus que religieux 117 meme si les pratiques et croyances religieuses des diasporas, parfois lethargiques avant leur deplacement, ont ete massivement reactivees dans Ie contexte migratoire 118 . Ces temples bouddhistes diasporiques sont inscrits dans une topographie duelle : ils sont ala fois d'Asie .et d'Oceident, en vertu des connections transnationales qu'ont etablies les diasporas asiatiques avec leurs pays d'origine et de la circulation des maitres entre les differentes aires geographiques 119. Dans certaines perspectives theoriques contemporaines, Ie bouddhisme blanc ou de convertis a savoir, Ie bouddhisme des traditions japonaise, cinghalaise ou tibetaine telles qu'elles sont pratiquees en France, est principalement vu comme ressortissant de formes individualistes-modernes de la religion!20 : c'est la raison pour laquelle la question de la transplantion religieuse et des fonctions sociales des institutions transposees est absente de la recherche franpise l2l a l'exception notable des travaux pionniers de Dennis Gira, Ie premier auteur it avoir cartographie les temples bouddhistes de France et a avoir note la surrepresentation statistique des temples/centres de convertis 122 En se prevenant de tout comparatisme abusif, il faut bien reconnaitre que, sous bien des aspects, ces temples, et notamment ceux des traditions tibetaines assument des fonctions en tous points identiques it celles qui incombent aux temples diasporiques . La premiere echelle soumise a l'analyse est celIe de la transmission au niveau des acteurs (les pratiquants) et des communautes. Sous un angle fonctionnaliste, les communautes bouddhistes, en particulier lorsqu'elles sont engagees dans un processus d'institutionnalisation, representent un element essentiel (mais encore une fois,

R. Fields, "Divided Dharma", 196. MacLellan, !VIany Petals in the Lotus. 114 Chez les Laotiens de France et des Etats-Unis : C. Choron-Baix, "De forets en banlieues" ; Penny Van Esterik, "Ritual and the Performance of Buddhist Identity among Lao Buddhists in North America", in A7ne1'ican Buddhism, 57-68. 115 Stuart Chandler, "Placing Palms Together: Religious and Cultural Dimensions of the Hsi Lai Temple Political Donation Controversy", in Ante1'ican Buddhism, 36-56. ii' Senryo Asai et D. vVilliams, "Japanese American Zen Temples: Cultural Identity and Economics", in Anzerican Buddhism, 20-35. 117 K. Tanaka, "Issues of Ethnicity in the Buddhist Churches of America", 10. 118 S. Chandler, "Chinese Buddhism in America", 23-24. il9 J. MacLellan, NIany Petals of the Lotus ; D. Padget, "The Translating Temple". 120 F. Lenoir, Le bouddhisme en France.
112 113 ].
III 122

L. Obudia, "Transplantation religieuse et amenagement de l'espace", 306-309.

Dennis Gira, Comp,-end"e Ie Bouddbisme (Paris: Le Centurion, 1989).

Esprit(s) du Tibet

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pas exclusif) it la transmission du Dharma hors d'Asiel2l. Si l'on suit cette ligne d'interpretation fonctionnelle - qui situe l'analyse sur Ie plan des enjeux de transmission culturelle plus qu'it celui de la morphologie sociale - on peut ajouter it cet argumentaire elementaire d'autres fonctions : les temples tibetains servent it reproduire les structures memes du monachisme tibetain via la formation religieuse et la reproduction d'un systeme fonde sur des modalites de transmission codifiees et un rapport singulier entre maitre et disciple!24. Ce rapport ne saurait etre considere comme exclusif dans l'analyse : ce serait faire peu de cas d'une sociabilite ordinaire (Ies interactions ordinaires des pratiquants entre eux) qui est fondamentalement comple_mentaire dans Ie sens OU elle fait Ie coeur meme de la vie religieuse : si elIe garantit les interactions entre les maitres et leurs disciples, elle sert aussi de fondement it des activites collectives non hierarchisees qui constituent l'autre versant du support des liens communautaires. Etre engage dans une communaute d'obedience tibetaine, revient avivre ala fois une relation au maitre et un rapport - tout aussi fondamental pour l'apprentissage religieux - aux autres disciples. Une fois fondes, les temples operent d'ailleurs un renforcement de la communaute : de la meme maniere que Ie maitre est aussi un moine (jama), rouage de l'architecture sociale du bouddhisme tibetain dont il garantit, par son activite rituelle et meditative, la perennite, les temples pourvoient les communautes en bases sociales et en ancrages physiques dans un meme objectif. Ces fonctions structurantes des temples se manifestent it d'autres echelIes : celIe des modes de structuration au niveau des organisations elles-memes, qui refletent d'autres dimensions de la dynamique de transplantation du bouddhisme tibetain. La fondation d'organisations d'extension nationale, particulieres ou federatives (sous la forme d' Unions bouddhistes ), mais egalement d'extension internationale (it travers des organisations transnationales comme la Federation pour fa Pdse1'vation de fa Tradition lVlabayana ou Ie Vajradbatu fonde originellement par Trungpa), ainsi que la reconnaissance du statut par les administrations des nations d'accueil du bouddhisme comme religion it part entiere125 acheve d'illustrer les consequences de cette institutionnalisation au plan supra-communautaire et macrosocial. A l'organisation bureaucratique unificatrice des federations ou Unions , repond une structuration en reseau it une double echelle. A celIe des communautes, correspond une structura C tion en paroisses , une analogie avec Ie modele chretien qui se justifie par l'existence d'un reseau social (de pratiquants ou de sympathisants) etendu dans l'espace mais pour lequelle point d'ancrage de la sociabilite religieuse et de l'activite rituelle . est Ie temple local126. Autrement dit, une topographie de la pratique religieuse revele Ie role federateur du temple pour les pratiquants qui resident dans une proximite physique plus ou moins grande: on se rapproche souvent du temple Ie plus proche du domicile, avant eventuellement d'en frequenter d'autres. Les guides et
l2l

Alison Smith, "The Role of Buddhist Groups in South Africa", in Buddhism and L. Obadia, "Une tradition au-de!:; de la modernite", SO. Pour la France, D. Gira, "Les bouddhistes franpis", Espz'it 233 (1997) : 130-l48. L. Obadia, Bouddhimze et Occident, 211.

Africa, 77 -S4.
[24

125
[26

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directories ont d'ailleurs pour utilite de faciliter l'acces a des temples, pour les individus potentiellement interesses par Ie bouddhisme, mais qui, contraints par les exigences de la vie ordinaire, privilegient souvent la frequentation de temples locaux a celle d'autres sanctuaires. A l'echelle des nations et de l'international, c'est encore un reseau qui configure Ie pays age bouddhiste dans ses pays d'accueil : tous les centres alignes (sur des ecoles tibetaines) sont rattaches a des grands temples par des liens d'affiliation doctrinale, sous la forme d'un nseau tout a la fois humain et imaginaire, qui ancre les cornmunautes d'Occident dans une filiation his torique a l'une des ecoles du bouddhisme tibetain et offre un rattachement concret it un reseau transnational qui s'articule de l'Asie (lnde, Nepal ou Bhoutan) a ses pays d'accueil (d'Occident) et au sein desquels s'effectue la circulation des hommes (moines ou pratiquants), des representations (culturelles et religieuses) et des biens (objets). On retrouve ici, sous une forme presque identique, ces topographies duelles qui caracterisent les temples diasporiques .

Bouddbis77Ze ou religion tibetaine ?

II convient encore d'examiner les effets d'une transplantation qui a jusqu'a present ete essentiellement considere comme celIe des traditions bouddhistes. L'anthropologie a etabli depuis bien longtemps que la diffusion et la transplantation des religions dans de nouveaux substrats socioculturels entrainait des processus d'acculturation. Et nombrelL",{ sont les auteurs it avoir insiste sur cette dimension en pronostiquant l'eclosion de nouvelles formes de bouddhisme, largement influencees par les cultures nationales ou supranationales. Mais pour qu'il y ait acculturation, encore faut-il savoir qu'est-ce qui est susceptible de s'acculturer. Qu'estcce que l'arrivee des Tibetains et la recomposition des lieux de culte a finalement amene a transposer dans Ie contexte occidental? La reponse la plus commune demeure: Ie bouddhisme. L'image d'un bouddhisme comme principal reflet des croyances et des pratiques religieuses du Tibet s'avere ainsi persistante dans l'imaginaire occidental: pour la grande majorite des Occidentaux, Ie Tibet demeure une nation bouddhiste quand ce n'est pas purement et simplement la patrie du bouddhisme. Cenes, Ie bouddhisme y a joue un role fondamental, en envahissant tous les companiments de la societe 127 Or, ce qui fait l'unite du Tibet, c'est sa civilisation affirme Rolf Stein l28 en invitant it la prudence face au risque de reduire l'histoire du Tibet a celle d'une seule et unique religion. Si cette histoire s'ecrit a partir de materiaux textuels, c'est parce que ceux-ci representent une source fondamentale a la comprehension du role de la religion dans l'organisation sociale et politique du Tibet. Mais Ie recours a des sources essentiellement religieuses fait encourir Ie risque d'une histoire religieuse du Tibet, reconstituee, qui plus est, a partir de sources essentiellement bouddhistes129 , ou qui reflete des pro127

R. Stein, La civilisation tibetaine, 108.

La civilisation tibitaine, 6.

128
129

David Snellgrove et Hugh Richardson, A Cultuml Histo,y of Tibet (London: VVeidenfeld and Nicolson, 1968) ; Anne-Marie Blondeau, "Les religions du Tibet", in Encyclopidie fa Plerade, Histoire des ,'efigio1ls, III (Paris: Gallimard, 1976) : 233- 249 ; Per Kvaeme, "Le Tibet: grandeur

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jections occidentales qui confondent sous Ie vocable bouddhiste des valeurs culturelles et religieuses tres diversifiees130 Les autres formes de religion sont certes, rarement oubliees dans la litterature specialisee, mais elles ne sont generalement signalees qu'ii partir du moment ou elles interagissent avec Ie bouddhisme, pour etre generalement absorbees par lui ou lui etre assujetties : c'est Ie cas du bon, du chamanisme, et des autres formes de croyances non-bouddhistes. Pour ne pas limiter la transposition au seul bouddhisme, il faudiait alars evoquer une religion tibetaine en Occident. Cette expression recouvre un vaste complexe d'elements que les puristes divisent en bouddhistes et non-bouddhistes , comprenant egalement des croyances ayant pour objet les esprits de la nature (comme les nagas - serpents mythiques des rivieres), des sols, Ie culte des excllvations et des montagnes (inscrits dans une cosmologie tihetaine centree autour du mont Kailash), des traits chamaniques, des formes de divination et de geomancie, et bien evidemment, des rites de sorcellerie et de contre-sorcellerie ... la liste pourrait encore s'allonger. Les recherches conduites sur la pratique du bouddhisme en Francelll (et ailleurs) tendraient a confirmer que la transplantation s'aligne sur un modele simplifie de la religion tihetaine resultant d'une double reduction : sous la forme generique du seul bouddhisme, et qui plus est du bouddhisme savant, celui des textes et de la pratique monastique, excluant par Iii meme tous les aspects populaires observables dans les pays d'origine. Il est indiscutable - et n'importe quel observateur pe!1t en faire l'experience en ce debut de XXI' siecle - que les pratiques conduites dans les temples tibetains de France semblent s'aligner sur des canons orthodoxes . Cette normalisation s'explique aisement par la presence continue d'un ordre monastique en situation monopolistique (car unique representant des expressions religieuses tibetaines en France et ailleurs), et d'une institutionnalisation progressive des activites religieuses depuis la formation de la communaute jusqu'a sa consecration officielle : des pratiques telles que l'etude des textes et des fondements doctrinaux de la religion,' des chants et des prieres (mantras), la pratique des mudras (gestes symboliques), des initiations a des divinites particulieres du pantheon tibetain, mais aussi la pratique des visualisations , des preliminaires purificatoires (ngondro), ainsi que des enseignements specifiques des maitres de religion .... Autant d'elements dont la presence va dans Ie sens d'une confirmation de l'hypothese initiale, qui tend, pour les ecoles du theravada132 comme pour celles mahayana presentes en Occident, a attester
et decadence d'une tradition monastique", in Le monde dtl boztddhisme, ed. Heinz Bechert et Richard Gombrich (Paris: Bordas, 1984) : 247-263 ; David Snellgro":e, Indo-Tibetan Buddhism: Indian Bztddhists and their Tibetan successors (London: Serindia, 1987). 130 Beatrice D. Miller, "Is there Tibetan Culture(s) without Buddhism?" in Ploeeedings of the E'temational Seminar on the Anthropology of the Tibet and the Himalaya, ed. Charles Ramble et Martin Brauen (Zurich: Ethnological Museum of the University of Zurich, 1993) : 222-228. 131 B. Etienne et R. Liogier, Etre boztddhiste en P,canee aztjolt1"d'hzti ; F. Lenoir, Le boztddhisme en Pmnee. 132 M. Baumann, "Protective Amulets and Awarness Techniques, or How to Make Sense of Buddhism in the West", in Westward Dhal"11Za. Buddhism beyond Asia, 51-65.

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que les aspects proprement bouddhistes s'averent plus transposables (~'est Ie propre des religions universelles) que les croyances asiatiques locales, trop enracinees dans leur substrat culturel pour beneficier d'une meme relocalisation . Ainsi semble se canfirmer une standardisation de l'imaginaire religieux tibetain doublement aligne sur ses propres criteres d'orthodoxie ainsi que sur les conceptions occidentales qui l'ont rationalise. Un examen plus pre~is et detaille de ces memes pratiques, dans Ie cadre d'une ethnographie de la transposition, invite toutefois it relativiser ce constat, en particulier pour les traditions tibetaines de France et d'Europe. Non qu'il est faux d'affirmer que les traits du bouddhisme se sont averes plus rapidement transpos;lbles que d'autres croyances asiatiques charriees en Occident par les voies de la migration et de la diffusion. On assiste neanmoins progressivement it une reintegration, dans Ie domaine des pratiques, des formes concn:;tionnees au bouddhisme - que l'on peut considerer comme bouddhistes mais peripheriques (en vertu de leur integration dans un systeme camplet domine par Ie bouddhismelJ3 ) ou comme nonbouddhistes (si l'on adhere it l'idee que seuls les elements de la tradition scripturaire meritent cette qualification) - mais neanmoins tibetaines. L'ethnographie montre que ces elements, moins visibles que ceux attribues au bouddhisme, gagnent furtivement l'espace des pratiques transplantees et qu'ils beneficient precisement de certaines dispositions sur Ie versant des pratiquants (chez lesquels une emphase sur les aspects les plus irrationnels du bouddhisme tibetain est perceptible) de meme que du cote des moines. Ces derniers ont par exemple introduit les principes d'une geomancie qui preside, selon la tradition, it la fondation des temples et qui confere un aspect propitiatoire it la localisation geographique en injectant dans les croyances potentiellement adoptees par les pratiquants occidentaux les esprits chtoniens ou ceux qui resident dans l'environnement ecologique, qu'une approche par trop textuelle avait auparavant exclus. On est bien loin de la simple meditation, attachee it la vision d'un bouddhisme philosophique conforme it la rationalisation que promeuvent les nombreux apologistes du bouddhisme d'Occident. C'est loin d'etre un phenomene contingent. Car la pression qu'exercent en retour les laics sur les moines presse ~es derniers it introduire toujours plus de complexite : ils se plient, de maniere discrete et peripherique aux enseignements et rites habituels, it des pratiques de divination (ou parfois it l'astrologie), a de rites propitiatoires, ou, avec encore plus de regularite, a des actes paramedicau.'C. Au cours d'une enquete ethnographique qui a dure pres de sept annees, l'auteur de ces lignes a ere a de multiples reprises Ie temoin de ces echanges : aux demandes de soins pour pathologies lourdes, de resolution de conflits familiaux, de troubles psychoaffectifs, mais aussi de reus site universitaire, de choix professionnels, voire de recherche de pouvoirs surnaturels, les moines offrent des reponses en termes scolastiques et magiques . NIediter et prier s'avere aussi puissant et efficace que de pratiquer de micro-rituels destines par exemple aux esprits des fleuves et des montagnes, auxquels des offrandes sont sporadiquement adressees.
lJJ Tel que propose dans la modelisation theorique de vVinston King, A Thousand Lives Away, Buddhism in Contemporary Burma (Oxford: Bruno Cassirer Ltd, 1964) : 67-68.

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La confection et la distribution de tsatsa (petits objets votifs constitues de cendres de moines) ou encore d'amulettes consacrees acheve la liste de pratiques qui reI event, selon les categories conceptuelles occidentales, bien plus de la magie populaire que de la religion codifiee1l4 , Pour l'anthropologue, l'opposition entre ces de1L,{ categories s'estompe evidemment au regard des faits: car les deux types de pratiques et de croyances participent d'un meme ensemble religieux, Et la comparaison avec les pratiques religieuses de l'aire de religion tibetaine denote une remarquable identite de fonction pour les moines de ces regions reculees et sous nos latitudes, qui combinent sans incompatibilite majeure la soteriologie du monachisme savant et les pratiques propitiatoires de la religion populaire. Apartir de ces quelques exemples, que Ie manque de place interdit de developper plus avant, la these d'une epuration des concretions culturelles 135 d'un bouddhisme vu comme universel dont l'Occident aurait conserve Ie meilleur [sicJll6, a savoir, les aspects les plus philosophiques autrement dit les plus susceptibles de faire l'objet d'une transposition dans des societes secularisees comme la France, trouve ici un dementi formel a travers, au contraire, la presence de ces memes concretion:s au cceur du bouddhisme d'Occident. Sur la base de l'essor massif de tendances modernistes au sein des groupements bouddhistes d'Occident, lesquels s'efforcent de promouvoir une rationalisation des representations et des pratiques religieuses, Martin Baumann voit dans Ie bouddhisme tibetain un contreexemple a cette orientation ideologique et pratique: alors que latendance est a une lai:cisation du bouddhisme, pour certains, conforme au contenu philosophique originel de l'enseignement du Bouddha, l'accent perpetuellement mis sur les aspects les plus devotionnels de la religiosite et magiques par les ecoles tibetaines les fait apparaitre comme des exceptions dans Ie paysage bouddhiste d'Occident137. Si elles sont en effet historiquement Ie fruit d'agregations d'e!ements culturels et religieux au bouddhisme, les croyances dont il est ici question ne sont neanmoins pas residuelles : leur presence signale au contraire la recomposition des liens organiques entre certains elements constitutifs d'une religion tibetaine qui deborde largement du seul bouddhisme savant. II ne saurait evidemment etre question d'une recomposition integrale des formes de pratique culturelles, sociales et religieuses du pays d'origine : a l'image de la dynamique des formes migratoires ou ethniques du bouddhisme138 , ce sont des traditions tibetaines resolument adaptees a l'Occident qui s'y installent. Mais la constance des elements les plus surnaturels (fetichisme, divination, magie therapeutique, etc.), c'est-a-dire, les plus eloignes d'une vision de la religion tibetaine passee au filtre du rationalisme occidental invite a repenser l'etendue et la profondeur de ce processus de rationalisation .
134 Une grande partie des donnees empiriques qui servent iei al'analyse, ainsi que certaines conclusions auquel leur traitement amene sont regroupees et presentees dans l'ouvrage' :

L. Obadia, Globalized Buddhism, Global Tibetans (it paraitre),

135 ].

Snelling, The Buddhist Handbook, 265.

1J6

F. Lenoir, Le bouddhis71Ze en P,'ance.

M. Baumann, "Protective Amulets and Awareness Techniques", 59.

137
138

S. Asai, D. R. Williams, "Japanese American Zen Temples". D. Padget, "The Trans-

lating Temple".

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Lionel Obadia

Economies de l'imaginaire orientaliste : patrimonialisation de la tradition et exotisme nligieu.x

II reste desormais aincorporer it l'analyse Ie r61e des ultimes acteurs du jeu complexe de la transplantation religieuse : les Tibetains. La theorie d'un alignement rationaliste sur Ie plan des idees et des pratiques religieuses tibetaines se donne en effet principalement a observer dans Ie cadre des strategies d'adaptation du bouddhisme a ses societes d'accueil : une standardisation ideologique et pratique telle qu'on peut l'observer au cceur meme des organisations bouddhistes1l9 sur un plan formel, mais dont la profondeur, on vient de Ie voir, est discutable. Problematique egalement est la question d'un eventuel alignement de la religion tibetaine sur des representations idealisees produites par l'imaginaire occidental, toujours pensee a partir d'une perspective occidentalocentree. La these de l'alignement des pratiques et des croyances tibetaines sur l'imaginaire orientaliste ne saurait erre simplement refutee a pri01'" : elle conserve toute sa pertinence si l'analyse derive vers les modalites d'instrumentalisation dont ces ressources symboliques font l'objet par et pour les Tibetains d'Occident et d'ailleurs. Engages en effet dans un mouvement de promotion de leur culture et de leur religion, les lamas ont depuis longtemps incorpore des !ignes d'argumentation tirees du registre occidental a leurs propres discours dans Ie cadre d'une activite de transmission: on retrouve, en l'occurrence, un accent mis sur Ie bien-erre, l'individualisme ou encore Ie caractere rationnel des pratiques qu'ils proposent it leurs disciples potentiels140 . Est-ce pour autant que toutes les strategies d'adaptation se resument it cette rationalisation, par ailleurs dementie par les faits ethnographiques ? Certes, non. Car dans ces memes strategies, se confrontent l'imaginaire historique des tibetains et celui de la tibetophilie occidentale. La place que Ie Tibet et les Tibetaihs occupent dans l'imaginaire tibetophile occidental, et les caracteristiques qu'ils se voient attribuer se retrouvent en effet transposees dans de veritables strategies d'exhibition culturelle. Les evenements de 1950 et de 1959 sont consideres comme marquants dans l'histoire du Tibet. Les vifs conflits d'interpretations sur l'identite historique et l'etendue geographique d'un Tibet it geometrie variable 141 s'inscrivent surtout dans des enjeux politiques qui opposent la ligne ideologique des autorites de Pekin it celie du gouvernement tibetain en exip42. Sans entrer dans les details d'un debat eminemment complexe, il a ete note que les essentialisations (occidentales) d'un Tibet mythique
Depeinte par M. Baumann, in "The Transplantation of Buddhism to Germany",

]]9

"Buddhism in Europe. Past, Present, Prospects", ou encore "Protective Amulets and Awareness Techniques". 140 L. Obadia, Bouddbisnze et Occident, 148-150. 141 C. Ramble, "Prologue", in Tibitains, 1959-1999, 40 ans de colonisation; Nlelvyn C. Goldstein "Introduction", in Buddbisnz in Contenzp01 my Tibet: Religious Revival and Cultural Identity, ed. Melvyn C. Goldstein et Matthew T. Kapstein (Berkeley: University of California
o

Press, 1998): 1-14. 142 A.-M. Blondeau et K. Buffetrille (ed.), Le Tibet est-it cbinois ? (Paris: Albin Michel, 2002).

Esprit(s) du Tibet

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servent des fins de mobilisation politique pour rallier l'Occident a la cause tibetaine 14l , et que les Tibetains entretiennent ce double imaginaire constitue autour, d'un c6te, de l'image paradisiaque d'un monde enchante (figure par la metaphore de Shangri-La) et de celle, t:i:-agique, d'une civilisation martyre144 L'enjeu de l'exil et de la cause tibetaine ne se joue pas seulement au plan de l'imaginaire : la questiori de la survie du peuple tibetain a par exemple amene Ie DalaY-lama ~ s'enquerir aupres d'interlocuteurs de confession juive des moyens de preserver conjointement la culture et la religion dans une situation de diaspora accidentelle, mais durable145 Les enjeux de preservation culturelle et religieuse, qui se situent en general du c6te des strategies deployees par ies migrants face au peril de l'acculturation dans de nouveaux enviFonnements sociaux, s'observent dans les contextes OU existe une veritable diaspora tibetaine : la fondation du Rikon Institute en Suisse, sert precisement cette finalite 146 Contrairement, encore, al'idee que seules les diasporas s'engagent dans de tell~s strategies, dans la plupart des autres sites tibetains, fondes if, l'attention et if, l'usage des Occidentaux, de memes processus de valorisation culturelle sont 11 l'ceuvre. Par une mimesis inversee, en renvoyant aux Occidentaux les images qu'ils ont etabli d'eux, les Tibetains d'Occident ont entrepris (ou accompagne) un veritable processus de patrimonialisation de leurs traditions. Les pratiques des centres et temples ne se limitent en effet pas a la formation monastique ou 11 la meditation pour les lai:cs. Bien d'autres activites qui s'y deroulent (qui trouvent d'ailleurs egalement une audience bien au-dela du cercle des pratiquants et des sympathisants) relevent bien plus d'expressions eulturelles tibetaines que de rites religieux. La visite organisee du complexe de Dashang KagyuLing n'est qu'un exemple parmi d'autres. En 2003, Ie Temple des mille Bouddhas devait organiser un festival de l'Himalaya qui melait des expressions d'un folklore local et de manifestations culturelles issues de l'Himalaya (en particulier, des danses tibetaines). En Allemagne, l'Exposition Universelle de Hanovre (2000) a donne lieu 11 la construction d'un pavillon du Bhoutan (qui n'est pas sans rappeler les pavilIons des cultures primitives de'l'Exposition coloniale de Paris en 1931) que la France entend acquerir et reconstituer sur son propre sol dans Ie cadre d'une politique de valorisation du patrimoine culturel . Les organismes ou associations de promotion culturelle d'Europe (mais aussi d'auci:-es contrees) invitent de leur c6te les moines tibetains 11 des performances rituelles - comme la realisation de mandalas - a l'attention d'un auditoire moins reuni pour des raisons religieuses, que par une curiosite exotique. Les chants sacres tibetains sont pour leur part mixes par les programmateurs les plus en vue de la World Music. Sans comptet la participation active des moines les plus reputes d'Occident (comme Sogyal Rinpoche de la tradition Dzogchen) aux projets cinematographiques d'Hollywood (Ie Little Buddha, de Bertolucci). Dans Ie jeu complexe des constructions imaginaires et de ses appropria14l 144 145

F. Korom, "lritroduction", in Constructing Tibetan Culture, 3. O. Schell, Virtttal Tibet, 9. Roger Kamenetz, Le juiJ dans Ie lotus. Des rabbins chez les lamas (Paris: Calmann-Levy, M. Van Dyke, "Grids and Serpents", in Constructing Tibetan Cultttre.

1997).
146

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LionelObadia

tions, les strategies deployees par les Tibetains se situent resolument du cote d'une exposition des aspects les plus exotiques d'une culture riche (voire satzm!e) en elements symboliques, entretenant par la meme l'imaginaire topographique d'un Tibet comme lieu des traditions authentiques .

Conclusion: Fragments de Tibet?

Au terme de ce parcours, il est enfin temps de reintroduire l'interrogation initiale sur les rapports entre les territoires de l'imaginaire et l'imaginaire des territoires, que ce bref panorama des interactions entre l'orientalisme occidental et la transplantation du bouddhisme tibetain devait s'efforcer de mettre en lumiere. Au debut de ce nouveau 'siecle, les opinions divergent sur les consequences des phenomenes evoques au long de ces pages. II n'est en premier lieu pas interdit de penser une eventuelle dilution d'un Tibet imagine dans un Occident bien reel : mais une telle conjecture repose encore sur une bien sterile disjonction entre l'ideel et Ie materiel. Plus probable est I'hypothese qui voudrait que l'imaginaire du bouddhisme en general, et des traditions tibetaines en particulier, puisse se resorber en vertu de la p7~esence continue, au coeur de l'Occident, des traditions religieuses asiatiques comme Ie laisse it penser l'exemple presente en introduction de ce texte : certains conjecturent alars qu'une meilleure connaissance de ces traditions est susceptible de reduire les projections imaginaires dont elles font l'objet en Occident, et done Ie caractere d'etrangete du Tibet I4'. Nlais la coexistence n'est jamais la garantie d'une rectification de l'imaginaire au plan de la connaissance : dans d'autres contextes, des ecarts considerables entre la proximite physique entre les groupes humains et les imaginaires culturels qu'ils constituent respectivement les uns sur les autres s'averent durables 148 . Et c'est bien l'imaginaire occidental du Tibet qui oeuvre ici it plein dans la transplantation de ses traditions religieuses. Pour ramener Ie propos sur Ie plan de la topographie, la presence effective du bouddhisme tibetain est-elle, en effet, contradictoire avec la representation atopique de cette religion ? La recomposition de conditions de pratiques religieuses en tous points similaires a celles qui prevalent dans les pays de tradition religieuse tibetaine n'etait pas l'objectif affiche des moines qui devaient rejoindre l'Occident. Quand bien meme cela aurait ete Ie cas, la France, comme d'autres nations d'Occident, n'offre pas de conditions geographiques ni ecologiques comparables aux environnements himalayens - en particulier lorsque l'implantation du bouddhisme tibetain s'inscrit dans des espaces urbains. La transposition des formes materielles des traditions religieuses du Tibet procede-t-elle alars moins d'une dissolution que d'une nouvelle localisation des lieux du mystere ou du mystique ? II est certes concevable qu'un deplacement du territoire sacre du Tibet vers l'Ouest (s'il est possible de qualifier de cette maniere les processus de territorialisation reli-

A. Lavine, "Tibetan Buddhism in America", 114. Comme I'a montre Philippe Deseola pour les Aehuar d'Amerique. Philippe Deseola, Les lances du c'ripuscule : ,.elationsjivaTos. Haute-Amazonie (Paris: PIon, 1993).
147
14B

Esp,.it(s) du Tibet

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gieuse) serait de nature a estomper les lignes d'une cartographie imaginaire entre un Occident qui se voit secularise et un Tibet qui est pare a I'inverse d'un surplus ode religiosite. La reconstitution d'un reseau de temples et Ie marquage symbolique des espaces interieurs (par I'intermediaire d'un mobilier religielLx) ou exterieurs (par un art monumentaire a fonction culturelle) devolus a la pratique du bouddhisme tibetain semble confirmer partiellement cette hypothese : les sanctuaires sont bien des espaces de sacralite mais la encore, il s'agit d'une appropriation partielle - parce que morcelee - de la spatialite religieuse, laquelle ne s'est pas entierement accompagnee d'une transformation suffisante de I'environnement (ecologique, social et culturel) pour faire ressembler ces temples it de veritables miniatures du Tibet. S'il est incongru de conclure que se creent de veritables fragments de Tibet recomposes au coeur de l'Occident, tant les conditions environnementales - sociales, culturelles, politiques, mais aussi ecologiques - sont differentes de celles qui prevalaient dans les pays de depart, les mecanismes de la transplantation du bouddhisme tibetain laissent neanmoins it penser qu'il n'est pas interdit de croire qu'une implantation profonde, tant, au moins sur Ie plan des structures, a ete effective, et qu'il s'agit donc Iii bien plus qu'un simple effet de mode 149. C'est en effet it travers la recomposition des conditions de pratique du culte que se donne a voir, a partir d'elles, la reconstitution du systeme social sur lequel s'est fonde et s'est perpetue Ie bouddhisme tibetain : Ie complexe monastique incluant l'existence d'un corps de specialistes (les moines) et de hics. S'il s'agit bien d'une territorialisation - de I'enracinement social et materiel des institutions religieuses transposees - celle-ci ne se laisse pas reduire a des conceptions politiques des territoires. Ce n'est pas une nation tibetaine qui se cree au coeur de I'Occident, mais l'Occident offre en revanche a la religion tibetaine des territoires dans Ie sens anthropologique du terme : des 6tendues physiques traversees de processus d'appropriation sociales et de marquage symbolique de I'espace (monumental, topographique et attitudinal ...). Dans ce processus de territorialisation, Ie Tibet reste encore, malgre la proximite physique qu'offre la presence des temples, un lieu lointain pour les Occidentaux - au moins sur Ie plan de I'imaginaire et sans qu'il s'agisse la d'un reliquat d'exotisme que I'on se piait parfois a considerer comme un facteur explicatif a son succes. IIhis comme ill'a deja ete suggere, que The East soit in the West 150 ou que 1' Orient se trouve desormais a domicile I5l n'enleve en effet rien it la capacite de creativite fantasmagorique que Ie Tibet suscite dans I'imaginaire occidental. Si la tibetophilie est - en partie - a I'origine de la diffusion du bouddhisme tibetain en Europe de !'Ouest et plus generalement en Occident, elle s'y trouve aussi a la conclusion: elle en est facteur de sa reception et de son importation, agent paradoxal de sa transposition (puis que en de9a de la physionomie ideologiquement 149 Ce que je me suis efforce de mettre en lumiere a plusieurs reprises dans L. Obadia, Bouddbisme et Occident, "Tibetan Buddhism in France: A Missionary Religion" et "Une tradition au-del. de la modernite". 150 Pour reprendre la terminologie d'Harvey Cox, Tbe p"omise and Peril of tbe New O,"ientalis77Z (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1977). 151 B. Etielme et R. Liogier, Bt"e bouddbiste aujourd'bui, 14.

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constituee d'un bouddhisme rationalise refleurissent des elements non-rationnels ), et enfin objet de strategies de patrimonialisation. Et c'est ce role fondamental qui lui incombe, qui semble garantir sa perennite. Car au final, les effets de l'imaginaire demeurent plus que jamais effectifs et c'est encore et toujours au filtre des conceptions occidentales que les traditions religieuses tibetaines offrent it l'Occident une image transfiguree, que les Tibetains instrumentalisent it leur tour: derriere la rencontre effective entre Ie Tibet et l'Occident au sein des temples et sanctuaires, c'est bien un jeu d'imaginaires croises qui se profile en filigrane et qui donne it cette rencontre sa signification et son impulsion. Dans Ie sens ou. les cadres mentaux et sociaux de l'imaginaire operent en definitive comme des matrices productives et fertiles, 11 l'origine d'une creativite culturelle sur Ie versant occidental comIlle sur Ie versant tibetain, il convient de reexaminer les standards theoriques de I'acculturation formulees dans les Buddhism in the West Studies sous la forme' des continuites et ruptures , des adaptations et changements 152, des accommodations 153, d'une occidentalisationl54 et de leurs variantes nationales : fran9aise155, americaine l56 , africainel57 ou encore bresiliennel5S Les traductions universalistes (metaculturelles) du bouddhisme, en particulier tibetain, n'ont it l'evidence pas entrame une deculturation de celui-ci, qui conserve, au moins au plan des pratiques localement adoptees, des formes erninemment culturelles : du moins est-ce Ie cas dans les temples tibetains de France. Si des transformations sont it l'ceuvre, au regard des faits degages ici, la these d'une denaturation du Tibet et de ses religions au prisme d'une appropriation occidentale (imaginaire et pratique) ne semble ni totalement appropriee ni incongrue. L'imaginaire tibetophile s'est, certes, bel et bien revele comme contribuant de maniere directe et effective it la diffusion et la recomposition mutatis mutandis des traditions religieuses tibetaines dans la materialite et - partant - dans la territorialite. Mais la contribution - si minime soit-elle - de ces quelques pages it la comprehension des transformations de la religion tibetaine en Occident, reside dans la prise en consideration des interferences et des intrications complexes des imaginaires et des logiques socioreligieuses : car Ie champ d'observation est traverse de toutes parts par un jeu de mir~ir entre les images occidentales du Tibet, les reponses tibetaines it ces images, et un mouvement ondulatoire entre la visibilite et I'invisibilite des pratiques et des croyances
152 Kenneth K. Tanaka, "Epilogue: The Colors and Contours of American Buddhism", in The Faces ofBuddhism in America, 287-298. 153 Philip Hammond et David NIachacek, Soka Ga/,kai in AmeTica, Accommodation and Convenion (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999). 154 J. Snelling, The Buddhist Handbook, 267. 155 Formulee en France par D. Gira, in Comprendn Ie bouddhisme et "Les bouddhistes

fran<;ais".
156 P. Numrich, Old "Visdom in the New Win-Id ; C. Queen, "Introduction", in Ame7'ican Buddhism, xiv-'GL"{vii ; C. Prebish, Luminous Passage, 233-269. 157 NEchel Clasquin, "Ubuntu Dharma. Buddhism and African thought", in Buddhism and Africa, 111-122. 158 Cristina Moriera Da Rocha, "Zen Buddhism in Brazil: Japanese or Brazilian?", Jozmzal of Global Buddhism I (2000) : 31-55.

Esprit(s) dzt Tibet

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effectives, lesquelles oscillent entre la domination de la norme orthodoxe et la permanence de substrats qualifies de magico-religieux populaires, entre la surface app~ rente du modernisme et la presence fugace de 1' archalsme - deux qualifications bien mal nommees de pratiques qui ne se reduisent 11 aucune des deux categories. C'est dans cette perspective que se justifie l'idee initiale de l'existence, au cceur de nos societes, d' esprits du Tibet: l'esprit d'un temps propice 11 l'utopie tibetophile accompagnant la presence concrete des esprits, entites spirituelles (majeures ou mineures) du culte tibetain.

Some Notes on Early Tibetan Stndies in Europe The article. gives a survey of the development of Tibetan Studies and its forerunners on the basis of sources and tries to lay the foundation for an evaluation and appreciation of early explorers and researchers. Tibetan studies in the scholarly sense start in Europe with the Hungarian Alexander Csoma de Karas (1784-1842) who not only provided the first grammar and the first dictionary of the Tibetan language that deserve these names, but also published a number of studies on Tibetan literature and culture. Before that we are mainly indebted to missionaries for serious information on Tibet, even if we do not call them "Tibetologists." Especially worth mentioning are the Jesuits Antonio de Andrade (whose report was published in 1626) and Ippolito Desideri (1684-1733; his Relazione e notizie historiche del Thibet were written in 1712-1733). There was also an encyclopaedia of Tibet by Antonio Georgi, the Alphabetum Tibetanum (Rome, 1763), which offered a cornucopia of material but whose compiler was ignorant of Tibetan. Among the "Proto-Tibetologists" are also the brothers Fourmont who claimed to have deciphered a text found in the ruins of Ablai-kit; instead of receiving recognition for their work, tradition has it that they made up a translation as they did not understand the text. Worth mentioning are also works by Francesco Orazio della Penna di Billi (1730) and Julius Klaproth (1783-1835). Csoma's achievements were publicized in Europe by Isaak Jakob Schmidt (1779-1847), Schilling von Canstadt (1786-1837), Philippe Foucaux (1811-1894), the Moravian missionaries in Ladakh, especially Heinrich August J.schke (1817-1883), August Hermann Francke (1870-1930), Georg Huth (1867-1906), Albert Griinwedel (1856-1935), and Berthold Laufer (1874-1934). In Russia V. P. Vasil'ev (1818-1900) established a tradition of East and Central Asian Studies that focused on the study of source material in Chinese, Mongolian, Tibetan, and Manchu, along with a good command of Sanskrit; this tradition was continued by his students in Russia and in Germany (Wilhelm Grube, 1855-1908).

Notes sur les premieres etudes tibetaines en Europe S'appuyant sur l'analyse de documents, cet article donne un aper,u du developpement des etudes tibetaines et de ses precurseurs, et tente d'etablir les bases d'une evaluation et d'une appreciation de ses premiers explorateurs et chercheurs. Les etudes tibetaines au sens academique du

terme commencerent en Europe avec les travaux du Hongrois Csoma de Karas (1784-1842). Celuici proposa non seulement la premiere etude grammaticale et Ie premier dictionnaire de la langue tibetaine proprement dit mais aussi de nombreuses publications d'etudes de la litterature et de la
culture tibetaine. Auparavant nous etions essentiellement redevables aux infornlations serieuses des missionnaires su[ Ie Tibet, sans pour autant les considerer COlnme tibetologues . Parmi

eux, les jesuites Antonio de Andrade (dont Ie recit fut publie en 1626) et Ippolito Desideri (16841733 ; sa Relazione e l10tizie historiche del Thibet fut redigee en 1712-1733) meritent d'Olre cites. Ii y eut aussi l'encyclopedie du Tibet d'Antonio Georgi, 1'Alphabetum Tibetaimln (Rome, 1763), qui rassembla beaucoup de materiaux differents mais dont Ie compilateur etait ignorant en tiMtain. Parmi les proto-tiMtologues figurent les freres Founnont qui deelarerent avoir dechiffre un texte trouve dans les ruines d'Ablai-lcit, mais dont Ie travail, guere apprecie, fut considere comme la traduction d'un texte qu'ils n'auraient pas compris. Ii convient de citer aussi les travaux de Francesco Orazio della Penna di Billi (1730) et de Julius Klaproth (1783-1835). Les travaux de Csoma trouverent leur aboutissement en Europe dans les publications d']saalc Jakob Schmidt (1779-1847), Schilling von Canstadt (1786-1837), Philippe Foucaux (1811-1894), et des missionaires moraviens au Ladakh, notamment Heinrich August Iaschke (1817-1883), August Hermann Francke (18701930), Georg Ruth (1867-1906), Albert Griinwedel (1856-1935), et Berthold Laufer (1874-1934). En Russie, V. P. Vasil'ev (1818-1900) fonda la tradition des etudes de l'Asie orientale et centrale qui
se centrerent sur l'etude des materiaux en chinois, lTIongol, tibetain et mandchou, incluant aussi

une grande partie de sanskrit. Ce travail fut poursuivi par ses etudiants en Russie et en AHemagne (Wilhelm Grube, 1855-1908).

SOME NOTES ON EARLY TIBETAN STUDIES IN EUROPE

Hartmut \IVALRAVENS
o the best of my knowledge, there is no comprehensive history, or even sketch, of Tibetan studies in Europe, or the West in generaL Dodin's and Rather's Imagining Tibet! is useful as it presents some facets of vVestern views and opinions of Tibet. In that volume Rudolf Kaschewsky's paper' (pp. 3-20) and that of John Bray' (pp. 21-45) contribute to a better understanding of early research on Tibet, but the overall aim of the volume is to analyze individual images and imaging of Tibet rather than give a history of Tibetology. N. v: Kiihner 4 provides some information on explorers and scholars, but again no history of the discipline was intended. Sketches limited to work done in France during the twentieth century have been published by J. Bacot and A.-lVI. Blondeau. s Popular works like Taylor'S Le Tibet 6 provide glimpses of the history of the exploration of Tibet but only sidelight scholars' works. The history of a whole discipline cannot be squeezed into a few pages; and the existing research on the subject does not allow a comprehensive in-depth history of Tibetology. For this reason, the follmving survey is more of a documented outline than even a preliminary historical sketch.

Beginnings
Traditionally, references to the development of Western Tibetology start with Alexander Csoma (1784-1832) whose Tibetan grammar and dictionary became the
Imagining Tibet. PeTCeptions, projections and fantasies, eds. Thierry Dodin and Heinz Rather (Boston: Wisdom, 2001). 2 Rudolf Kaschewsky, "The image of Tibet in the West before the nineteenth century," in Imagining Tibet, 3-20. l John Bray, "Nineteenth- and early twentieth-century missionary images of Tibet," in Imagining Tibet, 21-45. 4 N. v: Kuhner (Kjuner) (1877-1955), Opisanie Tibeta (Vladivostok, 1907-8): XXXIX, 262, 129; XVIII, 182, 90; l.'VIII, 118, 11 p. 5 Jacques Bacot, "Etudes tibetaines," Bulletin de la Societe des etudes indochinoises, N.S. 26 (1951): 483-491; Anne-Marie Blondeau, "Les etudes tibetaines," J02t1"nal Asiatique 261, 1-4 (1973): 153-174. 6 Michael Taylor, Le Tibet. De lVIm'co Polo II Alexandra David-Nee! (Fribourg: Office du Livre, 1985).

Images of Tibet in the 19 III and 20 ,/; Centuries Paris, EFEO, coli. "Etudes thematiques (22.1), 2008, p. 149-176

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Hartmut vValravens

basis for Tibetan philology in Europe. More recently, interesting material has become available that allows us to examine the period before Csoma, which we might dub Proto-Tibetology in analogy to the already existing term Proto-Sinology. In this discussion of Tibetan Studies, we shall limit the term to research on the language and connected issues and leave aside the exploration of the country. vVe will first focus on some scholars and issues of the 18,h and 19m centuries, which may be less known, at least in the Tibetan context. vVhile modern exploration of Tibet started with Ant6nio de Andrade (15801634)' who established a Jesuit mission in Tsaparang (rTsa brang), 8 the Capuchines took over from him and continued mission work in Central Tibet leaving us valuable works that fostered Tibetan Studies in Europe. Domenico da Fano (secular name: Francesco Magnanini, 1674-1728)' was responsible for a Latin-Tibetan dictionary that was initially compiled by his confreres Giuseppe da Ascoli (1673-1710) and Francesco Maria da Tours (t 1709) in 1708. Father Domenico took this manuscript with him to Italy in 1713, and when passing through Paris in December 1714 or January 1715, on his way to embarkation at St. Malo, he prepared a condensed version for a scholar (studioso) there.lO This abridged vocabulary is preserved at the Bibliotheque Nationale de France (Fonds Tibetain 542, formerly Fonds chinois 996); it comprises 41 folios and starts with a Tibetan AlphabetY This humble dictionary played a role in a major issue that put the Tibetan language in the limelight of European scholarship. Czar Peter the Great (1672-1725) had given orders in 1718 and 1720 for the collection of old documents,l' and among the finds were Mongolian and Tibetan manuscripts from the ruins of Ablaikit (Ablai-yin keyid) near the Irtysh springs (today in

7 Antonio de Andrade, Histo;,'e de ce qui s'est passe au royawne du Tibet. Tiree des lettres escriptes en l'annee 1626 adressee au R. P. Mutio Vitelleschi, General de la Compagnie de Iesus. Traduicte d'italien en fran<;ois par un Pere de la mesme Compagnie (Paris: Sebastien Cramoisy, 1629, 3, 1, 104 p.) - 0 descob7imento do Tibet, pelo Pe. Ant6nio de Andrade (1624), Noticias da China e do Tibete (Lisboa: Alfa, 1989): 65-131 (modernized text; Biblioteca da expansao portuguesa, 8); Les Portugais au Tibet. Les premieres relations jesuites (1624-1635), traduites et presentees par Hugues Didier (Paris: Chandeigne, 2002); Benjamim Videira Pires, S.]., Portugal no tecto do nzundo (Macao: Instituto Cultural, 1988); the classic work for the Jesuit mission is still: Cornelius "Vessels, Eady Jesuit tr-avellm in Centml Asia, 1603-1721 (The Hague, 1924, X, 233 p.; reprint Delhi: Book Faith India, 1998). 8 Jiirgen C. Aschoff, Tsapamng. KO'nigsstadt in vVesttibet. Die vollstandigen Berichte des Jesuitenpaters Ant6nio de Andrade und eine Beschreibung vom heutigen Zustand der Kloster (Munchen: MC Verlag, 1989). 9 Cf. Clemente da Terzorio, "L'esplorazione del Tibet di P. Domenico Magnanini da Fano," Studia Picena 8 (1932): 81-101. 10 Luciano Petech, I nzissiona17 italiani nel Tibet e nel Nepal, vols. 1-7 (Rome: IsMEO 19521956), (II nuovo Ramusio), vol. 1, XCI, identifies rum "facile" with the Fourmont brothers but it is evident from another source that it was actually Nicolas Freret. 11 L. Petech, I missiol1a17, vol. 1, XCI-XCII, describes the manuscript and mentions that the library also has an incomplete copy of it, prepared by Etienne Fourmont. 12 Walther Heissig, "Die erste mongolische Handschrift in Deutschland," Zentralasiatiscbe Studien 13 (1979): 191-214, here 194.

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151

Kazakhstan). The Czar asked his librarian to provide more information about them, and so 1. D. Schumacher sent a sample to his colleague in Paris, Jean-Paul Bigncin (1662-1743), Royal Librarian since 1717. This seems to have happened in 1722. Already by February 1, 1723, the abbe Bignon was able to respondll and provide a transcription and translation of the text, which had been published immediately in the Leipzig scholarly journal Acta erztditorum, unfortunately upside down as nobody had any knowledge of the Tibetan script.!4 This seems to be one of the first publications of a Tibetan text in Europe.!S When the Tibetan manuscript arrived in Paris, both the historian Nicolas Freret (1688-1749) and Etienne Fourmont (1683-1745), Professor of Arabic at the College de France, had recognized it as being written in Tibetan, and Fourmont and his brother Michel, Professor of Syriac at the College, took on the task of trying to decipher it. This was, only possible as Freret!6 handed over the Latin-Tibetan dictionary which he had been given by Domenico da Fano, to the Fourmonts. They did not have an easy job as they first had to recopy the dictionary in reverse order, i.e., turning it into a Tibetan-Latin vocabulary. 'On this basis they transcribed the text and tried a translation. It was these results that the abbe Bignon sent to St. Petersburg as mentioned. Gottlieb Siegfried Bayer (1694-1738), historian at the new Petersburg Academy of Sciences and interested in Central and East Asia, included this remarkable decipherment in the introduction to his Museum sinicztm, a Chinese dictionary and grammar. 17 ,', He quoted the document as being signed: Interpretati ex lingua Thibetica Stephanus et Michael Fourmont fratres, alter Arabicae alter Syriacae linguae in collegio regiae Professor. Scripsit Schier interpres regius Russicae linguae (Translated from the Tibetan language by the brothers Etienne and Michel Fourmont, one Professor of Arabic, the other of Syriac at the College royal. Written by Schier, royal interpreter of the Russian language). While Bayer considered this a triumph of scholarship there was soon criticism. Rumour had it that the Fourmonts had no idea about the language and had just concocted a tall tale. This evaluation of the Fourmonts' work was later published by Jacob von Stahlin who claimed to have the facts from Schumacher himself.!' Czar Peter had replied to this in the vein of Se non i! vero, i! ben trovato. Later, The letter is reproduced and transcribed by Heissig, Die erste mongolisehe,. 192-193, ill.

13

2-4.

!4 1722, 376, plate V; the short article is called: "Nova literaria de msptis codicibus in' Tartaria repertis," 374-376. IS There is, however, a document in cursive script, a passport, reproduced as plate xvn in Thomas Hyde, Historia ,-eligionis veterZtm Persaru"" eorumque ",agontm: ubi etia", nova Abrahami, & Mithrae, & Vestae, & Manetis, &c. historia (Oxonii: Theatrum Sheldonianum, 1700, 556 p.). This is repeated inthe second edition (Oxonii: Clarendon, 1760,580 p.). 16 Cf. Danielle Elisseeff-Poisle, Nicolas Prem (1688-1749). Riflexions d'un humaniste du XVIll' siede stlr la Chine (Paris: n.d.; Memoires de l'Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, 11); Freret was a member of the Academie des inscriptions et belles-lettres and wrote several articles on China. 17 (petropoli: Academia, 1730): vol. 1, 108-124. 18 O,-iginalaneedoten von Peter den, Gn)jJen, aus den, Munde angesehener Personen zu Moskazt 'ind Petersburgverno",men und der Vergessenheit entrissen (Leipzig: Breitkopf, 1785): 160.

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Hartmut Walravens

some Russians who were very familiar with Chinese and Manchu had supposedly recognized the script as "Manchu." However, the historian Gerhard Friedrich Muller (1705-1783), member of the Petersburg Academy and well-known for his studies of Russian and Siberian history approached a Lama named "Zordshi" who gave a reading not far from the Fourmonts' transliteration. I9 Still, for a long time there was disbelief in the Fourmonts' scholarship, until Julius Klaproth (1783-1835), the most severe critic of the time, spoke out in favor of the two scholars after he had an opportunity to examine the respective documents in St. Petersburg himself He confirmed that the Fourmonts did a fair job in reading the Tibetan text but that the translation was neces~arily unsatisfactory considering the poor tools they had at their disposal. 20 The Tibetan text was taken up again by Giorgi in his Alphabetum Tibetanum, where he tried an improved interpretation, without much success, however. It was not until Csoma made the document subject of a thorough study that the controversy was brought to an end,21 a dispute that started as "a lively sensation amongst the learned men of Europe" and turned out "an amusing instance of the vanity of literary pretensions."" Fourmont'snephew, Michel Ange Le Roux Deshauterayes (1724-1795) studied with his uncle and became an Orientalist himself. He prepared the article on Tibet for abbe Jean Raymond de Petity's Encyclopidie etimentaire. 23 The article is dedicated mainly to the alphabet as it is part of the section "Imprimerie" (on printing) of this work; the Tibetan characters on the plate (p. 584 bis) are, according to the author's statement, derived from the document that Czar Peter had sent to Paris, and this was an opportunity for him to retell the story of its decipherment. He gives only a few details on Tibetan orthography before spending another few pages on the Tibetan religion.

19 .Miilier, "Comment. de scriptis tanguticis in Sibiria repertis," Commentarii Academiae

Pm-opollO (1747): 422-499.
20 Julius Klaproth, "Ehrenrettung Stephan Fourmonts," Ftmdgruben des Orients 3 (1813): 41-46. See also H. vValravens, "Die erste mongolische Handschrift in Qeutschland. Eine Nachbemerkung," Zentralasiatiscbe Studien 27(1997): 93-98. It is surprising that this event is only mentioned in one sentence by Fourmont's biographer Cecile Leung (Etienne Fourmont (1683-1745). Oriental and Chinese lang;uages in eighteenth-century France, Leuven: University Press, 2002, 27): "In 1722 Fourmont would present to Louis XV his translation of a rare

Tibetan document sent by Peter, the Czar of Russia." 21 "Translation of a Tibetan fragment," Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengali (1832):
269-276.

" Some leaves of the Ablaikit manuscripts also found their way to the British Museum. Cf. A. Schiefner, "Bericht tiber eine Reise nach England im Sommer 1863," Bulletin de PAcademie imperiale des sciences de St. Petersbourg 6 (1863): col. 481-485, reprinted in Melanges
asiatiques 5(1868): 44. 23 ou introduction it !'fwdes des lettres, des sciences et des arts. OZlvrage utile it la jeztnesse & a'UX personnes de tout age, enrichi d'amples notices des meilleztrs autettrs dans chaqtte Jaculte (paris: Herissant fils, 1767): vol. 2, 584-600 (Thibetan ouBoutan).

Some Notes on Em'0,Tibetan Studies in Ezwope

153

Francesco Orazio della Penna di Billi Another Capuchin missionary, Francesco Orazio della Penna di Billi (16801747), was also author of a Tibetan dictionary, in this case Tibetan-Italian, of35,OOO lemmata. He had spent 16 years in Lhasa and studied at the famous Sera monastery. In 1815 the British major Barre Latter found the dictionary at Patna and let Friedrich Christian Gotthelf Schroter, a Saxonian missionary in the service of the East India Company, copy it. After Schroter had passed away in 1820, Joshua Marshman translated the Italian into English and saw it through the press, and the dictionary was published at Serampore in 1826. 24 The manuscript has been preserved in Calcutta but in the meantime both the beginning and the end have been lost. Schroter's attempt at a Tibetan grammar was edited by vVilliam Carey and served as the introduction to the dictionary." The rather difficult translation and editing process did not lead to the best results; nevertheless this dictionary might have become an important tool for studying Tibetan if a few years later Csoma Sandor had not published his dictionary and grammar. Julius Klaproth reviewed the dictionary carefully and pointed out a number of its shortcomings. He expressed his surprise at a number of missing words and added a glossary apparently taken from the Chinese polyglot mirrors (Qingwenjian / buleku bitbe).26 Giorgi There is a third extant important work stemming from the Capuchin mission, namely Cassiano da Macerata's (1708-1791) Alpbabetzlnz Tangutanz177z sive Tibetanzmz (Romae: Propaganda Fide, 1772, XVI, 178 p.), which is largely the same as the corresponding part of Antonio Giorgi's (1708-1791) Alpbabetzt17z Tibetanum. 27 Cassiano2S (secular name: Giovanni Beligatti) had accompanied Father Orazio to Tibet and wrote a journal discovered in the city library of Macerata and published by Alberto Magnaghi.29 Both Cassiano and Orazio made further contributions to Giorgi's work,
Z4 Robert Streit, Johannes Dindinger, Bibliotheca Missionz177z 6 (1931): 99; cf. Felice d'Anversa, "Remarks on the Tibetan manuscript vocabularies in Bishop'S College," Jozmzal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 8 (1912): 379-397. Giovanni da Reifenberg, "De vocabulario thibetano a P. Francisco Horatio de Pennabilli compilato," Analecta 01'dinis

Nlino,-zzm Capucino,-zn" 47 (1931): 303-312. 25 Eustache Carey, Memo;" ofvViliiam Ca1'e), D. D. (London, 1906): 550.
26

Julius Klaproth, "Observations sur Ie dictionnaire tubetain imprime

a Serampore,"

Nouveau Jozmzal asiatique 1 (1828): 401-423. 27. Antonio Giorgi, Alphabetu'm Tibetq,nZl71t missionu11t apostoliwTZf.17t cOrJZ77zodo editu11Z. Praemissa est disquisitio qua de. varia litterarum ac regionis nomine, gentis origine moribus,
superstitione, ac maruchaeismo fuse disseritur. Beausobrii calumniae in Sanctum Augustinum,

aliosque Ecclesiae Patres refutantur (Romae: Propaganda Fide, 1752, XCIV, 820 p.; reprint Kiiln: Una Voce, 1987, with useful introduction by R. Kaschewsky) - Criticism: Paulinus a S. Bartholomaeo Dohann Philipp "Verdin, 1748-1806], De vete1'ibus Indis disser-tatio in qua eavillationes auet01'is Alpbabeti Tibetani castigantzZ1' (Romae, 1795,54 p.), 28 Cf. M. Milanesi, "Beligatti, Cassiano," Dizionm-io biog1;afico degli Italiani 21 (1978): 477478.
19

"Relazione inedita di un viaggio al Tibet del Padre Cassiano Beligatti da Macerata,"

Rivista geogmfica italiana 8 (1901): 545-554 and 9 (1902): 39-5l. The second part of Cassiano's

154

Ha77:l1ZUt Wah-aVe7zs

which fits into a whole series of Alphabets designed to support the mission efforts of the Propaganda Fide. Giorgi's Alphabetlt172 is much more than information about the script and the system of writing-it is a compendium of everything connected with Tibet that the compiler found noteworthy, especially the Tibetan religion in which he detected the influence of Manichaeism wherever he looked. He relied on a huge amount of classical and theological scholarship to prove his point. This effort has been ridiculed occasionally as the author's idee fixe but R. Kaschewsky has shown that from a theological point of view the author's arguments are not completely off the mark. 30 The book is now easily accessible, both through a handy (reduced) reprint as well as a complete annotated translation into German by Peter Lindegger (1933-2004).31 This makes it easier to distinguish between valuable and erroneous statements and to permit an appraisal of the book's merits, which has been criticized as having scarcely any value at alL Among the positive features of the Alpbabetu77t are the many contributions by experts like Fathers Cassiano and Orazio, and the use of the Tibetan script throughout, using a font designed by Father Orazio. 31 A condensed version of the Alpbabetzmz had already been prepared by Jeremias Nicolaus Eyring (17391803) and published in the famous historian Johann Christoph Gatterer's collection Allgemeine Hist07"iscbe Bibliotbek 33 in volumes 5-7 (1768). A brief extract was also made available by Johann Ernst Fabri (1755-1825) in his Samlung von Stadt- Land- zmd ReisebeSchTeibungen (Halle: Gebauer, 1783).34 The second part of the Alpbabetz177z, the alphabet proper, is an introduction to the Tibetan script, writing, printing, and the Tibetan book. Much attention is paid to Tibetan orthography and pronunciation. An appendix comprises several prayers
report seems to be lost. The extant first part covers the period autumn 1738 - January 1741. A new edition was prepared by L. Petech, I missionari italiani, voL 4,1-142. 30 "Die 'Drei I<ostbarkeiten' in Georgius' Alpbabetll7n Tibetanu1Jt," in VicitrakusumdiiJali. Volume presented to Richard Othon lVleisezahl on the occasion of his eightieth birthday (Bonn: Indica etTibetica Verlag, 1986): 125-130. 31 Antonio Giorgi, Alpbabetum Tibetanu71Z, voL 1: Der manichaische Einflufl auf den tibetisch-buddhistischen Glauben in gegenreformatorischer vVertung; Kosmologie, Kulturgeschichte und Kalendarium; Kloster- und Alltagsleben der Tibeter; Landeskunde mit Itinerarien, Ubersetzungs- & Deutungsversuchen tibetischer Gebetstexte nach den Berichten der markischen Kapuziner Tibetmissionare aus der ersten Halfte des 18. Jahrhunderts .... (Rome, 1762). Aus dem Lateinischen iibersetzt & mit Anmerkungen versehen von Peter Lindegger (Zurich: Tibet-Institut Rikon, 2001). Antonio Giorgi, Alphabetu"z Tibetanzz71Z, vol. 2: Schreibgerat, Beschreibmaterial, Druck- und Buchwesen, eine Dar~tellung der Schrift & der Orthographie der Tibeter in Texten samt den friihen Ubersetzungsversuchen aus dem 18. J ahrhundert ... (Rome, 1759). Aus dem Lateinischen iibersetzt & mit Anmerkungen versehen von Peter Lindegger (Zurich: Tibet-Institut Rikon, 1999). 32 Cf. Johannes Schubert, "Typographia Tibetana," Gutenbez"g Jabz"bucb 25 (1950): 280298. 33 V, 236-274; VI, 272-299; VII, 156-238. These parts were republished by Jiirgen C. Aschoff, Das Alpbabetu77Z Tibetaizzmz in Ausziigen. Aus dem Lateinischen iibersetzt und bearbeitet von Jeremias Nicolaus Eyring (1768) (Ulm: Fabri Verlag, 1989). P. S. Pallas praised this
excerpt because it was put "in a better order."
34

VoL 1,205-318: "Nachrichten von Tibet aus Georgis tibetanischem Alphabete."

Some Notes on Earl:y, Tibetan Studies in Europe

155

etc., like the Pater, Hail Mary, and'the decalogue with a few documents from the Capuchin mission to follow. As mentioned the Ablaikit text is also examined arid followed by a very extensive commentary. As all Tibetan words are accompanied by Tibetan script versions, it is a useful book, in spite of its limitations, and it is surprising to see how little use Johann Christoph Adelung made of it for his section on the Tibetan language in his Mithridates.
Desideri

Another early Tibetan expert was Ippolito Desideri S.]. (1684-1733)35 from Pistoia. He arrived at Lhasa in 1716, studied Tibetan and Buddhist literature, texts from the Kandjur (bKa' gyur) and Tandjur (bsTan 'gyllr), and focused on the work of Padmasambhava and of Tsong kha pa. He was called back, however, as the Propaganda Fide decided to assign, or confirm, the Tibet mission to the Capuchins. Desideri went to Rome but was unable to influence the decision. He was a productive author and besides his reports and letters, edited by L. Petech,l6 he wrote several works in Tibetan that have been edited and translated by Giuseppe Toscano. J7 The manuscripts were found in the Jesuit archives: Tho rangs (Dawn) (publ. 1981); sNying po (Essence of Christianity, publ. 1982); Byzmg khzmgs and nges legs. 38 His translation of Tsong kha pa's Lam rim chen po, his Tibetan grammar, and a dictionary of religious and philosophical terms are lost. Roy Andrew Miller has given examples of Desideri's careful observation; so he described a linguistic phenomenon in Tibetan that has been confirmed only by modern scholarship.39
Kircher

The standard work on China and India in the I? century, Athanasius Kircher's (1601-1680) China Illllstrata,40 gives little information on Tibet, in spite of the fact that Kircher personally knew missionaries, like Heinrich Grueber (1623-1680),41 who furnished reports. Book II, chapter 4 deals with "De vario habitu, moribus & consuetudinibus hominum illorum regnorum, per quae dicti Patres, Albertus Dorville &
J5 Cf. Giuseppe Toscano, "Desideri, Ippolito," Dizionm-io biografico degli Italiani 39 (1991): 369-372. 36 L. Petech, I missionari italiani, vols. 5-7; L. Petech, "Ippolito Desideri," Geographiscbes Taschenbuch 65 (1964): 285-290. 37 Op,,-e tibetane di Ippolito Desideri. Introduzione, traduzione e note di Giuseppe Toscano, vols. 1-4 (Rome: IsMEO 1981-1989). , 38 See also Richard F. Sherburne, ''A Christian-Buddhist dialog? Some notes on Desideri's Tibetan manuscripts," in Reflections on Tibetan cultzwe: essays in me11!OIY of Turrell V. U'jtlie, eds. Lawrence Epstein and Richard F. Sherburne (Lewiston, Queenstown, Lampeter: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1990): 295-305. 39 Roy A, Miller, "Notes on the Relazione ofIppolito Desideri, SJ.," Monumenta Seriea 22 (1963): 446-469., 40 Athanasius Kircher, China monumentis, qua saC11s qua p1Ylfonis, nee non variis natzwae & a7"tis speetaculis, alim'umqtte rerum me11!orabilium argumentis illurtrata (Amstelodami: Jacob a Meurs, 1667,237 p.): 66-77 (Tibet, according to Albert Dorville and H. Grueber). 41 Cf. Johannes Grueber, Als Kundschafter des Papstes naeh China, 1656-1664. Die ,,-ste Durehqu,,-ung Tibets (Stuttgart: Thienemann, 1985).

156

Hart:mut Walravens

P. Gruberus transeuntes observarunt, depinxeruntque" where he gives several plates showing the missionaries' portrayal of Tangut dress and idols, mentions Barantola (Lhasa), and mistakes the formula "Om maJ;li padme hiiIiJ." for the numen itself. There is no detail regarding the language or other specifics of the "Tanguts."

Bayer Gottlieb Siegfried Bayer (1694-1738)42 whose role in publicizing the Fourmonts' decipherment was mentioned above, had a genuine interest in Tibet. He published two articles on the alphabet: "Elementa litteraturae brahmanicae, tangutanae, mungalicae," and "Elementa brahmanica, tangutana, mungalica."43 He also dealt with the Dalai Lama's seal a print of which Count Ostermann (1686-1747), the Russian minister of foreign affairs, made available to him. He was able to read it with the help of the Peking Jesuit Dominique Parrenin (1665-1741) with whom he corresponded. A Tibetan alphabet is also given in a notebook that belonged to Bayer and is now in the Herzog August Bibliothek (Wolfenbiittel).44
Pallas and Hakmann

In the 18th century two reports are noteworthy: P. S. Pallas's "Nachrichten von Tybet, aus Erzahlungen tangutischer Lamen unter den Selenginskischen Mongolen'>45 and Hakmann's "Nachrichten betreffend die"Erdbeschreibung, Geschichte und natiirliche Beschaffenheit von Tybet.'>46 Pallas points out that he, or his informants, disagree somewhat with Giorgi but he will not try to harmonize things-he will simply reproduce the data he has collected. So he gives a description of the country, the monasteries, the role of the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama, the Khutukhtus, monks, weddings, births; and funerals, and closes with the translation of a patent by the Dalai Lama in 1754, issued in three languages (Chinese, Manchu, and Tibetan). Peter Simon Pallas (1741-1811) explored the Russian Empire on several research trips; in his Samlungen historischer Nachrichten iiber die Nlongolischen Volkerschaften 47 he included some Tibetan material from his collections (pp. 386-395): ''ArschanahRom oder Weyhe-Gebet bey Zubereitung des heiligen Wassers Arschan (Nach

42 On Bayer see Knud Lundbaek, T. S. Bayer (1694-1738), pioneer sinologist (London, Malmo: Curzon Press, 1986); M. V. Lomonosova, Gotlib Zigfrid Bajer - akademik Peterburgskoj Akademii nauk [G. S. Bayer - academic of the St. Petersburg Academy] (St. Petersburg: Evropejskij Dom, 1996). 43" Commentarii Academiae scientiarum imperialis Petropolitanae 3, 1728 (1732): 389-422, and 4, 1729 (1735): 289-301, 9 pI., respectively. 44 vValter Fuchs, Chinesische und mandjurische Handschriften und seltene Drucke (vViesbaden: Steiner, 1966): no. 184 (call no. Cod. Guelph. 115.1 Extrav.) 45 Neue Nordische Beytriige 1 (1781): 201-222. 46 Neue.Nordische Beytriige 4 (1783): 271-308. 47 Vol. 1: Samlungen zur politischen, physikalischen und moralischen Geschichte der mongolischen Volkerschaften (St. Pete.r;sburg: Akademie, 1776, XIv, 232 p., ilL); Vol. 2: Samlungen tiber den Gotzendienst, die Geistlichkeit, Tempel und aberglaubische Gebrauche der mongolischen Volkerschaften; hauptsachlich die aus dem Tybet abstammende Fabellehre und damitverkntipfte Hierarchie (St. Petersburg: Akademie, 1801,438, X p., ill.).

Some Notes on Early Tibetan Studies in Europe

157

einem Tangutischen Original)" and (pp. 396-409): "Auszug eines groJ3en tangutischen Werkes Mani Gambo, welches die Legenden vor den groJ3en Burchan~n Abida, Chondschin-boddi-saddo [AvalokitesvaraJ und Schaktschamunih enthalt." Both texts are given only in translation. Hakmarin, "Adjunkt" of the Petersburg Academy, starts his report with a brief history of the exploration of Tibet. He criticizes Giorgi for including "a lot of useless theological research." Then he gives a description of the countly, the habits, customs, religion, geography and history. There is no information regarding the Tibetan language and literature. Adelung The 18th century is brought to a close by the article on Tibetan by Johann Christoph Adelung (1732-1806), librarian in Dresden, in his Mithridates. 48 The work comprises four volumes and was continued and finished by Johann Severin Vater (17711826), Professor at the University of Halle.49 The main entry on the Tibetan language is found in vol. 1, while vol. 4 (1817) contains a number of short additions and corrections provided by Friedrich Adelung, the author's nephew and a linguist himself. The' Tibetan Pater noster was taken from Cassiano's work, and the linguistic comments are limited, probably all extracted from theAlphabetllm Tibetammz. This article has recently been studied as part of a research project on Wilhehn von Humboldt. sO Klaproth The two major scholars of Asia of the early 19 th century, Jnlius Klaproth S1 (17831835) and Jean-Pierre Abel-RemusatS2 (1788-1832) were interested in Tibet and its language. As there were no collections of Tibetan texts available in Paris at that time, both had to rely on the work of their predecessors and current news from Asian informants. Klaproth's talent as a linguist lay m~inly in collection and collation of materials, not in their analysis; his strenghts are in the fields of history and geography. Nevertheless, in a literary feud with Isaak Jakob Schmidt (see below, p. 163) he proved that the Uighurs spoke a Turkic language while the celebrated Tibetologist Schmidt insisted that they were "Tanguts."s3 Klaproth established the
48 Odel' allgemeine Sp1"tlcbenktmde, mit dem Vatf1' Unser als Spracbpl"Obe in be)' nabe fUn! hundert Sprachen tlndMundarten (Berlin: Voss, 1806-1817): vol. 1, 64-72. "49 E. Kuhn, "Vater, Johann Severin," Allgemeine Detttscbe Biographie 39 (1895): 503-508.

" Ralf Vollmann, "Der Beitrag tiber Tibetisch in Adelungs Mithridates 1806" (http:// webdb.uni-graz.at/..-vollmanr/pubs/tib/VR2001A01.html). 51 Cf. H. Walravens, Julius Klaproth (1783-1835). Leben und Wel'k (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1999). 52 C E.A.X. aerc de Landresse, "Notice sur la vie etles travaux de M Abel-Remusat, Joumal Asiatique 14 (1834): 205-231, 296-316; H. Walravens, Zur Geschicbte dfl' Ostasienwissenschaften in"Europa. Abel Ril1ZftSat (1788-1832) 'lind das Ul1ifeld Julius KJaprotbs (1783-1835) (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1999). 53 Julius Klaproth, Beleucbtung 'lind Widerlegung dfl' Forschungen iJbfl' die Geschicbte del' mittelasiatischen Viilker des HfI"1"12 J.-J. Schmidt, in St. Petersburg. Mit einer Charte und zwei Schrifttafeln (Paris: Dondey-Dupre, Vater und Sohn, September 1824, 115 p.).

158

HmT17Zut Walravens

proper course of the Brahmaputra on the basis of Chinese maps54 and translated part of the yVei Zang tuzhi, an authoritative description of Tibet (1792), as well as related parts of the Da Qing yitong zhi :krn-#Ji;Jll;; . As early as 1826 he reported on Csoma's travels in Central Asia55 and reviewed Schroeter's Tibetan dictionary.56 Klaproth devoted some pages to Tibet in his Asia po0,glotta57 where he gave samples of the vocabulary, confirmed often identical roots of Tibetan and Chinese words and therefore presented a comparative Tibetan-Chinese listing. A major contribution is Klaproth's edition of Iakinf58 (Bicurin)'s translation of the Wei-Zang tuzhi; he had stopped his own translation efforts when he heard that the Russian sinologist had already done the work,s9 then added his own copious notes. He used Tibetan script and identified a number of Tibetan terms which had suffered from the Chinese transcription. 60 He also added a Tibetan glossary according to subjects. 61 Also useful is his description of Lhasa" but he did not follow Desideri in his correct interpretation of the formula "Om mani padme hum.,,6J He became interested in the subject because his mentor Alexander von Humboldt had given a woodblock with a trilingual inscription to the Royal Library in Berlin. He published a few notes by Desideri assembled by N. Delisle in the Jo1tmal asiatiq1te,64 and he has the merit of being the first to present to the scholarly world the Breve notizia dell'egno del Thibet dal Fra Francesco Orazio della Penna di Billi of 1730. 65 Possibly the edition
54 Klaproth, "Memoire sur Ie cours du Yarou Dzangbo Tchou, au du grand fleuve du Tubet; suivi de notices sur la source du Burrampouter," iVlagasin asiatique, ou Revue geographique et historique de l'Asie centmle et septentl'ionale, vol. 1 (Paris, 1825): 302-329; also "Vber den Lauf des Yaru Dsangbo Tschu oder des groflen Stromes von Tibet, nebst Nachrichten uber die Quelle des Burramputer," Hertha 7 (1826): 155-171. 55 Klaproth, "Voyage de lvi. Csoma de Koros dans la Haute-Asie," Jounzal Asiatique 8 (1826): 224-227. 56 NouveauJotmzalAsiatique 1 (1828): 401-423. 57 "XVlII. Tubeter," in Asia polyglotta (Paris: Heideloff & Campe, 1831): 343-353. 58 H. Walravens, lakin! Bii'zwin, rltssische1' Monch und Sinologe. Eine Biobibliogmphie (Berlin: Bell, 1988). 59 Opisanie Tibeta v nyiffnem ego sostojanii (Sanktpeterburg: Imp. Vosp. Dom 1828, XX:vr, 223 p.). 60 Description du Tubet, traduite partiellement du chinois en russe par Ie P. Hyacinthe Bitchourin, et du russe en franc;als par 1\11.***; soigneusement revue et corrigee sur l'original chinois, completee et accompagnee de notes par lvi. Klaproth (Paris: Imp. Royale, 1831,280 p., 1 map). 61 Description du Tubet, 142-162. 62 Klaproth, "Der Buddhismus. I.H'lassa, der Sitz des Dalai Lama," Das Aus/and 3 (1830): 271-272,280-2820 63 Klaproth, "Explication et origine de la formule bouddhique Om mani padme houm," Nouveau Journal Asiatique 7 (1831): 185-206; Donald S. Lopez, "The spell [Om Mani padme hum]," in Prisoners ofShangr'i-La. Tibetan Buddbis17Z and tbe vVest, ed. Donald So Lopez (Chicago, London: University of Chicago Press, 1998): 114-134. 64 N. Delisle, "Notes sur Ie Tibet par Ie P. Hippolyte Desideri," Nouveau Jozwnal Asiatique 8 (1831): 117-121. 65 IUaproth, Breve notizia del ngrzo del Thibet dal Fra Francesco O,'azio della Penna di BiIIi, 1730. Ouvrage publie d'apres Ie manuscrit autographe de l'auteur, accompagne de notes (Paris: Impr~ Royale, 1835). Extl'ait du Nouveau Jozmzal asiatique ([NJA] 14, 1834, 177-204, 273-296,

Some Notes on Early Tibetan Studies in Europe

159

of another Chinese description of Tibet, which was published by Erich Haenisch, may be traced to Klaproth (1822).66 Klaproth certainly was not an expert on the Tibetan language but his contributions were valuable mosaic stones in the evolution of Tibetan Studies. The same may be said for his friend Abel-Remusat's involvement in research on Tibet. He was the first to translate from the Mahavyzttpatti, for which he used a polyglot edition in the French Royal Library.67 An essay on the Tibetan language, which neatly compiles the available data, concludes a volume on the Tartar languages where one does not expect to find it. 68 The papers on the various tribes of Tibet and lamaist hierarchy are based on Chinese sources. 69
Csoma

As is well known, the proper beginning of scholarly Tibetan studies is connected with the name of Alexander Csoma (1784-1832) froin Koros, in Transylvania (Korosi Csoma Sandor). Csoma was eager to find the homeland of the Hungarians, which he suspected to be situated in the neighborhood of Tibet. He learned Tibetan . in India and Tibet, prepared a dictionarY and a grammar71 of the Tibetan language, both rriilestones of Tibetan Studies, and a number of articles which he published mostly in the Journal ofthe Asiatic Society ofBengal.72 Csoma's role in the devel-

406-432). While it is to Klaproth's credit to have published this text in the original language, it is often overlooked that Father Orazio's Rappresentanza de' Pad7'i Capucini missionan sopra la missione del Gran Tbibet was published already in 1740: Missio Apostolica, Tbibetan07Serapbica. Das ist: Neue durch Pabstliche Gewalt in dem Grossen Thibetanischen Reich von denen P.P. Capucineren aufgerichtete Mission und iiber solche ,.. beschehene Vorstellung (Munchen: Witter, 1740): 128,224. 66 Erich Haenisch, "Eine chinesische Beschreibung von Tibet, vermutlich von Julius Klaproth. Nach Amiot's Ubersetzung bearbeitet," in Southern Tibet IX.4, ed. Sven Hedin (Stockholm, 1922): 1-66. The original translation may be connected with Jean Joseph Marie Amiot SJ. (1718-1793). 67 Abel-Remusat, "Fan, si-fan, man, meng, han, han tsi yao ou Recueil necessaire des mots Sanskrits, Tangutains, Mandchous, Mongols et Chinois," Ftmdgruben des Orients 4 (1814): 183201; the call no. of the text is FM 228 (Bibliotheque nationale de France). 68 "De la langue tibetaine," chapter 7 in Abel-Remusat, Recbercbes sur les langues ttmares,

ott Memoins sur difft!1'ens points de la grammaire et de la litteratzwe des Mandcbo,ts, des Mongols, des Ouigoun et des Tibttains, vol. 1 (Paris: Imprimerie royale, 1820, LI, 398 p.).'
69 Abel-Remusat, "Notice sur quelques peuplades du Tibet et des pays voisins, tiree de l'ouvrage du Ma-touan-lin et traduit du chinois," Nouvelles Annales des Voyages 15 (1822): 289-302; "Aper~u d'un memoire intitule: Recherches chronologiques sur l'origine de la hierarchie lamaique," JournalAsiatilj'ue 4 (1824): 257-274. 70 Essay towards a dictionary, Tibetan and Englisb; prepared with the assistance of Bande Sangs-Rgyas Phun-Tshogs, a learned lama of Zangskar, during a residence at Kanam, in the Himalaya Mountains, on the confines of India and Tibet, 1827-1830 (Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press, 1834, XXII, 351 p.). . 71 A grammar ofthe Tibetan language, in English (Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press, 1834, XII, 204 p., 40 pI. 4). 72 Csoma, Tibetan studies: being a reprint of the articles contributed to the Journal of the Asiatic Society ofBengal, ed. E. Denison Ross (Calcutta: BaptistiVIission Press, 1912,585 p.).

160

Hartmztt Walravens

opment of Tibetology can hardly be overrated. An extensive literature on him and his work is available.73 We shall therefore simply provide bibliographic references in the footnotes and focus on some of the less known experts of the 19th century.74 Schott Wilhelm Schott (1803-1889),15 an Orientalist from Mainz, specialized in East Asian languages. But interest in East Asia at the universities was small; therefore Schott, a remarkable linguist, learned and taught additional languages - Finnish, Estonian, Hungarian, Turkish, Persian, Mongolian and Tibetan. He wrote scholarly reviews on current publications, like Csoma's grammar6 and Schmidt's dictionary,77 Schiefner?s and Jaschke's monographs. In addition he published on the Gesar saga.18 Ewald and Schilling von Canstadt Heinrich Ewald (1803-1875)79 was one of the major scholars in Biblical and Oriental Studies in the 19th century and Professor at the University of Gottingen. One would not readily connect him with Tibetan language studies but he wrote in a letter: "I have the honour of returning the Fourmont leaf to you, which you were kind enough to communicate to me. These weeks I have studied Tibetan

13 Theodo<e Duka, Lifo and "vorks ofAlexander Csoma de Kiiros (London: Triibner & Co., 1885; reprint New Delhi: Maiijusri, 1972). The reprint contains in addition: -Vv. -Vv. Hunter, "Csoma de Koras: A pilgrim scholar," [originally published in The Pioneer, Allahabad, 1885]; J. Terjek, '~e."ander Csoma de Karas. A short biography," in Tibetan-English dictionary, ed. Csoma (Budapest: Akademiai Kiad6, 1984): VII-XXXVI; Alexande,. Csoma de Kaios (17841842), pioneer of O,iental Hungary. Seminars at the University of Delhi and the Hungarian Information and Cultural Centre in memoriam of the 150th anniversary of his death ... (New Delhi, 1992); Janos Kubassek, Hungarian hermit of the Himalaya. The lifo ofSandor J(D,osi Csoma against a contemporary historical and geographical backd,op (Budapest; Hungarian Ancient History Research and Publishing, 1999). 74 Cf. e.g. "Bernard Le Calloc'h, "La litterature orientaliste en langue franpise et Alexandre Csoma de Karas, essai de bibliographie," JournalAsiati'Jue 276 (1988): 189-200. 75 Cf. H Walravens, Wilhelm Schott (1802-1889). Leben und Wi,ken des Orientalisten (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2001; Orientalistik Bibliographien und Dokumentationen, 13). 76 Schott, "Csoma de Koros: A grammar of the Tibetan language in English. Calcutta 1834. gr. 4," Jahrbilcherfii1wissenschaftliche KJ"itil, (1837): Il, 345-349, 353-358. 77 Schott, "]. J. Schmidt: Tibetisch-deutsches Worterbuch nebst deutschem Wortregister. St. Petersburg, Leipzig 1841. xi, 784 p. 4," Jahlbilcher filr""vissenschaftliche KJitik (1842): I, 401405. 7B "Schott, "Gesser Khan," in Allgemeine Encyklopiidie der Wissenschaften und Kilnste (eds. Ersch and Gruber), I, 64 (1857): 340-344. Schott also reviewed 1. J. Schmidt's edition and translation of the Mongolian te."t in "Uber die Sage von Geser-Chan," (Gelesen in der Akademie der Wissenschaften am 10. April 1851) Abhandlztngen der P1"CztSsischen Akadernie der Wissenschaftelz, Phil.-bist. KJasse (1851): 263-295. See also his "Kosmogonie, Mythologie und Religions-Philosophie der Tibetaner und Mongolen," Magazin fiir die Litemtz,, des AZlSlandes (1832): 423-424. 79 Neue Deutsche Biogrrlphie 3 (1957): 696-697; T. Witton Davies, Hei1l1ich Ewald; olientalist and theologian 1803-1903 (London: T. Fisher, 1903, Xl, 146 p.).

Some Notes on Em-l)' Tibetan Studies in EUTope

161

from the books of Korosi [Csoma Sandor] and can now, more or less, understand Tibetan books" (Oct. 24, 1835). Unfortunately, Ewald did not make much use of his newly acquired command of the language but he wrote reviews for the renowned Go-ttingiscbe Geleb,-te Anzeigen, for example, on Csoma's grammar and dictionary,80 copies of which Csoma had donated to his former alma mater. In this context Ewald briefly presented two Tibetan texts printed by Karl Tauchnitz in Leipzig, books that look like blockprints but were more likely lithographed:
II ~ <>'Ill&r~li>1&r1i9",~r;~1!r~<>,-~::i~r/:l~~tT]" II

Smon-lam-btschu-tham-abyor-bai-[lhag]-smon-bsngo-ba [Mugs] Ein tiibetisches GebetbuchS1 (Leipzig: Karl Tauchnitz, 1835, 6 fols.)
II ~~!r~<>"Ii"\"-&;'''I''-'''~-~',"'-:(1ll'28<>,-Qr;-~h:tJ"~~tT]''';; II

Btschom-Idan-adas-ma-sches-rab-kyi-pha-rol-tu-phyin-pai-sfiing-po [bzugs-so] Das Herz (die Quintessenz) der zum jenseitigen Ufer des vVissens gelangten Allerherrlichst-Vollendeten. 82 Eine tiibetische Religionsschrift. (Leipzig: Karl Tauchnitz, 1835,7 fals.) If we discount the quotations in Giorgi's Alpbabetzmz Tibetanum, and the aforementioned single reproductions by Thomas Hyde and in the Acta eTZtdito,-um, these are the first Tibetan books published in Europe. And they are printed very well. This is amazing as at that time, with the exception of Heinrich Ewald and vVilhelm Schott, there was nobody in Germany who had any knowledge of Tibetan. The person behind these publications was a German-Russian engineer and Orientalist, Councillor of State Paul Schilling von Canstadt (1786-1837),83 the inventor of the electromagnetic telegraph. He had introduc~d lithography into Russia, had been appointed director of the first lithographic printing shop there, and applied the new technique_ to the printing of Oriental texts-Chinese, Manchu, Tibetan, and Turkish. In addition he amassed two major collections of Chinese, Manchu, Mongolian and Tibetan books which are now part of the holdings of the Institut Vostokovedenija in St. Petersburg and which contributed to the development of Tibetan Studies in that city. Mongolian and Tibetan duplicates he donated to the Institut de France. B4 He was a member of the Societe asiatique in Paris and supported
80
81

1835, 1881-1884.

82

Listed in Allgemeines Deutsches Biic/Je7--Lexilwn 9,1 (1846): 300. Bhagavatf-pTfljliiipiiTamitii-hr daya. Listed in Allgemeines Deutsches BiicheT-Lexikon 9,1

(1846): 403.
83 H. Walravens, Zll1" Geschicbte del- Ostasiemvissenscbaften in E7l1"Opa. Abel Re;,tusat (17881832) und das U771feld Julius Klap"otbs (1783-1835) (vViesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1999) and H. Walravens, "Konnte der Drucker und Verleger Karl Tauchnitz Tibetisch?" Am de771 AntiquaTiat 2 (2004): 83-9l.
84

Jacques Bacot, "La collection tibetaine Schilling von Canstadt a la bibliotheque de

162

Hartmut Walra7Je71S

it by donating books and missing types for the Manchu font. In additioIl we read: "lV1. de Schilling se propose de joindre incessament a tous ces presents, dont il a deja comble la typographie orientale, celui d'un corps de tibetain, langue dont l'ecriture et l'orthographe ont ete pour lui l'objet d'une etude particuliere; si, comme tout Ie fait presager, il execute ce nouveau dessein avec la meme superiorite qui distingue ses autres travaux en ce genre, on sera en droit d'attendre de lui quelque chose de plus precieux encore."S5 Schilling is responsible for three posthumously published works in the Tibetan field:
Buddhistische Triglotte d. h. Sanskrit-tibetisch-mongolisches rVo'Tterverzeichnis;

gedruckt mit den aus' dem Nachlasse des Barons Schilling von Canstadt stammenden Holztafeln und mit einem kurzen Vorwort versehen von A. Schiefner. (St. Petersburg, 1859, [2], IV; 37 p.)

Sr.l[[j~n.\&"lc::ul4'<l"l(.l[[j2j:j'\(.l~'<lgi::r~[[j(.l&'\US&1~
d.i. Das ehrwiirdige Mahiijilnasutra mit Namen: das unermessliche Lebensalter und die unermessliche Erkenntniss (Lithographischer Abdruck, besorgt durch den verstorbenen Baron Schilling von Canstadt). (St. Petersburg: Akademie der vVissenschaften, 1845, [50 p.]). vVhile these two, an excerpt from the Mahiivyutpatti and the sutra, were printed from woodblocks, either directly or stereotyped, the Kandjur index which had been compiled according to his wish by Buriats for the Narthang Kandjur acquired during his travels near the Russian-Chinese border (1830-1832), was reproduced from handwriting in an edition of 100 copies by Schilling; the later publication just added Schmidt's preface: 86

Kandjm oder der Index des KandjU7~ hrsg. von der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften und bevorwortet von I. J. Schmidt. (St. Petersburg, 1845, [4], 215 p.).

The woodblocks for the Triglot were probably cut by Buriats; Schilling himself seems to have distributed a number of prints as J. Kowalewski mentions the book among the I'Institut," JounzalAsiatique 205 (1924): 321-348; Louis Ligeti, "La collection mongo1e Schilling von Canstadt a1a bib1iotheque de l'Institut," T'oung pao 27 (1930): 119-178. 85 Abe1-Remusat, "Sur 1es editions chinoises de NI. Ie baron de Schilling de Canstadt," Jozt17zalAsiatique 4 (1824): 165-170. 86 Cf. also "Bib1iotheque bouddhique ou Index du Gandjour de Nartang, compose sous la direction du baron Schilling de Canstadt. Avant-propos," Bulletin de la clam histol'ico-philologiqzte de l'Academie imperiale des sciences de St.Petersbozwg 4 (1847): 321-336, 337-339, 1 pI.

Some Notes on Em-!)' Tibetan Studies in Europe

163

sources of his Dictionnaire mongol-russe-franrais (Kazan: Imprimerie de l'Universite, 1844, 1846, 1849). The Indologist Christian Lassen wrote: "He is the most ingenio~s man I know, and definitively a master in everything relating to printing."87
Giitzlaff

It seems surprising that such a busy man as the Pomeranian missionary Karl Friedrich August Giitzlaff (1803-1851)88 could take time to deal with Tibet. He was a prolific writer, an ardent missionary, earned his living as a Chinese Secretary for the Hong Kong government, and supervised native helpers who went on mission trips into the interior of China which was off limits for foreigners. "God's Thunderstorm" as he was nicknamed for his hectic mission trips and his inspiring sermons also managed to translate the Bible into Chinese and start on a Japanese translation, a pioneering effort_ He published several papers on Tibet, mainly from the geographical point of view; one of them was presented to the Royal Geographic Society by no less than Sir George Thomas Staunton, the celebrated sinologist and Member of Parliament. 89
Schmidt

After Csoma it was certainly Isaak Jakob Schmidt (1779-1847)90 who did most to advance Tibetan Studies in Europe. Schmidt was born into a pietist (Moravian Brethren) family in Amsterdam and received his primary education in Neuwied. When his father lost his fortune owing to the Napoleonic wars Schmidt took up a position with the Moravian settlement in Sarepta on the Volga river. For three years he lived mainly among the Kalmucks as part of his duties, and this led him to translate the Bible into Kalmuck and into Mongolian. He became the founder of Mongolian studies in Europe and was elected member of the Peters burg Academy_ The close relationship of Mongolian and Tibetan Lamaist texts aroused his interest in Tibetan. His first publication in this field seems to have been his research into the development of the Tibetan script." He points out that it cannot have been derived from the much later Lantsa script but from earlier forms of devaniigari as found in certain cave inscriptions. He demonstrated this by a comparative table of the alphabets.

Nov. 11, 1824, letter to A_ W. Schlegel, his teacher at Bonn University. H. Walravens, KiI'-! F,-iedTich Neumann [1793-1870J zmd Kild FTiedrich August Giitzlaf[ [1803-1851J CWiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2001). 89 Karl Giitzlaff, "Tibet and Sefan. Communicated by Sir George Staunton, Bart, M. P. (Read Feb.l2 and 26, 1849)," Jozmzal of the Royal Geogmphical Society 20 (1850): 191-227; also Giitzlaff, "JiVei Tsang too sheib [j&!Ji\iI~ 101- Tibet in a series ofmaps and descriptions: fozw volumes. Reviewed by a Correspondent," Chinese Reposit01J' 9 (1840): 26-46. 90 H. Walravens, Isaak Jakob Scbmidt (1779-1847). Leben und Wez-k des Pioniers der mongoliseben und tibetiseben Studien (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2005). 91 1. J. Schmidt, "Uber den Ursprung der tibetischen Schrift," JVUmoires de l'Academie imperiale des sciences de St Pfte1'Sbozwg. Sciences politiques, histoire et philologie, 1 (1832): 41-54.
87

88

164

Hart:mut Walravens

A major work is his Tibetan grammar,92 which was published in 1839 but its first part was submitted to the Petersburg Academy already in 1836, i.e., two years after Csoma's grammar. He dedicated this work to Sergej Semenovic Uvarov, lVIinister of Public Education and President of the Academy, who had always had a lively interest in Oriental Studies and had lieen among Klaproth's supporters in St. Petersburg. Schmidt emphasized the improved situation for the study of Tibetan and other Asian languages at his time, in contrast to earlier decades where the main informatiori available was the "monstrose" compilation of Father Georgi who himself did not know any Tibetan. Therefore it was difficult even for linguists like Abel-Remusat to extract the valuable data from a heap of theories and idiosyncrasies ("seine eigenen Grillen") of the learned Augustinian monk. Schmidt then justly criticized the shortcomings of Schr6ter's compilation (1826) and went on to praise Csoma's two books which he c\tlled "an infinitely more beautiful result of his travel." He characterized them as "the only useful tools for the study of the Tibetan language .... These works give somebody who has dealt with the subject for an extended period of time the full conviction that their author did not only learn the Tibetan language thoroughly, but has also penetrated into the spirit 6f the language." Schmidt had collected much information on the Tibetan language especially from Chinese polyglot dictionaries but many obscurities and doubts preven~ed him from publishing it. Csoma's grammar was of the greatest use to him. In his own grammar he preferred to give two chapters from the Dsanglun(,Dzangs blzm) as exercise material instead of Csoma's appendices. And he had a new font of Tibetan type cut, "after the best examples of Tibetan calligraphy" in order to avoid the "monstrose ~pes of the Propaganda.,,93 The next major work did not take long in following, the Tibetan-German Dictionary.94 Again, it was dedicated to Uvarov. He merged his collection of words, extracted from Ming gi rgya mtsho, Bod kyi brda yig rtogs par sla ba and sKad bzhi shan sbyar ba'i melong gi yi ge, three Mongolian-Tibetan, or polyglot, dictionaries, with Csoma's dictionary, and as a result his own publication had about 5,000 entries

92 Schmidt, Grammatik del tibetiscben Spmche, verfafit von J. J. Schmidt, Kaiserlich RussiSchen Staatsrathe und Ritter des S. Stanislausordens dritter sowi'; des St. Wladimirordens vierter Classe, Doctor der Philosophie, ordentlichem Mitgliede der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, auswartigem Mitgliede der Asiatischen Gesellschaften in Paris und London u.s.w. Herausgegeben von der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften (St. Petersburg: W: Graff; Leipzig: Leopold Voss, 1839, XV; 318 p. 4). . OJ Cf. J. Schubert, Typographia tibetana. There is no proof for it but the rype may owe something to the expertise of Schilling von Canstadt, Schmidt's colleague at the Academy. It is true, Schilling passed away in 1837 but as we have seen the first part of the grammar was submitted already in 1836 .. 94 1. J. Schmidt, Tibetiscb-detttsches Worterbucb, nebst dezLtscbem Wortregister. Von J. J. Schmidt, Kaisetlich-Russischem Staatsrathe und Ritter des St. Annenordens zweiter, des St. StanislauSordens zweiter und des St. Wladimirordens vierter Classe, Doctor der Philosophie, ordentlichem Mitgliede der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Ehrenmitgliede der Kaiserlichen Universitat Kasan, auswartig= Mitgliede der Asiatischen Gesellschaften in Paris und London u.s.v.[!] - Herausgegeben von der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften (St. Petersburg: W. Graffs Erben; Leipzig: Leopold Voss, 1841, xi, 784 p., 2 p. Corrigenda).

Some Notes on Ear1:y Tibetan Studies in EU1"Ope

165

more than Csoma's. His editing also led to many corrections, and last not least, he changed the filing of the entries, following the Tibetan practice, i.e., he did not enter "brda t:l,\" under b, but under d, thus keeping related words and roots together. The dictionary is printed very well, and there is a German (and in the parallel Tibetan"Russian dictionary, a Russian) word index. Schmidt deplored the lack of Tibetan works in Europe as one of the reasons for the slow progress of Tibetan Studies; for this reason he worked hard to fill the gap by publishing a Tibetan edition of the Dsanglun, The Wise Man and the Fool, with a German translation.95 This would give students an idea of the language as the dictionary did not give phrases or quotations. Schmidt's last work on a Tibetan subject was a catalogue of the Tibetan manuscripts and blockprints of the Asiatic Museum of the St. Petersburg Academy (now Institut Vostokovedenija);96 the descriptions were done in cooperation with Otto Bi:ihtlingk(1815-1904),97 the later famous author of the Petersburg [Sanskrit] Dictionary; Schmidt's eyesight was failing, and he was hardly able to work any more.
Foucaux

The first professor of Tibetan in Europe was Philippe-Edouard Foucaux (18111894),98 who studied Sanskrit with Eugene Burnouf (1801-1852),99 the celebrated Indologist. When Csoma's books arrived and Burnouf could not read them he suggested to his disciple that he study them and learn Tibetan-which he did. In 1842 he was able to start his Tibetan courses at the Ecole des langues orientales on a preliminary basis. For years he had to teach on a very meager salary, even free of charge, until finally he was appointed to the chair of Sanskrit at the College de

95 ~e:,,~'~'i, Dsanglttn oder der rYeise ttnd de'r Tho" Aus dem Tibetischen iibersetzt und mit dem Originaltexte herausgegeben von 1. ]. Schmidt; Kaiserlich-Russischem Staatsrathe und Ritter des St. Annenordens zweiter Classe mit der kaiserlichen Krone, des St. Stanislausordens zweiter und des St. Wladimirordens vierter Classe, Doctor der Philosophie, ordentlichem Mitgliede der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Ehrenmitgliede der Kaiserlichen Universitat Kasan, auswartigem Mitgliede der Asiatlschen Gesellschaften in Paris und London, correspondirendem Mitgliede der Gesellschaft der Kiinst,; und Wissenschaften in Batavia u.s.w. Th.1-2. AufVerfiigung der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften (St. Petersburg: Graffs Erben; Leipzig: Leopold Voss, 1843, xxxviii, 326; iv, 404 p.). 96 1. J. Schmidt and O[ttol Bohtlingk,"Verzeichniss der tibetischen Handschriften und Holzdrucke im Asiatischen Museum der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften," Bttlletin de la classe historico-philologique de l'Academie imperiale des sciences de St.-Fetersbourg 4 (1848): 81-125. 97 Berthold Delbriick, "Otto Bohtlingk," Indogermanische Forschttngen 17 (1904/05): 131-

vv.

136..

98 B. Le Calloc'h, "Philippe-Edouard Foucaux, first Tibetan teacher in Europe," Tibet' Jottrnal 12 (1987): 39-49, and "Foucaux, Philippe-Edouard," Dett."C siecles d'histoire de l'Ecole des langues (Paris: Hervas, 1995): 269-270; Leon Feer, "Philippe-Edouard Foucaux," Journal Asiatiqz.. (1894): 560-563. 99 Burnouf was interested in Tibet as we know, e.g., from an article "Sur la litterature du Tibet" (journal Asiatique 10, 1827, 129-146) extracted from the Qttarterry Oriental magazine (Calcutta, 1826).

166

Ha1TllZut Wah'avens

France when Theodore Pavie stepped down. Among his students were Auguste Desgodins, later author of a Tibetan grammar and dictionary, William vVoodville Rockhill, Sylvain Levi, and the explorer Alexandra David-Nee!. Among Foucaux's publications are a translation of the Lalitavistam from the Tibetan: TGya TcheT Rol Pa, ou developpement des jeux, 100 an extract (chapter 4) from the Saddha177zapuzzq,aTzkaszUm: Pambole de l'e11fant egaTe 101 and extracts from the Subhii,itamtnanidbr of the Saskya Pal).Qita (Sa skya Kun dga' rgyal mtshan)/02 Le tTes07' de belles pmoles. He also published a Tibetan grammar. 103
Feer

Foucaux tried to prepare the way to a Tibetan professorship for his disciple Leon Feer (1830-1902). Despite Feer's qualifications and publications, the government did not give enough support, and when Feer finally got a position with the national library he gave up teaching but continued his scholarly publications 104 Among his publications are Le Sztt7'a en quamnte-deux a1,tides. Textes chinois, tibetain, mongol autogmphies (Paris, 1868) :with a translation to follow ten years later/OS and Fmgments extmits du Kandjozw tmduits du tibetain. 106 Feer's work was evaluated by lVlarcelle Lalou. 107
Schiefner

Schmidt in Petersburg did not have any disciples as he did not teach at the university. But eventually he was succeeded at the Academy by an able linguist: Franz Anton Schiefner (1817-1879) who had studied law in St. Petersburg and Indology in Berlin. During a visit to Paris he met Foucaux who was just starting his Tibetan courses; this motivated him to learn Tibetan. During 1843-1852 he taught classical languages at the First Petersburg Gymnasium. In 1852 he became Adjunkt for Tibetan at the Academy, and thus succeeded I. J. Schmidt. Schiefner was an industrious scholar, a prolific writer and an astounding linguist. He is known as an expert in Caucasian languages, a specialist in Estonian, and the first translator of the Kalevala into German, a work which is still in print. 108
100 Paris: Impr. nationale, 1848, LXV, 425 p.; cf. the long review by Schiefner, "Vber das vVerk Rgya tch'er ral pa au Developpement des jelL", traduit sur la version tibetaine et revu sur l'original sanserit par Ph. Ed. Foucaux. P. 1-2. Paris 1847-1848 ," Bulletin histo";cophilologiqzte de l'Academie impb'iale des scie17ces de St.-Pftersbourg 5 (1848): 10, col. 152-160; 11, col. 173-176; 7 (1850):15, col. 225-232; 16-17, col. 261-272. 101 Paris, 1854, 55 p., 50 lithogr. pI. 102 Cboix de sentences composees en tibrftain par Ie Lama Saskya Pandita, suivies d'zme eNgie tiree du Kanjozt1' (Paris, 1858, 46 p.) (Tibetan & French). 103 Grammili1'e de la ImzlS"e tibetaine (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1858, x.uii, 231 p.). 104 Le Calloc'h, "Feer, Leon/' Deux steeles d'bistoire, 270-271; Henri Cordier, "Leon Feer," T'ozl17gpao 3 (1902): 249-250. 105 Le sltt1'a en 42 mtieles. Traduit du tibetain avec introduction et notes (Paris: Leroux, 1878, LIX, 82 p.). 106 Paris, 1883, XIII, 577 p. 4 (Annales du Musee Guimet 5). 107 Marcelle Lalou, "L'ceuvre de Leon Feer," Bibliographie bouddhique 2 (1931): ix, 97 p. 108 On Schiefner see F. vViedemann, "Zum Gedachtniss an F. A. Schiefner. Rede gehalten am 1L Dezember 1879 in der Sitzung der Kaiserlichen Alcademie der vVissenschaften," Bulletin

Some Notes on Em-ly Tibetan Studies in EU1'ope

167

Schiefner's earliest Tibetan contributions were Addenda to Schmidt's and Bohtlingk's catalogue of Indian and Tibetan manuscripts and blockprints in the . Asiatic Museum,109 A major work was the abstract and translation in part of a life .of Buddha, similar to the Lalitavistara, printed in Peking in 1776 (391 ols,).11 o In his Tibetische St1tdien (4 articles: 1851-1865) he deals with linguistic aspects of Tibetan -the "mute" letters, phonetics, the so-called article, and cases. lll He also discUssed Tibetan composites.ll2 His corrections and additions to Schmidt's Dsanglztn are the result of his comparison of the Kandjur text with the manuscript copy that Schmidt had used, and the printed edition.lll The emendations clear up many obscurities in Schmidt's edition. A major achievement is his edition of the Tibetan text of Taranatha's History of Buddhism,1l4 which was prepared on the basis of four manuscripts, two from the University Library, one from the Asiatic Museum and one from V. P. Vasil'ev who translated the text into Russian while Schiefner translated the Russian into' German, comparing the Tibetan text. ll5
de l'Academie i",periale des sciences de St. Petersbom'g 26 (1880): col. 30-44. Also in Russische Revue
16 (1880): 105-118; all the other biographical sketcbes and evaluations are more or less copied from Wiedemann. A bibliography of Schiefner's publications (187 entries) is scbeduled to be published in Zentralasiatische Smdien (2006). More easily available than Wiedemann's obituary may be B. Le Calloc'h, "Franz Anton Scbiefner: maitre des etudes finno-ougriennes, caucasiennes et tibetaines," Sztomalais-ugrilaisen seztran ilikakattski1ja 84 (1992): 31-52. 109 Schiefner, "Nachtrage zu den von O. Bohtlingk und 1. J. Scbmidt verfassten Verzeicbnissen der auf Indien und Tibet beziiglicben Handschriften und Holzdrucke im Asiatiscben Museum der Kais. Akademie der Wissenscbaften," Bulletin historico-philologiq'Uf de l'Academie impi1iale des sciences de St.-Petersbourg 5 (1848):10, col. 145-151. 110 Schiefner, "Eine tibetische Lebensbeschreibung <;:akjamuni's, des Begriinders des Buddhatums, im Auszuge deutscb mitgetheilt," Memoires presentes l'Academie i1nperiale des sciencesde St. Petmbozwgpardivers savants (Memoires des savants etrangers) 6 (1851): 3, 231-333,1 p. Corrigenda. m Schiefner, "Tibetische Studien 1-4: 1. Einleitung. Dber die stummen Bucbstaben," Bulletin hist01ico-pbilologique de l'Academie impb-iale des sciences de St.-Petersbourg 8 (1851): 13-14, col. 212-222; 15-17, col. 259-267. Melanges asiatiques 1 (1852): 324-349; "II. Beitrage zur tibetiscben Lautlehre," Bulletin bistorico-pbilologique de l'Academie imperiale des sciences de St.-Petersbaurg 8 (1851): 15-17, col. 267-272; 18-19, col. 292-304; 20-21, col. 333-334; 22, col. 337-340. Melanges asiatiques 1 (1852): 349-377; "ill. Dber den sogenannten tibetiscben Artikel," Bulletin historieopbilologitflte de l'Academie imph'iale des sciences de St.-Petersbourg 8 (1851): 22, col. 341-352. Melanges asiatitfltes 1 (1852): 377-394; "IV: Beitrage zur Casuslehre," Bulletin de l'Academie imperiale des sciences de St.-Pttersbozwg 8 (1865): col. 9-21. Also Melanges asiatiques 5 (1868): 178-194. 112 Schiefner, "Dber eine eigenthiimliche Ar; tibetischer Composita," Bulletin bist01icopbilokgitflte de l'Academie r"'phiale des sciences de St.-Pefersbourg 14 (1857): 7-8, col. 125-128. Also Melanges asiatiques 3 (1859): 12-16.

113 Schiefner, Ergiinzzmgen und Berichtigztngen zu Scbmidt~ Ausgabe des Dsanglun ~E';c:'niil'i (St. Petersburg: Kaiserlicbe Akademie der WlSsenscbaften, 1852,94 p., 1 p. Corrigenda). 114 Schiefner, Tiiraniitbae de doctri:nae Buddbicae in India p,'opagation. na1~'atio. Contextum tibeticUID e codicibus Petropolitanis edidit Antonius Scbiefner (Petropoli: [Akademia nauk], 1868). Parallel title: Istorija Buddizma v Indi~ soemenie Taranaty: Po tibetskim rukopisjam izdal ftkad. A. Sifner. [Tibetskij tekst.] Addition see note 127. 115 Schiefner, Tiiraniitba~ Geschicbte des Buddhismus in Indien. Azts dent Tibetiscben iibersetzt (St. Petersburg: Akademie der Wissenscbaften, 1869, xi~ 346 p.).

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,Schiefner also translated a number of stories from the Kandjur. "The story of the son of the Pantschala king and the daughter of the Kinnara king" is hidden in the preface to his Awarische Te::.:'te. 1l6 It was followed by "Mahakatjajana and King TshaI.1<;la-Pradjota. A cycle of Buddhist tales,,,1l7 "Indian anecdotes on artists,,,1!8 and "Indian tales.,,1l9 The latter have becorrie quite popular in the English-speaking community through the translation Tibetan tales derived from Indian sources, translated by W. R. S. RalstonYo The English version of the Tales have been reprinted several times, while the originals are little known in Germany. Schiefner's last contribution to Tibetan Studies was "The White Naga Hundred Thousand," which was edited after his death by Wilhelm Grube.I'I This was the first important text on the Bon religion, the pre-Buddhist religion of Tibet, that later became known internationallyY' Grube's disciple Berthold Laufer returned to the subject later on and analyzed a text of a similar title (Klu 'bum bsdus pa'i mying po) which, however, was a Buddhist revision, or, as Laufer put it, an outright Lamaist forgery.I'3

Vasil'ev

Clos'ely connected with Schiefner's work was Vasilij Pavlovic Vasil'ev (18181900) who spent ten years in Peking with the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission. There he laid the foundation for his command of Chinese, Manchu, Tibetan, and Mongolian, and he also collected books, not only for himself but also for the libraries in Kazan and St. Petersburg. Vasil'ev was considered Russia's outstanding Sinologist, after Iakinf (Bicurin)Y4
116 Schiefner, Awm-ische Te:rte (St. Petersburg: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1873; Membires de I'Academie imperiale des Sciences de St.-petersbourg, VII ser., t. XIX, Nr 6): XXVI-XLV. 117 Schiefner, Mahiikiitjiijana ttnd Konig Tshm:uJa-Pradjota. Ein Cyclus buddhistischer Erziihlungen (St. Petersburg: Academie Imperiakdes Sciences, 1875, viii, 67 p.; Memoires de l'Academie imperiale des Sciences de St.-Petersbourg, VII ser., t. XXII, Nr 7). 118 'Schiefner, "Indische Kiinstleranekdoten," Bulletin de l'Academie 'imperiale des sciences de St.-Petersbourg 21 (1876): col. 193-197. Also Melanges asiatiques 7 (1873176): 519-525. 119 Schiefner, "Indische Erziihlungen," Bulletin de l'Academie imperiale des sciences de St.Petersbourg 21 (1876): col. 433-493; 22 (1877): col. 123-138; 23 (1877): col. 1-70, 529-565; 24 (1878): col. 449-508. Also Melanges asiatiques 7 (1876): 673-760, 773-795; 8 (1876/81): 89-188, ' 281-333,449-534. 120 Schiefner, Tibetan tales derived from Indian sources. Translated from the Tibetan of the Kangyur by F. Anton von Schiefner, and from the German into English by W R. S. Ralston, M.A. With an introduction. New edition with a preface by C. A. F. Rhys Davids, D. Litt., lVI.A (London: Triibner, 1882, LXV; 368 p.). 121 Schiefner, Uber das Bonpo-Siitra: "Das weisse Niiga-Httnderttausend" (St. Petersbourg: Academie Imperiale des Sciences, 1880, LV; 86 p.; Memoires de l'Academie Imperiale des Sciences de St.,petersbourg VII ser., XXVIII, no. 1).

gTsangma kltt 'bum dkarpo bon rin po che 'phruldagbden pa thegpa chen po'imdo. Berthold Laufer, Klu 'bum bsdus pai min po. Eine verkurzte Ven'ion des Workes von den Htmderttausend Niigas. Ein Beittag zur Kenntnis der tibetischen Volksreligion. Einleitung,
122
l2J

Text, Ubersetzung und'Glossar. (Helsingfors, 1898, V; 20, 119 p.). 124 Henri CQrdier, "V. P. Vasiliev," T'ozmg pao 1 (1900): 258-260; Z. 1. Gorbaceva, N. A.

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While most of Vasil'ev's work concerns Chinese studies, he produced a few important items on Tibet: Geografija Tibeta is the translation of a work by sMin grof sprul sku 'Jam dpal chos kyi bstan 'dzin 'phrin-las, 'Dzam gling spyi bshad me long, which was written about 1820. Vasil'ev took a copy of the text when in Peking where he personally met the -author who died in 1838. 125 Vasil'ev's main work on Buddhism, planned originally as a multi-volume work is Buddizm, ego dogmaty, istorija i literatztra;126 the first volume was translated into German by Theodor Benfey. Vol. 3 was translated by A. Schiefner hirri.self, after the attempt at a competent French translation had failed. Vasil'ev's preface had been left out, perhaps because of Schiefner's modesty to see himself praised. At Vasil'ev's insistence, he published tlllS preface separately in 1869.127 Schiefner had indeed done much to make his colleague's work known internationally. His "Report on the scholarly activity of Prof. Wassiljew,,128 as well as his translation of "The works related to Buddhism in the Kazan university library, by Prof. Wassiljew"129 and a review of Vasil'ev's Buddizmp o a work that he had seen through the press, were very helpful in this respect. In his Bztddizm Vasil'ev indicated that he intended to discuss the Buddhist dogmas in an interpretation of the Mahitvyutpatti, provide a survey of Buddhist literature, give a history of Buddhism in Tibet and translate the travelogue of Xuimzang the famous Buddhist monk. Of these projects only Taranatha's History of Buddhism in India was published. Among his manuscripts is an excerpt from Sum pa mkhan po Ye shes dpal 'byor (1704-1776), History of Buddhism in Tibet (,Phags yztl rgya nag chen po bod dang sog yul_du dam pa'i chos byung tshul dpag bsam /jon bzang, 1748); there are also translations of a number of philosophical Buddhist treatises, translated from Chinese and Tibetan, material for a biography of Tsong kha pa and further material for a survey of Buddhist dogmatic literature according to Tibetan and Mongolian sources. Vasil'ev's tradition was continued by his disciple A. O. Ivanovskij.lll Petrov, G. F. Smykalov, B. 1. Pankratov, "Russkij kitaeved akademik V. P. Vasil'ev," OCe1iei po iszorii l'USskogo kitaevedenija 2 (1956): 232-340. 125 Vasil'ev, Geografija Tibeta. Perevod iz tibetskago soCinenija Minczul-Khutukty (St. Peterburg: Akademija, 1895, II, 95 p.). On the te.'{t see A. 1. Vostrikov, Tibetan historical literature (Calcutta, 1970): 230-231; also Turrell V. Wylie, The geog;raphy of Tibet according to the 'Dzam-gling-rgyas-bshad. Text and English translation (Rome: IsMEO, 1962). 126 Vol. 1 comprises the General overview (1857); vol. 3 contains the History ofBuddhism in India, by laranatha (1869). 127 Schiefner, Herrn Professol' Wassiljew's Vorrede zu seine,. rztssischen Ubersetzung von Tilraniltha's Geschichte des Buddhismus in Indien. Nachtrag zu der deutschen Ubersetzung Taranathas's (St. Petersburg: Kaiserlicbe Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1869, 32 p.). 128 Schiefner, "Bericht iiber die wissenschaftlicbe Thiitigkeit des Herrn Prof. Wassiljew," Melanges asiatiques 2 (1856): 345-346. 129 Schiefner (trans.), "Die auf den Buddhismus beziiglichen Werke der UniversitiitsBibliothek z;u Kasan. Von Prof. Wassiljew," Bulletin hist01-ico-philologique de l'Academie imperiale des sciences de St.-Petersbourg 11 (1854): col. 337-365. Also Melanges asiatiques 2 (1856): 347-386. 110 Schiefner, "Bericht iiber Herrn Professor vVassiljew's Werk iiber den Buddhismus, seine Dogmen, Geschicbte und Litteratur," Bulletin historico-philologique de l'Academie imperiale des sciencesde St.-PetersboU1g 13 (1856): 22, co1.348-352.AlsoMelangesasiatiques 2 (1856): 612-616. 13I Cf. H. Walravens, A. O. Ivanovskij - a hiobibliographical sketch. Including a romanised reprint

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Hartmut Walravens

Wenzel Heinrich Wenzel (1855-1893/ 32 is among the little known Tibetologists. He took his doctorate in Indian. Studies at Tiibingen University. The Oxford Indologist Max Miiller (1823-1900) got him interested in Tibetan, and forthwith he devoted all his energy to this field. He gave his introductory lecture as Privatdozent at Leipzig University in 1886 on Tibetan literature but preferred to move to London where he remained until his death, as a private scholar.1JJ Among his publications are Suhrillekha. Brief des Niigii1-juna an Konig Udayana,134 Bfes pai phrin yig (friendly epistle), lJ5 and the second edition of]iischke's Tibetan GrammarY6
Pander

Very little is known about Eugen Pander (1854-1894). He was born in Livonia (Baltic territory, then under Russian rule), studied economy at the Polytechnic in Riga, established himself in business in Moscow, and in between apparently took his PhD. In 1881 he became pr:ofessor of economy and lecturer in German and Russian at the "College for Foreign Studies" (Tongwenguan lmJtnf) in Peking. He be.came interested in Lamaism and assembled an excellent collection that he sold to the Museum of Ethnology in B.erlin. As so little is known about Pander a quote from Albert Griinwedel's letter of March 16, 1889, may be appropriate: The aforementioned Professor Pander deposited a Lamaist collection here which is beyond comparison. It comprises old bronzes from the Summer Palace, old Tibetan bronzes (often portraits of la,mas), even an old Indian tribute item (Maitreya). In addition there are a few hundred books: parts of the Kanjur, the works of the lCang skya Rol pa'i rdo rje, Mongolian-Tibetan dictionaries, the complete works of the holy Tsong kha pa, The History of Buddhism in Mongolia started by Babu Chandra Das etc. etc. He owes this magnificent acquisition to his personal connection with the Khutukhtu of Peking. Also the gorgeous manuscript Kanjur which, together with the aforementioned Tanjur, is now offered to the Royal Library [of Berlin] is a result of his mediation. It originates from a huge prayer-wheel which turned rusty on account of the sacrilege. A xylograph replaced the booty; and as it is ten times more meritorious to chant handwritten than printed. prayers, the Lama ruled that all prayers offered in the respective temple shall have tenfold value.1l7
of the orally transmitted lvlanchZl texts from the Iii area, collected by Wilhelm Radloff (Hamburg: C. Bell, 1983). 132 B. Liebich, "Heinrich Wenzel," Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie 41 (1896): 736-738.
113 Cf. Franz Babinger, "H. C. F. vVenzel, Forscher auf dem Gebiet der tibetischen Sprache und buddhistischen Literatur, 1855-1893," Hessische Biographien 1 (1918): 304-309. 114 Translated from the Tibetan (Leipzig: Voil, 1886, 27 p.). 135 Jott1"'nalofthe Pali Te.\"tSociety (1886): 1-32. 116 London: Triibner, 1883, VIII, 80 p. (Trubner's Collection of Simplified Grammars, 7). ll7 "Der genannte Professor Pander hat hier eine lamaistische Sammlung stehen, die ihresgleichen nicht hat. Darunter sind alte Broncen aus dem Sommerpalast, alttibetische

Some Notes on Early Tibetan Studies in Europe

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Griinwedel edited Pander's notes on Das Pantheon des Tscbangtscba Hutuktu which deals mainly with one album; Griinwedel added further information and parallels and an index, and thus the paper became a classic on Lamaist iconography.!l8 There are only two other contributions by Pander on Lamaism to be found: Gescbicbte des Lamais77Zus,139 and Das lmnaische Pantheon. I40 Pander seems to have been not only a knowledgeable collector but also a good scholar and his premature death is to be highly regretted. Pander's book collection in the Berlin Royal Library was lost owing to vVorld War II. Schlagintweit The Schlagintweit brothers Hermann, Adolph and Robert, are known as eminent travelers in Central Asia. I4l The youngest brother, Emil (1835-1904),'42 who did not participate in their explorations, took his LL.D, learned Tibetan with Anton Schiefner and earned his living as an administrator in the Bavarian service. His scholarly ambitions-Tibetan studies and work on his brothers' collections-were not supported by his superiors, and remained his private pastime. His Buddhis77Z in Tibet I43 was translated into French (1881);'44 Die Kiinige von Tibet,145 based on the

Broncen (vielfach Lamenportrats), sogar ein altes indisches Tributstiick (Maitreja) ist darunter. Dazu kommen einige hundert Bucher: Theile des Kandschur, die Werke des Tschangkja ' Rolpa'i Dordsche, Mongolisch-tibetische Worterbucher, sammtliche Werke des gottseligen Tsonkhapa, die von Babu Tschandra Das angefangene Geschichte des Buddhismus in del' Mongolei etc.etc. Er verdanlet diese grossartige Erwerbung seiner personlichen Bekanntschaft mit dem Chutuktu von Peking. Auch del' prachtvolle handschriftliche Kandschur, del' jetzt mit dem erwahnten Tandschur del' kg!. Bibliothek angeboten ist, ist seiner Vermittlung zu verdanken. Er stammt aus einer colossalen Gebetmuhle, die jetzt in Folge des Frevels eingerostet ist. Ein Holzdruck ersetzte die Stelle del' Beute: und da Geschriebenes zu beten lOx wertvoller ist, als Gedtucletes, verfiigte der Lama, dass alle Gebete, in dem bezuglichen Tempel verrichtet, jetzt den zehnfachen INert haben sollen." 118 Berlin: VV Spemann, 1890, 45-116 (Veroffentlichungen aus dem Koniglichen Museum fur Volkerkunde, 1,2/3). 139 V,,'handlzmgen del' Bediner Gesellscbaft fiil' Anthropologie, Etbnologie Zlnd UI-gescbichte, 1889, 199-210. 140 Zeitscbl-iftfiir Ethnologie 21 (1889): 44-78. 141 Cf. Hans Korner, "Die Bruder Schlagintweit," in Del' H7eg ZZlm Dacb del' Welt, eds. Claudius C. Millier and Walter Raunig (Innsbruclc Pinguin; Frankfurt a.lvI.: Umschau, 1982): 62-75, and several other contributions in the same volume. 142 Cf. vVilhelm v'iTolkenhauer, "Schlagi(1tweit, Emil," Allgemeine Deutscbe Biogl'apbie 31 (1890): 337-347; Hessische Biograpbien 1 (1918): 388-393. 143 Emil Schlagintweit, Buddbism in Tibet. Illustrated by literary documents and objects of religious worship, with an account of the Buddhist systems preceding it in India (Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus; London: Trubner, 1863, XXIV; 403 p., 20 p. of Tibetan text; with an atlas in folio). 144 Le bouddbisme au Tibet; precede d'un resume des precedents systemes bouddhiques dans !'Inde. Traduit de l'anglais par L. de lvIilloue (Lyon: Pitrat aine, 1881, L'OCVIII, 292 p.; Annales duNIusee Guimet, 3). 145 E. Schlagintweit, "Die Konige von Tibet von del' Entstehung ktiniglicher lvIacht in Yarlung bis zum Erloschen in Ladak," Abhandlztngen de1 KO'niglicb bayel'iscben Akademie del' Wissenscbaften I. Classe, 10 (1866): III, 797-879, Tib. text 1-19.

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Hartmut vVa7mvens

La dwags l"gyal mbs, "Die Berechnung der Lehre"146 and "Lebensbeschreibung von Padma Sambhava dem Begriinder des Lamaismus 747 n. Chr."147 are his major works in the Tibetan field.
Jiischke

Tibetan Studies received a major stimulus through the work of 1VIoravian missionaries (Herrnhuter Briidergemeinde, United Brethren) in Ladakh and LahouJ.148 . Motivated by K. F. A. Giitzlaff they were interested in continuing their missionary work among the Mongols (which had some tradition in Sarepta on the Volga) in Central Asia. As the Russian government did not permit their passage through Russia they tried the Southern approach but were stopped in Ladakh. Accepting this as the will of the Lord, they started mission work there, which resulted in a very small number of converts but rich educational and literary achievements. As one primary goal of the mission was the translation of the Bible, or parts of it, an excellent command of the language(s) was important. ~While August Wilhehn Heyde (1825-1907) was a pioneer who collaborated in the revision of Sarat Chandra Das's Tibetan-English dictionary149 the main linguist was Heinrich August Jaschke (1817-1883YsO who spent the
146 E. Schlagintweit, "Die Berechnung der Lehre. Eine Streitschrift zur Berichtigung der buddhistischen Chronologie verfasst im Jahre 1591 von Surepmatibhadra. Aus dem Tibetischen iibersetzt," Abbandlungen del' Koniglieh bayerischen Akade17Zie der vVissensehaften I. Classe, 20 (1897): 589-670. 147 E. Schlagintweit, "Die Lebensbeschreibung von Padma Sambhava dem Begriinder des Lamaismus 747 n. Chr.," Abbandlungen de>' Koniglieb BaYe1"iseben Akade17Zie del" vVissensehaften I, Classe, 21 (1898/99): II, 417-444; 22 (1903/04): III, 517-576. (0 rgyan gu ru Padma 'byung gnas kyi skyes rabs rnam par thar pa rgyas par bkod pa'i Padma bka'i thang yig). Reprint Ulm: Fabri Verlag, 1990. 148 H. Walravens and iVlanfred Taube, August He177wnn Francke lt11d die WesthinzalayalvIission der Hermhute1" Briidergemeine. Eine Bibliographie mit Standortnachweisen der tibetischen Drucke. Mit einem Beitrag von Michael Hahn (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1992, 531 p., 281 ill. on pl.; Verzeichnis der orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland. Suppl. 34); H. vValravens, "The iVloravian mission and its research on the language and culture of Western Tibet," OTiens Extl"e17Z1IS 35 (1992): 159-169; Wissenschaftsgescbicbte lmd gegenwartige FOTschzmgen in Nordwest-Indien. Internationales Kolloquium vom 9. bis 13. iVIarz 1987 in Herrnhut (Dresden: Staatliches Museum fur Vblkerkurtde, 1990; Dresdner Tagungsberichte, 2). The latter volume contains also Gudrun Meier, "Heinrich August Jaschke -Person und wissenschaftliche vVirksamkeit," 15-27; iVIanfred Taube, "Zu den altesten tibetischen Ubersetzungen der Herrnhuter Briider," 60-65; John Bray, "A history of the iVloravian Church's Tibetan Bible translations," 66-79. 149 A Tibetan-English dietionazy with Sansk'7t synonyms. By Sarat Chandra Das, Rai Bahadur, C.I.E., author of A journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet. Revised and edited under the orders of the Government of Bengal by Graham Sandberg, B. A., chaplain, H. M. Indian Service; author of A hand-book of colloquial Tibetan, Manual of the Sikkim-Bhutia language, Milaraspa, Tibetan poet and mystic, etc. etc. and William Heyde, one of the revisors of the Tibetan New Testament, Moravian missionary on the Tibetan frontier (Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat, 1902, XXXIV, 1353 p.). On Heyde, see Gerhard Heyde, SO Jahre 'mt"'" Tibetern. Lebensbild des Wilhelm und der Maria Heyde (Herrnhut: Missionsbuchhandlung, 1921, 78 p.). 150 Theodor Bechler, Heim'ich August Jasehke, del' geniale Spmchforseher del" iYlission deT Bl"iide1-genzeine 11m,," den Tibetern inz west/iehen Hinzalaya (Herrnhut: Missionsbuchhandlung,

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years 1856-1868 in Lahoul (Kye-lang). During this time he prepared A short pmcticaJ gramma7' of tbe Tibetan language l51 and a first version of a Tibetan-English dictiona7JI. 152 After his return he produced a handwritten Himdwo'1'terbucb del' tibetiscben Spmcbe. 153 Because of these achievements the British Indian government commissioned Jaschke to prepare an English version of his dictionary, and this was published in London in 1881. 154 This work contains quotations and references and has been one of the standard dictionaries to this day. For his dictionary}iischke had new types cut which are among the most satisfactory; they are usually called "Jaschke type." ISS Jaschke's scholarly work was continued in a way by August Hermann Francke (1870-1930) who published widely and became Professor of Tibetan at Berlin University in 1922. Especially noteworthy are his publications on the Gesar saga, Ladakhi songs, the Doghra War, foxlore, the history of Ladakh, Ladakh epigraphy, the Bon religion, and documents found in Turfan and Eastern Turkestan. He was one of the main translators of the Bible into Tibetan (with Yoseb Gergan),I5' Dam pa'i gsung mb ces bya ba. 157

Ruth Georg Huth (1867-1906) studied Sanskrit under Albrecht vVeber, learnt Tibetan on his own, and in 1892 he took his "Habilitation" in Tibetan and Mongolian at Berlin University. His main interests were Tibetan, Central Asian history and epigraphy. In 1896 he undertook a study trip to Siberia, backed by the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences to study Tungus dialects. In 1902-1903 he accompanied Albert Griinwedel on the Turfan Expedition and collected Turbc folklore, Among his students was Berthold Laufer (1874-1934) who wrote his obituaryYs Huth's major work in the Tibetan field is Gescbicbte des Buddbismus in deT Mongolei. 159 It consists of the Tibetan text and a volume containing the German trans1930,67 p.; Herrnhuter Missionsmdien, 25); G. Th. Reichelt, Heinrich August Jaschke, "Auf Grund der Aufzeichnungen eines seiner fruheren Schuler," Litemtzwblatt fit,. o1'ientalische Philologie (1884): 245-252. See also Josef Kolmas, "Jaschkeana," Anbiv oTientdlni 60 (1992): 113127. 151 with special reftTence to the spoken dialects (Kye-Iang, 1865, II, 56 p.). 152 Romanized Tibetan and English dictional)', each word being reproduced in the Tibetan as well as in the Roman character (Kye-lang, 1866, II, 156 p.). 153 Gnadau: Unitatsbuchhandlung, 1871-1876, 6, x,'C, 671 p. 4". 154 Tibetan-English dictionaTY, with special reference to the prevailing dialects. To which is added an English-Tibetan vocabulary, XXII, 671 p. 155 J. Schubert, "Typographia tibetana," GzttenbezgJal,,'bucb (1950): 280-298. 156 Lahore: Bible Society ofIndia, 1948, 926, 454; 420 p., reproduced from Gergan's handwriting.
157 A biography and full bibliography is to be found in "Valravens and Taube, August He177W12n Fmncke .... This volume contains also the full translation of the Lower Ladakhi versi9n of the Gesar saga into German. ISS B. Laufer, "Georg Huth," T'oung pao 67 (1905): 702-706. With comprehensive list of publications. 159 Georg Huth, Gescbichte des Buddbis71ZZIS in dellvlongolei. Mit einer Einleimng: Politische Geschichte der iVlongolen. Aus dem Tibetischen des 'Jigs-med nam-mkha' herausgegeben, ubersetztund erlautert. Vols. 1-2 (Strassburg: Karl Trubner, 1893, 1896, X, 296; XXXII, 456 p.).

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Hartmut Walravens

lation. Die Inschriften von Tsaghan Baifi1i are explained and translated' from the Mongolian and the Tibetan textS. '60 To the vVeber Festschrift Huth contributed Eine tibetische Quelle zur Kenntnis der Geographie Indiens. '6' Its basis is a Tibetan text by Sum pa mkhan po (1743-1776), formerly owned by Anton Schiefner. Rockhill William Woodville Rockhill (1854-1914),62 has attracted attention mainly as a diplomat. '63 Without diminishing Rockhill's political exploits it seems that his achievements as an explorer and scholar are of longer lasting importance. Besides the description of his travels'64 the translations of the Uditnavarga from the Kandjur'65 and the Life ofthe Buddha (from Kandjur and Tandjur)'66 are particularly noteworthy. Zach Erwin von Zach (1872-1942), the eminent expert on Chinese poetry,'67 would never have considered himself a Tibetologist. But as a lexicographer working with polyglot texts he included Tibetan among his studies. In the present context two papers are noteworthy and might prove useful in dealing with Chinese sources on . Tibet: "Tibetische Ortsnamen",68 and "Tibetische Oro- und Hydrographie."'69 Both are based on the polyglot dictionary Xiyzt tongwen zhi iW~filJJt~ .

160 Georg Huth, Die Insch,iften von Tsaghan Baisin. Tibetisch-mongolischer Text. NIit einer Ubersetzung sowie sprachlichen und historischen Erlauterungen herausgegeben (Leipzig: Brockhaus in Comm., 1894, 63 p., 1 pl.). 161 Georg Huth, "Eine tibetische Quelle zur Kenntnis der Geographie Indiens," Gurupujakaumudf. Festgabe zum 50jahrigen Doctorjubilaum Albrecht 'Weber dargebracht (Leipzig, 1896): 89-92. 162 Henri Cordier, "w. W. Rockhill," T'oung pao 15 (1915): 160-164; Benhold Laufer, "William Woodville Rockhill," T'oztngpao 16 (1915): 289-290. 163 Paul A. Varg, Open door diplomat. The life of W. W. Rockhill (Urbana: Univ. of illinois Press, 1952, IX, 141 p.; new edition: Westpon CT, 1974); Kenneth Wunmel, William Woodville Rockhill. Scholar-diplomat of the Tibetan highlands (Bangkok: Orchid Press, 2003). On Rockhill, see also the contribution by Lopez in this volume (pp. 180-181). 164 William W. Rockhill, The land of the Lamas. Notes of a journey through China, Mongolia and Tibet, with maps and illustrations (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1891, VIII, 399 p.). 165 W. W. Rockhill, Udiinavaz-ga. A collection verses from the Buddhist Canon. Compiled by Dharmatriita. Being the Northern Buddhist version of Dhammapada. Translated from the Tibetan of the Bkah-hgyur. With notes and extracts from the commentary of Pradjniivarman (London: Triibner, 1883, XVI, 224 p.; Triibner's Oriental Series). From Kandjur, vol. 26 (mDo). 166 W. W. Rockhill, The life of the Buddha and the eady history of his order. Derived from Tibetan works in the Bkah-hgyur and Bstan-hgyur. Followed by notices on the early history of Tibet and Khoten (London: Triibner, 1884, XII+ 273 p.; Triibner's Oriental Series). 161 'See Alfred Hoffmann, "Erwin Ritter von Zach," O,-iens e:r:tremus 10 (1963): 1-60; Berrihard Fiihrer, Vergessen und ver/oren (Bochum: Projekt Verlag, 2001): 157-187. 16' Zach, Le.~icographische Beitrage 1 (Peking, 1902): 83-98. 169 Zach, Lexicographiscbe Beitriige3 (Peking, 1905): 108-135.

Some Notes on Early Tibetan Studies in Ew'ope

Laufer

175

Let us close this brief survey with a look at Berthold Laufer's early work. Laufer (1874-1934)'70 was a native of Cologne, and studied with vVilhelm Grube,l71 Huth and Georg von der Gabelentz (1840-1893),172 son of the famous linguist Hans Conon von der Gabelentz (1807-1874).173 Among his early contributions to Tibetan Studies there is an analysis of the linguistic work Za ma tog by a Zha lu pa, a monk of the Zha lu monastery; it was completed in 1513 and intends to serve as a practical handbook of orthography and grammar174 Another linguistic paper deals with the wa zur, the underwritten triangular lettel' wa. 175 Ein Siihngedicht der Bonpo '76 gives the Bon poem in transcription and translation with an extensive analysis and glossary; Schiefner had already seen this text in the Schlagintweit collection in Oxford, Ober ein tibetisches Geschichtswerle del' Bonpo 177 analyzes a manuscript sent to Laufer by Sarat Chandra Das and gives a translation of chapters 21-23 of the rGyal rabs bon gyi 'byung gnas, Laufer's further Tibetan studies cover translations from .LVIi la ras pa's Hundl'ed Thousand Songs (rJe btszm NJi fa ms pa'i nzam thar rgyas par phye ba mgur 'bum),178 "The Bru-za language and the historical position of Padmasambhava,,,'79

170 Cf. B. Laufer, Kleinel'e Scbriften, voL 1: lvEt Vorwort von J. Needham (vViesbaden: Steiner, 1976); Kieinere Scbriften, voL 2 (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1979); Kleinel'e Scbriften, voL 3: Nachtrage und Briefwechsel (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1985; Sinologica Coloniensia, 13); H. Walravens, "Laufer, Berthold," Neue Detttscbe Biogmpbie 13 (1982): 710-711. On the figure of Laufer, see also the contribution by Lopez in this volume (pp. 184-185). 171 Cf. Herbert Mueller, In 71zemoriam Wilbelnz Grube (17. August 1855 bis 1. Juli 1908) (Berlin: O. von Holten, 1908, 15 p.); H. Walravens, "Verzeichnis der Schriften von vVilhelm Grube (17.8.1855-2.7.1908)," Uralaltaiscbe Jab1-biiebe7' NF 1 (1981): 241-254; Grube, by the way, offered Tibetan courses at Berlin University, and he also continued his teacher Vasil'ev's style of advising serious young sinologists to take up lvianchu, lvlongolian, and Tibetan (besides, of course, Japanese). 17l Cf. Eberhardt Richter and Manfred Reichardt (eds.), Hans Geol'g Conon von der Gabelentz, El'be lind Velpjlichtzmg (Berlin, 1979; Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR, Zentralinstitut fur Sprachwissenschaft, Linguistische Studien. Reihe A: Arbeitsberichte, 53). 173 Cf. H. vValravens, Die Gescbichte von Kama Chan. Ein mongolischer ErzahlzykIus. Nach einer nun verschollenen Handschrift iibersetzt von Hans Conan von der Gabelentz CWiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2004): 181-194. 174 Berthold Laufer, "Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft der Tibeter. Zamatog," Sitztt1Zgsb"'icbte deT Kb"niglicb Bayel'iscl"n Alwdenzie de7' yVissensehaften, Pbilosophiscb-pbilologiscbe ttnd bistorisehe Classe 1 (1898): 519-594.

175

Laufer, "Uber das va

ZZt1'".

Ein Beitrag zur Phonetik der tibetischen Sprache," ]/Viener

Zeitscbriftfiirdie Kunde des lVIorgenlandes 12 (1898): 289-307; 13 (1899): 95-109, 199-226. 176 Laufer, Ein Siibngedicht del' Bonpo. Aus einer Handschl,ift de,. Oxfm'der Bodleiana (Vienna: Carl Gerold in Comm., 1900, 60 p.; Denkschriften der Kaiserlichen Akademie der vVissenschaften in vVien, Philophisch-historische Klasse, 47,7). ' 177 Laufer, "Dber ein tibetisches Geschichtswerk der Bonpo," T'oungpao 2 (1901): 24-44. 178 Laufer, Aus den Gescbichten und LiedeT1J des lVIilm'aspa (Vienna: Gerold in Comm, 1902, 62 p.; Denkschriften der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philophischhistorische Klasse, 48, 2). 179 Laufer, "Die Bru-za Sprache und die historische Stellung des Padmasambhava," T'otmg pao 9 (1908): 1-46.

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Hm1:77Z11t Walravens

the "Story of a Tibetan Queen,"!BO Loan-words in Tibetan,!" Bi1-d divination among tbe Tibetans IS2 and many more which would deserve a detailed analysis. The same is true for the works of Albert Griinwedel (1856-1935).'"3

By the turn of the twentieth century it is no longer justifiable to speak of "early" Tibetan studies, and therefore this brief survey of the development of early Tibetan studies comes to an end. Although the study of Tibetan had not secured a firm position in European academia by 1900, there was a solid basis to build on. The new century showed an unprecedented expansion of Tibetan Studies. IS4 On one hand the growing interest in Buddhism promoted the study of Tibetan-for the scholars, it had become evident that lost Sanskrit texts were still extant in the form of Tibetan translations; for a larger audience the forceful integration of Tibet into the People's Republic of China and the emigration of a large number of Tibetans, including the Dalai Lama, created worldwide interest. This coincided with a strong popular. demand for spiritual guidance after vVorld vVar II, and Buddhist monasteries sprouted in North America and Europe.!SS Translations of Tibetan texts are available in popular editions, and while Tibet is nowadays less of a country of mystery, for many it is still a Shangri-la.

ISO Laufer, bTszm-77Zo Ma'j tbmi-yig. Del' Roman einer tibetiscben Konigin. Tibetischer Text und Ubersetzung. NEt 8 lamaistischen Abbildungen nach den Originalen gezeichnet von Prof. Griinwedel (Leipzig: Harrassowitz 1911, X, 264 p.). ISL Laufer, "Loan-words in Tibetan," T'ozmgpao 17 (1916): 403-552. L82 Laufer, "Bird divination among the Tibetans (notes on document Pelliot no. 3530, with a study of Tibetan phonology of the ninth century)," T'oung pao 15 (1914): 1-110. 183 Cf. J. Schubert, "Albert Gliinwedel und sein Werk," Artibus Asiae 6 (1936): 124-142; H. vValravens, Albe1-t Griimvedel: Briefe und Dokumente (vViesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2001; Asienund Afrika-Studien der Humboldt-Universitiit zu Berlin, 9). 184 Just one criterion may be the proliferation of Tibetan dictionaries: More than 300 dictionaries, vocabularies and word lists are presented in a current survey: BibliogTaphies of lvIongolian, NIancbu-Tungus, and Tibetan Dictionmies. Compiled by Larry V Clark, John R. Krueger, M. Taube, H. vValravens, Michael L. vValter (vViesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2006; Orientalistik Bibliographien und Dokumentationen, 20). 185 For a pr~sentation on the implantation of Tibetan Buddhist monasteries in Europe, and more particularly in France, see the contribution by Lionel Obadia in this volume.

Tibetology in the United States of America: A Brief History This essay offers a historical survey of the development of Tibetology in the United . States of America during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. For purposes of organization, the development of Tibetan Studies in the US is presented here in tWo periods: the period prior to the flight of the fourteenth Dalai Lama into exile in 1959 and the period from 1959 to the present. The first period includes the work of such notable figures as William W. Rockhill, the first American scholar of Tibet, and Walter Y. Evans-Wentz, the Theosophist who brought The Tibetan Book a/the Dead to the world. The second. period saw the arrival of a number of prominent Tibetan lamas and scholars in the United States, several of whom played important roles not only in the dissemination of Tibetan Buddhism but in the development of American Tibetology as an academic discipline. .

La tibetologie aux Etats-Unis : aper\;u historique Cette etude propose un apef((u historique du developpementde la tibetologie aux EtatsUnis durant les XIX' et xx' siecles. Dans un souei de clarete, Ie developpement des etudes tibetaines est presente, ici, en deux p6riodes : la periode anterieure au depart en exil du 14' Dalai Lama en 1959 et la periode de 1959 it nos jours. La premiere periode inclut les travaux de figures remarquables. telles que William W. Rockhill, Ie premier chercheur americain it avoir etudie Ie Tibet, et Walter Y. Evans-Wentz, Ie theosophe qui revel a au monde Le livre des morts tibetain. La seconde periode vit l'arrivee aux Etats-Unis d'un certain nombre d'eminents lamas tibetains et de chercheurs, dont plusieurs jouerent un rOle important non seulement dans Ie rayonnement du bouddhisme tibetain mais aussi dans Ie developpement de la tibetologie americaine en tant que discipline academique.

TIBETOLOGY IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

A BRlEF HISTORY

Donald S. LOPEZ, Jr:

Vix enim credibile mihi videbatur tantam esse Tangutanorum gloriam, & vetustatem, ut vel ipsa litterarum elementa haberent, quae a se primum Americanis tradita ostentare possent. (Of course, it appeared to me hardly credible that the glory and antiquity of the Tanguts [Tibetans] would be so great that they would even have their own letters, which they would have revealed to the Americans of all people.) Antonio Agostino Giorgi, 1762

n the 1714 issue of the scholarly journal Philosophical Transactions, Giving Some Accozmt of the Present Undertakings, Studies, and Labours of the Ingenious in Many Considerable Parts of the World, there is a summary of letters sent by the famous

Puritan clergyman of Boston, Cotton Mather (1663-1728), to the Royal Society in London on the flora and fauna of the New World, letters that Mather referred to collectivelyas "Curiosa Americana." A letter to one Richard Waller, apparently written in 1712, describes a large rock along the river at Taunton, Massachusetts, "on the perpendic-

ular side ofwhich, ne..ti: to the Stream, are 7 or 8 Lines, about 7 or 8 Foot long, and about a Foot wide, each of them ingrcwen with unaccountable Characters, not like any known Character." 1
Mather provided a sketch of these characters, which was published in the journaL Philosophical Transactions was apparently widely read. On October 31, 1724, the French historian and linguist Mathurin Veyssiere de la Croze (1661-1739) wrote from Berlin, in Latin, to Gottlieb Siegfried Bayer (1694-1738), an Orientalist in St. PetersDurg: Before long I will receive something absolutely wondrous, an epigraph found near Boston, New England. It has been already printed in the Philosophical Transactions in 1714, whic.h however, I have not yet seen. A friend of mine, a I am grateful to Isrun Engelhardt, Janet Gyatso, and David Jackson for their comments and suggestions on earlier drafts of this essay. I Philosophical Transactions 29 (covering the years 1714-1716), no. 339, 70-71. Italics in the original.

I",ages o[Tibet in the 19" and 20" Cmt,,,,;es Paris,EFEO, coll. Etudes them.riques (22.1), 2008, p. 179-198

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Donald S. Lopez, Jr.

scholar, informed me that he observed Tangut [Tibetan] letters in it. If this would be true, it would open an immense field to reveal the origins of the Americans. By the way, the characters are engraved in natural stone. I am surprised by the inaction of scholars, who have either neglected or scorned the inscription, although it has been published for some years.' It seems that, for reasons that remain unclear, some time after the publication in 1714 of the sketch of the characters described by Mather, the script came to be identified as "Tanguticas," Tangut, at that time, a synonym for Tibetan. La Craze's letter was in turn read by the Augustinian friar Antonio Agostino Giorgi, compiler of the massive Latin Alphabetum Tibetanzmz, a summary of the records of the Capuchin mission to Lhasa (1708-1745), published in 1762. In the preface to this work, he cites la Croze's letter, expressing his astonishment, and incredulity, as the epigraph above testifies.] Unfortunately, the identification of the letters was wrong. The script looks nothing like Tibetan, or Tangut for that matter. Thus, despite the hopes offered by this obscure reference, Tibetology did not begin in the United States in the early eighteenth century, but rather later. In the eighteenth century, there was no American equivalent of George Bogle, British Envoy to the Lama of Tibet. In the nineteenth century; there was no American equivalent of Alexander Csoma de K6ros. Significant American travel into the Tibetan plateau began only in the late nineteenth century, and the reports and scholarship from that period, with some notable exceptions, largely form footnotes in the history of Tibetology. The American contribution to this history, sometimes significant, has also at times had unexpected effects, as Cotton NIather's letter somehow portends. The American encounter with Tibet has occurred, roughly speaking, in two periods, which for purposes of organization may be divided by the year 1959, the date of the Dalai Lama's flight into exile and thus the generally accepted date for the beginning of the Tibetan diaspora. It was only after 1959 that a significant number of Americans began to study Tibet, its language, and especially its religions, in earnest and in an academic setting, an opportunity made possible in many ways by the presence of Tibetan lamas in the United States. This is not to suggest that there was no important scholarship prior to this year. The brief history presented below will consider the development of American Tibetology in these two periods, before and after 1959.
"Propediem accipiam rem prorsus mirabilem; inSCTiptio17em plzt1"i771oTll7lz
venll7Jt p1~ope

Bastonem ,'ep,,'tam in Nova Anglia. lam typis expressa est in T'ransactionibus Pbilosopbicis Anglorztm anni MCCXrv; at mihi nondum visa. Retulit mihi amicus quidam meus, eruditus vir, se in ea litteras Tanguticas observasse, quod si verum est, ingens campus aperitur

detegendis originibus Americanorum. Ceterum hae litterae in lapide vivo inscultptae sunt.
Nliror eruditorum socordiam, qui hanc inscriptionem iam ante aliquod annos editam, aut neglexerunt, aut contemserunt. Be1"olini, pridie Caiendas Novemb1"eS 1724." lvlathurin Veyssiere de la Croze, Thesazwus Epistolicus Lac7'ozianus (Leipzig, 1746): vol. 3, 62. I am grateful to Isrun

Engelhardt for both bringing this obscure reference to my attention and for providing the translation from the Latin.
See Antonio Agostino Giorgi, Alphabetum tibetan'ltm missio7Z'lt77Z apostolicaru77Z c077t77todo

editu", (Cologne: Editiones Una Voce, 1987): VII.

Tibetology in the United States ofAmez'ica

181

Amez'ican Tibetology pZ'ior to 1959

Perhaps the first scholarly discussion of Tibetan Buddhism in the United States took place in Boston on May 28, 1844 at the first meeting of the American Oriental Society. There, Edward Eldridge Salisbury (1814-1901), Sanskrit instructor at Yale University and Congregationalist minister, presented a paper entitled "Memoir on the History of Buddhism." Salisbury had recently returned from studying with Eugene Burnouf in Paris, and much of his long paper (55 pages of small print) was drawn from Burnouf's Introduction it l'histoin du Buddhimze indien. While in Paris, Salisbury had become acquainted with the work of the great Orientalists of the day: he cites the work ofTurnour, Abel-Remusat, Ritter, Hodgson, and Csoma de Koras, among others. He devotes five pages to the history of Buddhism in Tibet, drawing from IsaakJakob Schmidt's 1829 Geschichte deT Ost-il1ongolen zmd ihz'es Fii7'Stenhauses,
vezfasst von Ssanang Ssetsen Chungtaidschi dez' On/us

In part because of the influence of Burnouf's monumental Intl'oduction, in part because of the great interest in Sanskrit studies, much of the scholarly American interest in Buddhism was directed toward India and thus away from the lands to which Buddhism spread, including Tibet. Later in the nineteenth century, American interest would be directed to Tibet, but through an unlikely route. The Theosophical Society was founded in New York in 1875 by Madame Helena Petrovna Blavatsky (1831-1891), a Russian emigre, and Colonel Henry Steel Olcott (1832-1907), a journalist and veteran of the Union Army during the American Civil vVar. The goals of tlleir Society were "to diffuse among men a knowledge of the laws inherent in the universe; to promulgate the knowledge of the essential unity of all that is, and to determine that this unity is fundamental in nature; to form an active brotherhood among men; to study ancient and modern religion, science, and philosophy; and to investigate the powers innate in man." Madame Blavatsky claimed to have spent seven years in Tibet as a initiate of a secret order of enlightened masters called the Great White Brotherhood. These masters, whom she called Mahatmas ("great souls"), lived in Tibet but were not themselves Tibetan. In fact, the very presence of the Mahatmas in Tibet was unknown to ordinary Tibetans. These masters had once lived throughout the world, but had congregated in Tibet to escape the onslaught of civilization. Throughout her career, she (and later, other members of the society) claimed to be in esoteric communication with the ~Mahatmas, sometimes through dreams and visions, but most commonly through letters that either materialized in a cabinet in Madame Blavatsky's room or that she transcribed through automatic writing. Blavatsky and Olcott sailed to India in 1879. There they would eventually meet Sarat Chandra Das and U rgyan rgya mtsho (Ugyen Gyatso), a Sikkimese lama who was the Tibetan language instructor at the Bhutia Boarding School in Darjeeling.
See Edward Eldridge Salisbury, "Memoir on the History of Buddhism, read before the American Oriental Society, at their Annual Meeting, in Boston, May 28, 1844," Journal of the A77ze1'ican OZ'iental Society 1 (1849): 120-125.

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Donald S. Lopez, J'~.

Das and U rgyan rgya mtsho had traveled together to bKra shis lhun po, arid Olcott describes their journey, as recounted to him by Das and in Das's Na7'Tative of a JouTney to Lhasa in 1881-82, in his Old DiaTY Leaves. s The Theosophists' interest in the dGe lugs, in bKra shis lhun po, and in the "Teshu Lama," may derive from their contact with Sarat Chandra Das and U rgyan rgya mtsho. 6 The Theosophical Society enjoyed great popularity in America, Europe, and India (despite repeated scandals and a report by the Society of Psychical Research that denounced Madame Blavatsky as a fraud), playing an important but ambiguous role in the Hindu renaissance in India and the Buddhist renaissance in Sri Lanka (where Henry Olcott was particularly active). Its popularity continued after the death of the founders and into the twentieth century. Although no longer as famous as it once had been, the society remains active, with its international headquarters in Pasadena, California. The Theosophical Society has had a profound effect on the reception of Asian religions, especially Hinduism and Buddhism, in Europe and America during the twentieth century, inspiring, among other works, the EvansvVentz tetralogy (discussed below). The fanciful images of Tibet presented in the works of the Theosophists were not, however, the only reports of Tibet flowing from American pens in the nineteenth century. The most serious and important work on Tibet produced by an American during the nineteenth century was certainly that of vVilliam Woodville Rockhill (1854-1914). Although born in Philadelphia, Rockhill was raised and educated in France, graduating with honors from the .Ecole Speciale Militaire de St. Cyr. While in Paris, he studied Tibetan with Philippe-Edouard Foucaux. After serving three years in the French Foreign Legion in Algeria, he returned to the United States in 1876. Failing as a rancher in New Mexico, he joined the American diplomatic corps, where he enjoyed a distinguished career, serving in succession as Second Secretary and then Secretary of the American legation in Peking (1884-1888), Charge d'Mfaires ad interim in Seoul (1886-1887), Chief Clerk in the Department of State (1893-1894), Third Assistant Secretary of State (1894-1895), Assistant Secretary of State (1896-1897), and Minister to Greece, Romania, and Serbia (1897-1899). He played a central role in formulating the American response to the Boxer Rebellion, the "Open Door" policy, while seeking to preserve the integrity of China. He served as chief American negotiator of the Boxer Protocols and was appointed Minister to China (1905-1909).1 In the midst of this active diplomatic; career, Rockhill produced a number of important works on Tibet and Tibetan Buddhism. Perhaps the most famous of these is his 1891 The Land of the Lamas: Notes on a Journey th1'ough China, lWongolia Henry Steel Olcott, Old Dim) Leaves (Adyar, India: Theosophical Publishing House,
1974-75): vol. 4, 4-6.
6 See Donald S. Lopez, Jr. P"isoners of Sbang"i-La: Tibetan Bnddbis7JZ and tbe }Vest (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1998): 234-236, note 12. 7 For biographies of Rockhill, see Paul A. Varg, Open Doo,. Diplomat: Tbe Life of W. W. Rockbill (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1952) and Kenneth vVimmel, William Woodville Rockhill (Bangkok: Orchid Press, 2003).

Tibetology in the United States ofAmerica

183

and Tibet, a work that begins, "Tibet has been my life hobby." In these and other works, Rockhill was able to combine observations from his extensive travels in the Tibetan cultural domain with his ability to both read and speak Tibetan, interspersing eyewitness accounts with translations of passages from important Tibetan texts. Rockhill was particularly interested in the institution of the Dalai Lama, and in 1910 published in T'oung Pao a lengthy article entitled "The Dalai Lamas of Lhasa and their Relations with the Manchu Emperors of China, 1644-1908." Rockhill made important contributions to Buddhist Studies from Tibetan sources, publishing in 1883 a translation of the Udiinavarga and, in 1884, drawing on the Mruasarvastivada vinaya, The Life of the Buddha and the Earl:y History of His Order, Derived from Tibetan works in the Bkah-hgyur and Bstan-hgyur, Followed by Notices on the Earl:y History of Tibet and Khoten. He was also interested in the history of European travel in the region, publishing in 1900 his translation from the Latin, The Journey of William of Rubntck to the Eastern Parts of the Wodd, 1253-55, as narmted by himself, with two accounts ofthe earlier journey ofJohn ofPian de Carpine. Perhaps the most far-reaching contribution to popular interest in Tibet and Tibetan Buddhism in the first half of the twentieth century was made by an American who lacked Rockhill's Tibetological skills. Walter Wentz was born in Trenton, New Jersey in 1878, the son of a German immigrant and an American Quaker. He took an early interest in the books on spiritualism in his father's library, reading as a teen both Isis Unveiled and The Secret Doctrine by Madame Blavatsky.. These works were to have a profound effect on Walter Wentz. vVentz moved to California at the turn of the century, where he joined the American Section of the Theosophical Society in 1901 at its headquarters in Point Loma, headed by Katherip,e Tingley, who had established there the Raja-Yoga School and College, Theosophical University, and the School for the Revival of the Lost Mysteries of Antiquity. At Tingley's urging, Wentz enrolled at Stanford University, where he studied with William James and William Butler Yeats. Upon his graduation, Wentz went to Jesus College at Oxford in 1907, where he studied Celtic folklore. It was there that he added a family name from his mother's side to his surname and became Walter Evans-Wentz. After completing his thesis, later published as The Fairy Faith in Celtic Countries (1911), he began a world tour financed' by the income he received from rental properties in Florida. He was in Greece when the First World vVar broke out, and spent most of the war in Egypt. From Egypt, he traveled to Sri Lanka and then on to India. Evans-Wentz visited the Theosophical Society headquarters at Adyar and met with Annie Besant. In north India, he studied with various Hindu gurus, especially Swami Satyananda. In 1919 he arrived in Darjeeling, where he acquired a worn manuscript of a Tib~tan text from a monk (some sources mdicate that he acquired it in the bazaar). It was a portion of The Profound Doctrine of Self-Liberation of the Mind [through Encountering] the Peaceful and Wrathful Deities (Zab chos zhi khro dgongs pa rang grot) said to have been discovered in the fourteenth century by Karma gling pa (1352-1405). The text is also known as the Kar gling zhi khro or the Peaceful and Wi-athfol Deities According to Ka1'1nalingpa and as the Bar do thos grol chen mo, The Great Liberation in

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the Intermediate State through Hearing. Provided with a letter of introduction from the local superintendent of police, Sardar Bahadur Laden La (with whom he would later collaborate), Evans-Wentz, who could not read Tibetan, took the text to the English teacher at the Maharaja's Boy's School in Gangtok, named Ga zi Zla ba bsam grub, rendered in English as Kazi Dawa Samdup (1868-1922). Kazi Dawa Samdup agreed to provide a translation, and over the course of the next two months he met with Evans-Wentz each morning before his school day began. The translations that Kazi Dawa Samdup made for Evans-Wentz would eventually appear in three books: The Tibetan Book of the Dead (1927), Tibetan Yoga and Secret Doctrines (1935), and The Tibetan Book of the Great Liberation (1954). Their time together was brief, however, with Evans-vVentz soon moving back to the ashram of Swami Satyananda to practice yoga. He returned to Gangtok to visit Kazi Dawa Samdup in 1920, shortly before Dawa Samdup's appointment to the post of Lecturer iIi Tibetan at the University of Calcutta. This was to be their last meeting; Kazi Dawa Samdup died in 1922. In 1924, Evans-Wentz visited Kazi Dawa Samdup's family in Kalimpong, from whom he received a manuscript translation of the rJe btsun bka' 'bum (The Hundred Thousand Words of the Master [Mi la ras pal), which EvansvVentz subsequen"tly edited and published as Tibet's Great Yogi Milarepa (1928).8 There is little testimony as to precisely how their collaboration took place. Kazi Dawa Samdup's English was presumably adequate to the task of producing rough translations. Evans-Wentz describes himself as having served as the lama's "living English dictionary." One can thus assume that much of the terminology derived from Evans-Wentz. And Evans-vVentz provided the lengthy introductions and copious annotations, which together provide the four books with his unmistakable stamp. He did not claim that they were scholarly works; he noted presciently that a critical study of the texts from the perspectives of philology, history, and philosophy was a task for scholars of the future. Instead, he described his works as "anthropological," taking anthropology to mean, "the Knowing, or Knowledge, of Man." Evans-Wentz made several trips to India in the 1920s and 30s, studying yoga with several prominent neo-Vedantin teachers of the day, including Sri Yuketswar and Ramana Maharshi. He returned to Darjeeling in 1935 and employed two Sikkimese monks to translate another work from the same cycle of texts as the Bar do thos grol, entitled Self Liberation through Naked Vision Recognizing Awareness (Rig pa ngo sprod gce"P mthong rang groT). During the same visit, he received a summary of a famous biography of Padmasambhava, prepared by Sardar Bahadur Laden La, who had introduced him to Kazi Dawa Samdup some sixteen years before. These works would form. the last work in the series, The Tibetan Book of the Great Liberation, eventually published in 1954. Evans-Wentz returned to the United States in 1941, and spent the fmal twentythree years of his life at the Keystone Hotel in San Diego. He spent his final months at the Self-Realization Fellowship of Swami Yogananda (a disciple of Sri Yuketswar
For a biography of Evans-Wentz, see Ken Winkler, Pilgrim ofthe Clear Light (Berkeley, CA: Dawnfire Books, 1982): 44. See also John Myrdhin Reynolds in Self-Liberation Through Seeing with NakedAwareness (Barrytown, NY: Station Hill Press, 1989): 71-78.

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and author of the popular Azttobiognlphy of a Yogi) in Encinitas, California. Walter Evans-VVentz died in 1965. . The four books of Evans-VVentz were ground-breaking works, the first-beginning in 1927 with The Tibetan Book of the Dead-to bring translations of Tibetan Buddhist texts to the English-speaking public. Evans-Wentz was also prescient in his method, collaborating closely with Tibetan scholars, a practice that would not become common for another four decades, after 1959. Yet, few of the concerns of scholars-concerns of language or culture or history-are to be found in the books. Instead, they 'are presented as repositories of a timeless wisdom preserved by the East (which Evans-VVentz seems to identify with Theosophy), a wisdom that will someday save the vVest, ultimately overcoming the duality of the hemispheres to culminate in the Unity of Mankind. This apparently beatific vision has since been shown to be the product of a romantic Orientalism that viewed the traditions of Asia as a natural resource to be extracted and refined for the consumption of the West. Yet the four books of Evans-vVentz, especially the first, Tbe Tibetan Book of the Dead, represent an important moment in the history of Tibetology. The products of a chance encounter between a Sikkimese school teacher and an American eccentric traveling in British India in 1919, the books have proved to be among the most durable products of the century's romance of Tibet, radiating their influence far beyond what might be expected from such an unlikely beginning.' There were also Americans during this period who, unlike Evans-vVentz, lived in the Tibetan cultural domain. During the late nineteenth century and early twentieth centuries, reports of Tibet, or about Tibetan border regions, were generated by Christian missionaries to the region. Although far fewer than the British, there were also American missionaries to these areas. One of the most well-known of these was the medical missionary Albert L. Shelton (1875-1922) of the Disciples of Christ, who established a mission hospital in the town of 'Ba' thang in Khams. He was murdered by bandits in 1922 while enroute to Lhasa, where he hoped also to establish a medical mission.!O The various paintings, images, books, and artifacts collected by Dr. Shelton provided the foundation of the Tibetan collection of the Newark Museum, still one of the leading collections of Tibetan artifacts in North America. Dr. Shelton was succeeded at the 'Ba' thang mission by Marion Herbert Duncan (1896-1977), who served in Khams from 1921 to 1935. Duncan produced a significant body of scholarship on the region, which remains of interest today, including
9 For a brief study and analysis of each of the four booles (from which the preceding is summarized), see the forewords (and in the case of The Tibetan Book of the Dead, also the afterword) by D. Lopez, to the new editions of the four books by Evans-Wentz, published by Oxford University Press in 2000. On The Tibetan Boo!e of the Dead, see also, D. Lopez, P1'IS01Ze7T of Shang7'i-La, 46-85. !O For a biography of Shelton, see Douglas A. Wissing, Pionee,. in Tibet: The Life and P"'ils of D1: AlbeTt Shelton (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004). For an overview of the publications of American missionaries in Tibet, see ~William S. Martin, "A Bibliographic Essay on American Missionaries to the Tibetans prior to 1950," in Jamyang Norbu, ed., Christian Missionaries and Tibet, Lungta Uournal of the Amnye Machen Institute, McLeod Ganj, Dharamsala], 11 (Winter 1998).

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such books as The JlIlountain of Silve1' Snow (192 9), Love Songs and P1'overbs of Tibet (1961), and Customs and Supentitions of tbe Tibetans (1964). Perhaps the most important of the American missionary contributions to Tibetology was made by Robert B. Ekvall (1898-1983). Ekvall was born in Gansu Province, the son of American missionaries of the Christian and Missionary Alliance (an evangelical Protestant group founded in 1887). He returned to the United States in 1912 for his education, attending Wheaton College in Illinois and the Nyack Missionary Institute in New York state. He returned to western China in 1922, where he would spend most of the next two decades, interrupted by a home furlough and a year of study of anthropology at the University of Chicago, where he wrote his 1940 Oultzwal Relations on tbe Kansu-Tibetan Emde1e He spoke several dialects of Chinese and the nomad dialect of A mdo fluently. Ekvallleft A mdo in 1941 to visit his son in French Indochina, and was interned by the Japanese when the United States entered the war after the bombing of Pearl Harbor in D~cember. He returned to the United States in 1943 and joined the US Army (he had also briefly served during INorld "Var I). He returned to Asia with the rank of captain, serving with the 5307,h Composite Unit (better Imown as "Merrill's Marauders") who fought the Japanese in the jungles of Burma. He was seriously wounded while serving with Chinese troops at the end of the war. After his recovery, he served on the staff of General George Marshall in Peking in 1946-1947. He left the army after the Communist victory in China, but was recalled to service in the Korean "Var. In 1954 he was invited to join the Inner Asia Research Project at the University of Washington in Seattle. There he renewed his scholarship on Tibet, producing Religious Obse1'vances in Tibet: Patte17Zs and Function (1964) and, with C. W Cassinelli, A Tibetan Principality: Tbe Political System of Sa Skya (1969). Both works relied on information drawn from interviews witll a Sa skya family living in Seattle (see below). Ekvall also wrote novels, including Tents Against tbe Sky (1954) and Tbe Lama Knows (1979). His ethnographic articles appeared in some of the leading anthropological journals, including lWan and American Anth'opologist. l1 The American academy has benefited like none other in the world from the presence of foreign scholars who have emigrated to the United States. In the field of Tibetology in the pre-1959 period, at least three deserve mention. The first is the renowned Berthold Laufer (1874-1934). Educated at the University of Leipzig, he made four major expeditions to the Himalayas, and spent most of his career as curator of Asiatic Etlmology and Anthropology at the Field Museum of Natural History in Chicago. Among the expeditions in which he took part was the 1908 Blackburn Expedition (1908-1910), during which he was able to travel into Khams as far as sDe
11 This sketch of Ekvall's career is drawn from David P. Jackson, A Saint in Seattle: Tbe Life of tbe Tibetan j\/fystic Desbung Rinpocbe (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2003): 260264. David Jackson has provided a more detailed biography, together with a bibliography of Ekvall's many publications, in "The Life and vVritings of Robert B. Ekvall (1898-1983): Missionary, Soldier-Interpreter and Observer of Tibetan Nomadic Life," in Th,-ee lvIountains and Seven Rivers: Prof NI1iSasbi Tacbi"awa~ Felicitation Volume, eds. Shoun Hino and Toshihiro Wada (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 2004): 609-635.

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dge. Laufer collected hundreds of volumes of Tibetan texts as well as Tibetan art and artifacts, which today are held at the Field Museum. He published some 150 monographs over the course of his career, mostly dealing with diverse aspects of Chinese technology and material cult]lre, but, in the realm of Tibetology, a translation of a text on nagar and a study of Mi la ras pa. Some of his papers on Tibet were published posthumously in two volumes under the editorship of Hartmut Walravens, as Sino-

Tibetan Studies: Selected Papers on the Art, Folklore, History, Linguistics and PI'ehistory of Sciences in China and Tibet (1976 and 1985).
The second emigre scholar who might be mentioned is the botanist and explorer Joseph F. C. Rock (1884-1962).12 Born in Vienna, the son of a servant, Rock sailed to the United States in 1905, traveling on to Hawaii, at that time an American territory, in 1907. A remarkable autodidact, Rock trained himself in botany and in the following year was appointed Botanical Collector of the Division of Forestry for the territory of Hawaii. In 1911 he was appointed to the faculty of the College of Hawaii and was promoted to the rank of Professor of Systematic Biology in 1919. He published extensively on the flora of Hawaii, in such works as The Arborescent Indigenous.

Legumes ofHawaii.
After several trips to Southeast Asia, Rock went to China in 1922, with furi.ding provided by the Office of Foreign Seed and Plant Introduction of the United States Department of Agriculture. He would spend much of the next twenty-seven years working asa botanist and ethnographer in the western borderlands of the Tibetan cultural region, with funds provided by the National Geographic Society, the Arnold Arboretum of Harvard University, and the University of California at Berkeley. Based in Lijiang in Yunnan, he traveled extensively in the region, with expeditions to Co ne, Bla brang, and into the dangerous mGo log regions of A mdo. His most extensive ethnographic work was among tli:e Naxi people of Yunnan; he documented thelr rituals and studied their language (a two-volume dictionary of Naxi was published posthumously). He left China permanently in 1949 as PLA troops advanced on Lijiang. He spent his last years in Hawaii. Rock's most important contribution to Tibetan Studies was his The AmnyeMa-chhen Range and Adjacent Regions: A Monographic Study, published in Rome in 1956 as part ofT~cci's Serie Orientale. Rock also wrote for a more general audience, however, describing his adventures in numerous articles in National Geographic magazine, with such titles as "Land of the Yellow Lama: National Geographic Society Explorer Visits the Strange Kingdom of Muli, Beyond the Likiang Snow Range of Yiinnan Province, China" (April 1925), "Seeking the Mountains of Mystery: An Expedition on the China-Tibet Frontier to the Unexplored Amnyi Machen Range, One of Whose Peaks Rivals Everest" (February 1930), and "Life Among the Lamas of Choni: Describing the Mystery Plays and Butter Festival in the lVlonastery of an Almost Unknown Tibetan Principality in Kansu" (November 1928).
I2 On the life and work of Rock, see Stephanie B. Sutton, In China's B01"der Provinces: The Tur'bzdent Career ofJoseph Rock, Botanist-ee"plorer" (New York: Hastings House, 1974) and Hartmut vValravens (ed.), Joseph Franz Rock (1884-1962): Berichte, B"ieje ttnd Dokztmente des Botaniker"S, Sinologen und Nakbi-Fo1"SCbers; mit einern Scb,.;jterzverzeichnis (Stuttgart: Steiner, 2002).

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The third of the foreign scholars whom one might mention is Ferdinand D. Lessing (1882-1961). Born in Essen, Germany, he studied under F. VV K. Muller at the Berlin Ethnographical Museum before going to China in 1907, where he taught languages at several Chinese and Japanese colleges during the next seventeen years. He returned to Germany in 1925 to complete his doctorate, and shortly thereafter succeeded Muller as curator of the Berlin Ethnographical Museum. In the 1930s, he joined Sven Hedin's Sino-Swedish Expedition to North China and Mongolia. It was during this period that he undertook the extensive research for his unfinished study of the Yonghegong, the so called "Lama Temple" in Beijing. The only volume to appear from this research was a masterful study, published in Stockholm in 1942 as Yung-ho-kung: An Iconograpby of the Lmnaist Catbedml in Peking 7vitb Notes on Lamaist Mytbology and Cult. In 1935 he was invited to join the faculty of the University of California, Berkeley, as head of the Department of Oriental Languages and Literature, where he taught Chinese, Japanese, Sanskrit, Pali, Tibetan, Mongol, and Manchu. His offerings in Tibetan language were perhaps the first regular university course of instruction in the United States. During the 1950s, he collaborated with his student Alex Wayman in the translation of an important dGe lugs text on tantra, the TGyud sde spyi rnam of mKhas grub rje (1385-1438), published in 1968 as mKbas gntb 77e's Fundamentals of tbe Buddbist Tantms (subsequently reprinted as Int7-oduction to tbe Buddhist Tmzt1-ica Systems)Y The first American to visit Lhasa was William Montgomery McGovern (18971964). During his youth he studied at the Jodo Shinshillii-bi'l:* temple, Nishi Honganji W;js::II,ll;!f, in Kyoto. Returning to Europe, he received a doctorate at Oxford (studying also in Paris and Berlin) and taught Chinese and Japanese at the School of Oriental Studies (later to become the School of Oriental and African Studies) at the University of London from 1918-1924. During this period, he published Introduction to Mabiiyana Bztddbism witb Especial ReJeTe1zces to Cbinese and Japanese Pbmses (1922) and Nlanual of Buddbist Pbilosopby (1923), both based on his studies in Japan. In 1922, he served as "scientific officer" of the British Buddhist Mission, which sought permission to enter Lhasa, but was turned back at rGyal rtse. Mter returning to Darjeeling, lVlcGovern (who read and spoke Tibetan), now disguised as a servant, returned to Tibet with a small party of Sikkimese. After a harrowing journey, the party reached Lhasa in February 1923. Upon revealing his identity, McGovern was held under house arrest, but met with Tsha rang zhabs pad and (secretly) with the 13 ,h Dalai Lama, before being allowed to return to Darjeeling. His detailed and still fascinating account of his journey was published in 1924 as To Lbasa in Disguise: A Secret Expedition tbTOUgb NIyste1 ious Tibet. Several British officials, notably F. lVI. Bailey, political officer in Sikkim, were angered by McGovern's success in reaching Lhasa.and sought to discredit his account. 14 In 1929, McGovern joined the faculty of the Department of
o

13 On the life and work of Lessing, see H. vValravens, FeTdinand Lessing (1882-1961): Sinologe, JVIongolist zmd Ken"e,. des Lmnais77ZZls (Osnabriick: Zeller, 2000). 14 See John Shipman, "From Undeserved Oblivion: A Young American in Tibet-vVilliam Montgomery McGovern," Asian Affizirs 35.11 Guly 2004): 162-171.

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Political Science at Northwestern University, where he taught (interrupted by service in the US Navy during the Second World War) until his death in 1964. America also had its share of more eccentric travelers. Among these, one might name Theos Bernard (1908-1947), who, according to the dust jacket of his 1949 Land ofa Th01tsand Buddhas (the British reprint of his 1939 Penthouse of the Gods: A Pilgrimage into the Hem-t of Tibet and the Sacred City of Lhasa) "was accepted as a Tibetan saint, became the first white lama, was initiated into secret rites, saw and photographed secret shrines, had unparalleled Tibetan adventures." Bernard spent several months in Lhasa in 1937, accompanied from Kalirnpong by the noted Tibetan editor of iYlelong, Babu Tharchin (1890-1976). In Lhasa, Bernard resided at the home of the by then former government minister Tsha rong (whom McGovern had also met) and had audiences with Rwa sgreng rin po che (then regent) and the dGa' ldan khri pa. In the course of his stay, in addition to having an elaborate set of monastic robes made for himself (which he regularly wore), he acquired several hundred volumes of Tibetan texts, some of which were posthumously sold by his father to Yale University and some of which are today owned, together with many of his papers, by the University of California, Berkeley. He seems to have misconstrued a polite Tibetan comment that his transportation of the Tibetan c.mon to hmerica was akin to Padmasambhava bringing Buddhism to Tibet, taking it to mean that he was an incarnation of Padmasambhava. He hence styled himself, "the white lama." His extravagant reports in the press of his time in Lhasa angered both Tibetan and Brip.sh officials, and his subsequent ~equest to return to Lhasa was denied. Upon his return to America, he received both an MA and PhD from Columbia University,submitting a dissertation entitled "Tantric Yoga" in 1943. Evans-Wentz served on the review committee. The dissertation was published in the following year as Hatha Yoga by Columbia University Press. Although the degree of his competence in Tibetan is unclear, in 1946 he published A Simplified Grammar of the Literary Tibetan Language. He sought to return to Tibet, via Spiti in 1947 but died enroute, apparently killed in communal violence in LahulY A somewhat more conventional American traveler was C[harles]. Suydam Cutting (1889-1972),'a national tennis champion, and engineer by training, whose interests included ethnology and botany. Cutting visited Lhasa twice, first with Arthur Vernay in 1935 (sponsored by the American Museum of Natural History in New York, for which they collected materials) and again in 1937, with his wife Helen McMahon Cutting. This second trip is documented in his 1940 Tbe Fire Ox and . Otber Years. The five Lhasa Apsos he received as gifts during his first visit formed the basis for his Hamilton Farm Kennel in New]ersey. In the immediate afrermath of the Second World War there was a substantial growth in the Asian Studies curriculum at American universities. Although much of the attention was focused on China and]apan, American scholars of Tibet began
IS On the life of Theos Bernard and the possibility that he is the unidentified "American Tibetologist" reported to have invited dGe 'dun chos 'phel (1903-1951) to America, see David Jackson, "The Elusive American Tibetologist in Gendun Chiiphel's Life: 'The First White Lama' (Theos Bernard) and Their Dream ofTibetland, California," Lttngta, forthcoming.

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to emerge from American universities in the 1950s. Among these was Alex 'iNayman (1921-2004), educated at the University of California, Los Angeles, where he received his doctorate in 1959. He joined the faculty of Columbia University in New York in 1966, where he spent his career as professor of Sanskrit in the Department of Middle East and Asian Languages and Cultures, until his retirement in 1991. Wayman published numerous books and articles on Indian and Tibetan Buddhism over the course of his long career, including a translation of the zbi gnas and lbag mtbong sections of Tsong kha pa's Lam rim eben mo, under the title Calming tbe iVIind and Disce7"ning tbe Real (1978). Mention should also be made of Turrell vVylie (1927-1984), who received his doctorate at the University of vVashington in Seattle and conducted dissertation research under the direction of Giuseppe Tucci while on a fellowship in Rome. vVylie was appointed to the faculty of the Department of Far Eastern and Slavic Languages at his alma mater after receiving his PhD there in 1958. The focus of vVylie's dissertation and early research was Tibetan geography, especially the famous work from the early nineteenth century, the 'Dza71Z gling rgyas bsbad. He went on, however, to write numerous articles on various elements of Tibetan history and religion, and collaborated (anonymously) with Tsepon W D. Shakabpa in writing Tibet: A Political Hist01JI (1967). His name is best known, however, for the so called "vVylie system" of transliterating Tibetan into the Roman alphabet, set forth in his 1959 article in the Harvard J07117zal ofAsiatic Studies, "A Standard System for Transcribing Tibetan." This system (already in use by several scholars prior to Wylie'S article) has been widely adopted, with occasional variations, in Englishlanguage scholarship on Tibet. 16

AmeTican Tibetology afteT 1959

The post-1959 period in American Tibetology in fact began prior to 1959. The effects of the invasion of Tibet by the People's Liberation Army in 1950 were felt in the United States as early as 1951. In that year, sTag tsher rin po che (Thub bstan 'jigs med nor bu, 1922-2008), the eldest brother of the 14'h Dalai Lama, fled Tibet in an effort to win American support for the Tibetan cause. vVith support of the Committee for Free Asia, Thubten Jigme Norbu (as he was referred to in English) flew to New York in 1951. After stays in Japan and then India, he returned to the United States to work at the Inner Asian Project in Seattle (see below), before serving as an assistant curator at the ~Museum of Natural History in New York, where he assisted the art historian Antoinette Gordon in cataloguing Tibetan artifacts. In 1965, he was invited to join the Department of Uralic and Altaic Studies at Indiana University, where he spent a fruitful academic career until his retirement in 1987Y
16 For a bibliography of Turrell vVylie's scholarship, see Lawrence Epstein and Richard F. Sherburne (eds.), Reflections on Tibetan Culture: Essays in iVlem01"y of TUrTell V. Wj,zie (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1990): xi-xiii. 17 For his autobiography covering the early part of his life, see Thupten Norbu, Tibet Is iVIy Count1"y (London: Dutton'and Company, 1961).

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Numerous Tibetans would follow sTag tsher rin po che to America, two of whom played particularly significant roles in the development of Tibetan Buddhist Studies in the United States. The first of these was Ngag dbang dbang rgyal, known as Geshe,itVangyal (1901-1983). He was born in what is today Kalmykia, the region between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea populated by the Kalmyks, a Mongol people who are Tibetan Buddhists. Geshe Wangyal was born there in 1901 and was ordained as a dGe lugs monk at the age of six. He excelled at his studies and was chosen by the prominent Buryat Mongol lama Agvan Dorjieff (also spelled Dorzhiev, the Russianization of Ngag dbang rdo rje, 1854-1938) to travel to Tibet to enroll at sGo mang college of 'Bras spungs monastery. He arrived in Lhasa in 1922 and remained for nine years, completing the dge bsbes curriculum. He intended to return to Kalmykia to teach, but en route learned of the Bolshevik persecutions of Buddhist institutions. He lived in Beijing for some years, serving as translator for Sir Charles Bell (1870-1945, British Political Officer for Sikkim, Bhutan, and Tibet) during his travels in China and Manchuria. He later traveled to India where he met Theos Bernard as well as the British mountaineer Marco Pallis, with whom he spent four months in England in 1937. During the Second World itVar, he divided his time between India and Tibet. With the first news of the Chinese invasion of Tibet, he left Tibet permanently and moved to Kalimpong in West BengaL 18 By that time, a community of Kalmyk immigrants-had been established in Freewood Acres, New Jersey. During the Second World War, the Kalmyks, who had been brutally persecuted under Stalin, had sided with the Germans. One group followed German troops in their retreat from the Soviet Union, finding themselves in Austria when the war ended. This group was allowed to emigrate to New Jersey rather than be repatriated to the Soviet Union to suffer Stalids revenge. itVith their community established, they sought monks to perform religious functions. They turned first to the Mongolian lama Tilowa Khutukhtu (1883-1965), who came to the United States in 1947. The Kalmyk community subsequently invited Geshe Wangyal, who arrived 1955. In 1958 he founded the Lamaist Buddhist Monastery of America in Freewood Acres, New Jersey. Like so many Buddhist monks before and after him who first came to the United States to serve a refugee community" Geshe Wangyal soon attracted the attention of Americans interested in Buddhism. It became known to enthusiasts of Asian religions in Manhattan and Boston that there was a Tibetan lama living in New Jersey. Among the most enthusiastic of these was Robert A. F. Thurman (b. 1941), who came from Harvard University to live at Geshe Wangyal's monastery in 1963. In 1965, Thurman, accompanied by Geshe Wangyal, traveled to India, where he was ordained by the' Dalai Lama, becoming the first American to recf:ive the vows of a Tibetan Buddhist monk. After studies in India, he returned to the United States and to lay life. itVith the encouragement of Geshe Wangyal, he returned to Harvard, where he completed his BA and PhD, under the direction of Masatoshi Nagatomi (1926-2000), a scholar of DharmakIrti. Thurman has gone on to a prominent career,
18

For a brief biography of Geshe vVangyal, see the "Preface to the New Edition" of his

The Door ofLiberation, rev. ed. (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 1995): x..--a-xxvii.

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both as a scholar and as an advocate for Tibetan culture, first at Amherst College and then at Columbia University, where he is currently the Jey Tsong Khapa Professor of Buddhist Studies. His numerous publications include Tsong Khapa's Speech of Gold in the "Essence of True Eloquence" (1984), a translation and study of Tsong kha pa's Legs bshad S7Zying po; with art historian Marilyn Rhie, Wisdom and Compassion: The Sacred A7't of Tibet (1991); and Essential Tibetan Buddbism (1996). Also arriving at the Lamaist Buddhist Monastery of America in 1963 was another Harvard undergraduate, Paul Jeffrey Hopkins (b. 1940). After five years of study with Geshe Wangyal in New Jersey, Hopkins enrolled in the graduate program at the University ofvVisconsin. In 1961, the first graduate program in Buddhist Studies had been established at the University of vVisconsin at Madison, by Richard Robinson, an American scholar of Chinese Buddhism who had received his doctorate from the School of Oriental and African Studies of the University of London. Robinson invited two monks that Geshe Wangyal had brought to America to teach at Madison, and Hopkins studied with both of them. The first was the Se ra byes dge bshes, Lhun grub bzod pa (b. 1923) (lmown in English as Geshe Sopa) who was invited to University of vVisconsin in Madison by Richard Robinson in 1967. He remained at Wisconsin throughout his career, where he became the first Tibetan monk to hold a tenured professorship at an American university. Geshe Sopa trained numerous scholars, including Jose Cabez6n and Roger Jackson. The second was sGo mang dge bshes and rGyud smad mkhan zur Ngag dbang legs ldan (1900-1971), whom Robinson and Hopkins invited to Tibet House, which tlley founded in vVisconsin in 1969 as a place for students of Tibetan Buddhism to study with visiting refugee Tibetan lamas. After Robinson's untimely death in 1971, the Tibetan Buddhist Studies program at Wisconsin continued under the direction of Geshe Sopa and another of Robinson's students, Stephan Beyer, who published the important study The Cult of Tara: Magic and Ritual in Tibet in 1973. Another scholar who received his doctorate at the University of vVisconsin is David Germano, CUrrently on the faculty of the Department of Religious Studies at the University of Virginia, where he has founded the Tibetan and Hin1alayan Digital Library. In 1971, Hopkins went to India to conduct his dissertation research. Living in Dharamsala, he soon attracted the attention of the Dalai Lama, who was impressed both by Hopkins's fluent Tibetan as well as his substantial knowledge of Madhyamaka philosophy. Hopkins returned to the US in 1972 where he completed his doctorate at Madison. In 1973, he was hired as a member of the Department of Religious Studies at the University of Virginia, where he spent his career, retiring in 2005. Over the course of that career, Hopkins invited many prominent Tibetan scholars to teach at the University of Virginia, and he trained a significant number of students who have gone on to academic careers, including Georges Dreyfus, a Swiss scholar who, prior to receiving his doctorate at Virginia, was a dGe lugs monk and the first vVesterner to be awarded the dge bsbes degree. Among Hopkins's numerous publications, perhaps the most famous is his 1983 iVIeditation on Emptiness, a detailed study of the Prasangika section of 'Jam dbyangs bzhad pa's G7'Zlb mtba' eben mo. He also published extensively on Buddhist tantra in

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such works as Tantm in Tibet (1977), a translation of the first section of Tsong kha pa's sNgags l'im cben mo. In more recent years he has focused on Tsong kha pa's L~gs bshad sn)'ing po in Emptiness in the NIind Only Scbool (1999) and Reflections on Realit),: The ThTee Natzwes and Non-natures in the NIind Onl), School (2002). The second prominent Tibetan scholar to have a significant impact on the development of Tibetology in the United States was the great Sa skya monk, sDe gzhung sprul sku Kun dga' bstan pa'i nyi rna (1906-1987), known in English as Dezhung Rinpoche. In September 1959, shortly after the Dalai Lama's escape into exile the previous March, the Rockefeller Foundation hosted a Tibetan Studies conference in New York City. This was followed by a meeting at the Rockefeller conference center in Bellagio in northern Italy. Based on the results of these meetings, attended by such American scholars as Turrell Wylie and Robert Ekvall, the Rockefeller Foundation provided three-year grants to bring Tibetan refugee scholars to academic institutions in Copenhagen, Leiden, London, Munich, Paris, Rome, Tokyo, and Seattle (the only site selected in the United States) in order to promote understanding of Tibetan culture. In order to identify a Tibetan scholar for the Seattle project, Wylie was dispatched to India in 1960 where, with the assistance of the Tibetologists Alexander and Ariane Macdonald of Paris, he invited the head lama of the Sa sleya Phun tshogs pho brang, 'Jigs bral bdag chen and his family (a party of eight) to come to the University of vVashington to participate in the Rockefeller Foundation project. The party included Dezhung Rinpoche, tlle uncle of 'Jigs bral bdag chen's spouse. They accepted the invitation and arrived in Seattle in October 1960. With his encyclopedic knowledge of Tibetan Buddhist doctrine and history, Dezhung Rinpoche proved an invaluable resource for the active group of scholars at the University of Washington during the 1960s, including Turrell Wylie, Robert Ekvall, and the distinguished Buddhologist Leon Hurvitz (1923 -1992), with extended visits by sTag tsher rin po che (Thubten Jigme Norbu), the Indologist Agehananda Bharati (1923-1981), Hugh Richardson (1905-2000), and Edward Conze (1904-1979). After the expiration of the three-year grant from the Rockefeller Foundation in 1963, Dezhung Rinpoche was appointed as a research assistant to the Inner Asia Project in the Far Eastern and Russia Institute at the University of Washington, a position he held until his retirement in 1972. 19 In addition to the scholars whom he assisted, Dezhung Rinpoche gathered an impressive circle of students and disciples in Seattle. The most consequential of these was E[llis]. Gene Smith (b. 1936). Smith had come to the University of vVashington as a graduate student in 1956 and had begun to study Tibetan with Turrell vVylie in 1958. Upon tlle arrival of the Sa skya family in Seattle in 1960, Smith was asked to live with them and assist them with their various needs in America. He lived with the family for five years and studied with Dezhung Rinpoche on an. almost daily basis. In 1965, on the advice of Dezhung Rinpoche, he traveled to India to study with many of the leading refugee lamas and to collect
19 This account of Dezhung Rinpoche's activities in Seattle is drawn from David Jackson's biography of him, A Saint in Seattle: The Life of the Tibetan NJystic Dezhung Rinpocbe (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2003).

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Tibetan texts. In 1968 he joined the United States Library of Congress Field Office in New Delhi as a consultant for Tibetan and Indic languages. Smith's work for the Library of Congress coincided with Public Law 480 (PL ,480). Under this law, the Government of India agreed that the huge debts owed to the United States for shipments of American wheat that had been provided for famine relief would be repaid in the form of non-convertible rupees that could be spent only in India. Specifically, beginning in 1961, the Library of Congress was given access to large sums that could be used to purchase a designated number of copies of every book published in India, Nepal, and Bhutan, which would then be distributed free of charge to selected depository libraries across the United States. The Library of Congress, by guaranteeing the purchase of a fixed number of copies at a generous price, encouraged the publication of many rare and previously unpublished works. The implementation of the program coincided with the arrival into India, Nepal, and Bhutan of tens of thousands of Tibetan refugees, many of whom were carrying texts. There were also already substantial libraries of Tibetan texts in the region. Over the course of the program, over 4,000 Tibetan bibliographic titles were produced, using photo offset printing to produce books in both codex and xylograph form. Because a "bibliographic title" often represented the collected works of a single author or a particular collection of texts (some of which numbering more than two hundred volumes, with dozens of texts in each volume), millions of Tibetan works were published under the program, most of these under the direction of Gene Smith. In this way, a huge archive of largely unknown Tibetan texts appeared on the shelves of American university libraries, to be read, stqdied, and translated by a new generation ofTibetologists. The PL 480 collection of Tibetan texts wasmicrofilmed and thus made available to scholars around the world through the support of the philanthropist Dr. Chia Theng Shen(b. 1913), founder of the Institute for the Advanced Study of World Religions in Stony Brook, New York. The progress of Tibetan Studies, both in the United States and in Europe, would have been very different without the efforts and insights of Gene Smith in New Delhi during these crucial years; the publication of these texts reshaped the contours of Tibetology in the second half of the twentieth century. In addition to overseeing this massive project, Smith wrote trenchant introductions to many of these collections, a selection of which was published in 2001 as Among Tibetan Texts:

History and Literature of the Himalayan Plateau. Gene Smith remained at the Field Office in New Delhi until 1985 and retired from the Library of Congress in 1997. His personal library of Tibetan texts is considered the largest in existence. He has made it available to the world through the Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center, founded in 1999 and currently based in New York City. Other students of the University of Washington have made important contributions to Tibetology. Melvyn C. Goldstein (b. 1938) received his doctorate in Anthropology there in 1968. Since joining the Department of Anthropology at Case Western Reserve University in that same year, he has become the leading social anthropologist as well as the leading historian of modern Tibet in the United States. In addition to numerous articles on a remarkable range of subjects in Tibetan society and history, his books include A History of Modern Tibet: The Demise of the

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Lamaist State (1989) and (with Cynthia Bell) Nomads of Western Tibet: Survival of a Way of Life (1990). His grammars and dictionaries have also provided essential

pedagogical and research tools for the study of modern Tibetan. Other American anthropologists of Tibet include Nancy Levine at the University of California, Los Angeles and Lawrence Epstein at the University of Washington. The most distinguished scholar of Tibetan Buddhism at the University of vVashington during this period was David Seyfort Ruegg (b. 1931). Born in New York, Ruegg received his diploma in Sanskrit from the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes (Section des sciences historiques et philologiques) in 1957. He received his doctorate from the University of Paris in 1969. In 1967, he was appointed to the Chair of Indian Philosophy, Buddhist Studies and Tibetan at the University of Leiden. In 1969, he published what remains the definitive work on the topic of the buddha nature in Indian and Tibetan Buddhism, La tbi01'ie du tathiigatagm-bha et du gotra: etudes sur la soteriologie et la gnoseologie du bouddhisme, In connection with this project he also published a translation of Bu ston's treatise on the topic, as well as a translation and study of Bu ston's biography some years earlier. In 1972, he joined the faculty of the University of Washington, where he remained until 1984. His work there focused especially on the central philosophical problems raised in Madhyamaka and various Tibetan responses to them, published in such volumes as Tbe Litemture of the NIadhyama7w School of Pbilosophy in India (1981) and'Tbree Studies in tbe History ofIndian and Tibetan NIadbyamaka Pbilosopby (2000), which contains expanded versions of some earlier essays. His work has not been limited only to Buddhist philosophy. In 1995, he published Onh'e spi6tuel et 01-d1'e temp01'el dans la pensee bouddhique de l'Inde et du Tibet. He left the University of Washington in 1984 to accept a position at the University of Hamburg where he taught until 1990, before moving to London, where he is Professorial Research Associate at the School of Oriental and African Studies. Among the many students at the University of Washington during this period, perhaps the most distinguished was David P. Jackson, a student of both Dezhung Rinpoche and David Seyfort Ruegg. He has published important studies on a wide range of subjects, including the literature of the Sa skya school and Tibetan painting. Traditional histories of Tibetan Buddhism are often cast in terms of lineage, the careful tracing of who received which teachings from whom, A lineage, not of lamas, but of Tibetologists could also be described for American Tibetology in postdiaspora period. As suggested above, much of the scholarship and many of the institutional structures of the study of Tibet in the United States as it exists today can be traced back to the influence of Dezhung Rinpoche and Geshe Wangyal. These two monks, however, were not the only Tibetan teachers to effect the direction of Tibetology in the United States. Other lamas to have an influence on the development of American Tibetology include the Sa skya lama Thar rtse Zhabs drimg Kun dga' 'gyur med (b. 1935), known as Lama Kunga, who founded the Ewam Choden center in Kensington, California. His students included Janet Gyatso and Matthew T. Kapstein. Lama Kunga was subsequently joined in California by his brother, Thar rtse mlchan po bSod nams rgya mtsho (1933-1987), also known from his time spent in Japan as Hiroshi Sonami. His students included Ronald Davidson.

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Chos rgyam Drung pa rin po che (1939-1987), known in English as Chi:igyam Trungpa, generated a great deal of interest in Tibetan Buddhism among intellectual and artistic circles in America, and established the Nalanda Translation Committee and the Naropa Institute in Boulder, Colorado. He collaborated on several projects with the distinguished Austrian Tibetologist, Herbert V. Guenther (b. 1917), who spent much of his prolific career at the University of Saskatchewan in Canada. The rNying rna pa lama Dar thang sprul sku Kun dga' dge legs ye shes rdo rje (b. 1935), known as Tarthang Tulku, founded the Nyingma Institute in Berkeley, California and founded Dharma Publishing (see below). Despite the influence of Dezhung Rinpoche and Geshe vVangyal, not all of the graduate programs in Tibetan Studies have direct links to them. One of the most important centers of Tibetan Studies over the past decades has been the Department of Uralic and Altaic Studies (now the Department of Central Eurasian Studies) at Indiana University. As mentioned above, Thubten Jigme Norbu joined the faculty there in 1965. The Tibet Society was founded at Indiana University in 1967, with Professor John Krueger, Thubten Jigme Norbu, and John G. Hangin serving on the first board of directors. The first general meeting was held on August 17, 1967 at the University of Michigan in conjunction with the XXVII International Congress of Orientalists. Some fifty people attended this first meeting. The Tibet Society published the Tibet Society NewsletteT from 1967-1984 and the Jozmzal of the Tibet Society from 1981-1988. 20 With regard to other professional societies, a short-lived organization called the North American Tibetological Society, composed of scholars from California, vVashington state, and Canada, held conferences in 1979 and 1980, with the papers published as )/Vind Horse (1979) and Tibetan Buddhism: Reason and Revelation (1992). In 1994, the American Academy of Religion (AAR), the largest scholarly association for the study of religion in North America, approved the establishment of the Tibetan and Himalayan Religions Group, providing a venue for two panels at the annual meeting of the AAR. Indiana was also the site of the later career of one of the most important emigre Tibetologists of the post-1959 period, Helmut Hoffmann (1912-1992). He began his studies of Indology at Freiburg and at Berlin, where he also studied Tibetan with Ferdinand Lessing. He continued his Tibetan studies with Giuseppe Tucci in Rome.
20 The first issue of the Tibet Society Newslette1; published in 1967, contained: A vVelcoming Letter from Thubten Jigme Norbu; a Letter to the Tibet Society by His Holiness the Dalai Lama; A Translation of the Letter of His Holiness. the Dalai Lama; the Articles of Incorporation of the Tibet Society; An Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism by Herbert V. Guenther; The Role of Tibet in History by F. A. Bischoff; A Selective Bibliography on Tibetan History and Culture by Turrell V. vVylie; The Tibetan Refugees, 1959-1967 by Thubten Jigme Norbu; and Tibetan Studies in the United States by Turrell V. Wylie. This last article listed the American institutions where Tibetan language instruction was being offered in 1967, with the names of the instructors, the titles of the courses, and the number of students. Instruction was offered at the University of California, Berkeley; the University of California, Los Angeles, Harvard University, Indiana University, the University of Minnesota, the University of Pennsylvania, the University of Wisconsin, and the University ofvVashington, to a total of forty-seven students.

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During the war, he was affiliated with the Sven Hedin Institute and completed his habilitation on Bon, After the war, he taught at Hamburg, and then Munich, whei'e from 1948 to 1968 he was Professor of Indology and Iranian Studies. In 1969, he accepted a professorship in the Department of Uralic and Altaic Studies at Indiana University, where he spent the remainder of his career, retiring in 1980, Although his research centered primarily on the Kalacaknt Tantnt and on Bon, he wrote on a wide range of topics. His publications in English include The Religions of Tibet (1961) and (in collaboration with others) Tibet: A Handbook (1975),21 Among the distinguished students of the Indiana program are Christopher Beckwith, Elliot Sperling, Tsugohito Takeuchi, and Dan Martin, In 1997, Dan Martin published an important reference work, Tibetan Histol-ies: A BibliogntphJI ofTibetan-language Hist01-ical vVo'-!?s. By the 1980s, the confluence of a huge number of Tibetan texts in the libraries of American universities, the popularity of many Tibetan lamas in the United States (including the Dalai Lama, who made his first visit in 1979 and has visited frequently since then), and the growth of Tibetan Studies as an academic discipline in the American academy (typically within departments of Religious Studies) created a market for a large number of books on Tibet and especially on Tibetan Buddhism, books of both a more scholarly and more popular nature, The major academic and commercial presses in the United States were initially slow to identify this trend, and several commercial presses devoted to publishing works on Tibetan Buddhism appeared to fill this need, Because these presses were generally more interested in the dissemination of Tibetan Buddhist teachings than in Tibetology per se, they were sometimes referred to as "dharma presses," However, they have also provided and continue to provide a venue for Tibetological research of a high academic standard, Dharma Publications, based in Berkeley, California, was founded in 1971, Its original and continuing purpose have been to publish the works produced by the Nyingma Institute under the direction of Tarthang Tulku, Dharma's publishing program has included works by Tarthang Tulku himself as well as the work of his largely anonymous group of disciples who, under his direction, have brought out the multi-volume traditional history of Buddhism called C1-ystal MirTO'-, Several of Herbert Guenther's works, including his three-volume Kindly Bent to Ease Us, were also published by Dharma, By far the most ambitious venture undertaken by Dharma was the publication of the sDe sge (Derge) edition of the Tibetan canon, beautifully bound in 120 volumes, The next press to appear was vVisdom Publications, founded in 1975 and now headquartered in Boston, It began as a publishing organ for the teachings of the dGe lugs lama Thubbstan ye shes (1935-1984, known as Lama Yeshe) who, along with Thub bstan bzod pa, founded centers around the world under the umbrella of the Foundation for the Preservation of the Mahayana Tradition (FPMT), Wisdom Publications has published works by the Dalai Lama, as well as Jeffrey Hopkins's
21 For a bibliography of Helmut Hoffmann's scholarship, a list of the dissertations he supervised, a brief biography, as well as appreciations by colleagues and students, see NIichael vValter, Helmut Hoffmann: Bibliog1Ylpby (Bloomington, Indiana: Eurolingua, 1982),

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Meditation on Emptiness. One of its most important contributions to Tibetology was its publication of Gyurme Dorje and Matthew T. Kapstein's translation in two volumes of two works by bDud 'joms 'jigs bral ye shes rdo rje (1904-1987), the bsTan pa'i rnam gzhag and the rNying ma'i chos 'byzmg, which appeared in 1991 as The Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism: Its Fundamentals and Hist01J1. The most recent such press to be established was Snow Lion Publications (originally Gabriel/Snow Lion), established in 1980 in Ithaca, New York. It has gone on to become the largest press devoted to Tibetan Buddhism, having published hundreds of titles on Tibet and Tibetan Buddhism, both popular and scholarly. In 1996, it published an edited volume, Tibetan Literature: Studies in Genre (edited by Jose Cabez6n and Roger Jackson), which included essays from many American Tibetologists of the current generation. Among Snow Lion's most ambitious projecrs was the publication in three volumes of The Great Treatise on the Stages of the Path' to Enlightenment, an annotated translation of Tsong kha pa's Lam rim chen mo. The translation was supervised by Joshua Cutler, a smdent of Geshe Wangyal. Although much of American Tibetology in the post-1959 period has focused on Tibetan Buddhism, there has been significant work in history, linguistics, and anthropology, especially by scholars trained at Indiana University and the University of Washington. In more recent years, scholarship has begun to focus on contemporary Tibetan culmre. The Trace Foundation, founded in 1993 to promote cultural continuity and sustainable development of Tibetan communities in China, has established the Latse Contemporary Tibetan Culmral Library in New York, under the direction of Perna Bhum, a scholar from A mdo who has helped to generate interest in modern Tibetan literature. In 2004, the Henry Luce Foundation provided funds to establish a chair in Contemporary Tibetan Smdies at Columbia University. At the time of this writing (January 2007), the following scholars hold tenured professorships in Tibetan Smdies at American research universities; the instimtion , where each received his or her doctorate is given in parentheses. Anne Klein at Rice University (University of Virginia), Elliot Sperling at Indiana University (Indiana University), Christopher Beckwith at Indiana University (Indiana University), Robert Thurman at Columbia Universitjr (Harvard University), Matthew T. Kapstein at the University of Chicago (Brown University), David Germano at the University of Virginia (University of Wisconsin), Jose Cabez6n at the University of California, Santa Barbara (University of Wisconsin), Kurtis Schaeffer at the University of Virginia (Harvard University), Nancy Levine at the University of California, Los Angeles (University of Rochester), Melvyn C. Goldstein at Case Western Reserve University (University of Washington), and Donald S. Lopez at the University of Michigan (University of Virginia). Janet Gyatso (University of California, Berkeley) and Leonard van der Kuijp (University of Hamburg) both teach at Harvard University, not far from where Cotton Mather saw the mysterious inscriptions on a large rock almost three hundred years ago.

JAPAN

The Tibet Fever among Japanese Buddhists of the Meiji Era The decisive role in the formation of the Japanese image of Tibet from the Meiji Period onward was played by Kawaguchi Ekai iiiT~~ij;j; (1866-1945). In March of 1901 he was the first Japaneseto enter Lhasa by crossing over the Himalayas. He entered the Great Monastery of Sera bnt could stay only one year because his fame as physician made the authorities aware of his presence. After a thrilling escape from Lhasa in July of 1902 he managed to anive at D31jeeling where he obtained the protection of Sarat Chandra Das, a famous scholar of Tibetan studies. On his retum to Japan in May of 1903, Kawaguchi immediately became a favorite subject in the mass media, and was severely attacked by Japanese press. Although it was probably more difficult for him to deal with the press than to make his first visit to Tibet, it was in pmt thanks to his notes and impressions of Tibet that the Japanese people started to shape their image of this remote land. Tibet attracted attention because of the strange customs repmted by Kawaguchi, such as the polyandry system, the existence of Living Buddhas, the exposme of corpses to be eaten by birds, and so on. After Kawaguchi's encounter with Tibet, other explorers took the road to discover the secrets of this land. 11,e author gives a historical overview of the most important figures responsible for transmitting and at the same time changing the Japmese perception of Tibet over the last centulY, limn the missionary role played by the Higashi Honganji JI[;$:IlLij'if branch ofthe J6do Shinshu i Jl;* and the development of the so-called Tibet fever at the hlm of the century to the post-war "cooling period. "

La nevre ponr Ie Tibet parmi les bouddhistes japonais de l' epoque Meiji Kawaguchi Ekai iiiT ~ ~ij;j; (1866-1945) a joue un r61e decisif dans la formation de l'image du Tibet chez les Japonais it partir de l'epoque Meiji. II fut Ie premier Japonais it entrer en mars 1901 dans Lhasa en travers ant la chaine himalayenne. En raison de sa renommee en tant que medecin qui Ie fit remarquer des autorites, il ne put rester qu'une annee au grand monastere de Sera il etait entre. Une fuite mouvementee de Lhasa, en juillet 1902, Ie mena it Darjeeling Oil il obtint la protection du fameux tibetologue Sarat Chandra Das. Lorsqu'il revint au Japan en mai 1903, Kawaguchi devint soudainement Ie sujet favori des medias et fut pris it partie par la presse japonaise. Bien que s'occuper de la presse presentait pour lui probablement plus de difficultes que d'entreprendre sa premiere expedition, ce fut en partie grace a ses notes et a ses impressions sur Ie Tibet que les Japonais eommeneerent a se forger une idee de cette terre, lointaine et secrete. Le Tibet retint l'attention pour ses coutumes etranges relatees par Kawaguchi, telles que la polyandrie, l'existence de Buddhas vivants, I'exposition des cadavres en pature aux oiseaux, etc. Apres la rencontre de Kawaguchi avec Ie Tibet, d'autres explorateurs s'y rendirent afin de decouvrir les secrets de cette terre. L'auteur donne, iei, un apen;u historique de ces personnages importants respons abIes de la transmission mais aussi du changement de la perception du Tibet par les Japonais durant Ie sieele demier, depuis Ie r61e missionnaire joue par Ie Higashi Honganji, branche du JOdo Shinshu, Ie developpement de la [iovre pour Ie Tibet au toumant de ce sieele jusqu'it la periode de refroidissement de l'apres-guerre.

au

THE TIBET FEVER AiVIONG JAPANESE BUDDHISTS OF THE MEJJI ERA

OKUYAMA Naoji

A Startling Encozmte7'
t was Kawaguchi Ekai rjiJolrliU (1866-1945) who played a decisive role in molding the Japanese image of Tibet.! A Buddhist monk of the Gbaku tradition ~~*, Kawaguchi set out from Kobe on his first journey to Tibet in June 1897. His aim was to study Tibetan and Sanskrit and to collect Buddhist scriptures written in these languages with a view to producing a readable and accurate Japanese translation of the Buddhist canon and thereby clarify the true teachings of the Buddha Sa!cyamuni. He also had a dream of Japan and Tibet, both countries where Mahayana Buddhism prevailed, joining hands to spread the teachings of Buddhism throughout the world to counter the predominance of Christianity. In July 1900, three years after he had left Kobe, Kawaguchi crossed unaided a pass' in the Himalayas and secretly entered Tibet, which was at the time closed to foreigners. In March of the following year, he became the first Japanese to reach

For details on the life and thought of Kawaguchi Ekai, see Okuyama Naoji ~fDiJ1[ ~f12mr::l'liilit [A critical biography of Kawaguchi Ekai] (Tokyo: Chuo Koron Shinsha cp*0,;(i;Jit, 2003). In addition, Takayama Ryilzo iilifDll~:=:: (ed.), Tenbo Kawagucbi Ekai ~~iiiJr::l'liilit [Kawaguchi Ekai: A review] (Kyoto: Hozokan iti'ilUiJ, 2002) describes how Kawaguchi has been treated in both Japanese and non-Japanese literature as well as providing a list of publications alluding to Kawaguchi, a list of Kawaguchi's own writings, and a chronological record of his life. 2 It must have been one of the 5,000-meter passes on the border between Dolpo in northwestern Nepal and Tibet. Kawaguchi deliberately gives no details about the route he took from Dolpo into Tibet. Various views regarding the location of the pass have been put forward by Japanese mountaineers who have explored the area. However, in 2004 the niece of Kawaguchi, Miyata Emi gSlz~, discovered in her house the journal of Kawaguchi which was composed between 1900 and 1901. Thanks to this discovery a substantial part of the route has become clear: Kawaguchi entered Western Tibet via Dolpo, toured .iVlount Kailas, and turned East from there. The pass Kawaguchi crossed was the Kbung pass ('Kbrungs la, 5,411 meters). This journal was recently published with my detailed annotation and revisions under the title: Kawaguchi Ekai, Kawagucbi Ekai nikki: HimaTa)'a, Chibettono tabi iiiJr::l'liilitl31lC-t? '71" . 'j-""'-:;; ~O)Jj* [The journal of Kawaguchi Ekai: Journey to Himalaya and Tibet] (Tokyo: Kodansha ~iWH, 2007).

"l, HyMen Kawagucbi Ekai

Images of Tibet in the 19 th and 20 rh Centlwies Paris, EFEO, coIl. Etudes thematiques" (22.1), 2008, p. 203-222

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Oku:yama Naoji

Fig. 1: Kawaguchi Ekai iPJ 1=1 ~m (1866-1945).

Fig. 2: The departure of Kawaguchi Ekai from Lhasa for India. (Scroll of Kawaguchi Ekai, no. 24: courtesy of Miyata Erni ' 1Il~~)

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the Forbidden City of Lhasa. He then gained admission to one of the colleges at Sera Monastery, where he gained a reputation as a physician. But some time later he was exposed as a Japanese and forced to leave Lhasa after a stay of a year or so. InJuly 1902, after an exciting escape from Tibet, he reached Darjeeling and Lhasa Villa, belonging to Sarat Chandra Das (1848-1917), an Indian Tibetologist and Kawaguchi's former teacher. It was around 1:00 p.m. on May 20'li of the following year (1903) that Kawaguchi arrived in the rain back at the port of Kobe after SL,{ years of travelling in India and Nepal as well as Tibet. For some months prior to his return newspapers and magazines had been stirring up interest in his travels by carrying frequent reports of his movements. Kaw"guchi Ekai of the Obaku tradition, who had been in Tibet for three years, was recently discovered to be a Japanese, but managed to escape safely to India. What a fine fellow he is! (Tiilryii Nichinichi Shinb,m Jit:$:I3I3Jij)Tr.il, 24 Jan. 1903) In one of a series of poems writren while in Tibet, the extraordinary monk Kawaguchi Ekai, who has been exploring Tibet, writes: On my way at last! Through the snows of the Himalayas, Along the path of the Teachings, And quickly to the border of Bhota (Tibet). What a bold and daring man he is! This exemplifies a true state of mind of which degenerate monks can have no inkling. (Kobe Shinbun :)$pl!TJl,'l, 20 March 1903) In addition to acquaintances and followe):s, there was also a crowd of reporters waiting for Kawaguchi on the Kobe docks. The Osaka Mainichi Shinbzm *~~4l'f,I3Jij)TOO had even put a reporter on Kawaguchi's ship at Moji F~'il] so as to be able to interview him aboard the ship and steal a march on other newspapers. That evening the reporters converged on the inn in Kobe where he was staying and continued plying him with questions far into the night. So began a media circus that quickly turned Kawaguchi, who had until then been a mere wandering monk, into the man of the moment. But once the story of his travels began to be exclusively serialized shortly afterwards by the Osaka Mainichi Shinbun and the Jiji Shinpii ~.*H~ in Tokyo, he was assailed by a storm of both praise and censure. Because Kawaguchi's stories about his journey evoked such a massive response from readers, it was perhaps only natural that the newspapers whicll had been left OUt in the cold on account of the exclusive serialization by the Osaka lV1ainichi Shinbzm and Jiji Shinpii should have suddenly started picking holes in his "admirable tale." It would be a shame if Kawaguchi Ekai, who went to Tibet for the purpose of compiling popular Buddhist scriptures, should end up becoming a professional storyreller of tales about Tibet on account of his being excessively lionized by the public. (Tikyii Nichinichi Shinbun, 28 May 1903)

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Okuyama Naoji
The Osaka lVIainicbi Sbinbzt7Z states that lVIr. Kawaguchi Ekai gave it permission to transcribe the unusual story of his expedition to Tibet, while the Jiji Sbinpii in Tokyo has announced that it alone has an exclusive contract with him. If what the Osaka Nlainicbi Sbinbztn says is true, then the Jiji Sbinpii must be wrong, and if what the Jiji Sbinpii says is true, then the Osaka Nlainicbi Shinbzm must be wrong. vVe cannot tell which is telling the truth, but surely Ekai is not trying to have it both ways. One has to admit, though, that this is a rather interesting question. (Chiigai Nippii 'P:7~I3R, 3 June 1903, letter to the editor)

But there also appeared reports of a different kind, namely, newsRaper articles suggesting that Kawaguchi's journey to Tibet may itself be a fabrication. There exists a report by an Indian called Sarat Chandra [Das] which describes in detail how he went to Lhasa in strict secrecy under orders of the British government. Although it has not been made public, a number of copies were printed by the British government, three of which currently remain in India. Apparently Ekai's story is too similar to this to be true. It is quite incredible that Ekai, who knew no foreign languages when he was in Japan, should have studied Hindi, English and Tibetan during the three years he was in India and then, after entering Tibet, should have had such a good command of the Tibetan language, from the refined to the vulgar, that he was indistinguishable from Tibetans. One must take what he says with a grain of salt. (Yoz'ozu Chiihii 7JiilJlR, 29 June 1903) Seemingly spurred by such reports, the satirical newspaper Kokkei Sbinbu1Z 11!f'fiJJiOO, published by Miyatake Gaikotsu 'Jt(;:7}w (1867-1955), treated Kawaguchi as a great braggart and charlatan monic through and through, and used every possible means to promulgate malicious satire and parody about him.] The Nlammaru Cbinbzm EB EBJl2:00, another comic and satirical newspaper of long standing, also busied itself with nonsense such as suggesting that if Kawaguchi had, for instance, brought back a Tibetan version of the Abodtwa-k),ii ~iiJm.l~UjH,I: he would have been one up on See for instance "Yamashi bozu Kawaguchi Ekai" UJ~i!i:I)J3=[iiJo"llilii' [The charlatan monk Kawaguchi Ekai] , Kokkei Sbinbzm 54 (5 Aug. 1903): 18; "Meika seika hiketsu (4) Kawaguchi Ekai" 1',*filt;s,"lf,bil!c@ iiiJo"lli'ill: [Secrets of success of famous people (4): Kawaguchi Ekai], Kokkei Sbinbzt1l 55 (20 Aug. 1903): 4; "Daihimitsu tanken Chobitto keireki dan: Yamaguchi Deikai shi kojutsu" *fb!$~ffriTililmI~W~-UJ oIFeIiil'~i!iTIli:izt [Tales of petty experiences in a great secret expedition to Tibet: As told by Master Yamaguchi Deikai], 1-3, KoHei Sbinbun 55 (20 Aug. 1903),56 (5 Sept. 1903),57 (20 Sept. 1903) (repr., Kokkei Sbinbun [Tokyo: Chikuma Shabo 5'jL)lj!'iim, 1985] 3, 309, 322, 336). Cbobitto in the title of the last series of articles, meaning "a little," is here intended as a pun on Chibetto, or "Tibet," while "Yamaguchi Deikai," "With "Deikai" meaning "sea of mud/' is a play on Kawaguchi Ekai's name. 4 A popular type of song about worldly affairs in octosyllabic lines, starting with the words "Bussetm Ahodaz-a-kyo" {L~~ibIU:::GmI [The stupid sutra taught by the Buddha]. Sung by mendicant monks beating two small wooden gongs (mokugyo *ffi.,) or marking time with a folding fan; they emerged in the mid-Edo iIF period (1603-1867) as a form of street performance and in the Meiji IlJllii era (1868-1912) began to be performed on the stage as well. They represented parodies of Buddhist scriptures, with the word abodm'a, meaning "stupid"

The Tibet Feve1~ among Japanese Buddhists of the iVleiji Era

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Takakusu Junjiro il'iJffijJI[lji'Jzli~ (1866-1945/ and the late Max Miiller (1823-1900).' The newspaper serials continued and there was a constant stream of requests for public talks, but the public's view of Kawaguchi changed rapidly, from unreserved admiration to misunderstanding and vilification. If Kawaguchi was in any way to blame for this turn of events, it may have been that his tale was just too interesting. Not only had his journey been one of hair-raising adventure, but Tibet, the scene of his story, was also novel, and the way in which he passed scathing judgment on it from the standpoint of contemporary Japanese morals carne across as quite refreshing? Kawaguchi was a strict monk who even during the course of a journey fraught with difficulties had observed the precept of not taking any solid food between midday and the following morning, and he himself was probably oblivious to the fact that he might be catering to the public's love of the bizarre. But owing in part to a desire to please, so characteristic of people from Osaka, he did indeed sometimes sound like a "professional storyteller of tales about Tibet." There was a growing feeling that war with Russia was inevitable, and in such circumstances Kawaguchi's journey was also generally regarded as a magnificent achievement of a global scale by a Japanese. Yet at the same time there would have been not a few people who considered his story too good to be true. The following passage is taken from a transcript of a speech given by Kawaguchi in 1915 soon after his return from his second journey to Tibet. The public talks given after his first journey presumably differed little from this in their tone. The most remarkable characteristic of the Tibetans is their filthiness .... Let me tell you a disgusting story to dispel your drowsiness .... In the interior of Tibet people never once take a bath during their entire life. In the first place, there is no word for "bath" in their dictionary. No one, high or low, ever takes a bath or rubs himself down. They consider it a matter of honour . not to bathe, and they believe that if they remove their grime they will lose their good luck. '" Japanese are good at blowing their nose with their fingers by closing each nostril in turn, but the Tibetans, being all thumbs, end up with a stream of blue snot hanging from their nose. vVhat makes it worse is that they produce an enormous amount of mucus, four or five times as much as the Japanese, which they remove with their fingers and dispose of by smearing on something. Then they blithely wipe their dirty fingers on their sleeves or on the front of their dothes. In addition, they feel not the least in the Kansai dialect, suggesting Buddhist terms such as damni WloiilV't. (dhitra,zi) and nzandam !jl\;"tll (77law/ala). S A professor in the Faculty of Letters at Tokyo Imperial University and a contemporary authority on Indian and Buddhist studies who had studied in Europe under Max Muller and others. 6 "Ekai hoshi 0 chosu" ~iWl;t'gijj:!i:~)lijT [Investigating Master Ekai], IVIm'zmzarzt Cbinbull 1441 (12 Sept. 1903): 2. . 7 That the story of his travels as serialized in the Osaka Nlainicbi Sbinbun and Jiji Sbinpo was based on transcripts of his spoken words was also an important factor in its popularity. It is likely that had Kawaguchi written these accounts himself, much of his distinctive humor would have been lost.

208

Okuya771a Naoji
compunction in wiping butter, oil or whatever on their clothes, and so, what with mucus, butter and oil, their clothes are jet-black, as if they had been lacquered. One might say something like, "That monk is wearing rather smart robes. They have a black lustre!'"

One has to' marvel at the comparisan af how the Japanese and the Tibetans blmv their noses, and the successian af weird and wanderful tales related by the articulate Kawaguchi must have had the audience canvulsed with innacent laughter. At any rate, the picmre afTibet as canveyed by Kawaguchi through the medium of newspaper and magazine articles, lectures, and his well-known Chibetto lJ1oko ki j!Ef iIl:lilf1iilc or An Account oflhlVelS in Tibet (Tokyo': Hakubunkan tW:Jtffii, 1904), published in twa volumes an the basis of the account of his travels serialized in the Jiji Shinpo,9 could be said to have determined subsequent Japanese images of Tibet. The Tibetan saciety that he described was full af "strange custams," such as filthy habits, variaus superstitians, palyandry, sky burials, and living Buddhas, which were more than enaugh to excite the interest in the bizarre af the cantemporary Japanese. As these customs were talked abaut among the public, they were transformed, gathered frills and embellishments, and develaped a life af their awn. vVarst of all seems to have been the practice of palyandry, which Kawaguchi did nat hesitate to' call immaral. For example, in a series of staries called "Geisha shakai" 1j'1;' L~ L~ b 1;' (Geisha society), which started appearing an 4 August 1903 in the NiTOku Shinpo .=:;';;JMll., there figures a Shinbashi JVrtili geisha called Hanaka 1t'lli' and nicknamed "the Tibetan geisha." The reasan for this nickname was merely that she was much in demand and had several patrans, but the writer added the fallawing camment:

<

Far strange tales of several men sharing a single woman there is no need to go an an expeditian all the way to' distant Tibet, for they can be found in the geisha saciety of our fine city. What is astonishing is that people entertain no suspicious on hearing about this. lO The writer also puts the fallowing remarks about Kawaguchi into the mouth of a character by the name afUwaki 'f'fiiii*: Though he set out very much like a monk of high standing and says that he mastered Buddhism in the world's most secret country, he makes no scruple abaut telling dirty stories which even worldly people are seldom capable af telling. Common sense would make anyone think it odd, and so naturally
there are some strange rumors.l!
8 Kawaguchi Ekai, "Chibetto no Mikkyo (2)" l"f~G')!$;~ (=) [Esoteric Buddhism in Tibet (2)], KoyasanJibo i1ii!llf~aHll. 56 (1915): 3. 9 The English version of this work is Th1"ee Yean in Tibet (Madras: The Theosophical Office, 1909), the publication of which made Kawaguchi world-famous. See Takayama (ed.), TenbO: Kawagucbi Ekai, 273-289. \0 "Geisha shakai: Chibetto geigi" If,' l/"~ L-IC' < b, '-i1'lili<:~!1!:: [Geisha society: The Tibetan geisha]; Ni,.oku Shinpo 1717 (4 Aug., 1903), repr., Niroku Shinpo 20 (Tokyo: Fuji Shuppan T=Il!t!i:, 1993): 15l. 11 "Geisha shakai: ni shinshi no wanryoku zata" If"L-IC'L-?<b"-=~$G')Hjjj7Jlylk

The Tibet Fever among Japanese Buddbists of tbe Meiji Em

209

In this fashian, the furar created by Kawaguchi's return to. Japan, tagether with the insalubriaus rumars abaut Kawaguchi himself, had ti,e effect af impressing upan the minds af the Japanese far years to. came the image af Tibet as a strange land.l2 While embrailed in this cantroversy, immediately after his return Kawaguchi began preparatians for a secand trip to. Tibet. Thaugh his first trip had been an autstanding achievement that wauld go. dawn in the annals af warld explaratian, he himself had been nat in the least satisfied with the results, especially in regard to. the acquisitian af Buddhist scriptures in Tibetan and Sanslait. In Octaber 1904 he set aff ance again, baund far Nepal and Tibet. But he was farced to. spend mare than nine years in India and Nepal befare he managed to. reenter Tibet in January 1914. During this time he callected Buddhist Sanslait manuscripts in the Kathmandu Valley, studied Sanslait in Benares, and made frequent pilgrimages to Buddhist sites in India and Nepal. The Hanganji *!i/Jj~ branch af the Joda Shinshu rt;!!l;* under Otani Kozui :;k:;fr)\'Jffil (1876-1948), the twenty-secand abbat af the Nishi Hanganji 1ffi*~~, strengthened Japanese ties with Tibet during this periad. But because the interchange between the Hanganji branch and the Tibetan gavernment, headed by the thirteenth Dalai Lama (Thub bstan rgya mtsha, 1876-1933), was carried aut in absalute secrecy aut af deference to. Qing China and Great Britain, it was nat widely knawn abaut." Otani sent twa students to. Tibet-Aaki Bunkyo i'l',;f:y:jlj: (18861956), who. stayed with a family af the nability in Lhasa far three years from 1912, studying Tibetan grammar, rhetaric and history, and Tada Tokan $E81ii'.Jl. (18901967), who. studied Tibet.m Buddhism at Sera Manastery fram 1913 to. 1923-and after their return to. Japan they bath wrote baaks abaut Tibet that were far mare scientific than Kawaguchi's but also. less generally interesting. '4 They did nat have [Geisha saciety: Two gentlemen resort to violence], NiTol", Shinpo 1747 (3 Sept. 1903), repr., Ni"ol", Shinpo 20, 277. The "strange rumors" claimed that there was some sort of relationship between Kawaguchi and Hanaka. 12 There were of course quite a number of people who defended Kawaguchi. For (1857-1934) of Keio Gijuku, wrote instance, one of his supporters, Kamata Eikichi a piece entitled "Kawaguchi shi nyiizo ni tsuite no shokan" iPJw ~ifi}..Jiii1I:::.11tv '-CO)ffl~ [My thoughts on tl,e Rev. Kawaguchi's visit to Tibet] (in Tenbo: Kawagucbi Ekai, ed. Takayama, 122-128), in which he displayed a high level of sound judgment. II The Honganji branch's contacts with the Dalai Lama began when Otani Son'yii :;Iel," ~1iI paid a visit on behalf of his elder brollier Kozui in August 1908 to the thirteenth Dalai Lama, who had fled to China on account of Younghusband's invasion of Tibet and was residing at vVutaishan 1i~i1I. In May 1911 Tsawa Tritrul (rTsa ba khri sprul), a high incarnate lama from the Sera Monastery, visited Japan with two attendants and spent almost ninth months under Kozui's wing. It is to be surmised that Kozui, who had been conducting expeditions in Central Asia, first developed an interest in Tibet following an encounter at Gay" in December 1902 with Kawaguchi, who was travelling in the company ofInoue Enryo frJ:J'l T (1858-1919), his former teacher at the Tetsugakukan 11J'J':J!il in Tokyo. 14 Aoki Bunkyo, HimitSlt no /ami: Chibetto yiiki fi>itO)li'j-ii!'iJiii1jQfgC [An account of travels in the secret land of Tibet] (Tokyo: Naigai Shupp an i:kJ:7~tf:l~&, 1920, repr., Tokyo: Chilo Koronsha 'P:9'!:2::~iilit, 1990). This book was also included together with Cbibetto bzmka no shin kenkyzi ii!'iJiii1X{I::O)l'Ji1ilfJE [A new study of Tibetan culture] in Aoki Bunkyo, Cbibetto ii!'iJiii1 [Tibet] (Tokyo: Fuyo Shobo :J!i'l1iim, 1969). Tada Tokan, Cbibetto "J-.AC.-y ~ [Tibet] (Tokyo:

!!1it1l3'*s

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Okuyanza Naoji

the power to ,rectify the entrenched Japanese image of Tibet that had been molded by the first shock occasione,d by Kawaguchi's journey. Kawaguchi's idiosyncratic behavior made the general public in Japan aware of Tibet for the first time, but it also had the effect of constraining the direction of the public's interests. In Japanese, the phrase "the Tibet of ..." is a discriminatory expression referring to a locality within a particular area that is especially backward in transport and communications, and it is probably peculiar to Japan. While it is seldom heard nowadays and is not recorded in the voluminous Nihon kokugo daijiten I=l*OO~*li4' A or Comprehensive Dictionmy of the Japanese Language, it is by no means completely obsoletelS and remains deeply ingrained even today when Tibet has come to be spoken of by the Japanese with a certain degree of nostalgia. The origins of this must be sought in the words and deeds of Kawaguchi, even though this would have been a result unintended by Kawaguchi himself.l6

Tbe Route ofInfection

Kawaguchi's adventures and Otani's dispatch of Aoki and Tada should, however, be regarded not so much as the cause but rather as a result of the "Tibet fever" (Pytlzif netsu )\jGw'\ or Chibetto netsu '7-""';/ }-w,\) that infected MeijiJapanY In the nineteenth century Tibet, wary of other countries, especially Gr~at Britain, . closed its borders and placed strict restrictions on the entry of foreigners. For this reason ~irtually nothing was known in the outside world about conditions inside Tibet, which came to be known as the "secret country," the "forbidden land," or the

Iwanami Shoten :!f;'lBi::I'Ji5, 1942); Tada Tekan and Makino Fumiko iI"lc!l!f::>C=r (eds.), Cbibetto taizai ki 7""':Y f-l1Il':t:E~ [An account of a sojourn in Tibet] (Tokyo: Hakusuisha S7l<t, 1984). 15 Nihon kok"go daijiten ~*@>lilll'*li'f$!.. [Comprehensive dictionary of the Japanese language], 2nd ed. (Tokyo: Shegakukan tl,"jt!'i[, 2000). For example, according to "Hatena: Diary-Hazure nikki" /'A"v~~ (http://d.hatena.ne.jp/shoma!200401), there are localities throughout Japan referred to as "Tibet." Surprisingly, even Adachi ,!Eft vVard and Machida lIlTs:! City in Tokyo are sometimes referred to as "(the) Tibet (of Tokyo)." In other words, the locality considered to be the most backward in a particular area is deemed to be the "Tibet" of that area. What is more, in many instances the local residents themselves use this expression to refer self-mockingly to where they live. 16 The reassessment of Kawaguchi has made rapid progress since World War II, starting with scientific expeditions to northwestern Nepal by the cultural anthropologist Kawakita Jire )Ii:.s:!=Jl~ and others in the 1950s. Kawaguchi's five-volume Chibetto ryoM ki 7""':Y H~ 1T~ [An account of travels in Tibet] (Tokyo: Kodansha ~fiI'~t, 1978) has become a longs eller, while his voluminous collected works have recently been published (Kawaguchi Ekai chosakushit jiiJJ:1 :ttilii''i1'F~, 1-7 vols. + 3 sep. vols. [lzumozaki-machi 1:f:jg;~IIIT, Niigata: Ushio Shoten ? \.., :lO'I'Ji5, 1998-2004]), and several academic studies of him have also appeared (cf. note 1 above). 17 The term nyitzo netsu is taken from Hatani Ryetai 3J)Ji~Til1i, "Meiji Bukkyo gakusha no kaigai shinshutsu" ~iil{J,~"jt'ltO)m?'~iil:f:j [The overseas forays of Buddhist scholars of the Meiji era], Gendai Bukk)'o m1"(;{J,~ 105 (1933): 103. However, while Hatani dates the rise of Tibet fever to Meiji 26-27(1893-94), it should be considered to have started several years earlier, as mll,be seen below,

The Tibet Feve7- among Japanese Buddhists of the NIeiji Em

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"land of mystery," and the interest of explorers, adventurers, scholars, surveyors and also religious figures and dreamers was therefore drawn all the more strongly to Tibet. In late nineteenth-century Japan this interest manifested itself in the form of a "Tibet fever" among Buddhists. There can be little doubt that this fever had its genesis in the fact that two St\ldent-monks by the name of NanjiS Bun'yu ii~j(tt (Bunyiu Nanjio, 1849-1927) and Kasawara Kenju S'tJ)j(liJf~ (1852-83) were sent to England by the Otani ::k:;;S~ branch of the Shin tradition in 1876 and began studying under Max Miiller at Oxford from 1879. Miiller had for some time been convinced that there existed early Sanskrit manuscripts in some of Japan's old temples, and he asked NanjiS and Kasawara to seek them out. NanjiS in turn asked Kurihara Shigefuyu *J)j(:m~ (dates unknown), who was teaching Sanskrit independently at the Otani branch's Ilcuei KyiSkiS 1f~!i&ty, to investigate the matter. In 1877 Kurihara, an assistant translator of the third grade at Higashi Honganji **ffii.Ij'lf, had translated Monier Monier-Williams's Sanskrit NIanual (London, 1868) under the title of Sansllku shifbllnten fzM:l'1>j,j(~, 3 vols. (Kyoto: ShinshU TiSha Honganji KyiSikuka ~**IJR*Jli,lj'lfifk1f~). Together with two collaborators-Kanematsu Kuken ilif0@';{ and Ota Yukei :XSO:f,fi!t-Kurihara visited various ancient temples in Yamato ::k:Ofp, Kawachi iiiJl"l and elsewhere and discovered a Sanskrit manuscript of the Vajracchedikii Pmjiiiipiimmitii written in Shittan ~;I; script at KiSkiji i'iiJJt'lf, palm-leaf manuscripts of the Pmjiiiipiimmitiihrdaya-sz7tm and Unzfeavijayii-niima-dbiim(lf at HiSryliji lti:~~'If, and other manuscripts which he then copied and sent to England. ls On the basis of these valuable materials, Miiller was able to advance the textual study of Buddhist scriptures, and with the collaboration of NanjiS he published in quick succession the Sanskrit texts of the Vajmccbedikii, Larger and Smaller Sllkbiivativyz7ba, Pmjiiiipiimmitiibrdaya-st7tra, and Unzfeavijayii.19 It was only natural that, after his success in Japan, Miiller should have turned his attention to Tibet, and he seems to have conveyed to NanjiS the importance of searching for Sanskrit manuscripts of Buddhist scriptures in Tibet. NanjiS consequently drew up plans to stop off in India on his way home from England, visit Buddhist holy sites, and then cross the Himalayas into Tibet and return to Japan via China. But he was unable to carry out this plan because he hastily returned home via the United States after hearing of his father's death and his foster mother's illness.'o This happened in May 1884, and thereafter Miiller would every now and
18 Cf. F. Max Muller (ed.), Buddhist Texts frOnt Japan (Anecdota Oxoniensia, Texts, Documents, and Extracts chiefly from manuscripts in the Bodleian and other Oxford libraries. Aryan Series, vol. 1, part 1; Oxford: Clarendon Press,1881): 1-12; Batani, "Meiji Buklcy6

gakusha no kaigai shinshutsu," 99.

19

'

Because his pulmonary tuberculosis was getting progressively worse, in 1882 Kasawara returned to Japan and died the following year. Cf. F. Max Muller, "The Late Kenju Kasawara," The Jozt17JaI oftbe Pali Text Society (1889): 69-75 20 Cf. Nanj6 Bun'yii, "N6mi Yutalca shi yukeri" !jg{iij:1I:A;Jli[lt ~ [N6mi Yutaka passes away], Sbin Bulekyo If!f{Lil'J( 6-9 (1905): 664 and Kai"yzIToleu: Sansulwz-itto "otobajime 't\%IB*lZ-Y /77 Y v rli'fti1it.J [Reminiscences: The beginnings of Sanskrit studies] (Tokyo: Beibonsha 1JLJ1A, 1979): 170-172; N6mi Yutalca Tsuiokukai ~~{iij:1I:iilt~~ (ed.), Nomi Yutaka iko ~~{iij:1I: iiHIii [Posthumous writings of N6mi Yutaka] (Kyoto: Shinshii Otani Daigaku 1917, repr., Tokyo: Satsuki Shob6 ]iJl~m, 1998): 239-240.

;!Oi;**t,*'Jt,

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Olcuyama Nao)i

again in his letters to Nanja urge him to undertake an expedition to Tibet. 21 Nanja forever regretted the fact that he had been unable to fulfill his former teacher's fervent wish, and whenever the opportunity arose he expounded on the importance of sending an expedition to Tibet. From among those who were directly or indirectly influenced by his exhortations there emerged a succession of people who aspired to go to Tibet, thereby creating a situation that came to be lmown as "Tibet fever."" In January 1887 Nanja suddenly departed on a trip to India, and after visiting various places in Ceylon and India, he went on to Shanghai, from where he made a visit to Mount Tiantai 3C#rli, returning to Japan in May. His account of this voyage includes the following passage: The one matter for regret was that my plan to go from Shanghai via Tianjin and Beijing to Mount Wutai, and then finally enter Tibet [from Sichuan], study in Lhasa, look for Sanskrit scriptures, cross the Himalayas to Darjeeling, and come out once again in Calcutta carne to nothing. 23

21 This was pointed out on the basis of Miiller's correspondence with Nanja contained in Nan}o sensei ibo if~'d'C:i:m'5 [vVritings of Professor Nanja] (Kyoto: Otani Daigaku *'b~ *"i':, 1942) by Murakami Mamoru HJ:~I, Kaze no U7na: Cbibetto guM den J!\O).~-i!'li1i!l*it.; Ii'< [Rlung rta: Tales of searching for the Dharma in Tibet] (Tokyo: Kosei Shuppansha IXM tI:J),/l(1'i, 1998): 75-78, and Emoto Yoshinobu iI;$:J!l;i$, Nomi Yutaka: Cbibetto ni kieta tabibito ~~,ljij'Jt-TA:,y Hclll;tt;::!il'iA [Nomi Yutaka: The traveller who vanished in Tibet] (Tokyo: Kyuryuda *il!I1it, 1999): 54-60. 22 The first installment of the anonymous "Chiberto jijo" ID'ii1i!l:;Jl=HI' [The situation in Tibet], published in fourteen installments in the Yimlill1'i Sbinbzt1l Wt;'iCjfJiIl!l from 3 June 1903 commented on Nanjo's role in this area in the following terms: "The Rev. Nanja Bun'yii, the leading Buddhist scholar in Japan, studied under Dr. Max 1vliiller and learnt of the great value of the Tibetan Tripipka, and after returning to Japan he vigorously propounded this view, whereupon all of a sudden there were many in monastic society who craved for knowledge about Tibet and eventually aspired to knock at that gate and gain a glimpse of the secret truth. [... ] They were all monlcs who had been directly or indirectly inspired by the Rev. Nanjo." Nanjo also heads the list ofJapanese planning to go to Tibet mentioned by Senda Gaknnin Ii 1it"i':A (otherwise known as Furukawa Rosen ti"Mog) II), "Chibetto Buldtyo no tanken" IDli1i!l{L l\'l(O)~jfri [The exploration of Tibetan Buddhism], in Rosen ileo ~) IIJtflii [Posthumous writings of (Furukawa) Rasen], ed. Sugimura Kotaro t'-HJ1:*~~ (Tokyo: Bukkyo Seito Doshikai {Ll\'l( jlfjiEl1ilJ0"i'::, 1901): 185-186, and by Takashima Beiho ~',*i*" "Nomi Yutaka lmn 0 itamu" !~iJjfJU!""'I'$'tr [Mourning Nomi Yutaka], Sbin Bukk)'o ::fiJi{Ll\'l( 6-9 (1905): 668. But Nanja himself was later to emphasize rather tlle role of the Temperance Association in the interest in going to Tibet: "Around that time there was at the Bungakuryo Jt"i':~ [actually Futsu Kyako w;l!j(tJi'] a dub called the Temperance Association (Hanseikai B:1!l'''i'::), which promoted teetotalism and also greatly encouraged the study of Buddhist Sanskrit texts, and it was probably because of this that there arose a great groundswell of interest in Buddhist sites in India and the exploration of Tibet. Nomi already had at that time a great ambition to explore Tibet." (Nomi Yutaka ikif, 239). 2l "Orukotto shi no shokan" ;!"Jl..':c1,y ~B;;O)ti'* [Olcott's letters], Reicbikai Zassbi %fP "i'::1tilZ 46 (1887): 53-54. On Nanjo's plan to enter Tibet via Sichuan and on the reasons for the abandonment of his trip, see "Nanja Bun'yii shi kicho" if5f,Jt4l~i!i'Jiil\!.Il [The Ven. Nanjo Bun'yii returns, to Japan], Reicbileai Zassbi 38 (1887): 163.

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Nanja had not lost his desire to carry out the mission of going to Tibet via China to look for Sanskrit manuscripts, bequeathed to him by his mentor Miiller.24 But this trip of his had been impulsive and lacked proper planning, and had he attempted to enter Tibet Nanja might never have returned; fourteen years before his pupil Nami Yutaka lii:l#!f:Jt (1868-1901?) disappeared without trace in the interior of China's Yunnan province. It was just as well that Nanja's plan came to nothing.

A Periad afFeverishness
With Nanja acting as the pyrogen, Tibet fever broke out in Japanese Buddhist circles from around the start of the third decade of the Meiji era (1887).25 Shortly. after his return to Japan, Nanja became professor at Otani College in Tokyo and part-time lecturer in Sanskrit at Tokyo Imperial University, and because he was regarded as a new authority on Sanskrit and Buddhist studies in Japan, he wielded considerable influence. Another fact that cannot be overlooked is that many of those who went on to make plans for visiting Tibet under the direct or indirect influence ofNanja also had links to either or both of two new private Buddhist colleges, namely, the Futsii Ky6ka 'lflffifY:13l in Kyoto run by Nishi Honganji (established in 1885 and closed in 1888) and the Tetsugakukan rg'lti'ir in Tokyo founded by Inoue Enrya it..I:fIlT in 1887 (and now known as Toyo University), For example, Kawaguchi was one of the first batch of students at the Tetsugakukan (though he joined midway through the year), while Nami spent one year at the Futsii Kyaka and then entered the Tetsugakukan after a period at Keia Gijuku. Both of these colleges possessed a progressive ethos, and they attracted many Buddhists who were passionate about reviving and reforming Buddhism. In addition, the Temperance Association (Hanseikai J.)(:1!j'~) formed within the Futsii Kyaka, in 1886 and its journal Hanseikai Zasshi J.)(:~~~i!i1i continued to act as opinion leaders in Buddhist circles even after the closing of the Futsii Kyaka. One subject that was discussed with particular fervour in these circles was the investigation of the true life and teachings of Sa:kyamuni, the starting point of Buddhism. This was a new issue that had arisen under the stimulus of Oriental studies in the West. In the history of Buddhism in modern Japan, the thirty years from about
24 A letter from Millier to Nanjo dated 30 July 1884 contains the following passage: "I hear that Mr. Bendall [Cecil Bendall, 1856-1907] is going to Nepal and possibly to Tibet to look for Sanskrit MSS. Do not forget that at some later time you might do something useful by going to Tibet through China. I do not mean at present, but after some years." (Na17jo sen-

sei ibo, 25-26).

25 An early example was Shaku Unsho J!R~1!l\ (1827-1909) of the Shingon tradition. In a letter dated 30 Nov. 1886 and addressed to his disciple Shaku Kozen J!R~?t., whom he had sent to Ceylon for study, he describes plans for a journey to Ceylon, India and Tibet; se~ Kusanagi Zengi :1jI:~::1i: (ed.), Shaku Umbo J!R~~1l (Tokyo: Tokukyokai {iIlIffi;Si, 1914): vo!' 2, 33. Although this plan was not put into practice, it was the same as Nanja's earlier plan and als9 similar to the travel plans oflater Japanese students in Ceylon and India, to be touched on below. Unsho had close contact with Nanjo, and the latter's influence on his plans is undeniable.

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Okuyama Naoji

1887 to 1917 can in one respect be defined as a period of study and explor~tion in Asia by Buddhists. This Zeitgeist was linked to the establishment of modern Buddhist studies in Japan, and it also constituted part of the movement to reform Japanese Buddhism. Buddhist studies in Japan underwent a great transformation through the adoption of the methods ofIndian and Buddhist studies in the West, and this opened the way for Japanese Buddhists to explore the teachings of Sakyamuni, which represented the starting point of Buddhism. As is the case with many other religions, for Buddhism the return to its origins and the reform of current conditions were two sides of the same coin. This is why the establishment of modern Buddhist studies did not just represent the reform of a single academic discipline, but was able to turn into a Buddhist reform movement, and it was an important element in a struggle in which the revitalization of Buddhism, regardless of sectarian differences, was at stake. It was for this reason, it could be said, that promising young Buddhists threw themselves one after another into this task At the same time, as adherents of Mahayana Buddhism, they hoped to discover, in some part of Asia where Buddhism had formerly flourished, evidence to disprove the thesis, propounded by Eugene Burnouf and other European Orientalists, that the Mahayana had not been taught by the historical Buddha. The Tibet fever was the most radical manifestation of this, and for Japanese Buddhism the investigation of Tibetan Buddhism held the hope that it might become a trump card in helping it regain its former position. 26 In addition, many of these people, reflecting the current of the times, were nationalists, and when they betook themselves to other Buddhist countries in Asia they became pan-Asianists, advocating international solidarity founded on Buddhism. Although these people left their mark in both the West and the Orient, of prime importance in connection with Tibet were the movements of those who went to Ceylon and India to learn Sanskrit and Pali and to study the precepts ofTheravada Buddhism. Known at the time as "students in India," they regularly provided Japan with information about South Asia, and by doing so they became one of the sources not only of the craze for studying in Ceylon and India but also of Tibet fever. The first Japanese Buddhist to go to Ceylon for the purpose of study was Shaku K6zen ~~?t.i (1849-1924) of the Shingon tradition, who left Japan in September 1886. In March of the following year Shaku S6en ~*iJi[ (1859-1919) of the Rinzai tradition 1li\i;jj1f* also arrived in Ceylon. They were followed in 1888-89 by monl{.5 from various branches of the Shin tradition, namely, Yoshitsura H6gen n:!i;~ (1865-1893) of the Bukk6ji {b.;Jt~ branch, Higashi Onj6 Jll:1.!fi.il (1867~1893), and Tokuzawa Chiez6 jt\R.~~~ (1871-1908) of the Honganji branch, Koizumi Ry6tai Ih~T~* (1851-1938) of the J6sh6ji ~jffi~ branch, Asakura Ry6sh6 fJlkTi (18561910; Koizumi's younger brother) of the Otani branch, and Kawakami Teishin )11
26 Okuyama Naoji, "Dogi Horyu to Chibetto" 1l:1tll~cT""v I- [Dogi Horyu and Tibet], KztmoguSlt Kenk:J~t l!~liJf~ 3 (2001): 206-211. Cf. Furukawa Rosen E!liiiJ~) II, "Chibetto Bukkyo no tanlcen," in Rosen iko, ed. Sugimura Kotaro, 168-180; id., "Daijo hibussetsu mondai" **~F{b.iill.rR~~ [The issue concerning whether or not Mahayana was taught by the historical Buddha], in Rosen iko, 168-180.

The Tibet Fevez' among Japanese Buddhists of the iVleiji Em

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J:.tH~ (1864-1922) of the Honganji branch. Tokuzawa, Koizumi, Asakura, and Kawakami accompanied Henry S. Olcott (1832-1907) and Dharmapala Hewavitarana (1864-1933) of the Theosophical Society on their return to Ceylon after their first visitto Japan in 1889.27 There is evidence that the monks of the Shin tradition discussed amongst themselves, as their next objective, plans to cross over to India and from there go on to explore Tibet. This can be inferred from the fact that Yoshitsura, Koizumi, Higashi, and Kawakami, who are known to have had a definite desire to go to Tibet, all had very similar plans, as will be seen below. There can at least be little doubt that they shared information and views about Tibet. They began to take concrete steps towards entering Tibet in 1890. An editorial in Hanseikai Zassbi 5.7 (pp. 1-7), published on 10 July of this year and entitled "vVhat We Wish of Those Studying in India," called upon these students in Ceylon to find and gather as many of the original texts of the Mahayana scriptures as possible, and, as if acting in response to this, they began to move away from the tropical island of Ceylon in the direction of the Himalayas and beyond." In his diary (held by Busshoji {b~\l4', Fukui t~fr City) Yoshitsura had already noted in an entry for 29 January 1889 that "in the evening I went to Vidyodaya Pirivel).a and discussed going to Tibet," and it is evident that he was from quite an early stage intent on going there. Koizumi fell in with Yoshitsura's ideas, although it is not known when, and plans were made to "set out from Ceylon at the end of this year (1890) and on the way home enter deep into the interior ofIndia, pass through Nepal, Kashmir and Tibet, and arrive in Japan in Mayor June of next year.,,29 But in November 1890 the Japanese Navy's training ships Hiei J:ttz and Kongo iE[l/,]1j called at Colombo en route to Istanbul to repatriate the survivors of the Ottoman

27 On the circumstances of these monks who went to Ceylon, see Okuyama Naoji, "Rank. no hasso: Meiji nijunendai zenhan no Indo ryiigakuso no jiseki" 7/jJ-(7))\.(j;i-1jJj It=+{~i\fJ'F(7)~PIJ!'1ll''Jt(j;i(7)**J' [The eight monks of Lailka: The achievements of studentmonks in India in the first half of the third decade of the Meiji era], in Buk/')'o Bzmlea Galelwi jussbztnen, Hiijo Kenzo habsbi leoki kinen Z"onbnnsbzt: Indogakn shosbiso to sana slnten iL!l'&y{r:'Jt *+Ji'D"f' . ~U~';f:=:.m1J$rilc~'iliY:ll>-.-( /F'Jtil1f!/"!j;l",i::{-(7)Ji'D31f [Collected articles in commemoration of the lO'h anniversary of the Society for the Study of Buddhist Culture and the 70,h birthday of Dr. Hojo Kenzo: The philosophies ofIndology and their periphery], ed. Bukkyo Bunka Gakkai jusshUnen, Hojo Kenzo hakushi koki kinen ronbunshu kankokai ijjl!l'& Y{r:'Jt*+Ji'D"f'~t(,!fiJEt1\t1J$;~~,iliy:ll>fiJ1T* (Tokyo: Sankibo Busshorin 0J~m{jjl.;j;f:, 2004): 89-106. 28 Their initial purpose in going to Tibet was thus to look for and collect Buddhist Sanskrit manuscripts, and later the collection of Tibetan scriptures, centered on the Tibetan canon, was added to this. 29 "Ryoryiigakusei no kicho" iffil1ll''J!:1:(7)11i\Ji!Jj [The return home of two students], HanseiIwi Zassbi 5.11 (1890): 34. On their travels plans, see also "Zai-Indo Nihon ryugakuso no kirrkyo ippan" 1'E~PIJ!'S*1ll''Jtij;i(7)JlIiJ/.-liII [Recent news of Japanese student-monks in India], Dento ii<~ 9 (1890): 15; Oyama Takanosuke ;k:0J1\!I:;;:>:)l-, Tonlko kaleai kiji JfJl;;~il:fflj"ilc* [An account of a voyage to Turkey] (Tokyo: Oyama Takanosuke, 1892): 33 (repr., NIeiji Sbi1"!de" TOdo tanken kikObun sbzlsei IjJjltC/!v) 0 - F~i1i*21TY:lI>J1l(; [Collected travel writings on the exploration of the Silk Road during the iVIeiji era], vol. 10, Tokyo: Yumani Shobo og,;:H==ii'm, 1988).

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battleship Ertztgntl, which had in September been wrecked in the vicinity of Cape Kashino tJl'l!llf of Oshima Island ;kJ!, (Wakayama Prefecture), and the fate of these two Japanese monks was irreversibly changed. Following negotiations with crew members, permission was granted for two Buddhist missionaries to accompany the ships as far as Istanbul, and Yoshitsura and Koizumi were chosen for this mission. They promptly changed their plans, boarded the ships and, after reaching Istanbul, went via Paris to London and as far as Oxford. Then, on returning to Paris, at the request of Emile Guimet they performed the Shin tradition's Manko 1l.\'iI,~l1!' service at the Musee Guimet, after which they boarded a passenger vessel at Marseilles and arrived back in Ceylon at the end of NIarch 1891.30 Yoshitsura then joined the Kango, which had called once again at Colombo on its return voyage, and arrived back in Japan in May, while Koizumi, after visiting Buddhagaya together with Asakura, returned to Japan in June. Perhaps because he had overexerted himself while overseas, Yoshitsura died of illness two years later. In April 1891 Higashi moved from Ceylon to the headquarters of the Theosophical Society at Adyar on the outskirts of Madras (present-day Chennai), where he studied Sanslait. He later moved on to Bombay (present-day Mumbai), where he too died of illness in September 1893, two months after Yoshitsura's death in Japan. Consequently he was unable to carry out his plans to set out in September or October of the same year on a journey to collect ancient Buddhist Sanslait manuscripts, during the course of which he intended to reside in Calcutta (present-day Kolkata) until late February or March of the following year to copy Sanslait manuscripts held by the library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and then, having waited for the snows to thaw, smuggle himself into Kathmandu, where he would wait for the right opportunity to cross the Himalayas into Tibet, examine the Buddhist Sanslait manuscripts held by the Dalai Lama in Lhasa, and return to Japan via Mongolia and China.3l Kawakami, meanwhile, left Ceylon in January 1893 and, passing through Adyar, went to Calcutta University. He too cherished a desire to go to Lhasa and there study the religion of Tibet under the Dalai Lama.12 After having attended Higashi's

)0 For details of their journey, see Chiba Joryii T**'!!', "1891 nen, Pari no hoonko" 18914'. /'V O)~.\'i!.mI' [The Hoonko service in Paris, 1891], in Shinran no Bukkyo: Nalwnishi Chikai sensei leannlei kinen l"onbunsbii m:iii'O){L~-'Pi1!f,,Iiii'5'ciii!Mil~~~ili;Jt:ll; [Shinran's Buddhism: Collected articles in commemoration of the 60,h birthday of Professor Nakanishi Chikai], ed. Nakanishi Chikai sensei kanreki kinen ronbunshii kankokai (Kyoto: Nagata Bunshodo 7kS3JtI:llt, 1994): 799-817; Okuyama, "Rank. no hasso.," 95-98. )1 Cf. Furukawa Rosen, "Boyii Higashi Onjo kun seizen no keikaku" t:ioIUlililtsiltr O)iltilID [The plans of my late friend Higashi Onjo], Bnld')'o {L~ 94 (1894): 20-22. 32 "Butsumon no Fukushima chiisa" {LF~G'Ytj.l'.\'P1E:: [A Buddhist Lieutenant Colonel Fukushima], Hanseikai Zassbi 8.3 (1893): 1-2. Even prior to this there had been reports of his "resolve" to conduct research on Buddhist scriptures and religion in Bhutan, Nepal, and Kashmir and return home after having undertaken further investigations in Tibet, Manchuria, Mongolia, and Beijing; see "Kaigai Bukkyoto no shosoku" ~7HL~1iEO)IJ!j,!l!, [News of Buddhists abroad], Honseikai Zasshi 6.4 (1891): 31. For these two references I am indebted to Komoto Yasuko ~*mt'i'-, "Nomi Yutaka Sekai ni okent BuHyoto ni miru Chibetto kan" ~~Iiii'1:!:

The Tibet Fever among Japanese Buddhists of the Meiji Era

217

deathbed in September and conducted the funeral service, Kawakami went to Darjeeling to make preparations for a trip to Tibet, and while in Darjeeling he was looked after by S. C. Das. Owing to a lack of source materials, there is much about Kawakami's overseas movements that is unclear, and almost nothing is known of his activities around this time. But it is to be surmised that he studied Tibetan, probably at the monastery Yigah Choling (Yid dga' chos gling) in Ghum near Darjeeling, while waiting for an opportunity to enter Tibet, as Kawaguchi was to do some years later. Kawaguchi may in fact be described as a second Kawakami. After persevering for more than three years,'l Kawakami eventually gave up any thoughts of entering Tibet from this direction and returned to Japan in 1897, the same year in which Kawaguchi embarked on his journey. Thus, the attempts made by Japanese students in Ceylon and India to _enter Tibet during the 1890s all ended in failure, and_ it was Nami Yutaka of the Otani branch of the Shin tradition who, in view of this poor outcome, set out to enter Tibet from China. l4 He was probably one of the first to aspire to go to Tibet, but was slow in making a start, and fmally managed to set out in November 1898, one year and five months after Kawaguchi's departure. In Dajianlu fTW1lt (Dar rtse mdo; present-day Kangding ~:lE in Ganzi ttT5: Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Sichuan) he met up with Teramoto Enga ~*~~ (1872-1940), also oithe Otani branch, who had with similar intentions been studying Tibetan at the Tibetan temple Yonghegong ~f.~'8 in Beijing, and they proceeded to Litang ~:IJ1f (Li
Ii'i!tJ'l-f;:;bH)r.,{l.~fiEJJ f;:J\l.r.,'T":Y Hill. [The view of Tibet to be seen in Nami Yutaka, Buddhists around the wodd], Sekibii 1'11 9 (2003): 60-62.
J3 It is to be surmised, however, that he did not remain in Darjeeling all this time, but moved back and forth between Darjeeling and Calcutta depending on the seas-on, as well as conducting field trips to other parts of India. He is known to have visited Burma (Myanmar) and Kashmir, and in June-July 1896 he appears to have gone as far as Istanbul. C Shirasu Jashin s~lt~, "Shin Saiikiki mishiirokn shirya no shutsngen ni tsuite: Ito Dogetsu, Ashikaga Zuigi, Watanabe Tesshin no Uehara Yoshitara e no henshin" Ii'tfiWl:!lG~cJJ *liJ(~5I:**O)Il~j!K -::lit Yl-fJriiiiJiil~ . .lE:fJjJffii~ . i~illt&~O)J:Jjj()'5';;t$!~"O)il&{~ [On the emergence of historical sources not included in New reC01m of tbe Westem real",s: The replies of Ito Dogetsu, Ashikaga Znigi and Watanabe Tesshin to Uehara Yoshitaro], Honganji ShilyO Kenkyztjoho *1ll!~5I:**liJf~ mlt 7.8 (1994): 11-12. 34 In a memoir written in 1897 and entitled "Yo to Chibetto" Tr-Wjt [Tibet and I], Nami wrote that because not one of the students in India had achieved their goal of entering Tibet, "I finally decided to make an attempt vi.a the route from Sichuan province in China out of a desire to resolve in the field the question of whether or not I could actually manage to enter Tibet." Cf. Okuyama, Hyiiden, 109. As background factors in Nomi's decision to head for Tibet via China mention must also be made of the influence of Nanja, who had himself considered entering Tibet from Sichuan, and of the fact that the Otani branch had since the time of Ogurusu Kocho 1j'*fl'iWlJ[ (1831-1905), a pioneer in this field, been actively engaged in proselytizing activities in China and had a high level of interest in Tibetan Buddhism that was being practised there. Cf. Suwa Gijo WiW~~, "Hikyo no hozo ni idonda Higashi Honganji no Chibetto tanken" ~l!!J!tO)$jtf;::jjJslvt~JIt*Ill!~O)Wjt~~ [The expeditions to Tibet by Higashi Honganji in search of a Dharma-treasury in a secret land], Chligai Nippo (21 Jan. 1958) and "Higashi Honganji-ha no Chibetto tanken ni tsnite" Ji[*Ill!~IffiO)Wjt~~f;:JM:1t 'c [On the Higashi Honganji branch's expeditions to Tibet], Tokai Bukkyo Ji[m{f,.~ 4 (1958): 17-18.

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0lw:yama Naoji

thang) and Batang c~ (,Ba' thang), where the local official refused to cooperate. As a result they were forced to make their way back to Dajianlu. Shortly afterwards Teramoto left for Chongqing and returned to Japan the following year. Nomi spent the winter in Dajianlu and from the following spring made two unsuccessful attempts to enter Tibet via Qinghai and Yunnan. In April 1901 he sent his last letter from Dali while attempting to enter Eastern Tibet by following the Jinshajiang ~lYiI upstream from Lijiang ,iij;iI, and nothing more was heard ofhim. 35 One year after Nomi's departure from Japan, Kawakami went into action once again. Since his return to Japan he had been teaching Sanskrit at Nishi Honganji's Bungakuryo :lC:~, but in 1899 he resigned and became an overseas student of Nishi Honganji, going this time to Beijing in December of the same year in order to make another attempt at entering Tibet. It may be assumed that his aim was to follow the same course as Nomi and Teramoto and try to enter Tibet from the Chinese interior. But once again he failed to achieve his long-cherished goal, for he was caught up in the Boxer Uprising that broke out the following summer and was confined to the Japanese Legation in Beijing during the siege of foreign legations. His plans to go to Tibet would seem to have been abandoned. 36 Meanwhile, after having parted with Nomi in Dajianlu, Teramoto had returned to Japan in April 1900. Then in August, during the Boxer Uprising, he was appointed interpreter for the headquarters of the 5'h Hiroshima Division at the recommendation of Higashi Honganji and accompanied the troops to Beijing. In September he visited the monasteries of Huangsi Jil''i'f and Zifuyuan ~t1i\m, still bearing the scars of tlle uprising, and discovered in their pillaged ruins a copy of the Tibetan canon and other works, which he purchased and brought back to Japan with the army's assistance, thereby accomplishing something that no one had previously managed to do. l7 In September 1901 the A kya Khutukhtu (Blo bzang bstan pa'i dbang phyug bsod nams rgya mtsho, 1871-1909), the greatest living Buddha of Kumbum Monastery (Ta'ersi fi\'f:f:f'i'f) in Qinghai 1ifiilf, and one of the Khutukhtu's residing at Yonghegong, arrived in Japan with seven attendants under the guidance of Teramoto and Okochi

*J1!!

35 At this time Batang was under the direct jurisdiction of the Dalai Lama, which means that Nomi and Teramoto were the first Japanese to enter Tibet. But since their goal was Lhasa, this would have been little consolation to them, especially in the case of Nomi, who disappeared without trace. J6 . There is circulating among Kawakami's relatives a story that prior to the Boxer Uprising Kawakami, disguised as a Chinese merchant, managed to travel some distance inland but was exposed and came close to being attacked, whereupon he hurried back to Beijing. So far no evidence to corroborate this testimony has been discovered. 37 This copy of the Tibetan canon was first discovered by Kawakami, but it appears that because he returned to Japan after the Boxer Uprising, Teramoto gained all the credit. Cf. a letter from Nanjo to Teramoto postmarked 3 Sept., Meiji 34 (1901) in Teramoto Enga and Yokochi Shogen ;fJi<{!Jt'f-JJj( (eds.), Z077Z0 tabi nikki Jill1~JJiHl\G Uournals of travels in Tibet and Mongolia] (Tokyo: Fuyo Shabo, 1974): 336-337. The Tibetan canon and other works were sent to Japan in 1901, and a photo facsimile version of the Tibetan canon donated to Shinshu University (present-day Otani University) was subsequently published under the title Eiin Pellin-ban Chibetto daizokyo j!;I'P:ltffiItRWJill1:kJill1;\l [The Peking edition of the Tibetan Tripi,aka] (Suzuki Gakujutsu Zaidan ~j';*"ltj,WI!1IJl, 1955-61).

The Tibet Fever among Japanese Buddbists of tbe kIeiji Em

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Shilyii :kmfkJ3lJtt, a missionary of the Otani branch stationed in Beijing. This visit was the result of considerable efforts on the part of Teramoto and Okochi, and its purpose was reportedly to express thanks for the protection that the Yonghegong had received from Japanese troops during the Boxer Uprising the previous year and to do some sightseeing.JS During the course of about twenty days the party visited Kyoto and Tokyo and was received by the Otani branch and other Buddhist traditions and organizations. Their reception in Tokyo was hosted by the East Asia Buddhist Society (Toa Bukkyolcai ~ijlH.L~~), a pan-Asian Buddhist organization that had been established only that same year by Tanaka Hiroyuki ~CP5Lz (Shashin Koji *~ J,5, 1862-1934) and others. The arrival of a high-ranking incarnate lama of Tibetan Buddhism created a Tibet boom among Buddhists in Japan. But this invitation also embodied a thinly veiled intention, largely political in nature, to look for ways in which Japan, with Buddhism serving as a basis, might form a partnership with China, Inner Mongolia, Manchuria (present-day northeastern China), and Tibet, and this drew criticism as well: "There are some who say that it is ridiculous for Buddhists to run around making a great fuss as if they were diplomats.,,39 It was during this period that there surfaced another form of involvement by the Japanese with Tibet, that is, political and religious cooperation between Japan and the sphere of Lamaism, encompassing Tibet, Manchuria, and Inner Mongolia. In fact, Teramoto was a central figure in this type of scheming, and there was a similar element in Otani Kozui's subsequent relations with the Dalai Lama's administration. The A kya Khutukhtu and his party left for home at the start of August, and they were accompanied as far as Beijing by Oda Tokuno ~llIt~11}il[j (1860-1911) and Matsue Kentetsu ti:iIWTi! (dates unknown) of the Otani branch. Oda in particular is said to have had plans to enter Tibet for the purpose of studying Buddhist scriptures, and this would seem to have been something to which he had aspired ever since going to Bangkok in Siam (Thailand) to study in 1888 to 1890, when he still went by the name ofIkuta 1:~.40 But after little more than a month, Oda and Matsue returned to Japan. According to Oda, this was because the A kya Khutulchtu's visit to Japan had attracted the attention of other countries, leading to speculation that it might have been politically or diplomatically motivated, and they were advised by a Japanese politician to return to Japan for the time being.'!

38 "Akya futokuto (3)" 'iiJJ!!;IIIEl:l':':1El (:=:) [The A kya Khutukhtu (3)], Ya71Zato Shinbzt72 CI i:Jj Il'IfJir.ll15 Ouly 1901); "Ramakyi5 ihi5" ,*IJn.!i&~R [News of Lamaism], DentiJ242 (1901): 32. J9 DentiJ243 (1901): 28. See also the critical views ofIkeda Tsunetari51t!lrE1tA~B, special correspondent for the Jiji SbinpiJ in Beijing, quoted in "Gaiki5gan ni eizuru Buklcyi5 no gokai" 7~3ZiIlU::I!9cT~{b!i&0)~~~ [Buddhism's misunderstanding as it appears to the eyes of diplomats], DentiJ246 (1901): 3.1-33. 40 There is a passage hinting at this in Ni5mi's "Yo to Chibetto"; see Okuyama, HyiJden,

108-109.

"Yi5walcyiiri no seikatsu (1) (Oda Tokuni5 shi danpen)" fitfp't1l!0)1'15 (-) (l~rE1~~5~ijj [Life in Yonghegong (1) (Conversations with the Rev. Oda Tokuni5)], Yamato Sbinbzt1Z (12 Sept. 1901). Oda and Matsue bronght back with them to Japan a lama by the name of Boerjie tw: jjj',T/f (a.k.a. INang Ciyun :E~:l!lt), the younger brother of the Rambo Lama ofYonghegong, who stayed at Oda's temple in Tokyo and studied Japanese untilJune of the following year.
41

~YU,)

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Okztyama Naoji

As can be seen in the above, up until the start of the twentieth century a considerable nuritber of Japanese had announced their intention to participate in the race to reach the Tibetan capital of Lhasa.4' Among contemporary Buddhists, visiting Tibet was regarded as "a long-cherished aspiration of the Japanese," 43 and there was an air of expectancy as they waited to see who would be the first to succeed. It was in these circumstances that news arrived of Kawaguchi's entry into Tibet,44 and we have already seen how his stories of his journey created a Tibet fever in Japanese society that went well beyond the confines of Buddhism. After Kawaguchi's "great achievement" Japan's enthusiasm for Tibet abated somewhat. But this did not put an end to the steady stream of people aiming to visit Tibet,45 and'Teramoto, too, continued with his scheming. In 1905, claiming to be a Mongol disciple of the A kya Khutnkhtn, he reached Lhasa via Qinghai and after a brief stay went on to India. In December 1933, on hearing news of the thirteenth Dalai Lama's death, he recalled his own maneuverings in the following manner:
I made various efforts, thinking that I would like to have the Dalai Lama see Japan and bring about the start of diplo'matic relations between Japan and Tibet, and entertaining this goal I made a detour through Mongolia and entered Tibet from the hinterlands of Kokonor, during which time I made approaches to the Dalai Lama and had him annul the X-Tibet Treaty.46 Then in Meiji 40 (1907) I led the Dalai Lama from the shores of Kokonor to Wutaishan in Shanxi province, China, and in the summer of [Meiji] 41 (1908) brought him to Beijing, where he had an audience with the Empress Dowager. In accorda'nce with our earlier secret agreement it had been arranged to have him see Japan, but because the then Uapanese] Minister [in China], Ijmn [Hikokichi] "~)\;[f,ts] (1864-1924), disregarded the agree42 As of August 1901, the following people were, according to SaW Dokusha ~,l'iJ!l! (Kaha J't*l<, dates unknown), planning to go to Tibet but had yet to set forth: Okachi Shiiyii, Teramoto Enga, Kawaguchi Ekai, Nami Yutaka, Matsue Kentetsu, Shirao Giyii S ~~:!c and Oda Tokuna. SaW also touches on their precursors Higashi Onja and Kawakami Teishin, and considers Tibet to have been a secondary objective of Ura Keiichi im'\JJI:-, who disappeared without trace after setting out alone on an expedition to Xinjiang in 1889. See SaW Dokusha, "Chibetto jija no jo" WillG:jJl:'[WO))'f: [An introduction to the situation in Tibet], Dentii247 (1901): 17. '3 Fujishima Tangaku ,l'i,Jll,n!l.ffi, "Ramakyo ni tsuite" JJiIlJU.~f~~-C [About Lamaism], Dent0243 (1901): 7. 44 ~fter he succeeded in entering Tibet, Kawaguchi often entrusted merchants going to India with letters for His family and friends in Japan, and it is likely that the first of these letters to reach Japan was one written in West Tibet and dated 17 Aug. 1900, which reached Japan via S. C. Das. It was printed in the Meikyii Shinshi 1J!l~f.liWci 4579 (8 Jan, 1901), under the title "Chibetto ni okeru nihon saryo no raikan" WillGf~;OHTQa*{(!j{:SO)*~ [A letter from a Japanese monk in Tibet]. 45 Forinstance, in 1901 the Shingon monk SaW Kabo (or Dokusha) went to China with the aim of going to Tibet, and after having studied Tibetan Buddhism at the Yonghegong he went as far as Darjeeling in 1903 via Ceylon, but he did not succeed in entering Tibet. On the interest in Tibet among Shingon monks, see Okuyama, "Dogi Haryii to Chibetto," which discusses the case ofDogi (Toki) Haryii (1854-1923) . 6 The ce'lsored word was most probably "Russia."

The Tibet Feve1- among Japanese Buddhists ofthe Meiji Era

ment with the Dalai Lama out of apprehensions about diplomatic relations with Great Britain and Russia, the sightseeing in Japan ended up being cancelled. This Japanese sightseeing was to be no mere pleasure tour of Japan as an extension of our past friendly relations, but had diplomatic implications of profound siguificance. Because I had plans for the everlasting growth of East and West in addition to achieving friendship and happiness for both countries, it was truly a matter of immense regret that my intense efforts over ten years, that through these international relations the Japanese people as world saviors might raise their national flag-the Rising Sun of their ideals-on the summit of the Himalayas, should have come completely to naught, and at . the time I even made an attempt to stab the Minister.47

221

Careful cOlToborative investigations will be necessary to determine the extent to which these words, which one might be tempted to describe as mere bombast, are actually true, but there can be little doubt that they include some intriguing information regarding the inside history of modern Japan's relations with Asia.48

The Fever Cools'

In September 1912 and August 1913 Aoki Bunkyo and Tada Tokan, at the behest of Otani Kozui and with the consent of the Dalai Lama, violated the Frontier Rule established by the Indian government and entered Tibet from India. Otani is said to have had plans to form a Buddhist alliance between Japan and Tibet.49 Around the same time Kawaguchi, who had since November 1904 been living in India and Nepal, also got into action again. In January 1914 he reached Shigatse (gZhis ka rtse), where he was received by the sixth (or ninth) Panchen Lama (Blo bzang chos kyi nyi rna, 1883-1937), and in August he arrived in Lhasa, where he met Aoki, Tada, and Yajima Yasujiro 5c!;f?-&~~ (1882-1963), who had entered Tibet from India inJune 1912 and was training Tibetan troops.so During this second visit to Tibet Kawaguchi received a manuscript copy of tlle Kangyur section of the Tibetan canon from the Dalai Lama,sl and in July 1916 a "Darai rama no shi 0 itamu: Tanidai, Teramoto kyoju kaikyUdan" liJlilim/ilJ.O)9E~'I:\itp [Mourning the death of the Dalai Lama: Reminiscences of Professor Teramoto of Otani University], Chiigai Nippii (22 Dec. 1933). 48 See the project of Dalai Lama's visit to Japan, KokuryUkai ,\i}~~ (ed.), Toa Senkaku shishi kiden Jil:!lR5GJtit~fZi; [Chronicles of Oriental pioneers and loyalists) 3 vols. (Tokyo: Kokuryiikai shuppanbu ~~~ilJl&$, 1933-36): vol. 2, 270-271. 49 Cf. "Nichizo Bukkyo domei: Otani Kozui shi no jigyo" Siiil{A~FiiJM-*~:l't3'ffij~O) [A Japan-Tibet Buddhist alliance: The activities of Otani Kozui], parts 1 & 2, Chiigai Nippo(29 & 30June 1917). 50 This was not Yajima's first visit to Tibet, for in 1911 he had taken the route from Sichuan into Eastern Tibet and reached Lhasa, where he had made a brief stay, and had then gone on to Kalimpong. 51 This Kangyur came from the large monastery Palkor Chode (dPal 'khor chos sde) in Gyantse (rGyal rtse) in Central Tibet, and in 1940 it was donated together with the rest of Kawaguchi's books to the Toyo Bunko Jil:l!FJt. (Oriental Library) in Komagome !If!ii6, Tokyo, where it remains to this day.
47

-~*~*U'flIS~

**

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Okuyanza Naoji

dispute broke out between Kawaguchi and Aoki regarding where it should be kept. Kawaguchi considered it to have been intended for Tokyo Imperial University, whereas Aoki claimed that it had been meant for Otani Kozui. Sakaki Ryozaburo jP11i:=J!~ (1872-1946), a professor at Kyoto Imperial University, took Aoki's side in this dispute, which came to be known as the "Tibetan Tripitaka affair" and was covered in detail by the Buddhist newspaper Chztgai Nippo CP7f.S~, giving rise to much scandalous titlk.s' There can be no denying that, unlike Kawaguchi's public talks about his experiences during his first trip to Tibet, the more obsessed the concerned parties became with this affair, the more the public's interest in Tibet waned. Takashima Beiho made the following comment on this :ifair:

As regards the dispute between Kawaguchi and Aoki, not only is the dispute itself mbst unseemly, but their attitude in the dispute has been distasteful to me, and therefore I have not once made public my views on this matter.53
The feeling that both parties were acting in an unseemly manner could not have been confined to Takashima alone, and it was no doubt shared by many disinterested observers. The Otani expeditions that had been sent to Central Asia three times between 1902 and 1914 also came to an end at about the same time owing to Otani Kozui's fall from grace. 54 Just as this major incident consigned the very significance of the Otani expeditions themselves to oblivion, so too did the "unseemly" course taken by the Tibetan Tripitaka affair have a rapidly cooling effect on Japan's Tibet fever. These two incidents also drew the curtain on the period of Asian exploration by Japanese Buddhists. From about this time Japanese interest in Tibet lost the animation of its initial stages, characterized by a desire to seek out the original teachings of Buddhism, and instead importance was given only to strongly politicized aspects directly related to the interests of Japan rather than to those of remote Tibet proper, such as missionary activities in Manchuria and Mongolia and measures for dealing with Lamaists, in which Teramoto had been a pioneer. These moves were of course linked to Japan's advances into mainland Asia. Perhaps in reaction to this, in postwar Japan the achievements of earlier Japanese explorers and students in Tibet have, notwithstanding the spectacular growth of Tibetan studies, been long neglected and have failed to receive due recognition. 55 Translated by Rolf Giebel

52 On the course taken by this affair and the presumed facts of the matter, see Okuyama, HyMen, 308-322. 53 Takashima Beiho, "Sakaki Ryozaburo kun ni atau" j;jIjJ1f::::&~~f;:.g.b [To Sakaki Ryozaburo]; Chiigai Nippo(12 Aug. 1917). 54 In February 1914 there was a scandal involving the finances of the Nishi Honganji, and Otani, taking responsibility, resigned as head of the Honganji branch and left Japan on an overseas journey. The full details of this incident are still not clear. " On this issue, see the contribution by Fukuda Yoichi in this volume.

The Meiji Suppression of Buddhism and its Impact on the Spirit of Exploration and Academism of Buddhist Monks Buddhist studies developed in Japan through the efforts of Japanese monks such as Kawaguchi Ekai jiifplaf.Ji; (1866-1945), Teramoto Eilga ~*~m (1872-1940), and Tada Tokan ~ m~i!! (1890-1967). In the initial stage these pioneering monks were not motivated by a particular interest in Tibet or a revival of Buddhism but by academic concerns. They were influenced through figures like Takakusu Junjiro jl!1j1lfiJIWi1'7z~~ (1866-1900) and Nanjo Bun'yu ii(~Jtt$ (1849-1927), in turn influenced by Max MUller (1823-1900) and other European scholars. This academic movement was triggered by the recognition ofthe hnportance of the scholarly education of monks. The need was felt for specialized educational institutions where the monks could be trained. At the same time there was a confrontation with the Meiji-government's pro-Shinto policy which severely constrained Buddhism. This movement affected not only Japanese monks but also Chinese monks such as Taixu :;!eli: (1890-1947) and Dayong *~ (1893-1929) during their stays in Japan.

La repression du bouddhisme a l'epoque Meiji et son impact sur l'esprit de recherche et l'academisme des moines bouddhiques Les etudes bouddhiques se developperent au Japon grace a des moines japonais tels que Kawaguchi Ekai jiifp;f;f,Ji; (1866-1945), Teramoto Enga ~*~m (1872-1940) et Tada TOkan ~ m~i!! (1890-1967). Au debut, ces moines pionniers n'etaient pas tant motives par un quelconque interet pour Ie Tibet ou potIT une renaissance du bouddhisme que par un interet academique. I1s etaient influences par des personnages tels que Takakusu Junjiro jl!1j;flYjjlWil:?z~~ (1866-1900), Nanjo Bun'yu ii(~Jtt$ (1849-1927), influences eux-memes par Max Muller (1823-1900) et d'autres chercheurs europeens. Ce mouvement academique fut provo que par la reconnaissance du niveau d'erudition des moines. Le besoin d'institutions educatives specialisees ou les moines pouvaient recevoir un enseignement se fit sentir. Simultanement eut lieu une confrontation avec la politique pro-Shinto du g6uvernement Meiji qui reprhna severement Ie bouddhisme. Les moines japonais ne furent pas les setils a etre touches par ces changements : des moines chinois tels que Taixu :;!eli: (1890-1947) et Dayong *~ (1893-1929) furent egalement influences pendant leur sejour au Japon par Ie nouveau mouvement des etudes bouddhiques.

THE MEIJI SUPPRESSION OF BUDDHISM AND ITS IMPACT ON THE SPIRIT OF EXPLORATION AND ACADEMISM OF BUDDHIST MONKS

ONODA Shunz6

he Meiji Restoration, which advocated the reestablishment of imperial authority (osei fukko :::EJII:1l<'J), led to the formation of the Meiji government. On March 28, 1868 (April 20 of the Gregorian calendar), six months before the official starting date of the Meiji iJI'lra (Enlightened Rule) era on September 8 (October 23 of the Gregorian calendar), an edict to dissociate Shintoism from Buddhism (shinbutsu banzen ni t${J,.i!lJft~) was issued.! It reflected the aim of the Meiji government to achieve its own brand of modernization by reorganizing the Japanese nation and its imperial system. In essence, this act ordered the elimination of all non-Shinto "imported" religions, including Buddhism, and the establishment of a branch of scholarship lmown as kokugaku OO'it (literally, National Studies). This policy resulted in the anti-Buddhist movement of haibittslt kisbaku ~{J,.:"1~ (abolishing the Buddha, smashing Sakyamuni),2 which caused panic among the Japanese Buddhist clergy. Witnessing this, Fukuzawa Yukichi Wi ~~s (1834/S?-1901) lamented:'
1 "Shinbutsu hanzen rei" 'lIf'{f.,.'I'IJi\!\1\' [Order to distinguish Shintoism from Buddhism], Dajiikan tatsu *i!l;:~~ [Promulgation of the Cabinet], no. 196, issued on March 28, the rust year of Meiji (i.e., 1868). Following that, on April 28 of the same year, the "Shinbutsu bumi jisshi 0 shincho ni subeki rei" tIf!{f.,.:)j-Jllft~1ifii=li:m:m:f;:T~~1\' [The executive order of distinguishing Shintoism from Buddhism], Dajiikan iise *i!l;:~{CjJ [Remarks on Cabinet], no. 226, was issued. See lVIeiji igo shiikyii kan"ei hii"ei ruisan Jjlji'ilj;(1Hi~i\&M~i't1\'!F,i!;j; [The collection of laws and ordinances on religion issued from the Meiji period] (Tokyo: Daiichi heki ~-i't 1968): 737. 2 Murata Yasuho HfE'iC1\!:, "Meiji ishin haibutsu kishaku no chihe teki tenkai to sono tokushitsu ni tsuite" Jjljiil*fEM~{M.9'$10)J.i!l:l1il9~1lil !::-t:-0)*j~J::0\' Y"( [Regional development and characteristics of the Meiji Restoration in abolishing Buddhism and smashing Sakyamuni], in Ronshu nihon bukkyiishi-lVIeiji jidai iiIil.1=l *{f.,.i\&5Io-Jjljiilllif{-t [Essays on the history of Japanese religion-the Meiji period], ed. Ikeda Eishun it!lfE;!R;{;l1: (Tokyo: Yiizankaku ;ij;W-lIill, 1987): vol. 8, 69-87. , Fukuzawa Yukichi m.-iRiiJlli-s, "Seryo ron" {!!I18ii1il [On Buddhist monks], in Pukuzawa Yukic"i zenshii 1iiRiiJlli-S3!:. [Complete works by Fukuzawa Yukichi], ed. Keie Gijuku !IJJ!~ ~ (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten !ilHBt'l'm, 1928, repro 1967): vol. 8, 31.

m,

[",ages of Tibet in the 19" o11d 20" Centuries Paris, EFEO, colI. Etudes thematiques (22.1), 2008, p. 225-242

226

01Zoda SbU1ZZ0

At the beginning of the Restoration, when the Buddhist clergy heard of the proposals about abolishing Buddhism, their distress was enormous.

However, before the baibutsu kisbaku movement began in earnest, no religious community that could be clearly identified as a "Buddhist order" had ever existed as such in Japan. Faith in botoke it- (Buddha) and in the kmni 1'$ (gods) was for the most part blended-which is exactly why the government felt the need to distinguish them. All that can really be asserted is that faith in the Buddha existed and that there were groups who shared this faith. Conversely, strictly speaking, there was also no community that could be categorized by the label "Shinto.'" Among the immediate countermeasures adopted by established groups of Buddhist believers, the earliest ones were taken by the temples of Higashi Honganji ** Jm~ and the Nishi Honganji W*lIJi'i'f, which are both branches of the Jodo Shinshii w~* denomination. They attempted to maintain their influence by offering monetary support to the financially strapped Meiji government. 6 Meanwhile, the government was troubled by strong resistance movements among peasants who opposed their anti-Buddhism policy and attempted to find a solution to this problem. It was in such circumstances that monks like Fukuda Gyokai t,\l1331TWtll (1806-1888) and Shaku Unsho ~~~\l. (1827-1909) initiated a movement for the protection of Buddhism by establishing the Shoshii Dotoku Kaimei ~*[jjJjiil.':~llil. (Organization of United Buddhist Sects). Their main objective was the promotion of stronger selfawareness among believers of their identity as Buddhists. In the meantime, the Meiji government gave the authority to establish or revoke the authorization of Shinto shrines and Buddhist monasteries to the Kyobusho fl!l. lfB11i' (Ministry of Doctrine), which was established in 1872 as a replacement for the Jingikan 1'$fftB;'l1r (Ministry of Rites).' Moreover, the government set up the post of

4 For Fukuzawa's view of Buddhism, see Koizumi Takashi 'J'7'Rirp, "Fukuzawa Yulcichi -Hyalwv.,a ni okeru bukkyo e no sekkin" miRl1.r6-s~(;::toltg{LI:~G')~iiI [Yulcichi Fukuzawa-Approach to Buddhism in his HZl7ld,"ed Tales], in Kindai nihon no shiso to bukleyo iiI j-~I'PFG'),~,l!:',i::{LI: [Buddhism and modern Japanese thought], ed. Minejima Akio W!1<s,:Ii1Ut (Tokyo: Tokyo Shoselci JRH:i!<:1i, 1982): 234-249. 5 In 1877 the prewar Ministry of Home Affairs established the Department of Shrines and Monasteries arid entrusted each chief abbot with the supervision of the branch systems of all Buddhist sects. It is considered that from that moment the consciousness of belonging to a religious sect arose, although the consciousness of adherence to a religious group in its strict senseis said to have manifested itself only after the abolition of the post of doctrinal instructor (that is, after the Daijokan fittatstt :t:i17'Thif [Promulgation of the Cabinet], no. 196, issued on August 11, 1884). 6 The two monasteries each provided over 30,000 'J'o almost immediately to the government for its pressing debts from the Boshin 'vVar. The Nishi Honganji contributed also significant qnantities of cash for the colonization of Hokkaido and set its gold "as collateral to help shore up the flagging status of the paper currency issued by the new government in the summer of 1868." See James Edward Ketelaar, Of H,,-etics and j\IJa,-ty1"S in iYleiji Japan (Princeton: Princeton University, 1990): 72-73. , On this issue see]. E. Ketelaar, OfHeretics and 1vla,-IY1"S in iYleiji Japan, 70-71, 95-101.

The Meiji Suppression ofBuddhism

227

kyodoshokzt ~1!Jlil!i (doctrinal instructor) to which both Shinto and Buddhist prelates were appointed. Some scholars interpret this situation as a-temp'orary disappearance of the status of Shinto and Buddhist clergy,and their integration into the general clerical appointment of ky5.doshoku. The Daikyoin :k~1liG (Great Teaching Academy) for training priests and monks was then established at Zojoji J:i!ll:~, with Fukuda Gyokai as chief instructor (kyoto ~~). 8

Japan: Studies in the West and the Establishment ofBuddhist Educational Institutions
Those who were closely associated with Buddhism-that is, sections of the traditional Buddhist clergy-now began to send delegations and students to vVestern Europe. Their aim was to rescue Buddhism in Japan through a close analysis of the situation of religion in the West, which was regarded as the model of modernization. In other words they were trying to legitimize their existence as a modern religion, namely, "Buddhism." In 1872, on the basis of a recommendation from Kido Takayoshi *F~:ft.-a member of the Iwakura Mission :\S~~WI3B-the abbot of the Nishi Honganji, Otani Koson :k~J't~, decided to send Shimaji Mokurai I;{fj~g (1838-1911) as representative of the Nishi Honganji to western Europe: Similarly, Ishikawa Shuntai :t:i}II~ir (1842-1931) of the Higashi Honganji branch also recognized the necessity of studying in Europe and America and in 1873 made a journey to Europe together with Otani Koei *~J't'it, the new principaP His e.'qleriences during the visit led Ishikawa to see a ray of hope to save Buddhism by establishing modern Buddhology with the study of Sanskrit at its center. So, in 1876, he sent a young man named Okunenji Bun'yii it~~::lcQ$ to Britain for study. This young man was in fact Nanjo Bun'yii ~f~::lcQ$ (1849-1927), who was destined to become a world-renowned Buddhist scholar. Together with'Kasawara Kenju iI't!Jli: l!if5IT (1852-1883), Nanjo studied at Oxford University under Max Muller's supervision. While Kasawara soon passed away without having the time to accomplish his aspirations, Sawai Jun rR}J:l'Io (1866-1945), also known as Kobayashi Jun IH*l'Io or TakalcusuJunjiro ~;jjYj)lllijjzJl!~, was introduced to Miiller by Nanjo and achieved success after studying under him. As for Nanjo Bun'yii, he returned to Japan in 1884 and from 1887 on worked as a lecturer at Tokyo Teikoku Daigaku .H;'i'i\'I!l:k" (Tokyo Imperial University) while also teaching after October of 1884 English and C Sanskrit at Otani Kyoko :k~~~ (Otani College) in Tokyo.lO It was also at Otani
, See Yoshida Hisaichi am?!...-, "Daikyoin no setsuritsu to seikyo kankei no konran" ~ [The establishment of the Great Teaching Academy and the disorder in the relationship between politics and religion], Nihon rekishi a*lJltsi:, 111 (1957): 25-32. 9 Fukushima Hirotaka m;~~~[li, "Kaigai kyojo shisatsu no rekishiteki igi" m:ri-!j(:I*tJl.W! 0)~5I:.a9~~ [Historical siguificance of observing the situation of religion abroad], in Ronsh;; nibon bttkkyosbi-Meijijidai, vol. 8, 89-110. 10 According to the "Nanjo Bun'yii sensei nenpu" iJ{!i<:lC*,!Bt:~t!Pilt [Chronological tables of Professor Nanjo Bun'yii] (Otani Gakttbii*~~W., 1928, 19.1, 192-195), Nanjo Bun'yii left London in March of 1884 and arrived in Yokohama in May. In 1884, Otani College moved to Kyoto where it is now.
[S)',jO)~:i'z:i::jlj((~~f*O)il/,1'iL

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Onoda Sbunza

College that Ogurusu Kacha IJ,*tjl!j~JJf lectured on Buddhist denominations and movements. Ogurusu published the first Japanese work on Tibetan studies, Ramakya enkaku ~IJnJiilX1B$ (The development of Lamaism), in 1877.11 After their studies in Europe, researchers like Shimaji Mokurai and Iwakura Tomomi !EfilJl.-f:l1. (1825-1883) published numerous white papers and essays. Their efforts met with success as demands for freedom of religion gradually increased and the Meiji government in May 1875 decided to dissolve the Daikyain. In November of the same year, the government accepted the Buddhist demands and guaranteed freedom of religion in an edict on religious liberty, and in October 1877 the Kyabusha was finally abolished. These governmental measures relieved Buddhists but they also had another effect, namely, to trigger a sudden increase in the number of Christian missionaries. Consequently, Buddhists entered into direct opposition to Christianity. Inoue Enrya ;Jt:J::JIlT (1858-1919) played an important role in this anti-Christian movement. After graduating from the Otani College he pursued his studies at Tokyo University and wrote books such as Sbi1wi kinsbin ~J'!f!~lH (Compass of truth) and BuHya katsuron {LilX$~iiii (On the invigoration of Buddhism), in which he asserted that Buddhism had a stronger theoretical basis than Christianity. Although Sbim'i kinsbin was published as a book in 1882, it had previously appeared in serial form in the Buddhist newspaper lVIei!qa Sbinsbi ljFjilXJfJTiWY At that time Inoue was still a young philosopher in his twenties. His argument was not only directed against Christianity but also a harsh criticism of the way traditional Buddhism and Buddhists had acted until then and thus constituted a call for reflection. For him, Buddhism was a religion that conformed to scientific principles, which modern Buddhology, as well as the knowledge of Western-style natural science, could support. In 1887, Inoue established the Tetsugakukan 9":'jt~1l CHall of Philosophy), the precursor of today's Taya University .J1U.~*:'jtY Kawaguchi Ekai YiiTr:l~Y~ (1866-1945), the pioneer Japanese explorer of Tibet, studied at Inoue's Tetsugakukan during his twenties. l4

11 Ogurusu's knowledge concerning Tibet stems from the fifth chapter ("Fusui Xizang ji" JJ[llfF9iiNiIlfGllC [Record of pacifying Tibet]) and the postscript of the Sbeng'"" ji ~Ji\;llC [Record of the Holy Force] by vVei Yuan it'lli!\(, a Chinese thinker active during the middle of the nineteenth century. It seems very probable that Ogurusu discussed with Nanja the importance of studying Tibet on the basis of modern Buddhology. 12 Inoue Enrya fr J:fIlT, "Shinri kinshin shohen" ~:'I!iEjlH:JJ~fm [Compass of truth, first part], in lvleiji bz",!ea zens!J1t f!Illi;:'t{r::i:~ [Collection of Meiji culture], ed. Meiji Bunka Kenkyukai 1jFj1i1y:{r:liJf9i:~ (Tokyo: Nihon Hyaronsha 1'I;;js:,'I'Offilti, 1967): vol. 19,309-375. 13 Serikawa Hiromichi J'i')llt~im, "Meiji chuki no hiyaron-Inoue Enrya 0 chushin to shite" IjFjl:i1cpWlO)1JFJf~iffil-frJ:fIlT~CP'L'i:: ~-C [On the Mid-Meiji Christian controversy -Focusing on Inoue Enrya], in Ronslnt nibon buldeyosbi-iVleiji jidai, vol. 8, 163-188; Miyake Moritsune :==O,\,;9'1f,", "Bukkya no sezoku riron e no taia-Inoue EnryiS no shushin !cyakai setsuritsu 0 megutte" {L~O)i:!t{o1Hffii:'l!~O)xt;;t-fr J:PlTO){It~~~~Ji:s'z:~/I) <'-:o-C [The Buddhist attitude toward secular ethics-On Inoue Emya's establishment of the church for moral training), in Romlnt nibon bukkyosbi-2VIeiji jidai, vol. 8, 289-308. 14 See Okuyama Naoji J!i;!~[1[E], HyMen Kawagucbi Ekai ,'I'{iiiPJp:!lilii' [A critical biography of Kawaguchi Ekai] (Tokyo: Chua Karon Shinsha cp,*,~,ffilt'iti, 2003) and his contribution in this volume.

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229

In 1881, the Nishi Honganji established the Futsii Kyoko llffiffi~~ (General college), which is generally known as the Honpa Futsiiko *ViHl'iffi~ (General college for Honpa sect priests). The foundation of this school was an epoch-making event for the Buddhists of the time. Rather than just educating monks, it established the coeducation of clergy and laypeople. (Somewhat earlier, in 1875, Niijima Jo ~,IiI;. had already founded such a joint institution Doshisha Eigakko [PJi5t~<~ in Kyoto.) The standard curriculum was in itself revolutionary, but the Nishi Honganji's Futsii Kyoko also initiated an independent group composed mainly of students which was called the Hanseikai R1!i'~, or Temperance Association. Members of this association included the young Takakusu Junjiro and Nomi Yutaka ~~i'fiJ[ (1868-1901?), who later died during his exploration of Tibet. The association's journal, the Hanseikai Zassbi R1!i'~~, lists as publisher Kobayashi Jun (alias Takakusu Junjiro); it later changed its name to Cbzlo Koran <=P~0~,J5 and became one of the Japanese intelligentsia's most noted periodicals which is still published today. As for the Higashi Honganji, its Kanrenjo Jt~m- (Institute for religious training) was renamed Kanren Kyoko Jt**~13l: in 1879 and in 1896 became Shinshii University Jl;*:k<. Later, Shinshii University moved from Kyoto to Sugamo in Tokyo, and in 1903 Nanjo Bun'yii was appointed as its dean (gakkan <~). At a later point, Shinshii University-which was affiliated to another educational institution of the Kyoto branch, the Takakura Daigakuryo ;i1Ii:t:k<*-was renamed Shinshii Otani University Jl;*:k~:k<. In 1913 this university moved to Kamigamo Koyama J::1JUJJtlbl! in Kyoto where it is still located today. In a similar way, in i900, the Nishi Honganji's Futsii Kyoko reformed its educational system and divided itself into three separate institutions: Bukkyo University {b.~:k<, Bukkyo High School {b.~;i1Ii~<=P<, and Bukkyo Junior High School {b.~ <=P<. In 1902, Bukkyo University was in turn split into Bukkyo Technical College {b.~J\1j!:~~<~ ill Kyoto and Takanawa Bukkyo University ;i1Iiiiftll{b.~:k< in Tokyo. In 1904 these two institutions were reunited in the location where the Omiya campus of Ryiikoku University (Ryiikoku Daigaku Omiya Gakusha fl~:k<:kg-<1r) is located today. As Professor Okuyama (to whose paper in this volume I refer) would concur, it appears that the strong interest in Tibet expressed by Japanese Buddhists at the beginning of the twentieth century grew along the lines I have developed above, namelY, on the basis of a newfound self-awareness after the Meiji Restoration of a Buddhist identity transcending sectarian doctrine. It was on this soil that "Buddhists" took nieasures to deal with tne crisis of "Buddhism" and that a modern Buddhology, equipped with a philosophy able to withstand modern criticism, was developed. Throughout, a major aim was the collection of Sanskrit and Tibetan manuscripts that would provide textual support for research on a so-called Pan-Buddhism (tsz7bukkyo iffi{b.~).

*'"

IS Renaming this review Chuli. Koran "":9c-'.&~il; was Takakusu's idea. This fact is mentioned in the diary of Hokaku Zenkyo 3iM'1!i'~, dated December 20, 1899. See Saneto Keishii ~ni:m3'', Cbiigoku r)'tlgakusei shidan ""OOli?i'~9:~ [Anecdotes about the history of Chinese studying abroad] (Tokyo: Daiichi Shobo ~-.m, 1981): 64.

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Repercussions in China and Chinese Students in Japan

The upheaval known as the Meiji Restoration also came to exert great influence in China. Since the foundation of the Qing dynasty (1644-1911), the fundamental policy of the government was to unite the iVIanchus with the iVlongols, to rule over the Han Chinese, and to contain the Tibetans and the adherents of Islam. But this policy started to change gradually when Xinjiang province was established in 1884, with Han Chinese appointed as administrators and the Manchus choosing the Han Chinese as administrative partners. This alliance was the harbinger of a radical change in the policy toward Tibetan Buddhism. In the course of events, the Qing government was defeated by Japan in the SinoJapanese War (1894-1895) over control of the Korean Peninsula. After that defeat many Chinese students went to Japan to study Japanese and to search for the modern civilization of the "Vest that Japan had first absorbed and that the Chinese intellectuals identified as the reason for their defeat. In June 1896 thirteen Chinese students entered Japan, and subsequently the number of such students gradually increasedY Among the intellectuals supporting this increase in the number of Chinese overseas students in Japan was Liang Qichao ~Jgj@ (1827-1929) who, in his later years, wrote a book titled Foxue shiba pian ji)fl'j': +Ali (Eighteen chapters on the study of Buddhism). Originally he had come to Japan as a political refugee; however, on the basis of his experiences in Jap'an at this time, he developed a great enthusiasm for creating an educational system suitable for the new China. He continually emphasized the necessity of establishing schools for training men of talentY However, his project to establish an educational system like that experienced by his fellow foreign students in Japan did not receive sufficient financial support, and it was proposed that the worship halls of Buddhist monasteries and Daoist sanctuaries be converted into schools. This proposal was obviously of great import to the Buddhist communities.I'
16 Shimizu Minoru ili'*~, "Chugokujin ryugakusei to Nihon no kindai" 'Pi'ID}l.fIl'lt 1::1:: S*O)i!If~ [Overseas Chinese students and modern Japan], Bukkyo daigaku sogo kenkyiijo kiyo j;Jil~*'lt~.g.1i)f%pJi*2~ (Supplement of vol. 2, Ajia no naka no nibon TC/TO)tt7PO)S*

Uapan within Asia]) (1995): 120. See also the study by Kobayashi Tomoaki 'N*""~, "Ryiinichi gakuseishi kenkyU no genjo to kadai" fIl S 'lt1::5I:.1i)f%O)~lIA;k::l::mlt~ [Status quo and tasks in the study of the history of overseas students in Japan], in Cbztgoku Idndaisbi kenkY1l n)'zt771on 'P i'IDi!Ij~5I:.1i)f%}\.r~ [Introduction to the study of the history of modern China], ed. Shingai Kakumei Kenlcyiikai '$;!i(:;lj!i:frl1i)f%~ (Tokyo: Kyuko Shoin i&i5il:'IlJt, 1992): 221-241 17 Kuang Yarning g:2~ (ed.), Zhang Zhidong pingzbuan-Zbongguo sixiangjia pingzbuan congshu *;z:ii"l~'fJli:-'Pl'"I}i!!,lJ~Uj(~'1J1i::li!til:' [A critical biography of Zhang Zhidong-Collection of critical biographies of Chinese thinkers] (Nanjing: Nanjing daxue, 1991), especially the fourth chapter titled "Xinshi jiaoyu de chuangshe" lVi:t;iIt!(l'l'il0J!Ij~St [The establishment of the new educational system], 135-144. 18 On this issue see also the contribution by Luo Tongbing in the second volume (pp. 434-435), and the chapter 14 ("Shinmatsu igo ni okeru byosan kogaku" ili'*0fRI;::jOftg)\1jjijE ~'lt [The establishment of schools by means of temple property after the end of the Qing]) in Makita Tairyo !&~~*~, Cb!tgoku bukkyoshi kenky!t 'Pgjjb~5I:1i)f% [Studies on Chinese Buddhism], 3 vols. (Tokyo: Daito Shuppansha **IlAAt, 1981-1989): vol. 2, 290-318.

Tbe Nleiji Suppm"Sion ofBuddbism

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In March 1898, Zhang Zhidong '*Z{[ii] (1873-1909), the governor-general of Huguang {IjJj~ (a region covering parts of Hunan, Hubei, Guangdong, and Guangxi) who was advocating vVesternization, wrote Quanxue pian iJJ~il (Encouraging learning).!9 This work revolves around the premiie of regarding "traditional Chinese knowledge as substance and Western knowledge as function," and its author emphasized the importance of sending students to study in Japan. Subsequently this book clearly had a great influence on the Qing policy regarding overseas students. Zhang even went so far as to propose requesting that "Buddhist monasteries and Daoist sanctuaries should offer seven tenths of their property income to provide school facilities and should employ the rest for the clergy and food."" As a result of Zhang Zhidong's proposal, in January 1899 forty Chinese students entered Japan as overseas students, with a further twenty in lVlarch and eighty in November. The humanities students among tllem studied at Nikka Gakuda 1'1 ~:1it (Sino-Japanese Hall of Learning), established in June 1898. vVe are already familiar with the school's founder Takakusu Junjira, professor at Tokyo Imperial University, alumnus of the Nishi Honganji's Futsii Kyaka, and formerly Nanja Bun'yii's successor as Max Miiller's Buddhology student. 21

Chinese Policy towa7,d Mongolia and Tibet

In 1905, the Qing government officially abolished China's civil service examination system. Through the reform of the official system that took place in 1906 after the Russo-Japanese vVar, the policy of favorable treatment of Buddhist monks changed due to the need to rethink government strategy towards Mongolia and Tibet. Until then the Qing government had dealt with Mongolian and Tibetan affairs via the Lifanyuan J:!I!fiP.iE; however, when Prince sum took charge as chief of the Lifanyuan a new government policy was proposed to the Icings and princes of Inner Mongolia." This included the deployment of a new army and the establishment of schools and sanitation facilities. vVhile most of them expressed their support, this new policy elicited strong opposition farther away, in Outer Mongolia. Among the series of new political measures, the most far-reaching was the total elimination of regulations that had restricted Han immigration. As a result, the number of Chinese immigrants who were allowed into Outer Mongolia increased, while the pastures available for Mongolians sharply decreased. Due to the increasing presence of Han Chinese, anti-Chinese feeling got stronger and stronger among the nobles and Buddhists in Outer Mongolia leading to the rise of the so-called mount19 Zhang Zhidong's book has also been translated into French by Jerome Tobar, K'iuenbio p'ien: Exbo1"tation it l'ritude paT S. Exc. Tcbang Tcbe-tong, Varietes sinologiques, no. 26 (Shanghai: Imprimerie de la mission catholique, Orphelinatde T'ou-se-we, 1906). 20 Ven. Dongchu 1'1'*i:!J, Zbongguo fojiao jindai sbi 9'~{1Il;j&ifl:1~5I: [History of modern Chinese Buddhism], 2 vols. (Taibei: Zhonghua fojiao wenhuaguan, 1974): voL 1,74. 21 SaneW Keishu, ClnIgoku 'J,zlgakusei sbitan, 35, 50-102. 22 On the Lifanyuan see Ning Chia, The Li-fon Yuan in the Early Cb'ing D)'nast)' (PhD diss.,John Hopkins University, 1992).

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ed brigand~, nomads deprived of their fields who attacked Han colonists arid traders. Some of their leaders, like the Togtokh Taiji and Babujab were later to take part in the Inner Mongolian Independence Movement. 23 Soon after the 1911 Revolution, the Mongolian Independence Movement emerged with, as its leader, the eighth Jebtsundampa Khutukhtu (also known as Bogdo lilian), who was born in 1869 in Lhasa. 24 At the end of 1911 the Mongolian Declaration of Independence was issued, but within a few months the enemy they were fighting, the Manchu dynasty, was dismantled and became the Republic of China. The Lifanyuan, which until then had managed the Tibetan and Mongolian affairs of the Qing government, was replaced in the first year of republican era (1912) by the Mongolian and Tibetan General Mfairs Office (Mengzang Shiwuchu liiJi*fj)ii!&), a bureau inside the Department of Interior of the republican government. The first home secretary was Prince Gunsen Norov, the right-flag Prince Xaracin (Iiliarachin) of Inner Mongolia. This Mongolian and Tibetan General Affairs Office later changed its name to Mengzang Shiwuju liiJi*fj)!i'D (Bureau of Mongolian and Tibetan Mfairs) and again into Mengzangyuan liiJi~3t (Office for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs) before being finally called Mengzang vVeiyuanhui liiJi~t~~ or Commission for Mongoliall and Tibetan Mfairs. 25 During this period, Agvan Dorjiev (1854-1938), a Buriat Mongolian monk, acted as political adviser for the thirteenth Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (18761933), and it seems that the Dalai Lama felt some affinity with Russia through this connection. During his one-year stay in .LVlongolia in 1904, because of the British invasion to Lhasa, the thirteenth Dalai Lama dispatched Dorjiev to the Russian tsar to ask for military aid. 26 As a result, Tibet became a victim of the merciless diplomacy of Manchurian officials who were unable to rid themselves of the idea of the former tributary system, even when dealing with Russian and British strategic diplomacy. After leaving Mongolia, the Dalai Lama stayed at Kumbum (sKu 'bum) in Amdo (Ch. Qinghai 'firm), and there he heard about the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907. His original hope for aid was based on the Anglo-Russian confrontation but his expectation collapsed. He decided to visit Beijing. In October, he met the emperor Guangxu (r. 1875-1908) and the empress Dowager; he requested China to do something against foreign countries who were invading Tibet.'? However, because of the aforementioned
2l It is said that the provision of weapons from the Manchurian and Mongolian Independence Movement was planned by a Japanese, Kawashima Naniwa )11,I1l,i~ilii:, inside the movement. See Miyawaki Junko '1lt;,i.~'t-, lVlongont no ,"e/dshi ~/:iivO)JJltse [History of the Mongols] (Tokyo: Tosui Shabo 7J7k'l'm, 2002) 24 For a brief survey of his life and his role in the heritage of the ninth Jebtsundampa, see Fabien Sanders, "The Life and Lineage of the Ninth Khalkha Jetsun Dampa Klmtukhtu," Centml Asiatic Jou712aI45.2 (2001): 273-303, especially 289-292.

25

Strangely enough, these organizations existed within the Taiwanese government until

2005. On this see also the contribution by Yao Lixiang in the second volume. 26 On this occasion, Dorjiev brought some copies of Buddhist manuscripts, such as the Bhiivanii!emnza, to the Tsar Nicholas II in St. Petersburg as a present from the Dalai Lama. (I am grateful to Prof. Matsuda Kazunobu 1:L;fIl'fQ-(1 for this information.) 27 See chapter 8 of Laurent Deshayes, Histoi7"e du Tibet according to the Japanese trans-

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sudden change in Qing policy towards Tibet, the Dalai Lama returned unsuccessful to Lhasa (December 25, 1909) before fleeing to India. In 1913, he returned to Lhasa and, following th~ Mongolian example, proclaimed Tibetan independence." After the Qing government had eliminated the immigration restrictions of Han Chinese in Mongolia in 1910, conflicts with the Chinese increased in Mongolian regions. Elsewhere, in November 1911 the vVuchang Uprising broke out in Hubei. Led by soldiers who had studied in Japan, this uprising triggered the beginning of the 1911 Revolution. As mentioned above, soon after the outbreak of this revolutionary movement, Mongolia proclaimed its independence under the leadership of the eighth Jebtsundampa Khutukhtu. Although the Mongols sought Russian support, Russia was bound by diplomatic constraints and backed only autonomy for Outer Mongolia while opposing the independence of Mongolia as a whole. In January 1913 Mongolia concluded a treaty of mutual recognition of independence with Tibet, which had also declared independence from the Qing. For a while there were frequent contacts between the leaders of Mongolia and Tibet. In 1917 the Russian Revolution broke out and in 1922 the Soviet Union was established. In 1924, Bogdo Khan (the eighth Jebtsundampa Khutukhtu) passed away. Around the same time, the seventh Mongolian Revolutionary Party's Congress was held in which the right wing was expelled and the Mongolian People's Republic was born. At first, however, the opposition to communism in Mongolia was tenacious because most of its educated people were at that time Buddhist monks. Even the indoctrination aimed at these monks had to employ Tibetan script, the very script used by the monks in reciting Buddhist scriptures! In order to break this strong opposition, the Mongolian government decided in 1930 to adopt an ultraleftist policy of expropriating livestock and other private property of the monasteries and of forcing lowerrank monks back into lay status. However, communism in Mongolia suffered from some fundamental contradictions, and it was natural that monks organized a resistance movement in association with Tibet. The Panchen Lama visited Mongolian regions many times during 1920s and 1930s and was much trusted by the Mongols, whose resistance movement adopted the Panchen Lama as its symbol, especially in Inner Mongolia. vVhen the Japanese Guangdong army established the Manchuguo il1fijJ+IOO state in 1932, much of the population is said to have supported anti-government activities by Buddhists. Meanwhile, the reincarnation of the lCang skya Khutukhtu (1891-1958) was beginning to playa political role as well. Although he was only a boy at the fall of the Qing dynasty, since then he had gained a wide range of followers including many in Inner Mongolia. His followers had a tendency to be strongly politicized, and the
lation by Imaeda Yoshir6 .!fv\JEJl~ (Chibetto shi HI.:, Tokyo: Shunjiisha 31H;l:1', 2005, 203-230). See also Premen Addy, Tibet on the I77Zpe,"ial Chessbom'd: The Making ofB1"itain Polic), Towm"ds Lhasa, 1899-1925 (Calcutta: Academic Publishers, 1984): 204-207 and the contribution by Okuyama Naoji in this volume (pp. 220-221). 28 Tom Grunfeld, The iVIaking of iVIodem Tibet (London: Zed Books, 1987), especially chap. 3 on the early foreign contacts (pp. 46-66). This study summarizes points of the hidden agenda of British officials during that period.

"r"''''

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Khutukhtu came to establish a strong relationship with the Shanxi warlord Yan Xishan 1I;1;W,i1I (1883-1960). In January 1929, Yan Xishan was appointed chairman of the aforementioned Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs. Around that time, Han Chinese farmers in Shanxi province began to colonize Inner lVlongolia and the Mongols' authority gradually weakened. However, in August 1930, due to the split within the Guomindang, the position of chairman was taken over by the Uighur leader Ma Fuxiang ,\!:f;:f!f and the minority people's views began to be more respected again. In 1933, with its center in Beyile-yin stime (Ch. Bailingmiao s1!IiWl), the Inner Mongolian Independence Movement led by Prince Dewang 1Jil!::E surged ahead. 29 We have seen that the Panchen Lama, who had visited Inner Mongolia several times, had supported this movement. Though the Guomindang had for years regarded him as influential and had tried to conciliate him by conferring honorific titles in 1931 and 1932, its efforts turned out to be in vain as the Panchen Lama took the side of the independence movement. On the other hand, it appears that the ICang skya Khutukhtu had for a long time regarded the Panchen Lama as a rival, and with the support of Yan Xishan he informed the Nanjing government in a secret telegram that "monetary funds and weapons are being furnished by the Panchen Lama."JO

Cbinese Policy in Sicbuan and its Tibetan Bader

Around areas of Sichuan that are close to Tibet, anti-Chinese resentment similar to that of Inner and Outer Mongolia began to smolder. In 1930, at the invitation of the organization of Buddhist monasteries of Sichuan, the Buddhist reformist monk Taixu J;:.r;l[ (1890-1947), who is known as the founder of modern Chinese Buddhism, missionized that area.)! He became close to Liu Xiang ;uy,yg, the military leader of Sichuan, and his mother, who were both fervent Buddhists, and he was asked for advice on how to smother the anti-Chinese feelings tl1at were on the rise in the Tibetan areas of Sichuan such as Batang I:'.fflf (,Ba' thang) and Litang ~fflf (Li thang). In order to understand the situation of that area, one has to recall that Batang and Litang were originally regions where Tibetans spoke a dialect of Tibetan; these areas were parts of various kingdoms like Derge (sDe dge), Batang, Nyarong (Nyag rong), Chamdo (Chab mdo), and Markham (sMar kham), which at the end of the Qing dynasty were still controlled by a feudal hierarchy of l'gyal po (kings), dpon po (local leaders), bla rna, and so forth. The Nyarong invasion in 1860 of the western region of Derge was an excuse for the Lhasa government to use military force in order
29 See Uradyn E. Bulag, "Inner Mongolia. The Dialectics of Colonization and Ethnicity Building," in Goveming Cbina's Multietlmic Fl'ontiers, ed. 1Vlorris Rossabi (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2004): 84-116. JO See Yang Haiying t-#ii::9l= and Uradyn E. Bulag, Janggiy-a Quwghtu: A IVIongolian iVIissionm), foT Chinese National Identification (Cologne: International Society for the Study of the Culture and Economy of the Ordos Mongols, 2003), and Miyawaki Junko, Mongu17l no ,-ekisbi. )1 On this figure and his views on Buddhism, see the contribution by Luo Tongbing in the second volume.

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to suppress the rebellions and take control ofNyarong and the surrounding regions. In 1894, when Nyarong invaded Dajianlu tTWJJlt (Tib. Dar rtse mdo, present-day Kangding JJlt;iE), which waS located to the ea~t of Sichuan, Lu Chuanshuang 1&1"$3, the governor of Sichuan, sent in troops to take care of this problem. His Chinese army then advanced further west and invaded Derge, where they intervened in the dispute for the succession to the throne in that region.32 In 1904 Han Chinese ambans set up in Chamdo, Dajianlu became the prefecture capital, and Batang was proclaimed as a temporary base for the cabinet ministers. In 1905, monks in Batang, who oppos~d the Chinese government, raised a revolt but were soon subjugated. 33 In 1908, Zhao Erfeng il!m:l: (d. 1911), the minister of Border Mfairs, again invaded Derge and put some regions like Chamdo, Dragyab (Brag g.yab), and Markham under the control of Chinese provincial governors. He renamed them Changdu ~'I!Il, Chaya ~l, and Ningjing $~. Later in 1911, Zhao was appointed governor of Sichuan and returned to China proper in order to assume his newpost. 34 Meanwhile, a number of rebellions arose in various regions in response to the revolution in central China. In 1912 the new Chinese army renewed its military action against Tibetan regions. In 1914 the treaty between China and Tibet mediated by Britain, although not ratified, brought a temporary armistice. In 1917 Peng Risheng ~ S 7+, the military general of the Sichuan army, broke the cease-fire agreement and started advancing toward Lhasa. His army was, however, stopped by the Tibetan army, which in 1918 controlled almost the entire region including Dajianlu. Peace negotiations were then taken up again through British mediation and the partition of dominions was arranged: regions such as Batang, Litang, Nyarong, and Ganzi it[ (dKar mdzes) were apportioned to China, while others such as Chamdo, Markham, and Derge went to Tibet. In 1925 the Tibetan area close to Sichuan province became the Xikang Special Administrative Region (Xikang Tebie Xingzhengqu g"JJlt%'ll IJ:ffilclR) and in 192 8 Xikang province was established. This happened just in the period when, as mentioned above, the Buddhist master Taixu was asked for advice by Liu Xiang the military leader of Sichuan province. Around the same time, further north in Inner Mongolia the resistance movement around the monks and led by the Panchen Lama continued.

32 Eric Teichman, Travels of a Consular OffiC." in Easte,.." Tibet (Cambridge: University Press,-1922). _ 3l E. H. M. Cox (Plant-Hunting in China, London: Collins 1945) includes a record of a botanist who was involved in this uprising and passed away. See also Kaneko Tamio 1fi:'t-~l$, Higashi Chibetto no shokubutsu tankenka _7'"-",;; rO)ll!jWJ~;jt;* [Plant~hunters in eastern Tibet] (Tokyo: Kobayashi Shoten +Mr.!f, 1994). Many Christian missionaries entered Sichuan and Yunnan areas during that period, and many of them were involved in the fight and died. See for instance, F. Kingdon-Ward, F,"om China to Khamti Long (London, 1924), and The iWyste1J' Riv.,"s of Tibet (London, 1923). See also J. W. Gregory, To the Alps of Chinese Tibet (London, 1923). J4 See, for instance, E. Teichman, Travels of a Consula." Officer in Easte,.." Tibet, 19-58, and Elliot Sperling, "Chinese Ventnre in K'am 1904-1911 and the role of Zhao Erfeng," Tibet JOI,,nal1.2 (1976): 10-36.

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Inspiration from Japan: Chinese Educational Reforms

In 1918 the project of the Buddhist master Taixu to reform monastic education began in earnest. Taixu published his essay on the "Reform of the Sangha System" (Zbengti sengqie zhidu lzm ~~1~fiJoillUNmili) and confirmed his agenda when he established the Wuchang Foxueyuan JEI;~1~Jji,~JG or Wuchang Buddhist Institute at Wuhan JEl;lJ; in 1924, where he began to train monks according to modern educational principles. Among his students there were both monks and laypeople. This institute was modeled on Ryiikoku University ll1:i"t::k" in Kyoto which he had visited in 1917, the year before he wrote his essay on the reform of the sangha system. In his autobiography, Taixu later revealed that even the reformist curriculum adopted by the Wuchang Buddhist Institute was inspired by that of Bukkya University (presentday Ryiikoku University).l5 In the year of Taixu's visit, Otani University had already moved to Kamigamo Koyama where it is still located today. The dean of Otani University was Max Muller's famous disciple, Nanja Bun'yii. It was on the basis of Taixu's observation of the Buddhist universities in Kyoto that he felt the necessity of training Buddhist priests through academic education. Returning now to 1930, when Liu Xiang the military leader of Sichuan province, consulted with Master Taixu, Taixu emphasized that the mutual understanding between Han and Tibetans based on Buddhism was of utmost importance. He told Liu Xiang of his intention to establish the Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Institute (Hanzang Jiaoliyuan lJ;ii~~~JG) and he succeeded in this project with the financial support of the governor. Taixu was appointed as the institute's honorary director and Liu Xiang as honorary chairman of the board. Taixu called on his former student Fazun (1902-1980), who was at the time studying in Tibet, to assume the acting associate director's position. 36 Fazun's study in Tibet took place as a member of the "Dharma study group residing in Tibet" (Liuzang xuefa roan fii'iiJji,$III).J7 This group was originally called Zangwen Xueyuan iiJtJji,Jlj'G or Institute of Tibetan Studies, and had been established on September 13, 1924, by Dayong ::k~ (1893-1929) at Ciyinsi ~12SJ ~ in Beijing, with Duojie gexi zunzhe ~~t&-W.;g- (rDo rje dge bshes, 1874-?) as

$.

35 Taixu dashi m*~ijj, "Wode fojiao gaijin yundong liieshi" :JlI;1.J1iJ1lt!l:ilfl:l:!!Gl'tbiDl'i.st: [A brief history of my Buddhist reform movement], in Taixu dashi quanshu bianzuan weiyuanhui :;tm*~~.~J;~~1t (ed.), Tai.w dashi quanshzt (Wencong 6) :t:m*~~. Jt*' 6 [Complete works of Venerable Taixu, Literary collection 6] (Taibei: Shandaosi fojing liutongchu, 1998): vol. 29, 93. See also the contribution by Luo Tongbing in the second volume. 36 Luo Tongbing ffiilRlA, "Hanzang Jiaoliyuan shiliie" ~~t!l:J'!I!I1fG.st:iDI'i [Summary of the history of the Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Institute], Fayin i't:'Iif (August, 2001): 26-34. On Fazun, see the contribution by Chen Bing in this volume. 37 Ven. Dongchu, Zhonggzto fojiao jindai shi, in particular section 6 of Chap. 17 titled "Ruzang qiufa zhi' hanseng" AliiIi*l:t;z~1~ [Chinese monks entering Tibet in search of the Dharma] and the section 7 "Hanzang wenhua zhi goutong" ~liiIiJt{~zlji\:iiJi [Linking up Chinese and Tibetan culture], vol. 2, 441-457. See also the contribution by Chen Bing in this volume (pp. 4D1ADS).

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teacher of Tibetan Buddhism. 38 When Dayong, who had taken ordination in 1919 and was a disciple ofTaixu, established this new institute he invited Fazun to join it. Both Dayong and Fazun had been among the first alumni of the INuchang Buddhist Institute founded by Taixu. In addition to Fazun, Dayong also invited Guankong W!~ (1903-1989), Dagang ::IeI'JIJ, Chaoyi ~-, Yanding ~k, Huizhong it9=', and Fafang i'~fI!J to take part in this Institute of Tibetan Studies which, after one year, was reformed into the study group to Tibet. Some of these monks later became teachers along with Fazun at the Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Institute. Dayong, the organizer of the "Dharma study group residing in Tibet" had visited Japan in 1922-23 and had studied at Koyasan University ~!j!fcli** The objective of his studies in Japan was to use Japanese Shingon Buddhism to re-import the esoteric Buddhist tradition to China where it had ceased to exist since the Tang dynasty. It was for this same purpose that Chisong l'!t~ (who studied in Japan from 1922 to 1924), Xianyin *Jjg (in Japan 1923-24), and Ta=uan ~Jli:!Z: stayed in Japan before and after Dayong. J9 At the time when Dayong and his colleagues studied Shingon in Japan, Kawaguchi Ekai and Aoki Bunkyo 1f*)c~ (1886-1956) had already returned from Tibet; Aoki's SaizQ Yi7ki iffi~iB'jjG (Record of travels in Tibet) was finished in 1920. Although the so-called Tibetology, which was Aoki's specialty, was just beginning, the study of Buddhist sutras translated into Tibetan had already been considerably developed as one field of Buddhist studies. In Kyoto, Teramoto Enga~*frJii*- (1872-1940) had been professor of Tibetan and Buddhist studies at Otani University since 1915 and had guided young scholars in the Tibetan language and the study of Buddhism. After his return from Japan in 1923 to teach at his old school, the vVuchang Buddhist Institute, Dayong continued to study esoteric Buddhism and, thanks to the teachings of the Mongol lama Bai Puren s'i!'f= (1870-1927) and the aforementioned rDo rje dge bshes, became ever more aware of the importance of Tibetan Buddhism: This led to his establishment of the Institute for Tibetan Studies and his decision to go directly to Tibet for study..

Learning from Tibet and its Monastic System

The study group, which consisted of about twenty people, left Chengdu on June 4,1925. They stayed at Anjuesi 3'cjt~ (Tib.INga mchod dgon) in Dajianlu with the intention of learning Tibetan. The regulations of this group indicate that any readVen. Dongchu (Zbongguo fojiao jindai sbi, 447) mentions his name as Duojie geba gexi (rDo rje rgyal po dge bshes), whereas the "Putidao cidi liielun xu" {ft~ii'l:6zm mMffili'f [Preface on the summary to the stages of the path to enlightenment] (in TaLvu dasbi quanslm, vol. 30, 780) refers to his name as Duojie Jueba gexi ~ftHtfJJ:*,W (rDo rje gcod pa dge bshes). See also the contribution by Chen Bing in this volume. 39 Lou Yulie t~fi:'!! "Zhongri jiIu:iandai fojiao jiaoliu gaishu" crCliliJl;l.{-I(;f9ll:l&7j(iJfE1:Ilbit [Overview on modern and contemporary Buddhist exchanges between China and Japan], in Zbong,.i jinxiandai fojiao de jiaoliu )'1 bijiao )'anji1 cr CI iliJl;l.{-I(;{9Il:l&a'J7j(iJfElj: WI&liJf9'E [Modern and contemporary Buddhist exchanges between China and Japan and its comparative studies], ed. Lou Yulie (Beijing: Zongjiao wenhua chubanshe, 2000): 9-1 L On these figures see also the contribution by Chen Bing in this volume (pp. 401-403).
)8

~fiifll\E:'.*,W

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ing of Chinese journals and books unrelated to Buddhism was prohibited and that members were obliged to read exclusively Tibetan language materials, including Buddhist scriptures. After one year of language training they moved west to Ganzi. The group was initially supported by donations from lay believers in northern China, but in 1926, due to the political changes, the funds gradually dried up and the living conditions of this group took a turn for the worse. The final blow was the sudden death of its leader, Dayong, during his stay in Ganzi. He passed away on August 10, 1929 at Zhajiasi tLlil!!~ (Tib. Dar rgyas gling) in the vicinity of Ganzi. He was thirty-seven and had been a Buddhist monk for ten years. After his death, Fazun, Langchan ~)lffrlj!., and Changguang 'Ii\']\'; proceeded to Chamdo with the aim of reaching their original goal: Lhasa. They stayed in Chamdo for another year studying many aspects of Tibetan Buddhism. On March 29, 1929, they finally left for Lhasa and arrived on foot at their destination on April 24. Subsequently, they apparently spread to different local monasteries in the vicinity of the capital. Other members of the study group, namely, Guankong, Dagang, Chaoyi, Yanding, Mihong 1$ P'F-, Miyan J$~, Mihui J$:'1l, and Mizi 1$* remained in the Kham area (Ch. Xikang) and continued studying Tibetan Buddhism, staying in Tibet for almost a decade until 1935. Miyu J$~,' reportedly remained in Tibet even after the Chinese Communist invasion of Tibet. \iVhen Fazun (Tibetan name: rGya bla rna Blo bzang chos 'phags) arrived in Lhasa, he entered Loseling College (Blo gsal gling) at Drepung Monastery (,Bras spungs) near the capital. At the school there were more than twenty regional dormitories (khanzs tshan). Fazun probably stayed in one of them during the period when he attended classes ('dzin grwa) at the college (grwa tshang).40 According to Professor Wang Yao ::E~, who used to teach at the Central Minority Institute (Zhongyang Minzu Xueyuan r:p:'R:J"\'J~~~JG), Fazun gained the title of dge bshes from Loseling College, but there are other scholars like Liu Yutao ~uffiii who doubt this. According to Liu, Fazun had originally intended to obtain the dge bshes title but had later realized the importance of translations and abandoned the aim of earning the title. In Liu's opinion, Miyu was the only mer:'ber of the study group to obtain this title. His doubts on Fazun's acquisition of the title are apparently based on the brevity of Fazun's stay in Tibet. 41 Ten years before Fazun's sojourn a Japanese dge bshes is on record: Tada Takan?7 S3~1m (1890-1967). Tada had entered Tibet about a decade after Kawaguchi Ekai, Japan's pioneer visitor to Tibet. However, Tada's objective was very different from that of his precursors. Kawaguchi, Aoki Bunkya, and others concentrated mostly on collecting Buddhist scriptures, and it seems that Kawaguchi also had been interested in Sanskrit manuscripts that had survived in Tibet. All of them tried to accomplish what Nanj6 Bun'yu, the Japanese pioneer of modern Buddhist studies, had been
40 Onoda ShUIlZ5, j1,IIonastic Debate in Tibet (Vienna: Arbeitskreis fiir tibetische und buddhistische Studien, Universitat vVien, 1992): 16. 41 Liu Yutao ~tlifoili, "Taixu dashi yu zangchuan fojiao" .,,'C!j[*~iIi~itj~j?M& (Venerable Taixu and Tibetan Buddhism). A paper presented at the Taixu dansheng yibai zhounian guoji huiyi ;;\::jj[~'t-B)i'iJ~i"l~JRWrm [The international conference for the centenary of Taixu's birth], held in Hong Kong in 1988.

The Meiji Suppression ofBuddhism

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advised to do by his teacher, Max Muller: "[Gol to Tibet to look for Sanskrit MSS. Do not forget that at some later time you might do something useful by going 'to Tibet through China."42 One could say that what was meaningful for Kawaguchi were the materials for the study of Buddhism that had survived in Tibet. Kawaguchi had first arrived at Lhasa in Apri11901, and his motives are thought to have been similar to those of Nami Yutaka who died soop after sending a letter to his teacher Nanja Bun'yii from Dali *~ (Yunnan).4J Teramoto Enga, who accompanied Nami to Batang, appears to have shared the aim of collecting texts and ended up obtaining what he was looking for: the Kangyur and Tengyur from Huangsi ~* and Zifusi jt :till* in Beijing, which he finally brought back to Japan.44 But it appears that for Tada the tradition of Tibetan Buddhism was significant in another way: he realized that in Tibet an educational system with proper Buddhist studies rivaling that of modern Buddhology already existed. Tada had s.tayed in Tibet for ten years from September 1913 to February 1923, studying at the Byes pa college of Sera monastery and at the Har gdong khams tshan. He finished the entire curriculum of the college in three years and passed the examination obtaining the title of chos mdzad. It seems that a foreign monk who had command of the basics was allowed to skip grades. . Returning now to Fazun's title of dge bshes, Taixu used this title for Fazun in his foreword to Fazun's Xiandai Xizang l'IU'(;Wiil (Modern Tibet).45 Taixu's knowl~dge about the educational system of Tibetan monasteries was accurate, proven by his mention of the dge bshes system in his "Xizang wenti zhi shidang jiejue" WiilFR~~;ziilfi 'ilit~~l'I<: (An appropriate solution for Tibetan problems) of 1943. In this work, before discussing its advantages, he explained the system as follows: Those who passed and obtained the first, second, and third dge bshes degrees are just like gongsheng Jt1:. [those who passed preliminary e.'{aminations], juren $,A. [regional examination] and jinshi i:! [final examination in the civil-service exainination system]."

In 1934, after his five-year stay in Lhasa, Fazun was asked byTaixu to assume the office of vice-president of the Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Institute which Taixu had established in Sichuan province. Thus Fazun returned to Sichuan along with Guankong and Yanding, whp had continued to study in Kham, and began teaching at the institute. It seems to have offered a two-year standard class (putong ban llff-imli!f) and a four42 A letter from Dr. Max MUller to Nanja, in Nanjo Bun'yii chosaku se12shii ~{~Jtj;ff;iI'1'F~ [Selected works ofNanja Bun'yii], vol. 10, Letter no. 76 (30 July 1884). See also the contribution by Okuyama Naoji in this volume (pp. 212-214). 4J Emoto Yoshinobu iI*~f$, Nomi Yutaka~Chibetto 12i kieta tabibito ~~m~-7-""7 H;:: lJil;Uc~,A. [Nami Yutaka-the traveler who disappeared in Tibet] (Tokyo: Kyiiryiida :;Jtli'i1:il:, 1999). 44 On this see also the contribution by Okuyama in this volume (p. 218). 45 "Xiandai Xizang xu" mf-1tWiiJf [Preface to modern Tibet], in Taixtt dashi quanshu, vol. 30, 875. 46 "Xizang wenti zhi shidang jiejue" Wjj(\;F"~Mziii!i$fli9< [An appropriate solution for Tibetan problems], in Tai."Cu dashi qtta12shu, vol. 24, 77.
~

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year specialized or intensive course (zhztanxiu ke W{liE'i't). They were organized in a way compamble to to day's undergraduate and graduate 'courses.7 For the purpose of instruction at this school, Fazun and his colleagues published numerous Chinese translations of works by Tibetan authors and of Tibetan Buddhist scriptures's such as Tsong kha pa's Lam rim chen mo as Puiidao cidi gttanglun :lf~ilJXm-Jl'ii'iilI or G1"eat Treatise on the Stages of the Path to Enlightenment.'9 Dayong also translated the Lam rim bsdus don as Putidao cidi liielun :lf~ilJXm-mg. ii'iilI (Summary on the stages of the path to enlightenment),so the Ruzhong hm ,A"P ilffij (Madhyamakiivatara), the Xiangttan zhuangyan lun !ll.OiEiM' (Abhisamayiila7Jzkii1"aniima-p1"ajiiiipiiramitopadefa-fiistra), as well as other texts. Meanwhile, the institute staff also appear to have undertaken to translate Tibetan scriptures that survived only in Chinese translations such as, for instance, the Da pip osha lzm *m~rYii'iill (Sk. Abhidharnza-mahiivibhMii-fiistra, Tib. Bye brag bshad mdzod chen nto).51 Reportedly this institute also invited famous Tibetan scholar-monks as visiting professors in order to deepen the knowledge of Buddhism. For example, in 1938, Xirao Dashi]~~*~iji (sGo mang klu 'burn dge bshes Shes rab rgya mtsho, 19081968) was invited and taught at the schooU2 According to the information I received from Professor Wang Yao, the institute also invited sDom 'burn rin po che, Nor lha rin po che (known to the Chinese as Nuona shangshi *il~ Hiji, 1865-1936), and Thub bstan bla rna. The approach ofTaixu, Fazun, and their colleagues towards the study of Tibetan Buddhism was epoch making as they tried to understand the traditional system in its own terms while evaluating it critically and fairly as an academic system. Unfortunately, the times and the political situation prevented the continuation of their efforts. The school was active until 1950, but thereafter the approach of "learning from Tibet" vanished in China.

Taixu, "Hanzang Jiaoliyuan yu fojiao wenwu zhanlanhui" i#!.~>!I!1l1E~11Il~:lCiJw.JJlil [The Sino-Tibetan Institute and the exhibition of Buddhist cultural relics], in Tai.\"U dashi quanshu, vol. 27, 840. 48 Ven. Dongchu, Zhongguo fojiao jindai shi, vol. 2, 993-995 . 9 Fazun It:., Putidao cidi guanglun i'moJgi'X~lll(~ (Chongqing, 1936, repro Taibei, 1975); Taixu :;tEl[, "Putidao cidi guanglun xu" i'rJi!oJgi'X~lll(~~rf: [Preface to the G1'eat Treatise on the Stages of the Path to Enlightenment], in Taixtt dashi quanshu, vol. 30, 777. For a complete translation of this work from Tibetan into English, see Lamrim Chenmo Translation Committee, The G1'eat Treatise on the Stages of the Path to Enlightenment, 3 vols. (Ithaca: Snow Lion Publication, 2000-02). 50 Dayong *~ and Fazunlt:., Putidao cidi Weltm (Chongqing, 1936, repro Taibei, 1975); Taixu, "Putidao cidi liielun xu" i'moJg~~~e-~rf: [Introduction to the Summary on the stages of the path to enlightenment], in Taixu dashi quanshu, vol. 30, 780. 51 See the Zang-Han dacidian .~*;$JII> [Comprehensive Sino-Tibetan dictionary] which mentions on p. 1892 a Tibetan translation of the Da piposha Itm *m~&i~. 52 Taixu, "Cong goutong hanzang wenhua shuo dao ronghe hanzang minzu" {ii:l1i\:im ijjl;.:lCfr:~$I1i'ii~ili~.BO~ [From linking Chinese and Tibetan cultures to the assimilation of Chinese and, Tibetans], in TaL,"", dashi qUa1;Shu, vol. 24, 182. For a brief biography of sGo mang klu 'bum dge bshes Shes rab rgya mtsho, see the preface to his collected works: Ximo Jiaxi wenji *~;F.;:Jt:lC~ [Miscellany of sGo mang klu 'bum dge bshes Shes rab rgya mtsho], Tibetan version, vol. 1 (Qinghai: Minzu chubanshe, 1982).
47

~fr

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Impact an lVIadem Buddhist Studies

January 2001 saw the publication in China of a set of books in six volumes entitled Zbongguo zangmi baodian op~liW'i'~ (Beijing: Minzu chubanshe). The books in this set are actually facsimile reproductions of old textbooks and ritual books originally produced for students in Chinese Buddhist institutions and schools. The books reproduced were published from the late 1920s to the 1930s. Most of them involve traditional Tibetan monastic educational manuals. Some of them are translations from Tibetan originals into Chinese; others are introductions or guidebooks to Tibetan Buddhism written in Chinese. A very similar series in facsimile publication was edited by Zhou Shaoliang )ilJ*BR and Lii Tiegang g;ii~[il;] entitled Zangmi xiufa midian liWjttIMt',~, 5 vols. (Beijing: Huaxia chubanshe, 1995).53 These two series duplicate a fair amount of the reproductions, but they also contain many titles unique to each series. It is thus now possible for Chinese scholars to appreciate the nature of Tibetan Buddhist thought and educational priorities. The basic approach which Taixu, Fazun, and their colleagues took towards Tibetan Buddhism in their time reflected a farsighted attitude within which they placed high value on Tibetan traditional monastic training and its academism as a forerunner of modern Buddhist research and, not as simply an object of investigation. They valued its methodology and guiding principles as well as its content. The times and the political situation, however, did not allow for the promotion of this approach in China. Ideas advocating the need to use traditional Tibetan Buddhology in researching Buddhist philosophy were already prevalent among vVestern scholars about a half century before Fazun's time. They considered Tibetan scholastic works as valuable academic opinions and not merely as objects of direct investigation. This kind of attitude had been slowly propagated among modern Western scholars by the efforts of scholars of the so-called Leningrad school such as vv. Wassiliew, Theodore Stcherbatsky, and Eugene Obermiller. 54 They publicly acknowledge their debt to the research done by 'Jam dbyangs bzhad pa (1648-1721?), rGyal tshab Dar rna rin chen (1364-1432), and other traditional Tibetan scholars. No one can deny the importance of Dr. David Seyfort Ruegg's results on Tathagatagarbha theory in 1970s. 55 Hisresearch was mainly guided by careful examinations of native scholastic works by traditional Tibetan researchers such as Bu ston Rin chen grub (1290-1364). It is also well known that the so-called GTub mtba' literature has played an important part in the Indian Buddhist studies done by Professor Katsumi Mimaki and others:"
53 For a presentation on this collection, see Gray Tuttle, "Translating Buddhism from Tibetan to Chinese in early 20,h Century China (1931-1951)," Buddbism Between Tibet and Cbina, ed. Matthew T. Kapstein (Boston: vVisdom Publications, 2008). 54 Eugene Obermiller, "The doctrine of Prajflaparamita as exposed in the Abhisa77Za),ii1a7!zkt/1'tl ofMaitreya," Acta 01ientafia 11 (1932): 1-355; Th. Stcherbatsky, Buddbist Logic, 2 vols. (Bibliotheca Buddhica 26, 1930-32). 55 David Seyfort Ruegg, Le tmite du tathiigatagm'bha de Bu stan Rin chen grub (Paris: Ecole franpise d'Extreme-Orient, 1973). 56 Katsumi Mimaki, La n!jatation bouddbique de la pe1'71ZalleJZce des cboses et fa p"elive de la

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Madhyamika studies have made rapid progress by the use of the native Buddhist literature of Tibet. For example, in recent years, results published by Dr. Leonard van der Kliijp and by Professor Tom Tillemans have shown that it is almost essential to use Tibetan Tshad ma litera=e in any research on Indian Buddhist 10gic.57

Thus, the shock that the Meiji Restoration inflicted on the Buddhist milieu in Japan was so strong that it even carried the risk of e.'l:terminating Buddhism in that country. However the result, as we have seen, was quite different. The sense of crisis and the serious reflection that it evoked, combined with a strong determination to reform actually resulted in a revival of Buddhism in Japan. Japanese attitudes and efforts exerted a great influence on the Buddhist milieu of China, which was facing a similar crisis, as native Mongolian and Tibetan institutes would at a later date. In both Japan and China a number of researchers of Buddhism began to realize early on that the study of Buddhist scriptures translated into Tibetan was important for the development of modern Buddhist studies. Moreover, some of them were also deeply interested in the educational system of Tibetan monasteries. Both these trends are active today throughout the world of East Asian Buddhist Studies. Translated by Monica Esposito

momentaneite des cboses (Paris: Institut de civilisation indienne, 1976), K.l\IIimaki, Blo gsal grub mtba' (Kyoto: Kyoto University, 1982). 57 Tom]. F. Tillemans, Scripture, Logic, Langztage (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 1999).

The Philosophical Reception of Tibetan Buddhism in Japan This article deals with the three main stages that seem to characterize the study of Tibetan Buddhism in Japan: (1) the study of Indian Buddhism through the Tibetan tripitaka; (2) the study of Gelugpa's theories of Prama!)a and lYIadhyamika and (3) the contemporary studies based on a knowledge of Tibetan Buddhism in its own context. During the first stage, the most important studies were made by two scholars in Kyoto, Yamaguchi Susumu WJ wlil: (1895-1976) and Nagao Gajin (Gadjin) :!itfil!.)fftA (1907-2005), respectively master and pupil. Their methodology was accepted by many scholars in Japan, and the Kyoto school of Buddhist studies was formed. The second stage is characterized by a new insight into Indian Buddhism which was developed through Tibetan Buddhism. The disciples of Yamaguchi Zuiho WJ wfffij1l!\ (b. 1926) of Tokyo University began to study the Grub nztba' texts in order to understand the organized description of Tibetan Buddhism, and thus Indian Buddhism, especially Prama!)a and lYIadhyamika. Finally, the third stage concerns present-day young researchers who try t~ study living Tibetan Buddhism. Thanks to more frequent contact with Tibetan monks, they can learn how to read Tibetan texts clirectly from them. They also have the opportunity to spend time in Tibetan monasteries and assimilate the knowledge of Tibetan monks.

La reception philosophique du bouddhisme tibetain au Japon Cet article aborde les trois principales etapes qui marquerent les etudes du bouddhisme tihetain au Japon : (1) les etudes du bouddhisme indien sont abordees a partir du tripitaka tihetain ; (2) l'etude dogmatique des theories du Pramana et du lYIadhyamika chez les Gelugpa ; (3) les etudes contemporaines fondees sur I'approfondissement de la connaissance du bouddhisme tihetain dans son contexte. Pendant la premiere periode, les etudes les plus importantes furent celles de deux chercheurs de Kyoto, Yamaguchi Susumu WJwlil: (1895-1976) et Nagao Gajin (Gadjin) :!itfil!.)fftA (1907-2005), respectivement maitre et disciple. Leur methodologie fut adoptee par beaucoup de chercheurs japonais et I'ecole des etudes bouddhiques de Kyoto fut creee. La deuxieme etape se caracterise par une nouvelle approche du bouddhisme indien, qui s'est developpee a partir du bouddhisme tibetain. Les disciples de Yamaguchi Zuiho WJwfffij1l!\ (ne en 1926) de I'Universite de Tokyo commencerent a etudier les textes du Gn,b nztba' afin d'en degager la description systematique du bouddhisme tibetain, en particulier Ie Pramana et Ie Madhyamika. Enfin, la troisieme periode voit I'emergence de jeunes chercheurs actuels qui s'efforcent d'etudier Ie bouddhisme tibetain en activite. Grace a des
contacts plus frequents avec des moines tibetains, ils s'initient ala lecture de premiere main des textes tibetains. Ces nouveaux chercheurs ont aussi 1a chance de pouvoir sejourner dans des monas teres tibetains et de recevoir l'enseignement direct des moines tibetains.

THE PHILOSOPHICAL RECEPTION OF TIBETAN BUDDHISM IN ]APAl'J

FUKUDA Y6ichi

Three Stages in Tibetan Buddhist Studies

he study of Tibetan Buddhism in Japan already has a history of more than a hundred years, going back to 1901 when Kawaguchi Ekai moll #ii (1866-1945) first entered Lhasa, and during this time a wide-ranging body of research has accumulated.! It is impossible to sketch in its entirety the history of research during these hundred years, but in the following I shall summarize the history of the philosophical study and philosophical reception of Tibetan Buddhism, a subject that until now caunotbe said to have widely accepted in the academic study of Buddhism. 2 There will Ilecessarily be much research on which I do not touch because I have set out to delineate changes in research trends rather than focus on individual studies, and the researchers whom I discuss are chiefly those who typify these trends. However, the distinguishing characteristics of each period are applicable to the majority of researchers of the time even if they are not mentioned by name. Tibetan Buddhist studies during the past hundred years can be divided into three periods. The first began at the time of the Great Gamel in central Asia during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century when Japanese Buddhists entered Tibet in search of the original texts of Buddhism and brought back to Japan the Tibetan canon along with extracanonical writings by various Tibetan authors. Then,
On Kawaguchi, see the contribution by Okuyama Naoji in this volume. Although the periods are limited to 1984/5-1998, there are good surveys of Tibetan studies in Japan: "Japanese Research on Tibetan Buddhism: 1984-1998" by Fukuda Yoichi, "Japanese Research on Tibetan History: 1985-1998" by Ishihama Yumiko, and "Japanese Research on Tibetan Linguistics" by Nagano Yasuhiko in Asian Reseanb Ii-ends: A Humanities and Social Science Review 9 (The Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies for Unesco, 1999). ) The expression "Great Game" sometimes attributed to Rudyard Kipling and Kim was originated by a British intelligence officer, Arthur Conolly, in 1831 (see Peter Hopkirk, Tbe G,'eat Game: On Secret Se1'Vice in High Asia, London: John Murray, 1990, 123). It denotes the political and military rivalry carried out between Russia and Britain in the region between the Caucasus and India during the 19'" century. See Stanley Abe, "Inside the vVonder House: Buddhist Art and West," in CZl1'aton of the Buddba, ed. Donald S. Lopez, Jr. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1995): 63-106, here note 103.

Images of Tibet in the 19 rb and 20 Ib CentuTies Paris, EFEO, coll. Etudes thematiques" (22.1), 2008, p. 245-262

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as various people explored ways of utilizing these texts, there eventually developed an understanding, albeit hazy, of Tibetan Buddhism as a whole. This period lasted for about fifty years, and its high-water mark was the achievements of Nagao Gajin (Gadjin) f:t~Jfltl\ (1907-2005). Although Nagao himself did not visit Tibet, he undertook a survey of Tibetan monasteries in Inner Mongolia during World vVar II, and produced a partial translation of the La712 1~i712 chen 7120 by Tsongkhapa (Tsong kha pa) in which he revealed an understanding of Tibetan Madhyamika philosophy that was remarkably accurate for his time. The second period began after the war when in 1961 the Toyo Bunko ~l$::st Ii' invited to Japan a number of Tibetan scholar-monks who had fled to India. This was a time. during which younger researchers studying under Yamaguchi Zuiho 0J priffiJj,\, (b. 1926) at the Toyo Bunko and the University of Tokyo conducted research on Tibetan Buddhism as an extension of their study of Indian Buddhism. During this period there appeared three volumes of essays on Tibetan Buddhism written by Yamaguchi and researchers associated with him, a clear indication that research d':'ring this period was centered on Yamaguchi and those around him. The foremost achievement of this period was a series of studies on Tsongkhapa's lvladhyamika philosophy by Matsumoto Shiro t~*5t:JlJl (b. 1950). Beginning in the mid-1990s younger researchers, rather than study Tibetan Buddhism on the basis of methods and concerns deriving from Indian Buddhist studies, began to receive instruction directly from Tibetans and to conduct research within the context of Tibetan Buddhism itself. This constitutes the third of our periods. Research of this type has only just begun in the academic world of traditional Buddhist studies. Those engaged in this research are still postgraduate students or people who have only just completed their studies, and concrete results are still scant. But if one extends one's purview to religious studies and cultural anthropology, mention can be made of Nakazawa Shin'ichi 'P{RJiiJT- (b. 1950). In 1979 he began training in Tantric Buddhism under the Nyingmapa (rNying rna pa) lama Khetsun Sangpo (mI(has btsun bzang po, b. 1921), and on the basis of his experiences he has written about Tibetan Buddhism in a most engaging style that has found favor with the Japanese reading public, even though he has been almost completely ignored by academics in the fields of Buddhist and religious studies. The research methods of this third period differ most from those of the second period in their efforts to comprehend Tibetan Buddhism directly within the context of the Tibetans themselves, and in this respect Nakazawa's approach is representative of these newer research trends. The above three periods cannot necessarily be strictly differentiated chronologically, but they do represent a tripartite division of the characteristics of research methods and interests. It is interesting to note, however, that researchers belonging to one period can be seen to pass on the baton, as it were, to researchers of the next period, just aq if some karmic bond connected them. In the following, I shall give a brief outline of the history of each period, focusing on four researchers representative of thes~ periods, and thereby describe the course of the philosophical reception of Tibetan B~ddhism in Japan.

",.

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Tbe First PeTiod: Jozmzeys to Tibet and Nagao Gajin's NJadbya77Zilw Studies
At the turn of the twentieth century, when explorers from around the world were vying with each other to be the first foreigners to enter Tibet, the last forbidden land, attempts were also being made by the Japanese to enter Tibet 'and reach its capital Lhasa by various routes. But the objectives of those Japanese intent on entering Tibet differed from those of vVestern explorers, or at least they had an additional objective. In order to discover the true form of Buddhism, many of them were seeking in Tibet Buddhist scriptures (Sanskrit texts and the Tibetan canon) closer to the original texts of Buddhism than the Chinese scriptures with which they were familiar. This initial motivation is reflected in the fact that the greater part of Tibetan studies in Japan since then has been concerned with Buddhism. In this sense, the first achievement of this period must be credited to Teramoto Enga ~*ftJ'fflJl (1872-1947) who, though not the first to reach Lhasa, in the confusion that followed the Boxer Uprising in 1900 obtained a copy of the Peking edition of the Tibetan canon from a Tibetan monastery in Peking. This was subsequently donated to Otani University, and the Suzuki Research Foundation later brought out its photographic reprint. 4 This was an epochal event for the study of Indian and Tibetan Buddhism, for it now became possible to refer readily to the voluminous Tibetan canon. In 1901, when Tibet was still maintaining a closed-door policy, Kawaguchi Ekai, disguised as a Chinese, succeeded in becoming the first foreigner to enter Lhasa. He was soon exposed as Japanese, but after a year or so he escaped to Darjeeling, in India, After the invasion of Tibet by British forces under Colonel Younghusband in 1904 and their entry into Lhasa, Tibet's seclusion in effect came to an end, and instead, with the help of other countries, it began to explore ways of modernizing. Thereafter several more Japanese managed to visit Lhasa, including Teramoto Enga (in Lhasa 1905-1906), Aoki Bunkyo 1r*Y:~ (1886-1956; in Lhasa 1913-1916), and Tada Tokan ?t1'B~iJ! (1890-1967; in Lhasa 1913-1923). On his first visit Kawaguchi had failed to accomplish his initial objective of acquiring a copy of the Tibetan canon, and so he revisited Lhasa in 1914 (returning to Japan the following year). Each relying on personal connections, these men all obtained copies of the Tibetan canon and other Tibetan works, which they then brought back to Japan. The Tibetan canon (including a valuable manuscript Kangyur) and extracanonical works brought back by Kawaguchi are held by the Toyo Bunko, while most of the texts brought back by Teramoto are held by Otani University, and those brought back by Tada are kept at Tohoku University and the University of Tokyo. Especially worthy of mention among these figures is Tada Tokan, who through a special dispensation from the 13'h Dalai Lama was able to study Tibetan Buddhism for ten years at Sera Monastery, following the traditional methods of monastic education. He was probably the Japanese most deeply versed in Tibetan Buddhism. The Tibetan works he collected include many that are important and valuable, and Tohoku University, which acquired them,
The Tibetan Ti-ipitaka, ed. Suzuki Daisetsu, 168 vols., Tokyo, 1955-61.

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later invited him to join Ui Hakuju ''tl=1i3,ji, Kanakura Ensho ~.pjjffi, Hadano Hakuyu 5J)jIl3!BHi3~ (1911-1985)' and other Buddhist scholars on its staff in compiling A Complete Catalogue of the Tibetan Buddhist Canons (1934) and A Catalogue of tbe Tohoku University Collection of Tibetan Works on Buddhimz (1953). But apart from this, . Tada wrote only an introductory book on Tibet6 and a biography in English of the 13 th Dalai Lama, with whom. he had been on close terms.7 He never produced any research or other writings of a more substantial nature. B The exploitation of the Tibetan works brought back by these early travelers to Tibet in the study of Buddhism WaS left to the next generation of scholars. Yamaguchi Susumu ~Q~ (1895-1976) of Otani University, which held a copy of the Peking edition of the Tibetan canon, was one of the first to set about making use of the Tibetan canon in his research, and he undertook studies of the Madhyamaka and Yogaciira in which he made full use of texts for which there was no Sanskrit original or Chinese translation and which had survived only in Tibetan translation. After learning Tibetan from Teramoto Enga, Yamaguchi Susumu went to France to study under Sylvain Levi during 1927-1929, and he was the first researcher to introduce to Japan the philological method based on the comparative study of Sanskrit, Tibetan and Chinese texts. But he did not go so far as to engage in the study ot'Tibetan Buddhism itself. Under the direct and indirect influence of Yamaguchi there developed in Kyoto after vVorld War II a tradition of Buddhist studies making use of Tibetan texts, which was in marked contrast to the situation in Tokyo, where almost no research llsing Tibetan texts was being conducted at this time. Among the researchers in Kyoto, it was Nagao Gajin of Kyoto University who came squarely to grips with Tibetan Buddhism. While Nagao is famous around the world as a great scholar of Indian Buddhism, during and immediately after the war he devoted himself to the study of Tibetan Buddhism. He was taught by Yamaguchi among others and collaborated with him in a critical edition and annotated translation of the Madhyantavibhiigatfka. Then, with funds provided by the government-controlled South Manchuria Railway, in 1943 he conducted a field survey of Wudangzhao 3i~H:l and Beizimiao Jl.'TJWi, two leading Buddhist monasteries in Inner Mongolia. The record of his investigations (Miiko gakumonji ~il"jtFo~'ii= [1947]) and the account of his travels (Miiko ramabyii ki ~ilID1JJ.Jfjjjjc. [1947]) describe in great detail the distribution, form, organization, lifestyle, architecture, art, and so

Although Ui and Kanakura were researchers of Indian Philosophy and Buddhism, Hadano studied the history of Tibetan Buddhism and the esoteric Buddhism based upon non-canonical works brought by Tad . His pioneer works were published in two ";olumes of his collected edition (Chibetto indogaku shusei "f""~ l- .(~)<<'jt~pj(;, 1-2 vols., Kyoto: H6z6kan It;iIl!~, 1986-1987). His achievements are on a par with that of Nagao Gajin in the . second period of Tibetan studies inJapan. 6 Chibetto "f""-y l- (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten ;\!g-i!j[:;:m, 1942). The Thirteentb Dalai Lama (Tokyo: Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies for Unesco, The Toy6 Bunko, 1965). , For more detailed information on early study of Tibet in Japan, see the contribution by Okuyama Naoji in this volume. .

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on of traditional Tibetan monasteries in Mongolia, which were to disappear shortly afterwards with the advent of Communist rule 9 After his return to Japan, Nagao started working on an annotated translation of the "Vipasyana" chapter of Tsongkhapa's Lam Tim eben mo. He persevered with it between air raids, and his efforts bore fruit after the war in a study entitled Seizo bu/deyo kenkyzi Wi1:lil{L~1i]f'fE or Reseanh on Tibetan Buddhism. 'o vVhen considered from the more advanced level of today's research, his translations and interpretations of some of the more difficult passages are problematic, but he identified accurately Tsongkhapa's sources, and at a time when there existed neither adequate dictionaries nor general works on the subject there had suddenly appeared an outstanding translation of the most philosophical sections of one of the most important works of Tibetan Buddhism. On the basis of his understanding nurtured through his reading of the Lam 1'im eben 7no, Nagao also published his doctoral thesis, entitled Chllgan tetsugalw no konponte1ei tacbiba r:pW!B''O)t:El*S':l:s'z:~ (later translated into English under the title The Foundational Standpoint of NJiidhyamika Philosophyll) in Kyoto University's journal Tetsugalw kenkyzi B'''liif'fE (1947-48)." This represented the first fruit of the philosophical reception of Tibetan Buddhism in Japan. Dispensing with any philological apparatus, this thesis was written with the aim of elucidating the essence of Madhyarnika philosophy in philosophical terms (that is, in accordance with the flow of Nagao's own arguments). Theses written in this style are rarely seen in Buddhist academia today. At the time, the Department of Philosophy at Kyoto University was dominated by the so-called Kyoto school of philosophy propounded by students of Nishida Kitaro Ws=I%l\~J!i~ (1870-1945), Nishida, renowned as Japan's most original philosopher, constructed his own philosophical system in an attempt to solve the philosophical problems that concerned him. His philosophical system came to be known as "Nishida philosophy," and the issues he raised were discussed in Japanese philosophical circles using concepts created by him. Nagao's thesis would seem to have been written within this milieu. Nishida's writings make frequent use of expressions "must be," "must be so-called," "should be" and "unescapably" giving particular emphasis to inevitability, and they are also characterized by the free use of concepts such as "self-identity of absolute contradiction" which step outside the bounds of everyday logic. This tendency is also evident in Nagao's above-mentioned thesis and while expressions drawing on Nishida's philosophy are far too numerous to list here (almost all lines contain such expressions), some examples of Nishida-like terms and phraseology include the following (quoted here from his Japanese thesis included in Chzlgan to Yuishiki r:pW!i:Pjt~rather than from the English translation):

,
JO

These two books have been reprinted and continue to be read today from Chiia
r:p~-0~fiflt.

I(6ronsha

Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1954. II Trans. John P. Keenan (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989). 12 This article is included in his collected edition C1J1lgan to Yuisbiki 'i'li,U:::U1Ui& (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1978) with his other articles on Indian and Tibetan Buddhism.

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For Nladhyamaka too, dependent arising must be its fundamental proposition (p. 6)." "There must be so-called dependently arisen thusness, that is, the dependent co-arising or arising of intrinsic nature of the Buddha (p. 8)." "That which realizes the supreme truth is not a mere 'means of knowledge' such as direct perception or inference, and as long as it possesses the character of investigating the true essence, it must be that which ought to be called 'true reasoning' .... Therefore, that which sees the supreme truth must ~ not a means of knowledge, but the wisdom of true reasoning (p. 130)." "Generally, solm (Ch. ji llP) refers to the identitv of absolutely contradictory things, and as a unity of contradictory notions such as one and many, self and other, it is interpenetrating (p. 18).

The writings of Nishida, who attempted to give expression to that which transcends ordinary verbal expression, are well-known for their abstruseness, and this thesis by Nagao, influenced as he was by Nishida, is also exceedingly difficult to understand when compared with other monographs in the field of Buddhist studies. Since Tsongldlapa's philosophy is itself extremely logical, it ought to have been possible for him to explain it quite lucidly, but Nagao's thesis is written in a manner that makes it impossible to follow his arguments in a single reading. This may be one reason why his pioneering achievements in the understanding of Tibetan Buddhism have been unfairly underrated. But even today the understanding attained by Nagao deserves to be reread, even if it means grappling with his abstruse turns of phrase, and by the same token his annotated translation of the Lam 7'im eben mo has remained perfectly serviceable to this day.

The Second Pe7-iod: Tibetan Buddbist Studies as an Extension ofIndian Buddbist Studies
In his later years Kawaguchi Ekai, the first Japanese to enter Tibet, decided to compile a Tibetan-Japanese dictionary. On the condition that he be provided with space and funds for this purpose, he donated tlle Tibetan texts he had collected to the Taya Bunko, where during the war he set about compiling the dictionary. But he died in the final year of the war (1945), his goal unfulfilled. However, the seeds sown at this time by Kawaguchi led to the subsequent development of the Taya Bunko into an important center for Tibetan studies in Japan. For a time after the war work continued on the compilation of the Tibetan-Japanese dictionary in accordance with Kawaguchi's wishes, and during this time Tada Tabn became a regular visitor to the Taya Bunko, where he instructed Kitamura Hajime ~tH* (19232003) and Yamaguchi Zuiha of the University of Tokyo in the Tibetan language and Tibetan culture. Tada, together with Kitamura and Yamaguchi, then went on to establish the infrastructure for Tibetan studies at the Taya Bunko. vVhen the 14'h Dalai Lama fled to India in 1959, large numbers of Tibetan monks followed him into exile, and in order to support these Tibetans in exile the Rockefeller Foundation provided funds to send prominent scholar-monks to institutes around the world engaged in Tibetan studies. InJapan the Taya Bunko acted as host institution, and

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in 1956 the Center for Tibetan Studies was established, with Tada Tokan becoming the head researcher. Tada and Kitamura then went to India to select suitable people, and in 1961 it was decided to invite the Sakyapa (Sa skya pal incarnate lama Sonam Gyamtso (bSod nams rgya mtsho), the Nyingmapa lama Khetsun Sangpo, and Tsering Dolma (Tshe ring sgroI rna), the daughter of a nobleman. In 1958 Yamaguchi Zuiho had gone to France to study under Rolf A. Stein, who was the author of an authoritative survey of Tibetan culture, La civilisation tibetaine, which Yamaguchi translated into Japanese later (T~kyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1971), and after eight years' study he returned to Japan in 1966 and was reinstated as a researcher at the Toyo Bunko. In this fashion a new infrastructure for postwar Tibetan studies was established at the Toyo Bunko, and in collaboration with the Tibetan researchers invited to Japan the collected works of the Sakyapas, which had brought to Japan by Sonam Gyamtso, were published (1968-69), a catalog of the Kawaguchi collection was compiled,!] full set of Tibetan printing types was created, and a study of Thukan's (Thu'u bkwan, 1737-1802) G7"1tb mtba' was initiated. l4 In 1970 Yamaguchi moved to the University of Tokyo, where he taught literary Tibetan, and this marked the real start of the second period of Tibetan Buddhist studies. Yamaguchi retained his position as researcher at the Toyo Bunko, and together with younger researchers under his tutelage at the Uhiversity of Tokyo he pursued research projects at the Toyo Bunko. Initially his subject of research had been the study of the history of the ancient Tibetan kingdom through the critical use of Dunhuang manuscripts and later Tibetan historical sources, but in his class for reading Tibetan Buddhist literature at the University of Tokyo he read continuously over the years Changkya's (ICang skya, 1717-1786) Gnlb 77Ztba'.lS Among the students who took this class, there were several who chose Tibetan Buddhism as their research topic, and they were known as the "Yamaguchi group." By the time Yamaguchi retired from the University of Tokyo in 1986 he had edited three volumes of essays dealing with Tibet. The first was a special issue of the journal Toyo gakujutsu kenkyzI J![l$"f:lif''l'liJfi; (21-2 [1982]) on "Tibetan Buddhism," which summarized the history of the various schools of Tibetan Buddhism and serves as an introduction to the subject. This was followed by Tonka kogo bun/un $Y:~~t)j~li':)z:ii!\,!6 which formed
13 Catalog cards of the Kawaguchi collection were prepared by Khetsun Sangpo. The catalog of the historical works within the collection was published by Yamaguchi Zuiho from the Toyo Bunko in 1970. 14 As a genre of Tibetan literature, grub mtba' (doxography) generally describes the philosophical tenets of the four principal schools of Indian Buddhism. However the Gntb mtba' written by Thukan in 1801 mainly discusses the tenets of Tibetan Buddhism. This is a unique feature of Thukan's G1'ltb 77ttba', and it is also very useful in the study of Tibetan Buddhism itself. During the period 1974-1995, researchers from the Toyo Bunko engaged in this study published annotated translations of seven chapters of this Grub 71ltba': Sa skya pa, Zhi byed pa, rNying rna pa, Mongolian Buddhism, J0 nang pa, bKa' brgyud pa, and dGe lugs pa. 15 Changkya's Gmb 77ztba' is a most authoritative interpretation of four tenets of Indian Buddhism from the point of view of Gelugpa school and a very detailed introduction of philosophy ofTsongkhapa. 16 Vol. 6 ofKoza: T01ZkO~l(:J!i!. tiI:;t~ (Tokyo: Daito Shuppansha *JI:!:iJIlR1', 1985).

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part of a series on Dunhuang, and Chibetto no bukkyo to sbakai TA.y t-(1){L:j;&H~,17 a Festschrift volume published on the occasion of Yamaguchi's sixtieth birthday. In addition, although published after his retirement, Chibetto bukkyo TA.y HL~,I8 part of a series on Eastern thought, was for the most part written by Yamaguchi and researchers who had studied under him (with the introductory chapter being contributed by Nagao Gajin). No such collections of essays on Tibetan Buddhism had been compiled previously, nor have any appeared since; this is an indication of the thriving state of research among Yamaguchi's students at this time. After his retirement from the University of Tokyo Yamaguchi himself also began to concentrate on the study of Buddhism, following the path taken earlier by his own students. His research started with a close reading of Santarak~ita's iVIildbyamakiila1?zkiiTa, and he went on to formulate a thesis of dependent co-arising based on a distinctive theory of perception. He subsequently wrote many articles related to Buddhism, on the basis of which he developed his own original understanding of Buddhism in a chapter on Tibetan Buddhism in his two-volume opus on Tibet entitled Chibetto TA.y t-,19 This work was written for the general reader (which is why it has no notes, nor are any sources given), and it describes all aspects of Tibetan culture in great detail under various headings. No such introductory work had been previously available in Japanese, nor has any been written since, and partly because it was written by an emeritus professor of the University of Tokyo, it has met with wide acceptance among the general reading public. (It received the Mainichi Publishing Culture Award in 1988.) A distinctive feature of this work is that, rather than relying on past research, Yamaguchi has himself gone back to the original sources and write ten most of it on the basis of his own interpretations. 'o This also means of course that there are passages that pose problems in"a general work. The chapter on Buddhism in particular, premised on Yamaguchi's own distinctive understanding of Buddhism, treats of the views of the scholar-monks corresponding to the founders of the various schools of Tibetan Buddhism in a uniformly critical and negative manner, and a work which ought to provide an impartial introduction to the subject thus turned into a book of the' most radical content. A revised and enlarged version of the second volume, which includes the chapter on Buddhism, was published in 2004. The chapter on Buddhism in particular has been completely rewritten, and its content now deviates still further from what might be deemed appropriate for a general work. There are probably very few people who can understand what it says, and for this reason it is unlikely to have had much real effect. This means that it has failed completely to help spread an understanding of Tibetan Buddhism. Among Yamaguchi's students, it was Matsumoto Shiro who in the end produced the most substantial results, and his scholarly articles on Tibetan Buddhism have Tokyo: Shunjusha $fM, 1986. Vol. 11 of Iwa71ami koza: Toyo shiso :'6iBi~i\\'~' Jf[1'F,\lIJ~ (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1999). 19 2 vols. (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku Shuppankai Jf[*::k:'jt!lJlR~, 1987-88). 20 I criticized his unique interpretation of Santaraksita's texts in my paper "Nihon no Chibettagaku 10 nen: Yamaguchi Zuiho hakushi no kenlcyu wa chushin ni" S;$:<D'f"rZ,y t-"lt
17 18

1O"F'-W,Jp.fffij@'tW0)1iJf'ie:a:-<jJ,tA;:,Bu""yogaku{LWl"lt36 (1994).

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been brought together in a volume on the "philosophy of Tibetan Buddhism" entitled Cbibetto bulekyotetsugaku 7'--"'.;; r-fbWcB''J':.21 Matsumoto does not limit his studies to Tibetan Buddhism, and he has published voluminolls studies of Indian Buddhism and, more recently, also of ChanlZen and the Pure Land teachings in China and Japan. But while their subject matter is far-ranging, most of his books share an underlying negative criticism of Tathagatagarbha thought. Taking the view that Tathagatagarbha thought is not Buddhism, he has published a succession of studies in which he criticizes various currents of thought in the l:Ustory of Buddhism. Tathagatagarbha thought holds to the idea that sentient beings already have within them as their essential nature the potential for becoming Buddhas sometime in the future, and once that which is concealing this potential disappears, their original Buddhahood will spontaneously appear. Matsumoto, on tlle other hand, argues that this optimistic Tathagatagarbha thought, asserting as it does that something affirmative and substantial in the form of tatbiigotagm-bba represents the essence and basis of human existence, is in direct conflict with Buddhism's primary ideas of no-self (oniit77Zon) and emptiness (fz7nyotii). In Matsumoto's view, the history of Buddhism has been a history of the degeneration of the true philosophy of emptiness into a philosophy ofbeing exemplified by Tathagatagarbha thought. vVithin this body of research, Matsumoto's study of Tibetan Buddhism was initially conducted with the aim of elucidating objectively Tsongkhapa's Madhyamika philosophy (although later it was used in his criticism ofTathagatagarbha thought). In tlle course of his research, iVIatsumoto came to identify the essence of Tsongkhapa's Madhyamika philosophy in his criticism of the "theory of freedom from extremes as the middle view." The "theory of freedom from extremes as the middle view" is the view that "supreme trutll or true reality transcends all verbal expression," and "from this position every assertion and judgment must be negated as a conceptualization and attachment." Therefore, from tllis point of view "the establishment of dependent co-arising is impossible from the standpoint of the Madhyamikas themselves, and it is established from the standpoint of so-called '[ordinary people belonging to] everyday world,' who for Madhyamikas represent the other." In this fashion, the "theory of freedom from extremes as the middle view" does not recognize dependent co-arising as its own standpoint, and it maintains that dependent co-arising must be established on the basis of a standpoint other than its own. Tsongkhapa, on the other hand, criticizes this assertion-namely, the negation of all conceptualization-as being no different from the thought of the nihilist Mohoyan ~~'lllJ21 and as representing a denial of the doctrine of dependent co-arising. According to Matsumoto, the essence of Tsongkhapa's thought lies in the fact that he criticized the view equating the abandonment of all conceptualizations, all judgments, and all positions with the Madhyamika view, especially that of the Prasangikas, as being ultimately identical with the
Tokyo: Daizo Shuppan xiliW::l#R, 1997. lvIohoyan is a Zen Buddhist of the last half of 8'" century, who came to Tibet to propagate Chinese Zen Buddhism but he was rejected by Kamalasila, a prominent scholar-monk of Indian Buddhism in those days, who had come to Tibet to introduce the orthodoxy oflndian Buddhism, .
II . 22

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position of lVIohoyan, who taught that enlightenment means "not thinkingi' and that he upheld to the end the importance of "good conceptualizations." At the same time, Tsongkhapa's thought is also deemed to imply that the theory of dependent co-arising can be established on the basis ofTsongkhapa's own position. Matsumoto's book Chibetto buldeyif tetsugaleu is a detailed record of the process of trial and error whereby he pried these fundamental assertions from Tsongkhapa's writings. Rather than being based on an extensive reading of Tsongkhapa's works, it is a book that subjects a limited number of passages to deep analysis, and it is no easy matter to reassess lVlatsumoto's arguments. For this reason I am unable to evaluate his arguments on the basis of a thorough examination, but it would nonetheless seem to me that his assertions are overly one-sided. Though what Matsumoto refers to as criticism of the "theory of fi-eedom from extremes as the middle view" may appear in Tsongkhapa's writings, it is inconceivable that this could represent the essence of his philosophy. Rathe;, what Tsongkhapa himself identified as the essence of lYladhyamika thought was, depending on the context, the "unshared superior doctrine of the lYIadhyamikas" (dbu nza pa'i tbun 77Zong nza yin pa'i kbyad chos), the "eight difficult points" (dlea' gnad b,-gyad) of the Prasangikas, and so on, and when considered as a whole his thought may be positioned <It the intersection of the twin axes of dependent co-arising and emptiness on the one hand and worldly convention and supreme truth on the other. Anyone who follows the thread of Tsongkhapa's arguments will be naturally led to this summary of the essence of his philosophy. But while he also refers to these notions, ultimately lYIatsumoto draws a forced connection between all these ideas and the solutions to questions he himself has posed. Matsumoto has assigned the greater part of his Chibetto bukkyif tetsugaku to the elucidation of the "essence" ofTsonglchapa's Madhyamika philosophy, and he undertakes, moreover, deep analyses that reveal aspects of Tsonglchapa's thought that are overlooked in any cursory reading of his writings and ties the whole together with sound logic. Even though some of lYIatsumoto's conclusions and interpretations may be open to question, there can be no doubt that an examination of his arguments provides an excellent starting point for thinking more deeply about Tsongkhapa's philosophy.

The Tbird Period: Understanding Tibetan BuddbisllZ in a Tibetan Context

Regardless of how penetrating Matsumoto's analyses may be, there is no denying that his readings are on the whole unnatural. The reason for this lies in the fact that as a researcher belonging to the second period of Tibetan studies he was reading the Buddhist writings of Tibet as an extension of Indian Buddhist studies. We can understand Indian Buddhism only on the basis of the extant texts, but in the case of Tibetan Buddhism its traditions have continued down to the present day, and it is possible to receive direct instruction from Tibetan scholar-monks. Such instruction goes beyond simply having puzzling words and concepts explained. Direct instruction from Tibetans does of course have this benefit, but more important is the fact that one can gain from the very outset an insight into the perspective from which

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Tibetans themselves understand their own Buddhism as a whole. It is extremely difficult to develop such a perspective on the basis of books alone. This is apparent in the far greater variation that exists in the interpretations reached by individual researchers in the field of Indian Buddhist smdies when compared with Tibetan Buddhist smdies. In the case of Tibetan Buddhism, it is necessary to adopt the procedure of fIrst learning what Tibetans themselves take for granted in their understanding of . Tibetan Buddhism and then examine this objectively. My positing of a third period in the study of Tibetan Buddhism is in response to the fact that there have begun to appear researchers who, receiving instruction directly from Tibetans in a Tibetan context, are assimilating this information as they pursue their research inJapan. This third period actually overlaps with the second half of tlle second period, and, strictly speaking, it is not a question of periodization but one of differences in methodology. The first person that must be mentioned in connection with the philosophical reception of Tibetan Buddhism during this period is Nakazawa Shin'ichi. It is Nakazawa who has aroused great interest in Tibetan Buddhism among the general reading public in Japan, and he has considerable popular influence. In the academic world of Buddhist studies and Tibetan studies, however, he is completely ignored, and for this reason he is probably largely unknown among overseas researchers engaged in Tibetan studies . . Nakazawa did not start out in the field of Buddhist studies. As a young researcher in the wider area of religious smdies and cultural anthropology, and prior to entering the life of an academic, in 1979 at the age of twenty-nine he became a disciple ofKhetsun Sangpo, the Nyingmapa lama, at a Nyingmapa colleg'e that the latter was running in Nepal, and with the special permission of the Rinpoche he was able to study there the practices of Tibetan Buddhism, including the rudiments of rdzogs chen, for about two years. As was mentioned earlier, Khetsun Sangpo was one of the first three Tibetans invited to Japan by the Toyo Bunko in 1961. Mter spending about ten years helping with the study and cataloguing of Tibetan works at the Tayo Bunko, in 1970, but having trained no disciples in Japan, he moved to the library in Dharamsala in India. Then in 1974 he established a college for young Nyingmapa monks in northern India, which he relocated to Bodhnath in Nepal in 1977, and he was engaged in training them there when Nakazawa visited him. At the time, Nakazawa had no idea that Khetsun Sangpo had lived for many years in Japan and could speak Japanese. Though a coincidence, there must have been some deeper karmic bond between them, and already in this initial encounter one senses the start of a typically Tibetan relationship. After his return to Japan, Nakazawa published in rapid succession a number of essays in which he wrestled with how to interpret within the conceptual framework of modern French philosophy the experiences he had gained during these two years of practice. These essays were men brought together in his first book, Chibetto no Motsaruto =J-.rZ;; rO)"C~j17!v r or Moza7,t of Tibet (1983). vVhen describing the reality that he experienced (or that lies beyond what he experienced), Nakazawa always presents roughly the same schema. This is the contrast between the world of gross material mass to which our everyday lives belong

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and the world of subtle movement that manifests in consciousness when it has been transformed by the various meditational techniques of Tibetan Tantric Buddhism. He sets forth what is in a way a commonsense understanding of Buddhism not through the medium of traditional conceptual terms, but in extremely sensual and literary language rich in images. In addition, though not strictly basing himself on original texts, he uses free and sensual modes of expression in providing explanations of the process of emanation (utpatti-km77Za) and the process of realization (niipanna-kmma) that hold for Tibetan Tantrism in general. When this book was reissued in paperback in 2003, Nakazawa wrote in the "Preface" that it bears the marks of the struggles of his youth, when he was unable to assimilate his experiences fully, and that he would write differently were he to write about the same subject matter today. It is true that since its initial publication Nakazawa has eschewed the interpretations and rewordings based on contemporary philosophy that he essayed in this book, and has come to write about Tibetan Buddhism in a more straightforward and traditional manner. This book was one of self-definition for Nakazawa as he molded himself into a practitioner of Tibetan Buddhism around the age of thirty. In 1981, prior to the publication of Chibetto no iV1ijtsaruto, Nakazawa brought out Niji no kaitei !lrIO)fI"&t~, a translation of Khetsun Sangpo's lectures on Tbe SaC7'ed Wiwd of Lama Gun-sang by Jigme Lingpa (,Jigs med gling pa, 1729/30-1798) (also available in English as Tanto'ic Pmctice in Nying-ma). With the publication of these two books, the name Nakazawa Shin'ichi came to be associated with Tibetan Buddhism for Japanese reading public. In 1993 Niji no kaitei, this time more accurately translated, was republished with the addition of sections that had been omitted from the original lectures. In content, it is divided into the preparatory practices common to Buddhism in general and the preparatory practices peculiar to Tantric Buddhism, with the first half explaining the basic mental approach needed to practice Buddhism and the second half going on to describe the basics of Tantric meditation methods in the order of Vajrasattva meditation, mandala offering, cutting attachment (gcod), guru-yoga, and 'pho ba. A distinctive feature of this book is not the exposition of conventional teachings as suggested by the chapter titles, but the fact that the commentary is interspersed with tales and verses from Indian and Tibetan practitioners, which enable the reader to foster an awareness of belonging to the long current of Buddhist history as she or he practices in the present. The translation is fluent and natural, just as if a Tibetan were directly addressing the reader, and no use is made of the difficult terminology of modern French philosophy found in Nakazawa's own books. It is probably one of the best introductions to Buddhism (not just Tibetan Buddhism) published in recent years. More recently Nakazawa has also published a translation of Khetsun Sangpo's dictated account of his own life, entitled Chie no harulea naru itadaki :l;Q~O)~tpfJ: QUI (1997) ..For Japanese readers with few opportunities to come into direct contact with Tibetan monks, the biography of a Tibetan lama provides a good means of gaining a glimpse into the life and training of real Tibetan monks. About twothirds of this book is taken up with a detailed account of Khetsun Sangpo's training from the time of his birth in Central Tibet in 1921 until his flight to India in

The Philosophical Reception of Tibetan &lddhism in Japan

257

1959. It then describes his life in India and his life of research alone in Japan, and ends with Nakazawa's arrival at his lama college. vVhile Khetsun Sangpo's ext~r nal circumstances must often have been in a state of great upheaval, this biography is spiritual in content and focuses chiefly on his connections with Buddhism, and his experiences as a Tibetan Buddhist are related in full detail through the medium of Nakazawa's flowing translation. One of Nakazawa's unforgettable achievements has been his introduction of The Tibetan Book of the Dead to the Japanese public. The Tibetan Book of tbe Dead had been translated into English in 1927 by W Y. Evans-Wentz, and there already e;'{isted a Japanese translation of this English version, as well as an accurate annotated translation from the original brought out by Kawasaki Shinjo )1 lijff~~ (b. 1935), who is one of the research members of the Toyo Bunko Tibetan section, in 1989. Nakazawa, on the other hand, drew up plans for a special television production for NHK, the national public broadcasting station in Japan, and he produced a program that dramatized the reading of The Tibetan Book of the Dead to a dead person by a lama and his disciple. Nakazawa wrote the script himself and presented the world of Tbe Tibetan Book of the Dead in a way that was readily accessible to the general public. This program achieved a high audience rating, conveying to general viewers the way in which Tibetans conceive of the cycle of transmigration and afterdeath experiences. In 1993 Nakazawa published Sannzannen no sbi no osbie :::':Oip.O) :ff:0)~;t, in which he added to the program's script an e.'qlositionof the underlying thought of the Nyingmapa school. Unlike his early book Cbibetto no MiitsarZlto, this book explains parts of the rdzogs cben teachings of the Nyingmapa school in plain language. It is interesting that in his role as a disseminator of Tibetan Buddhism, Nakazawa is taking care to provide commentaries that are extremely faithful to the tradition, unlike his other writings, and is trying to transmit Tibetan Buddhism to Japan in as accurate a form as possible. As a result of his efforts, it has become widely known in Japan that Tibetan Buddhism is not simply an object of adventures in some remote and mysterious land, but is a form of Buddhism possessing outstanding traditions and doctrines rich in content that Japanese Buddhism has never experienced. Since then, Nakazawa has established an organization called the Dzogchen Institute, and he is putting effort into spreading Nyingmapa thought through study groups on Nyingmapa texts, public talks, and the publication of a journal called Senzs. He has recently written very little dealing with Tibetan Buddhism itself. Instead, he has been publishing on a regular basis books about diverse subjects such as the mycol()gist Minakata Kumakusu ii17~~;jWj, the philosopher Tanabe Hajime EEil!:7G (a contemporary of Nishida Kitaro), kingship in ancient Japan, Lenin, and theories of gift-giving. He has also brought out five volumes oflectures (2002-04) in which he comprehensively traverses the fields ofreligious studies and anthropology, but there are very few references to Tibetan Buddhism in these books. All during this time, however, he has been continuing to receive instruction from Khetsun Sangpo and has also undertaken &irk-chamber retreats, and while it is seldom mentioned in his more public writings, he continues to practice and disseminate Tibetan Tantrism.

258

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After the televising of Nakazawa's television program on The Tibetan Book of the Dead, Matsumoto Shiro wrote the following critique: vVhenever mention is made of Tibetan Buddhism, there can be seen in present-day Japan a tendency to stress only its mystic and Tantric aspects and to glorify it uncritically.... [This] tendency, probably with Nakazawa Shin'ichi, one of the authors of Niji no kaitei, as a sort of leading theorist, would seem since then to have grown even stronger among young people .... By the time a television series called "The Tibetan Book of the Dead" was broadcast by NHK in autumn 1993, this Tibetan Tantrism boom could perhaps be said to have peaked .... The great majority of people have.no way whatsoever of knowing that a leading Japanese Tibetologist (; Yamaguchi Zuiho [- Fukuda]) has commented on the fact that The Tibetan Book of the Dead is not a Buddhist scripture or that the Nyingmapa school, which upholds the r'dzogs chen teachings extolled by Nakazawa, has been looked upon as an unorthodox school in Tibet, and on seeing only figures of Tibetans prostrating themselves on the ground and strange-looking paintings of Tibetan Tantrism broadcast on television, they amplified their images of Tibet as a "land of mystery" or a "land ofTantrism.,,21 Yamaguchi Zuiho and Matsumoto Shiro; both researchers belonging to the second period of Tibetan Buddhist studies, regard Tantrism as a deviation from true Buddhism, reject the Tantric aspects of Tibetan Buddhism, and criticize Nakazawa Shin'ichi as being an unconditional admirer of Tibetan Tantrism. But it should be obvious how present-day Tibetans would feel on hearing their words when these are compared with the empathy evident in Nakazawa's writings, rooted in his eJ.:periences of Tibet and Tibetans extending over a long period of time. Neither Yamaguchi nor Matsumoto shows any signs whatsoever of the empathy for Tibet shared by people with an interest in Tibet today. While it is true that Nakazawa has been taught by a Tibetan lama, has encouraged people to turn their attention to Tibet, and is engaged in influential activities for introducing to Japan the Nyingmapa thought of Tibetan Tantrism, this alone is not of course sufficient to achieve a fully rounded picture of Tibetan Buddhism. Among his successors there need to emerge people who will study at an academic level, but in the same context as Tibetans themselves, the doctrines, practices and texts of individual currents of Buddhist thought. Though still inadequate, signs of such activities' are beginning to appear. In closing, I wish to mention some of these. One researcher who, like Nakazawa, has had contact with Tibetans from an early stage is Onoda Shunzo IHlffEWtilm (b. 1952). He began his research on Tibetan Buddhism through his study of Tibetan logic under Tibetans in Switzerland, and he is well-known for his pioneering studies of logic based on methods of monastic debate among the Gelugpas.'4 Matsumoto Shiro, Cbibetto bu1ekyotetsugakll, 403-406. He intro,duced some technical terms of Tibetan logic, such as ldog pa, ldog chos, ",tsban "yid, ",tsbon bya, spyi, bye bmg, 'brei ba, 'gal ba, ljes 'gl'O ldog kbyab, kbyod and so on. Because these terms are very peculiar for researchers of Indian Buddhist logic and there were no other expla2l
24

The Philosopbical Reception of Tibetan Buddbisrn in Japan

259

Ever since the invitation of the first tliree Tibetan refugees to Japan, the Taya Bunko has continued to invite Tibetans to Japan and conduct joint research with them, and the last scholar-monk to have been'invited in this fashion was Geshe Tenpa Gyaltshen (dGe bshes bsTan pa rgyal mtshan, b. 1932), who from 1979 to 1996 (except for a three-year return to India to serve as abbot of Drepung Gomang Monastic College) participated in research projects at the Taya Bunko as an overseas research fellow. During this time he conveyed the teachings of Tibetan Buddhism to a number of younger researchers, including myself, and as a researcher on the staff of the Taya Bunko I was able to receive instruction from him in the basics of Tibetan logic. Whereas Nakazawa studied Tantrism under :r Nyingmapa lama, Hiraoka Kaichi .lJZJ1Iil5.Z:- has similarly studied the Tantrism of the Gelugpa school for two years at Gyume Tantric College, rebuilt in the state of Karnataka in southern India. There he was taught personally by Geshe Lobsang Ngawang (dGe bshes Blo bzang ngag dbang, b. 1937), and since his return to Japan he has continued his study of Tsongkhapa's Tantric thought. He has published a translation, aimed at the general reader, of Tbe Tibetan Book of tbe Dead from a Gelugpa standpoint (1994), and he is also conducting research on the utpatti-kmma, niipanna-kmma and rainbow body in Tsongkhapa's Tantric writings. Hiraoka still visits Gyume Tantric College in India annually and continues to receive instruction from Lobsang Ngawang. In 1996, after he had resigned from his position as researcher at the Taya Bunko and returned to Drepung Gomang Mqnastic College in India, Geshe Tenpa Gyaltshen was visited by a young Japanese postgraduate student by the name of Nomura Shajira !l!ft-tlE(j;::Jli~. Nomura had originally encountered Tibetan Buddhism through his participation in my seminars qn Tibetan logic and grub 17ztba' at the Taya Bunko, and ,he was writing his master's thesis on Tsongkhapa's Madhyamika philosophy. He began to visit Tenpa Gyaltshen on a regular basis and received instruction from him as he continued his research, but he did not confine himself to a life of scholarship. In 1998 he established a religious organization called the MafijUri Mahayana Buddhist Association, headed by Tenpa Gyaltshen. In 2004 he invited three other monks from Drepung Gomang Monastic College and founded the first Tibetan temple in Japan, Ryilzain jJ~iI&llJt, in Hiroshima. In his later years, Yamaguchi Susumu had taught a number of students at Otani University with an interest in Tibet, and following on from this tradition in 1974 Tsultrim Kelzang (Tshul khrims skal bzang, b. 1942), who was visiting Japan at the time, was appointed to the university's teaching staff, becoming the only Tibetan in Japan t~ hold such a position. Under his tutelage, several researchers able to read Tibetan texts have emerged. In particular, Miyake Shin'ichira c::.!B{$-Jli~, who is studying Tibetan culture as a whole, speaks Tibetan like a native, and is pursuing his research by visiting Tibet annually and absorbing Tibetan culture in person. In the area of historical research, Ishihama Yumiko ;P8::m~T of Waseda University is engaged in the task of reinterpreting Tibetan history within the context
nations of these terms, his first studies were very useful for successors. Later Onoda published a English book on the same subject: Monastic Debate in Tibet: a Study on the Histo,)' and StructU7'eS ofbsdus grva logic (Vienna, 1992). See also Onoda's contribution in this volume.

260

Fukuda Y5ichi

of Tibetan Buddhism. During the second period of Tibetan studies, the study of Tibetan history was virtually monopolized by Yamaguchi Zuiho, but his approach was one that focused solely on clarifying in great detail the facts (as understood by Yamaguchi) concerning the relationships among people driven by desire that lay behind various political disputes. Ishihama, on the other hand, understands the triangular relationship between Tibet, China and Mongolia during the Yuan and Qing dynasties in terms of a spiritual community that she calls the "world of Tibetan Buddhism," and she has shown how the political behavior of leadersin each country was governed by a consistent Buddhist world view. 's Insofar that this represents a reinterpretation of the history of these three countries in a Tibetan context, her research reflects trends of the third period of research. In addition to her academic studies, Ishihama has translated two of the Dalai Lama's books on Buddhism, and these have become best-sellers among the Dalai Lama's books in Japanese. She was also one of those who were taught by Geshe Tenpa Gyaltshen at the Toyo Bunko. lVIore recently, Ishihama has supervised the compilation of a general introduction to Tibet called Chibetto 0 sbiru tame no gojussb5 'f-.r-Z;; J--:a:-ffi0t~1D0)50~.16 Ishihama herself wrote most of the sections on Tibetan history, the Tibet question today, and the Dalai Lama's thought, while other researchers of the third period mentioned above-Hiraoka Koichi, Nomura Shojiro, Miyake Shin'ichiro, and myself-wrote the remaining sections. Lastly, I wish to touch on the translation of the 14'h Dalai Lama's books in Japan. Japan is a Buddhist nation, and naturally the publication of books on Buddhism is thriving in its own way. As would be expected, there are many books on figures such as Dogen J1:!jI; and Shinran omil', but among books by a single person, those written by the Dalai Lama occupy the most space in the shelves devoted to Buddhism in bookstores. Among people already mentioned, Nakazawa Shin'ichi, Ishihama Yumiko, and myself have brought out translations, but it is interesting to note that the translators of most of the other books are not researchers in the areas of Buddhist studies or religious studies. The Dalai Lama's writings invariably include expositions of Madhyamika philosophy and also explain in a readily understandable manner what might be described as the basic facts about Tibetan Buddhism in general, and yet these translations are seldom taken up for discussion, referred to, or even read in the academic world of Buddhist studies and Tibetan studies. These books impart a basic knowledge and a rough overall understanding of Tibetan Buddhism, but are rarely considered in to day's academia. Thus there are even cases where members of the general public with an interest in Tibet are better informed about Buddhist practice than the "experts." But times are changing, and as the younger generation of researchers comes to train the next generation, this tendency should be gradually ameliorated.

25

{Ltv:i!tJ'il0)IJlt5lo.~~llJf:re
26

Her doctoral thesis was published as Cbibetto bukl')'o se/eai no releisbiteh ken!,),!! 'f-~'/ r(Tokyo: ToM Shoten :iR::!J'i'r.5, 2001). Tokyo: Akashi Shoten Ilff6'i'r.5, 2004.

Tbe Pbilosopbical Reception of Tibetan Buddbism in Japan

261

In 1953 the Japanese Association for Tibetan Studies (Nihon Chibetto Gakkai ~
*jJil!<#~), the oldest such association in the world, was founded at Kansai Univer-

sity, and from the following year it began holding an annual conference and publishing an annual report. The articles carried in the annual report reflect to a large degree the shifts in research trends described above. The Japanese Association for Tibetan Studies was initially established with researchers from the final years of the first period of Tibetan studies, such as Yamaguchi Susumu and Nagao Gajin, as its central figures, and Tada Takan also contributed to early issues of the annual report. About ten years later, issue no. 11 (1964), as if to mark the start of the second period of research, carried articles by the Tibetans Sonam Gyamtso and Khetsun Sangpo invited to Japan by the Taya Bunko, while Yamaguchi Zuiha began contributing from no. 16 (1970) and researchers of the so-called Yamaguchi group from no. 21 (1975). Researchers of the third period have been making an appearance since no. 40 (1994). While research on Buddhism has predominated overall, in recent years the number of articles on subjects such as linguistics, history, and ethnology has been increasing. However, the research results are of mixed quality, and it is also regrettable that there has been an increase in papers dealing not with Tibetan studies per se, but with Indian Buddhism through the medium of the Tibetan canon. vVhile no hasty conclusions can be drawn as to the reasons for this, it is probably in part because, at a time of transition from the second period of research to the third period, the influence of researchers into Tibetan Buddhism proper is not yet sufficiently developed. 27
27 I would like to add some notes on the research of Tibetan history and linguistics. At the same time as the second stage of Tibetan studies, which I have mentioned in this paper, the Japanese academic sphere of historical research was led by two scholars, Yamaguchi Zuiha and Sata Hisashi fti:iillHit (b. 1914) of Kyoto University. They studied the same subjects; that is, the history of the ancient kingdom of Tibet based on Dunhuang manuscripts and the medieval political history of Tibet. SaW was a more orthodox researcher of oriental history and fully utilized Chinese historical documents. However, Yamaguchi significantly influenced his disciples (the so-called Yamaguchi group) and their studies of the Dunhuang manuscripts. One volume of the series Koza Ton/eo ~jIj'f'l!i ~:@l, Ton/,o kogo bt",ieen ~:@lli}lli!f xiliJ\ (1985), was published as the result of their studies (see above p. 251). But almost all the researchers in the Yamaguchi group later discontinued their studies in this field. Among the next generation of historical researchers, a well-balanced and most productive researcher is Ishihama Yumiko, who is mentioned in this paper. Although her education was in the research of oriental history, she now studies the more global international relationship between Tibet, Mongolia, and China, utilizing historical and religious documents written in Tibetan, Ivlongolian, Chinese, and IvIanchu. As for Tibetan linguistics, Kitamura Hajime, a research member of the Taya Bunko, had a special role in the education of the colloquial Tibetan. He has compiled a good textbook of spoken Tibetan (with Sonam Gyamtso) and educated many Japanese Tibetologists. Among them, Nagano Yasuhiko ~!I!f~& (b. 1946) and Hoshi Michio ~=f1i; deserve particular notice. Nagano organized a research project on the Bon religion at the National Ivluseum of Ethnology and edited ten volumes of the Bon Studies series (2000-2006), in collaboration with many scholars from Japan, Europe, and Tibet. Hoshi has studied the grammar of spoken Tibetan with many native Tibetans,

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Fukuda Yiiicbi

The division of Tibetan studies into three periods to be seen in Japan is also evident in the West, though the timing has differed, and it would seem moreover that the West is ahead of Japan in this regard. 2B It is to be hoped that this fact will act as a form of outside pressure to further advance research of the third period in Japan. Translated by Rolf Giebel

especially with research fellows invited to the Tayo Bunko. However, she was not able to complete her research, which now continues with her daughter Hoshi Izumi :lR. Based on the considerably enlarged and rearranged sources that her mother collected, Hoshi Izumi edited Gendai Chibetto-go dashi jiten (Rasa hagen) ~1-'(;T""" H!fibIDi'JIi'FA (7-i}-jJ-g) (Research Institute for Language and Cultures of Asia and Mrica, 2003). A philological study on the Central Asian manuscripts (including Dunhuang manuscripts) is now led by Takeuchi Tsuguhito lltJi'JilBA (b. 1951) from the Kobe City University of Foreign Studies. He is a researcher ofTibeto-Burman language and studies old documents in Tibetan from the point of view of historical and social linguistics. Around him a group of young researchers on the old Tibetan manuscripts is being formed. 28 On this issue, see the two contributions on European and American Tibetology respectively by Walravens and Lopez in this volume.

CHINA
Part 1

The Tantric Revival and Its Reception in Modern China Within the movement to reform Buddhism in China that began in the early twentieth century, the revival of esoteric Buddhism attracted great attention. At first, monks and lay devotees like Dayong AJi (1893-1929), Chisong 1~t1: (1894-1972), Wang Hongyuan I'lL-lJ]!; (1876-1937), and Gu Jingyuan llliJ~ (1889-1973) went to Japan to Shldy Shingon Buddhism, and their return to China engendered a growing interest in Tang-dynasty esoteric Buddhism. Soon after, even larger numbers of monks and laymen began to forn1 groups to go and study Tibetan Buddhism, especially Tibetan Tantric Buddhism, in Kham and Central Tibet. Tibetan lamas of various sects, including the ninth Panchen Lama (1883-1937), Bai Puren Blll'f= (1870-1927), Nuona ~Jl~ (Nor Iha, 1865-1936), and Gongga Jt~~ (Gangs dkar, 1893-1957), also came to China proper to teach Tibetan Buddhism. All the major Tibetan schools were introduced in the Han regions of China, and many books were translated into Chinese. After the 1980s, along with the rise in popularity of qigong ~JJJ, Tibetan Buddhism gained new momentum and experienced another revival, not only in mainland China but also in Taiwan and Hong Kong. As a consequence of the merging of esoteric Buddhism with traditional mainstream Chan and Pure Land Buddhism in Han regions, a particular form of Chinese Tantrism has emerged, within which many of the traditional rules, rituals, and even much of the content of various esoteric Buddhist traditions have been modified or reformed in order to adjust to the new environment. Whilst the resurrection of esoteric Buddhism in China has greatly enriched the Chinese Buddhist tradition and promoted its reform, it also faces a series of challenges ji'Olll Confucianism, normative Buddhism, and modern society, which may hinder its further development as amainstream tradition.

La renaissance dn tantrisme et sa reception dans la Chine moderne Dans Ie cadre dn mouvement de reforme du bouddhisme en Chine qui commen,a au debut du xx' sieele, la renaissance du bouddhisme esot6rique a beaucoup attire I'attention. Dans un premier temps, des moines et des laics comme Dayong AJi (1893-1929), Chisong t~t;,; (1894-1972), Wang Hongyuan I'lL~ (1876-1937) et Gu Jingyuan lili'iiJ-~ (1889-1973) se rendirent au Japon pour Hudier Ie bouddhisme esoterique et, de retour en Chine, ils engendrerent un interet croissant pour Ie bouddhisme esoterique de la dynastie des Tang. Peu apres, des moines et des laics en plus grand nombre formerent des groupes pour aller etndier Ie bouddhisme tibetain au Kham et au Tibet central. De plus, des lamas tibetains de differentes ecoles - dont Ie 9' Panchen Lama (1883-1937), Bai Puren Blll'1= (1870-1927), Nuona ~Jl~ (Nor Iha, 1865-1936) et Gongga JtD~ (Gangs dIm, 1893-1957) - arriverent en Chine proprement dite pour enseigner Ie bouddhisme tibetain. Toutes les ecoles principales tibetaines furent introduites dans les regions Han de Chine et de nombreux ouvrages furent traduits en chinois. Apres les annees 1980, conjointement it la popularite croissante du qigong ~J}], Ie bouddhisme tibetain acquit une nouvelle dimension et con nut une nouvelle renaissance, non seulement en Chine continentale mais aussi Taiwan et Hong Kong. Comme consequence de la rencontre du bouddhisme esoterique avec les courants traditionneis majeurs du Chan et du bouddhisme de la Terre Pure dans les regions Han, une forme particuli"re de tantrisme chinois apparut dans Iaquelle la plupart des regles traditionnelles, les rites, voire Ie contenu des differentes traditions du bouddhisme esoterique se trouverent transformes pour s'adapter leur nouvel environnement. Si elle enrichit grandement la tradition bouddhique chinoise et favorisa sa n~forme, la resurrection du bouddhisme esoterique en Chine doit aussi affronter une certaine resistance du confucianisme, du bouddhisll1e normatif et de la societe moderne qui paunait empecher son developpement ulterieur en tant que courant majeur.

THE TANTRIC REVIVAL AND ITS RECEPTION IN MODERN CHINA

CHEN Bing*
oon after Tantrism (71zijiao *~) became popular in India, it was transmitted to China. Around the eighth century, during the Tang dynasty, the so-called Mantrayana (zhenyanzong.1rlf.:;, "True Word" tradition) or esoteric tradition (mizong was introduced into China and was highly l:egarded during the reigns of Emperors Xuanzong (r. 712-756), Suzong (1'. 756-762), and Daizong +~* (r. i62-779). However, a hundred years later, its transmission almost came to an end when Emperor Wuzong )E!';* (r. 840-846) launched the nationwide persecution of Buddhism known as the "Suppression of the Dharma of the Huichang Reign'~ (hztichang mieja @J!d~l'!). From the end of the Tang dynasty until the Northern Song dynasty, a form of esoteric Buddhism known ?s Sichuan esoterica (chzummi )11*) was still taught and practiced by Liu Benzun j9p*~ and Zhao Zhifeng M~Jl in Sichuan, but it was quite different from the original Tang dynasty esoteric tradition and also soon

**y

1\*

il*

* This article has been revised and annotated by the translator after a personal meeting with the author Chen Bing in Chengdu in March 2006. The original article contained very few notes written by the author and limited to the explanation of few technical terms. More notes have been later added, in particular for the last section, by Luo Tongbing mlFiiJA, a former student of Chen Bing, under the mention of "author's note." The remaining notes have been added by the translator without any mention. The author told the translator that the majority of his sources are not available in China and that some of them stem from oral interviews that he had with disciples ofTantric masters, who are still alive in China today. A useful list of studies, on which the present article is based, is included in Appendix 2 of Chen Bing 1lJI!~ and Deng Zimei 'l1~T~, Ershi shiji Zhongguo fojiao =+t!t*~<f'Jj.!J1~~ [Chinese Buddhism in the 20 mcentury] (Taibei: Xiandai Chan, 2003): 643-650. For an English presentation mainly based on chapter 9 of this work, see Ester Bianchi, "The Tantric Rebirth Movement in Modern China. Esoteric Buddhism re-vivified by the Japanese and Tibetan Traditions," Acta Orientatia Academiae Scientia17lm Hungarica 57.1 (2004): 31-54. The translator is grateful to Okuyama Naoji for having read and improved parts of this article, and Luo Tongbing for having revised and annotated parts of the ol~ginal contribution in place of the author Chen Bing. In this article Chinese pinyin transcription has been used for Tibetan terms according to the Chinese characters furnished by the author. Tibetan vVylie transcription has been added by the translator in parentheses after the Chinese maracters, along with an appendix listing Chinese pinyin, Chinese characters, and Tibetan transcription for the names of Tibetan masters, places, and deities. [translator's note] 1 More on this term explained by Chinese masters in contemporary China in the contribution by Monica Esposito in the second volume.

Images of Tibet in the 19" and 20" Centm"ies Paris, EFEO, coll. Etudes themariques (22.1), 2008, p. 387-427

388

Chen Bing

disappeared. 2 vVhat remained after that were dharanis like the "Great Compassion Dharani" (Dabei zhu ;k;mJE) and "Cundi Dharani" (Zhunti zhu ii:JJtJE), and rituals such as the "Rites of the Yoga Teachings for Distributing Food to Burning Mouths" (Yztjia yankou shishi fit ftuWOril D))tHtt),' which are still recited in Chinese monasteries all over the country as pait of mainstream religious practice today. During the Yuan and Ming dynasties, Tibetan Buddhism was transmitted to China and exerted some influence over the upper class, but it failed to spread among the common people. Consequently, nothing but a few Tantric statues survived in areas . like Hangzhou (Zhejiang province). Another tradition of esoteric Buddhism known as "A.carya Teaching" (Atuolijiao ~iiJ1ftjFfJ:) or Yunnan esoterica (Dianmi 1l 1%'),' which came to the southwest Nanzhao Kingdom from Myanmar (Burma) in the eighth century, also declined quickly, surviving only in the area where the Bai S and other ethnic groups lived. However, beginning in the late nineteenth century, under more favorable historical conditions, Buddhism experienced a revival in China, in which Tibetan Buddhism played an especially important role in the reemergence of the esoteric Buddhist tradition.

Tbe Revival of tbe Tang D)'1Jast)' Esoteric Buddbist Tradition

Japanese esoteric Buddhism, which can be traced back to the esoteric tradition of Tang dynasty China, includes the Shingon ~ (Tomitsu 3Ii!:&)5 and the Tendai 7':;5- (Taimitsu ;5-1%') esoteric traditions. During the Heian period (794-1185), it became the most important Buddhist tradition in Japan and has kept its transmission uninterrupted until today. In the early twentieth century the study of this tradition, which was regarded as preserving the esoteric tradition of the great Tang dynasty, became an important element in cultural exchanges between China and Japan and many Chinese went to Japan to study esoteric Buddhism. In 1910, GUT BOHUA ttfs (1861-1915), known as one of the "three heroes" (sanjie :=:::{l'il') ofthe Buddhist community of Jiangxi province, was one of the first lay Buddhists to go to Japan. 6 He went to Mount Koya ~!J!fw to study its esoteric tradition but soon died in "the land of the rising sun.'" After him a monk named CffiJNlVlI ~'ll&, from Kaiyuansi 1llI:lG~
See Ven. Dongchu ~l<51Hfl, Zho1ZggZlo fojiao jindai shi cp[ii!lJI'~~iIT{1:;5:'. [History of modern Chinese Buddhism], 2 vols. (Taibei: Dongchu, 1974, repro 1992). J Charles Orzech, "Saving the Burning-iVlouth Hungry Ghosts," in Religion of China in Pmctice, ed. Donald S. Lopez (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996): 278-283. { As is well known, iiciilJ'a is a Sanskrit word for "Master." [author's note] On this Yunnan esoteric tradition see Yang Xuezheng fB~JE.!L (ed.), Yunnan zongjiao shi ~ii*jf!Z5:'. [History of Yunnan religion] (Kunming: Yunnan Renmin, 1999): 3-40. 5 T6mitsu, or Eastern Esoterica, is another nalne for Shingon. Its name comes from Toji *'i'f (Eastern Temple) in Kyoto. [author's note] 6 Zhou Guangrong mr-5i!, "Jindai hanchuan mijiao fuxing beijingxia xitan dianji de zhuanshu yu kanke" iIT{1:;iX:I'ifWjf!z:1iU~1!Io:j'1:T:iD%!i4JIlB~mJE]fljt.1j [Engraving and compiling works of siddham in the background of the Chinese Tantl"ic revival of modern times] (http:// www.pku.edu.cn/academic/oriental/newsI20040425/3.htm). [author's note] , On this figure see also Gabrielle Goldfuss, VeTS un bouddhisme du xx' siecle, ~Vang

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in Chaozhou i~M+1 (Guangzhou province), also went to Japan, but after his return to China he had no influence in the transmission of the Japanese esoteric Buddhist tr~ dition. In contrast, some other monks who successfully learned Shingon had a great impact on Chinese Buddhism, the most outstanding among these being Dayong jc ~, Chisong ttl, and Xianyin !:1i'iiii. DAYONG jc~ (1893-1929), whose lay name was LiJinzhang *~"il:, was born in Sichuan. s Having graduated from the Law and Politics College, he served as an official of the justice administration in the military department before being ordained as a monk by the well-known reformer Taixu;:tEl[ (1890-1947) in 1919.' Then in 1921, when he was attending Taixu's lecture on the Smm of Lotus at Guangjisi nlfl~~ in Beijing, he met the Japanese monk Kakuzui :WJi~, who had come to China to preach esoteric Buddhism, and was persuaded by him to go to Japan and study Shingon. Originally Kalcuzui's intention was to invite Taixu to Japan, but the latter showed little interest saying he "had no ambition of fulfilling buddhahood in this lifetime."lo In spite of this, Tai;m encouraged and supported Dayong in his plan to go to Japan. Dayong and his companion Chen Jibo ~trnt-l!l', an overseas student in Tokyo, traveled to Mount Kaya with the intention of studying esoteric Buddhism but because of financial difficulties Dayong returned to China to raise more funds in the spring of 1922 (after only one year), and Chen Jibo went back to his school in Tokyo. In the winter of 1922, Dayong and another companion named Chisong tcftl (also known as Milin 1't#, see below) returned to Mount Kaya, where they concentrated on studying Shingon practices under the guidance of Kanayama Bokusha iJcii1ya iT:W:f:llllB~iiJ M~. Kanayama Bolcushalater recalled, "Milin [alias ChisongJ, Dayong, and Chunmi came from China at about the same time to study on our mountain. Being their
TVenimi (1837-1911), n!jormatell7; lafque et imp7'imezw (Paris: College de France, Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, 20Gl): 143, 155-160; and Gao Zhennong iiili!*;& and Liu Xinmei )(rjJi~, Zhongguo jin xiondai gaoseng yzt foxzte nzingren xiaozhztan 'i'1l'IiJ1J.mf1:iiiliili J';i'lJil"Ji:i;)vJ' ft [Short biographies of eminent Buddhists and monks of modern and contemporary time] (Shanghai: Huadong shifan daxue, 1990): 180. B On Dayong see Ven. Dongchu, Zhonggzto fojiao jindai sbi, vol. 1, 410-411; Gao Zhennong and Liu Xinmei, Zhongguo jin xiandai gaosengyu fox"e mingren xiaozhuan, 16-17; and Franl'oise "Vang-Toutain, "Quand les maitres chinois s'eveillent au bouddhisme tibetain. Fazun: Ie Xuanzang des temps modernes," Bulletin de !'l!'cole fra1lfaise d'Ext7"e77ze-OTient 87.2 (2000): 707-727, here 709-716. 9 On this master, see the contribution by Luo Tongbing in the second volume. 10 Many articles on Internet repeat the same quotation: "having no ambition of fulfilling buddhahood in this lifetime" (wu jisben cbengfO zbi )'exin X&P!ir )ixiI7ll:<:JlY{,'l without giving the source for this quotation. See for instance the article by Fori fJilEl (i.e., Chen Bing), "Jinjin mizong re zhi fansi" JlI4'lli'*!1.\z.llU!l, [Rethinking the Tantric fever up to today], Fa)'i1l i:1;i'1f [Tbe Voice ofDb anna] 137 (1996.1): 24 (available at http://bbs.jcedu.org/viewthread. php?tid=184&extra=page%3D15), but also the teachings by Hongyan fashi 5i;iJi!r$;iijl (available at http://www.jcedu.org/dispfile.php?id=2389).AsLuoTongbingsuggests.this is probably based on a lecture given by Taixu in 1937 when, by talking of his purpose to study Buddhism, Taixu mentioned "he had no greed for fulfilling buddhahood in this lifetime" (7Duqiu jisbi cbengfo .zbi tanxin :Ii\\*epIf,fMf?~z.1l:'L.'). See Taixu, "Xin yu rongguan" l'i!T9i!~<I!J!t [Innovation and comprehension], in Tai:>:u dashi quansb" *Ei[jclfrlj~1' [Collected works of the Venerable Master Taixu] (Taibei: Miaoyunji wenjiao jijinhui, Digital version, 1998): vol. 1,444.

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teacher, I should have taught them both doctrine and rituals .... According to gradual teachings of our lineage, students should study doctrines before learning rituals. However, due to their short period of study they all wanted me to teach them the rituals first ,with only a brief outline of the doctrines, which they could study by themselves."l1 One year later, in October 1923, after having received the denbo kanjo jjt.jU~ consecration and the title of iicii1'ya,12 Dayong returned to China. Although he had intended to enter a retreat, as soon as Dayong arrived in Shanghai he was asked by lay Buddhist groups led by Jiang vVeinong mwMo and vVu Bihua :'R:M to teach them Shingon, and so he went to Hangzhou instead, where he transmitted bis esoteric teachings for a month to a great number of followers. Later, he arrived in vVuhan where he performed ten consecrations while teaching at the Wuchang Buddhist Institute (vVuchang Foxueyuan Jl'I:I11r,"'fIlt), which was established by TaLxu in 1922 and had served until then as a base for Chinese reformist monks. He initiated two hundred and thirty-seven people into the esoteric Buddhist tradition, including students and important lay sponsors of the institute like Li Yinchen *~i Jgi and Zhao Nanshan !l'1i.liw. As a result, the board of directors and students of this institute developed a passionate enthusiasm for esoteric Buddhism. "Fascinated with mantras and seals, the board directors became unwilling to support the institute and, using inadequate finances as their excuse, nearly brought an end to the vVuchang Buddhist Institute."1l Later, when Dayong came to Beijing and transmitted Shingon teachings there, he met the Mongol lama Bai Puren EFllf1= at Yonghegong .m'i'Q;;. Having heard from Bai Puren that Tibetan Buddhism was far superior to Japanese esoteric Buddbism, he decided to turn to Tibet. This marked the end of Dayong's activity as a Shingon master. '4 CHISONG tH0 (Dharma name: MILIN wi*, 1894-1972), Dayong's companion in Japan, was born in Jingmen MF~ (Hubei province) and was ordained as a monk in 1911. Originally, as a disciple ofVen. Yuexia Ylil'l, he studied Huayan Buddhism and graduated from Huayan University (Huayan daxue Ji::k:"'), which had been estab-

11 Zhou Guangrong, "Jindai hanchuan mijiao fuxing beijingxia xitan dianji de zhuanshu yu kanke." [author's note] 12 The consecration or kanjo (Ch. guanding iiirn) is a rite inherited from India. In esoteric Buddhism it refers to a rite of initiation permitting the initiate to study esoteric teachings and practices. There are different kinds of consecrations. vVhat was conferred to Dayong as denbo kanji! (Ch. cbuanfa guanding fl\\ytiiirn) is an initiation allowing the transmission of the esoteric Dharma to others. [author's note] 13 Zheng Qunhui ~*l'i1I', "vVang Hongyuan yu dongmi" r'lL~J:o*1't [vVang Hongyuan and Shingon], Renbaideng A.~rr 2 (Chaozhou: Lingdong Foxueyuan ~~*11Il'$:1lJt, 1994): 78. On the foundation of vVuchang Buddhist Institute, see Don A. Pittman, Toward a lvlodenz Cbinese Buddhism - Taixu's Refo1"7ns (Honololu: University ofHawai'i Press, 2001): 96-99. 14 On this master see also below. It seems that it was during a retreat that Dayong made with Lama Bai Puren in 1924 in the Beijing's Shanyuan'an 'llf,*%<~ that Dayong decided to turn to Tibetan Buddhism. See F. Wang-Toutain, "Quand les maitres chinois s'eveillent au bouddhisme tibetain," 712.

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lished by that master. After having studied in Japan, he received the esoteric transmission and became the fifty-first generation of iicii7J1a of the Chllin cp~ lineage of Mount K6yaY Back in China, he began teaching Shingon at Putisi :'m~ in Hangzhou and attracted a large number of followers. In 1924, when he was abbot at Baotongsi R"iM~ on Mount Hong lAw (Wuhan province), Xiao Yaonan Ji)\,iliJj, the military supervisor and governor of Hubei province, asked him to hold a seven-day "Great Dharma Assembly for Human Kings vVho Protect the State" (Renwang bugZto dafobui 1=.:E~~Altwr),16 while transmitting the "Initiation for the Dharma Connection" ap. kecbien kanjo, Ch. jieyuan guanding #,jlj#\lmJJl) at the same time. Every day hundreds of followers took part in his teachings. This was one of the most significant events in the transmission ofJapanese esoteric Buddhism in modern China. In 1925, as a member of the Chinese delegation, Chisong visited Japan to attend the East Asia Buddhist Conference in Tokyo. The following year he went to Enryakuji MJ!~ on Mount Hiei ~tfRW in Kyoto to study the Tendai esoteric tradition, before returning to iVlount K6ya where he studied Sanskrit and received transmissions from Sanb6in :=:~~ and Anj6ji ~tCf~. From 1927 on, he went to Shanghai, Nanjing, Hangzhou, vVuhan, and Liaoning teaching esoteric Buddhism. In 1936 Chisong visited Japan for the third and last time. In 1947, he became abbot at the Jing'ansi ~jl~~ in Shanghai and established there in 1953 a Shingon Hall (zbenyanzong tancbeng J'!;"*1I:tJilG),7 as base for the revival of esoteric Buddhism. Chisong was well versed in exoteric and esoteric Buddhism and was the most prolific writer on esoteric Buddhism in China since the Tang dynasty. His books include the famous and influential introductory work titled Initiation to Esote7'ic Teacbings (1VIijiao tongguan i'l':~iMr,~) and more than ten other works on esoteric Buddhism, among them the Annotations to tbe ftTSt cbapter of tbe Nlabiivai7'ocana-siitm (Darijing ziJZtxinpin zbuanzbu AEI~!ll.tt'L.',\''otji1, T 848) and the Commentaries on tbe Bodbicitta Treatise (PutL1:in fun zuanzbu :'m,L.,r,Jj:jJii, T 1665). XIAl'lYIN ~~ (1902-1925) was a short-lived genius. Born in Shanghai area, at the age of nineteen he became famous among Buddhist circles by participating in the compilation of Ding Fubao's Tilill!f: Buddbist DictionmJI (Foxue dacidian 1~~A~'F !lllc) and writing the foreword for the Japanese Taish6 edition of the Buddhist Canon (TaisbO sbinsbii daiziikyo AlE::mf,*j;:liit~!ll.). IS In 1923 he went to Japan to study eso-

15 See Zhenchan Jj;ir;!, Cbisongfosbi lunzbu xua71ji fftz.l!fliIjijtr'i!l'~* [Anthology of Master Chisong's works] (Taibei: Huadong Shifang daxue, 1993). See also Gao Zhennong and Liu Xinmei, Zbongguo jin xiandai gaoseng, 179. 16 A rite based on the Renwang buguo banruo boluonziduo jing 1=:E1ii~il9:tflBi!:iJi~3?#&; see C. Orzech, "The Scripture on Perfect Wisdom for Human Kings vVho vVish to Protect Their States," in Religions of Asia in Practice, ed. Donald Lopez (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998): 430-438. 17 Tancbeng tl:lJlZ is a Chinese word for mandala. In this case it indicates a hall for offering and transmitting esoteric teachings. [author's note] 18 This information is found in Gao Zhennong and Liu Xinmei, Zhongguo jin xiandai gam"eng, 191, and in Zhou- Guangrong, "Jindai hanchuan mijiao fuxing," but the introduction by Xianyin is not included in the present Taisbo sbinsbz7 daizok)lo -*IEJiMi-*foi:~&.

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teric Buddhism with Kanayama BokushiS at Mount KiSya and took the opportunity to make a close investigation on Japanese Buddhism. However, in the spring of 1925, not long after he returned to China with a profound understanding of Buddhism, he died at the early age of 23. Among his works on esoteric Buddhism, one may mention his translation of the Outline of Shingon (Shingonsbii kayo J.;*i.i[lJ~), and articles like "Lineage Chart of the Esoteric Buddhist Transmission of the Lamp" (iWijiao chuandeng xuemaipu ll';;)'j:1f~'ltrfiLM(il1l') and "Japanese Esoteric Buddhism" (Riben zhi mijiao B -'fz.ll';t1z), which were published in tc'le Sound of tbe Tide (Haicbaoyin iEJj~ll!f) monthly. Among lay Buddhists who promoted Japanese esoteric Buddhism!9 we should mention 'Nang Hongyuan I'lL!!, GuJingyuan ijIU'i'~ and Cheng Anzhai t.!j[~~. 'NANG HONGYUAN I'lL!! (1876-1937), whose original name was Shiyu Bi1lJl!!: (Buddhist name: Yuanwu ~.Ii), was born in Chao'an j~Wtc (Guangzhou province). As a "cultivated talent" (:ciucai 3':;:t)20 of the Qing dynasty, Wang worked as a teacher at Jinshan Middle School 0inshan zhongxuexiao iit:W"f~N) for many years, but from his forties he devoted himself entirely to the study and practice of Buddhism, especially esoteric Buddhism. In 1918, he finished the translation of the Outline ofEsoteric Buddbism (Mikkyo kayo ll';*j:*lij~) by the Japanese priest Gonda Raifu mB3~1f (18461934), which was the earliest introductory work on Japanese esoteric Buddhism to be published in Chinese, having been recommended by Taixu for publication.'! lNhen Gonda was invited to Chaozhou in 1924, 'Nang Hongyuan, Manshujiedi :f.1}tr~~," and Feng Da'an 1,\lj~ii were initiated by him. Following Gonda's instructions, 'Nang Hongyuan went to Japan to study Shingon and received the title of iicii1J'a. On his return to China, he established the Association for the Revival of Chinese Esoteric Teachings (Zhendan Mijiao Chongxinghui !llLll';;)'j:1[J!'I!~) in Chaozhou, recruiting members, teaching, and promoting Japanese esoteric Buddhism. He established there tlle bimonthly magazine Bulletin ofLectzl1'es and Studies in Esoteric Buddbist (Mijiao jiangxilu ll';;)'j:iilflilit<). From 1928 on, he conferred empowerments in Chaozhou, Canton, Hong Kong, and Shantou ILlJ~, attracting thousands of disciples. He con-

19 Worthy of mention is also Ven. Tanxuan iiJiir, another monk who went to Japan, receiving both Tendai and Shingon initiations in 1934. He was an outstanding Tendai expert. vVhen he returned to China he brought back more than two thousand esoteric Buddhist scriptures and a number of ritual implements used in esoteric Buddhist ceremonies, which were exhibited at the Shanghai branch of the Chinese Buddhist Association. See Lii Jianfu Jt till, Zbonggzto mijiao shi 'f'1llIW:ll&5:. [History of Chinese Tantrism] (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1995): 635. More on this figure in Ven. Dongchu, Zbongguo fojiao jindai sbi, vol. 1,433-436. [author's note] 20 Unofficial title during the Ming and Qing dynasty used for all men qualified to participate in Provincial Examinations; see Charles Hucker, A DictionmJ' of Official Titles in Impe1"ial China (Taibei: Southern Material Center, 1990): 248-249. 21 See the contribution by Luo Tongbing in the second volume. 22 A contemporary of Xi any in, Manshujiedi !:1Jtllll~ was a Sino-Japanese monk who also promoted Japanese esoteric Buddhism. In 1925 he went to study at Tamon'in i;MII% on Mount Koya and, as a talented Buddhist practitioner and scholar, published some articles criticizing his fellow practitioner Wang Hongyuan. See LiiJianfu, Zbongguo mijiao shi, 634-635, and Ven. Dongchu, Zbongguo fojiao jindai shi, vol. 1,425-426.

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tinued his dissemination of esoteric Buddhism when he became the abbot at Jiexing Jingshe M1T;m-~ in Canton in 1933, while concurrently working as a lecturer in Bud~ dhism at Zhongshan (Sun Yat-sen) University (Zhongshan da.-rue 9='LlJ;k~). The following year in Shantou he established the Association for the Tantric Revival (Shantou Mijiao Chongxinghui n!Jiijj~~:m:J!~), and there published the monthly magazine Lantern ofthe World (Shideng ilH!) for disseminating esoteric Buddhism. Among Wang Hongyuan's works, there are translations of Gonda's Combined Commentary on the Nlahiivairocana-siltra (Dainichikyosho ::kB~iFJIE, T. 1796), Records from Secret Notes (HimitSZt chiichziki 1'~'~$~9='ilC.), and Explanations on Mandata (Mandara tszige !1H1Hi M), as well as his own works on esoteric Buddhism such as the Oral Instructions on the Vajrafekhm'a-szitra (}ingangding jing yijue >i:fijUm#.iU1Wc),23 the Record of Oral Instrztctio12S on the Bodhicitta Treatise (Putixin hm kozqi ji l!:fm,c,'~J:l~ilC.),z4 and the Study on

the Luminozts Shingon (Gztangming zhenyan yanjiu :7't1JJ3.~liif:1l:).25

vVang's disciples include Feng Da'an, Wang Yanping .:E~-'f, Wang Xuezhi .:E and his son Wang Fuhui .:E~ml!:.26 After Wang Hongyuan passed away his lineage declined, but it is still alive today in Hong Kong and the Guangdong area. Tang Pushi ms:-J'.\; and Yang Foxing ~1!!1lJ! are the two present-day lay recipients of Wang Hongyuan's lineage in Canton. Gu JINGYUAN MlJ~ (1889-1973), whose initiation name was Zhengming .iE ~Jl, was born in Huai'an lt~ Oiangsu province). He was the descendent of Gu Yanwu MiltJi\';, a famous Confucian scholar of the end of the Ming dynasty. Originally GuJingyuan studied Daoism but in 1911 he turned to Buddhism and, together with Liang Rongjue ~i!I!:W: and Li Youdan *x:.~PJ, he established a lay association called the Center for Two Studies (Erxueyuan =~;re:) in Hunan. Later Gu founded the Buddhist Education Center of Hunan and Hubei (Lianghu FohuaJiangxisuo mli\Jl1!!1l 1-t~film) for teaching lay Buddhists. This center earned the respect and support of Tang Shengzhi m1=.~, the military governor of Hunan. As a patron of Buddhism, Tang invited Gu to trasmit his religious teachings among his Northern Expeditionary Army whose officers and soldiers took refuge ,with the five lay precepts and came to be known as the "Buddhist army" (fojzm 1!!1l!l[).27
~~,

2l Jingangding jing daYlIjia bimi xindi famen yijlte ~[ijtlm!.1[:krtuf1JOtllW,c,ti!lltr5~~ (abbr. Jingangding yijue) by Amoghavajra (T. 1798), which has been partially translated into English by Orzech ("The Legend of the Iron Stiipa," in Buddhism in Practice, ed. Lopez, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995): 314-317. 24 The Putixin tun (T. 1665) is attributed to Amoghavajra and translated into English by Kiyota Minoru, Shingon Buddhism: Theory and hactice (Los Angeles: Buddhist Books International, 1978). 25 On Wang Hongyuan's activities see Ven. Dongchu, Zhongglto fojiao jindai shi, voL 1, 426-433; LliJianfu, Zhongguo mijiao shi, 635-636; Gao Zhennongand LiuXinmei, Zhongguojin xiandai gaosengyu foxlte mingren .~iaozh"an, 24; and Zhou Guangrong, "Jindai hanchuan mijiao fuxing beijingxia xitan dianji de zhuanshu yu kanke." . 26 See Chen Bing and Deng Zimei, Ershi shiji, 408. 27 On Tang Shengzhi and the relationship between Buddhist circles and high officials, see Holmes Welch, The Buddhist Revival in China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University, 1968): 155 and 300-331, note 65.

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In 1928 GuJingyuan went to Japan to study Shingon and Tendai and obtained the title of iicii1J1a. Once he returned to China, he established in Shanghai the Institute of Yoga (Yujia Xuehui fIDiJ,/Jo*~) and the Alumni Association of vVeiyin (vVeiyin Tongxuehui *12Sl[EJ*~), founding the Buddhist periodical Awe-inspiring Voice (vVeiyin 1WZ1f) where he often wrote articles under the pseudonym Xie vVeiyin ~ *12Sl. He wrote quite a number of works, most of which were destroyed during the Cultural Revolution. Among his disciples figure Wu Limin !R:J1:t:'\'; (the former director of the Institute of Buddhist Culture, Zhongguo Fojiao Wenhua Yanjiusuo t:p[g)lH:Iil*J:Jt1t~Jfn m) and CHENG ANZHAI ~'i".3'i:-'6. The latter was a Sichuanese who in his thirties went to Japan to study the Denboin 1ir:t'% lineage of Shingon and was recognized as the forty-ninth iicii1J1a of this lineage. His work, Essentials of Esote6c Buddhism (Nlijiao yaoyi 'iiHJ:~~) had a great influence on Chinese society at that time. 28 During the Japanese occupation of Taiwan, Japanese monks joined the army and in that way spread esoteric Buddhism, establishing the Taiwan Department of Supervision of Shingon (Zhenyanzong Taiwan Jiaoqu Jiandubu Jt*E1~:j"J:IZ:llil:'ijj~) in 1910. The Shingon temple ofXin Gaodashisi ifJfnl'!*ijj'i'f was founded in Taichong in 1928, and Gaoyesi nl'!!j!J'i'f in Yancheng D~'i". (Tainan) in 1935. At the end of 1941 in Taiwan there were 8,548 Buddhist followers, among which only 1,040 were Chinese while the rest, including four Shingon abbots and four priests, wereJapanese. 29 After the Japanese withdrew from Taiwan, Shingon rapidly declined there and virtually disappeared until Yen. vVuguang '1~7't (d. 2000) went to Japan to study esoteric Buddhism on Mount Koya in 1974. After having obtained the title of iicii1J'a, he returned to Taiwan where he spread Shingon. At the end of 1988, there were four Shingon centers in Taiwan. In the long run though, the revival of Tang esoteric Buddhism was actually very short-lived. The main reasons were that religious training was inadequate in the transmission from master to disciples and, as Sino-Japanese relationships deteriorated, fueled by anti-Japanese popular resentment, those Chinese who were still interested in studying esoteric methods became more and more attracted to Tibetan Buddhism.

The Lm-ge Scale Eastward Diffusion o/Tibetan Buddhism

Tibetan Buddhism was originally seen as a genuine receptacle of the Indian Buddhist tradition of the later period, and its religious content was regarded as far richer than that of Tang esoteric Buddhism, especially for its Tantric teachings belonging to the Anuttamyoga-tantm cycle. As Guo Yuanxing :!'B5L!l'I! emphasizes, "The Tripitaka master Bukong /f5:' (Amoghavajra, 705-774) of Tang dynasty neither translat-

2S See Chen Bing (ed.), Xinbian fojiao cidian llIi~lffifJl;~ilJI~ [Newly compiled Buddhist dictionary] (Beijing: Zhongguo Shijieyu, 1994); 569. 29 See the Appendix to Huang Yingjie '1i:9'fI!i!, Minguo mizong nianjian f\';lm10*ifIJffi [Yearbook of esoteric Buddhism in republican China] (Taibei: Quanfo wenhua, 1992).

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ed nor spread Anuttarayoga-tantra."]O This Tantric tradition, considered the highest of the four classes of tantras, was transmitted relatively late and the majority of its works cannot be found in the Chinese esoteric tradition of the Tang dynasty. In modern times, the esoteric teachings of Tibetan Buddhism have greatly appealed to Chinese Buddhists looking for a new religious path and for those no longer having faith in the declining Chinese Buddhist tradition. Responding to tllis opportunity, Tibetan Buddhism, which had earlier been transmitted to China during the Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties, experienced a third movement of diffusion on a large scale at the beginning of the twentieth century. At the beginning of the republican era, in the midst of a national crisis in which famine was ravaging the entire country and the Chinese were in deep distress, the need for a certain kind of mystical power for averting misfortune and warding off calamities was met by the Tibetan Buddhist esoteric methods of empowerment and blessing. In 1922 the Gelugpa (dGe lugs pal Rongzeng Kanbu ~:l:'i!it:!!;;/fi (Yongs 'dzin mkhan po), followed by Zhangjia Huofo :!IfJ.lW;'1Jil (lCang skya K.hutukhtu, 1889-1957) in 1924,31 were invited to Beijing from Inner Mongolia to transmit their teachings. The beginning of a more extensive transmission of Tibetan Buddhism into China proper coincided with the arrival of the ninth Panchen Lama Queji nima ~t i'fJtll\1j ([Blo bzangJ Chos kyi nyi rna, 1883-1937). After fleeing from Tibet because of disputes with the Dalai Lama, the Panchen Lama arrived in Beijing in February 1925.32 This event was significant for those Chinese politicians wishing to solve the Sino-Tibetan conflict. Although at first Mongol and Tibetan lamas rarely performed initiations or transmitted the Dharma to the common public in China proper, the coming of the Panchen Lama was a turning point. According to Taixu's disciple, Fafang ;I;;BJJ (1904-1951), "In those years, Tibetan esoteric Buddhism made great progress in spreading among contemporary Chinese. After seeking refuge in China proper, the Panchen Lama and his disciples made great efforts to preach Tibetan Buddhism. To assist in the administration of the border areas, the government did little to hinder the spread of Buddhism from Tibet and Mongolia and in recents years even greatly promoted it. This is one reason why Tibetan Buddhism has flourished."]]

)0 Guo Yuaming $ilj[;J!'!, lVIizong zhenshi i'*;i1i;3!:. [True history of Tantrism], chap. 1 (available at http://www.plm.org.hkldispArticle.asp?id=3595). [author's note]. 31 For a biography of the lCang skya Khutuldltu (1889-1957) see Zhangjia Dashi Yuanji Dianli Weiyuanhui 'i':Jlil'*eifi[!i!]:Ja~j'l'1~!!l.~ [Committee in honour of the Completely Enlightened Great Master lCang skya Khutukhtu] (ed.), Huguo jingjue Jujiao dashi Zhangjia Hutuketzt zhuan i@t[jJ1ji!jl'lil:!IiiIl~X*eifi'i':Jlil'Q'I'!lllI5I:!lllIf~ [Biography of the lCang skya Khutuldltu, the State-Protecting, Completely Enlightened Great Master Who Assists with Teaching] (Taibei: Zhangjia Dashi Yuanji Dianli vVeiyuanhui, 1957). See also H. vVelch, The P7:actice of Chinese Buddhism (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968): 174-175. 32 On this complex issue see the fundamental study on the Panchen Lama by Fabienn~ Jagou, Le 9' Pa12cben Lama (1883-1937). E1ljeux des ,.elations sino-tibitaines (Paris: Ecole franl'aise d'Extreme-Orient, 2004). See also the contributions by Gray Tuttle and Patricia Berger respectively in the present volume and in the second one. 3J See Fafang ~ilJj, "Zhongguo fojiao de xianzhuang" 'P[jJ1j1J~t:l:8'JJ:l!!tk [The present condition of Buddhism in China], Haichaoyin iJij'i\\!1if 15.10 (1934): 21-32, here 24.

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Chen Bing

In 1925, at the request of the republican leader Duan Qirui @JJ!:f,ffl (1865-1936),34 the Mongol lama BAI PUREN siIr'f= (1870-1927) organized a twenty-one day "Golden Light Rite" (Jinguangmingfa ~:J'tijl;li:;) at Yonghegong in Beijing, which was performed by one hundred and eight lamas under his guidance in order to avert national calamities, Later, Bai Puren was invited to perform the siidhana of the vVhite Canopy U~l}i~a (Dabai sangai fo jci3:$:lUi:;) in Shanghai and Hangzhou, where more than three hundred people came to his sermons and he initiated eighty-one of them. In the province of Rehe Il!\liiJ Gehol) alone it was said that more than one hundred thousand people were converted, The ninth Panchen Lama granted Bai Puren the title of mkhan pO.35 Another lama who transmitted Tibetan Tantric teachings in Beijing at the same time as Bai Puren was DUOJIEJUEBA 3?1~j';W: (rDo rje gcod pa 1874-?) from Drepung monastery (Tib. 'Bras spungs, Ch. Zhebangsi 1'riJ!$,#) in Lhasa,J6 He was widely known for his efficacious methods and extraordinary powers. At the beginning of the republican era, he was active in Inner iVlongolia, and at the request of Fan Yanbin m~~, an envoy of Duan Qirui, he performed a fifteen-day ritual of the Green Tara to get rid of current political problems and was awarded the Mongol title of Nomun Khan (Ch. Nuomenhan 1i.iiF'''P, Tib, chos 1]e).37 In 1925 when he came to Beijing to visit the Panchen Lama, Master Dayong received his teachings, In the winter of the same year, Duojie jueba was invited to Hangzhou where he translated more than twenty Tantric rituals into Chinese, The following year, on the invitation of Tang Xiangming {~Jijlioil, he went to Hankou l;iil;Q (Hubei province) where he initiated a number of military leaders including Wu Peifu 5ii::~ (1874-1939) and Zhao Yanwu il'iiikft-t. In the provincial military governor's office he translated fiftyone Tantric rituals and later made translations of some twenty further works. Finally, a great amount of his translations were collected and published in the Dharma Ocean of the Tant1'aymza (Michengfohai W*1i:;#il').38 In 1927, he resided on Mount vVutai where Zhang Yisun fiHill'Jj\ and Luo Yongzhong li!ll'i=', professors at Beijing University, came to seek his advice, hoping to prove scientifically the validity of Tantric methods. Before they left, Duojie jueba taught them the two methods of Mafijusri and Bai~ajyaguru, both of which Zhang and Luo practiced for one week and obtained convincing results that impelled them to convert to Tibetan Buddhism. 3' Afterwards, Zhang Yisun dedicated himself fully
J4 On this figure see H. L, Boorman, Biographical DictionaT), of Republican China, 5 vols. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1967): vol. 3, 330-335. )5 See Ven. Dongchu, ZhonggztO fojiao jindai shi, vol. 1,437, See also the contribution by Luo Tongbing in the second volume. J6 On the different spellings for the name of this master see Gray Tuttle, Tibetan Buddhists in the iVlaking ofiVlode17l China (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005): 265 note 52, and the contribution by Onoda Slmnzo in this volume on p, 237 note 38. 37 See Ven. Dongchu, Zhongguo fojiao jindai shi, voL 1,437, )8 For a presentation of this important collection see Tuttle, "Translating Buddhism from Tibetan to Chinese in early 20'" Century China (1931-1951)," in Buddhism Between Tibet and China, ed, Matthew T. Kapstein (Boston: vVisdom Publications, 2008). J9 See the Chinese biography of Duojie jueba (rDo rje gcod pa) titled "Duojie jueba zun-

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Tant7~ic Revival and Its

Reception in NIodem China

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to the study of Sino-Tibetan culture, becoming the editor in chief of the C077ZpTebensive Tibetan-Chinese Dictional)' (Zang-Han dacidian jli'l:kimf#l!.). Another Gelugpa lama from Inner Mongolia named BAOZHEN JINGANG SHANGSRI JlfJ;0;~[itJU.Sf!j ([Gu shr1] dKon mchog rdo rje) was invited in 1930 to Jile'an ~~~ in Beijing to transmit the Tantric siidhana of Yamantaka-Vajrabhairava (Tib. rDo rje 'jigs byed, Ch. Daweide jingang :k~li1%~[itJU) and ofNa ro pakini (Tib. Na ro mkha' spyod rna, Ch. Nahm kongxingmu jIj~i'!js'ifHJ:), as well as the practices of the "generation stage" (Tib. bskyed 1"im, Ch. sbengqi cidi 1=.m;{jz~) and the "completion stage" (Tib. rdzogs 1"im, Ch. yuanman cidi ~YI1i{jz~):o The eastward transmission of Tibetan Buddhism came to its climax under the pressure of the Japanese aggression against China. In 1931, when Duojie jueba went to Chengdu after his pilgrimage to Mount Wutai, thousands of people from the army and other walks of life came to welcome him. At the Malljusri Institute (vVenshuyuan ;:z:~"'") he established an altar for initiations, and Liu vVenhui, the governor of Sichuan, accompanied by hundreds of people, came to join it. Duojie jueba also set up mandalas of the Green Tara (Tib. sGrolljang, Ch. Lti dumu ,$Sl'<liHJ:), Amitayus (Tib. Tshe dpag med, Ch. Wuliangshoufo M.:I:"f:Jl;), and Bhaisajyaguru (Tib. Sangs rgyas sman bla, Ch. Yaoshifo ~fli1ji5~) in order to release the souls of servicemen killed in the war, as well as mandalas of Sirphavaktra, the Lion-Faced pakini (Tib. [rDo rje] seng ge'i gdong rna, Ch. Jingang shimian mu ~~UJ!i!iOO'8J;) for exorcism, while at the same time he performed initiations for more than nine hundred followers. After a pilgrimage to India, he returned to Drepung monastery.4! In 1932, important figures in political circles, like the Minister of Internal Affairs Qu Yingguang fttiiJt7t (see below p. 409), the above-mentioned Duan Qirui, Zhu Ziqiao *'Tttl, Zhao Yiwu MiJiffB:, and Tang Zhuxin Y~1ilC.', came to beg the Panchen Lama to perform the Kiilacakra initiation in order to ensure the prosperity of the country and the peace of the people. The ceremony was subsequently held in Beijing, in the Taihedian j;:;rolJ\lt (Hall of the Supreme Harmony) within the Forbidden City, and gathered morethan ten thousand worshippers. 4' The following year, zhe" g;~jitW:~* [Venerable rDo rje gcod pal (available at http://www.plm.org.hkldispArticle. asp?id=2708). It is interesting to remark that the same event of 1927 is recorded in Huang Yingjie (Nlinguo 11lizong nia17:jian, 27) under the name of Bai Puren. Huang Yingjie at p. 32 of his book also confuses Sichuan events which took place after the 19305 with rDo rje gcod pa as if they were performed by Bai Puren who died in 1927. On the role of rDo rje gcod pa (Dorje Chopa) in Sichuan and his link with Sichuan laity see Tuttle, Tibetan Buddhists in the Making oflVlode1"n China, 113-121. 40 See Huang Yingjie, Minguo mizong nianjian, 32. On this JVlongol master identified as Gunque duojie $l'p!J1g;1~ (Gu shrj dKon mchog rdo rje) see Ha'erwa pii"jp1 and Jiamuyang Luozhou Ji!f*t!f/i!?rJJ:J, "Yang Deneng lao jushi, HuJi'ou lao jushi lingguta bei" 1};i!~~:1!;mtJl~1t i0::1!;m01.1\'"titlil1! [Stela of the reliquary stupa of the venerable Buddhist laymen Yang Deneng and HuJi'ou] (http://www.gelu.org/lishilyhlgtm.txt). See also G. Tuttle, "Translating Buddhism from Tibetan to Chinese," and the contribution by Ester Bianchi in this volume (p. 350). 41 See the Chinese biography of rDo rje gcod pa titled "Duojie jueba zunzhe" (http:// www.plm.org.hk/dispArticle.asp?id=2708). 42 See Huang Yingjie, lVlinguo mizongnianjian, 40 and 42. On this event see also Jagou, Le 9' Panchen Lama, 117-122, and the contribution by Gray Tuttle in this volume.

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Chen Bing

the Panchen Lama established the Beijing Esoteric Treasury Institute (Ch. Mizangyuan ffi'jIi!;~, Tib. gSang sngags chos mdzod gling) for the transmission and practice of Tibetan Buddhism. In 1934, Qu Yingguang, Chen Yuanbai Ilt~s, Han Dazai ~*~, and Du Yuesheng ;ft.Fl (1888-1951), invited the Panchen Lama to Nanjing to perform another Kalacakra initiation, which also attracted tens of thousands of people. Meanwhile, they sponsored the establishment of the Bodhi Study Association (Puti Xuehui "l?rj;!l;J1:~) for the propagation of Tantrism, presided over by the Panchen Lama, with Anqin Huofo 5:~r,!djt (sNgags chen Khutukhtu, 1884-1947) and Nuona ~JlIl (Nor lha Khutukhtu, 1865-1936) as vice-presidents.43 In May of 1934, when the Panchen Lama came to Lingyinsi 1i1\i~ in Hangzhou to perfor~ the Kalacakra initiation, Liu Jiaju ~U*~ and Ven. Chaoyi ~ transcribed his teachings into Chinese under the title of Kaishilu 1lf.I7F:~ or Record of Direct Instructions. 44 Taixu, the leader of the reform movement in modern Chinese Buddhism, received the vajracarya initiation from the Panchen Lama and regarded himself as a disciple of the highly-honored Panchen Lama. This event can be seen as the culmination of the third phase of the transmission of Tibetan Buddhism into China proper.45 In June of 1934 Anqin Huofo was invited to Nanjing to transmit the sadhana of Snuevl (Ch. Jixiang tiannu tr**:9.:, Tib. dPalldan lha mol, and from there he 43 Huang Yingjie, Mingllo nzizong nianjian, 44. According to Chenkong 43": ("Shanghai Puti Xuehui zai Wutaishan chengli banshichu" ...tilii'il'~,;jai'i!E.liil'llmlt:ll:~JJIi!, Haichaoyin 17.7, 1936: 8-9, quoted inJagou, Le 9' Panchen Lanza, 131-132), the vice-presidents were Nuona Khutukhtu and the Chinese master Yinguang opJ'G (1861-1940). This is also confirmed by the study of Gao Zhennong iilii'i<:& ("Minguo nianjian de Shanghai Fojiao Jingyeshe t\!;~:rB]B~...t ilii'1t~Ij>)\U [Shanghai's FojiaoJingyeshe during the republican period], Fayin ~ 69, 1990.5: 30-34; available at http://www.plm.org.hklqikanlfayinlgindex.htm) where Anqin huofo (here named Anqin Hutul<etu :li:~II'J'~R:~, i.e., sNgags chen Khutukhtu) is said to have received only the title of "instructor" (daoshi Jil'jiji). For a Chinese biography of this master (Ch. Danzeng jinmei wangqiu f}:t\ll1ll'~lEE:fk., Tib. [rJe btsun Blo bzang] bsTan 'dzin 'jigs med dbang phylig [dpal bzang po]; c also note 46) see Qin Yongzhang ~7j<.1i!':, "Kangzhan shiqi Riben ranzhi woguo Xizang mishi" :J1i:lllGatJt1lB*~1Ilft~iZ!i~'Iili~ [Secret history of Japanese encroaching on Tibet of our country during the anti-Japanese war], Zhonggila zangxtte [China Tibetology] (2005.1) available at http://info.tibet.cnlperiodicallzgzxl2005/01ltZ0060525_1l8149.htm. In Chinese, the name of this Tibetan master from Tashilhunpo (bKra shis Ihun po) is also spelled Angqin Daba 1'il:$.Ji.:i2iE'. (sNgags chen 'dar ba or bdar pal. See also Zhou Shaoliang fi\J!/:l1llc and Lii Tiegang El~~ (eds.), Zangnzi xittfo nzidian ~W~it'liliJ14 [Secret compendium of Tibetan Tantric practices], 5 vols. (Beijing: Huaxia chubanshe, 1995): vol. 5, 99-100, and 351-355, and the Tibetan short biography by bKras dgon 10 rgyos mom sgrig tshogs chung [Committee of redaction of the history ofTashilhunpo monastery], sNgags cben bdar pa ho thog thtt Blo bzang bstan 'dzin 'jigs nzed dbang phyllg gi rnam tbar rag bsdm (in Bod rang skyong ljongs srid gros 10 rgym rig gnas dpyad gzbi'i rgytt cba, 1984, vol. 4, 80-91; http://tibetbook.netitibetbook.net%20update%20 7.2007.pdf). For the relation between this master, also known as sNgags chen Rinpoche, and the Panchen Lama see Jagou, Le 9' Panchen Lanza, 216-217, 267-271. For other sources on this master see Tuttle, "Translating Buddhism from Tibetan to Chinese." 44 See Huang Yingjie, Minglto mizong nianjian, 44. [author's note]. 45 On this event see the conttibution by Luo Tongbing in the second volume (pp. 455-456).

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went to the Beijing Esoteric Treasury Institute to teach. In 1938 Saqin (Chiming) Hutuketu iiflHj;(iif~)n'J'IliIIR:1liII (alias sNgags chen Khutukhtu) from Tashilhunpo (Tib. bKra shis lhun po, Ch. Zhashilunbu tL1tflfu;/fi), came to this institute in Beijing and conferred to five hundred and forty-eight people of various nationalities the initiations to Midala W~n%j (Tib. Nlitra [brgya mal) and Jingangman ~[lliJu!'l (Tib. rDo rje pbTeng ba, Skt. Vajl'iivaH). While there he transmitted and explained their practice illustrated in five hundred and more paintings portraying the deities, their related mantras, objects of veneration, colors of their bodies, etc:6 Beside the above-mentioned Gelugpa lamas, there were also other masters from the Nyingmapa (rNying rna pal, Kagyiipa (bKa' brgyud pal and Sakyapa (Sa skya pal traditions who traveled from Central Tibet and Kham to China proper. The most influential were Nuona Khutukhtu (Nor lha Khutukhtu, 1865-1936) and Gongga Shangshi ~nJj~ljl (Gangs dkar rin po che, 1893-1957). NUONA KHUTUKHTU, also known in Tibet as MGAR RA BLA MA CPhrin las rgya mtsho), came from Kham and was the recipient of both the Nyingma and Kagyii traditions, but because he was politically persecuted in Tibet he escaped to India:7 In 1924, on the invitation of the Mongol lama Bai Puren, he came to Beijing and, at the request of two Sichuanese laymen, Li Xuan *1(" and Li Gongdu *0&, went to Sichuan and transmitted Tantric teachings for three years, gathering thousands of disciples. In 1929 Nuona moved from Chongqing to Nanjing where he was appointed as a member of the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs of the Guomindang, and Nanjing's central government conferred him the title of Universal Protector Master (Puyou chanshi llIHiJiJ'i1ljl). He lived in N anjing for six years and was invited by people from all walks of life to transmit teachings in Shanghai, Suzhou, Hangzhou, Mount Mogan ~TW, Nanchang, Mount Lu 1lw, as well as in Guangdong, Hunan and Hubei regions. He converted many people, among them important officials in the army and government, professors, and wealthy merchants. At

46 The author Chen Bing bases himself on the work of Huang Yingjie, Minguo 71lizong nianjian, H. However, according to Zhou Shaoliang and Lii Tiegang (eds.), Zang71li xiufa 71lidian (vol. 5, 352 and 355), the name Saqin Hutuketu i1l1~jzn'f'1li!l5l:1li!l (here written i1l1l\\l.~!l5I:Ili!l,

Tib. rJe btsun Blo bzang bstan 'dzin 'jigs med dbang phyug dpal bzang po, and translated into Chinese as Zhizun Shanhui chijiao wuwei zizai deshan 3'Jl1lfflii'KJ\fi'&l!\\ilti3i'Etwff) stands for the above-mentioned master Anqin huofo J'i';i:i(iI'i1:11l (sNgags chen Khutukhtu). See also Tuttle, "Translating Buddhism from Tibetan to Chinese." This master is said to have transmitted the two initiations of Mitra b7"gya Ttsa and TDo lje ph1-eng ba according to two texts entitled JVIitTa dang 1'DoT phnng gi Iha tshogs kyi gtso bo'i sku bmyan ntthong ba don Idan. These two texts are included in the collection Zangnzi xiufa ntidian (vol. 5, 95-236, and 237-373) under the Chinese title Midala baifa zhuzztn xiang W'l'fi!!li~ait':Jl!:lw, and Jingangman z/Jtlzun xiang ~[iJ0~':Jl!:1l. 47 On Nuana and his controversial life see Luo Tongbing, "Nuona huofo de jige zhongyao shishi liiekao" ~Jl~iI'iI:IIl8~f&1&l1l!jIl!1:~m"''''S [A summary on some important historical facts on Nor Iha KhutukhtuJ, Zongjiao"'ue yanjizt *i'&~liJf9i (2004.2): 109-114; and Carmen Meinert, "Gangs dkar rin po che between Tibet and China," in Buddhism Between Tibet and China ed. Kapstein (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2008). See also Tuttle, Tibetan Buddhists, 257-258, note 98.

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CbenBing

Kunming, one of his disciples, Wang Jiaqi ~jlj<, founded the Ashram of the Lotus (LianhuaJingshe Jl;mJ%V In 1935 Nuona sent a letter to Gongga Rinpoche in Dajianlu' :JTil'iftAli (Tib. Dar rtse mdo, present-day Kangding '*JE) inviting him to come to Chengdu and Chongqing and take over his Chinese disciples. Publications of Nuona's teachings include the Record of tbe True Words trans'nzitted by N01' lba (NuonzeJZ pucbuan zbenyan

I'll

:mr''\W'''Jti!f~),

Recorded Sayings oftbe Living Buddha Nor lha (N-llona buofo yulu :m

1l~mf1!Jmttj),

and Biography ofN01' lba Kbutukbtzt (Nuona Hutuketu yingbua sbiji :m1l~1l'J'

1iIR:1iI11IHt.$li\J}).49
GONGGA RrNPOCHE was the heir to both the Karma Kagyli and Nyingma traditions and understood Chinese. In 1937, he consecrated the stupa containing the remains ofNuona and a newly built Padmasambhava Hall (Lianhuasheng dashidian Jl :!t:*:BijiJ\ll:) on Mount Lu Giangxi province). Furthermore, he transmitted Tantric teachings and, at the request of the Nanjing government, performed rituals for the peace of the country. In 1939 he returned to Kangding to perform a long-term rite for the country, and on his journey back conferred initiations. 50 In 1945 Gongga was invited back to China and performed initiations as he journeyed through Chengdu, Chongqing, Kunming, Hankou, Changsha, Nanjing, Shanghai, and Hangzhou until his return to Kangding in 1948. He had many disciples, of whom the majority came from the military administration and academic circles. The republican government conferred on him the title of Master of Universal Enlightenment, Supporter of the Teaching (Fujiao Guangjue Chanshi .~ ~:W::jliiBili) and gave him a golden certificate (jince ~$) and a silver seal (yinyin ~~ ~p).51 Among his transmissions figure that on Vajravaram (Tib. rDo rje phag mo, Ch. Jingang haimu ~lIlJtl*-BJ:), on SaIp.vara (Tib. bDe mchog, Ch. Shangle jingang J:~~IIlJU), on Mahamudra (Tib. pbyag eben, Ch. dashouyin :*:~~), and rDzogs chen (dayuannzan j;:liIrlli).52 He translated more than a hundred Tantric rituals and wrote commentaries on Heart Sutra and lVlahii1mtdrii. The most significant of the Tantric scriptures on the path of liberation were thus translated into Chinese thanks to the efforts of Gongga and his disciples. 53 .. On WangJiaqi see Tao Guitang 1l1iI:lil::ll!:, "Nuona huofo fasi- WangJiaqiJingang shangshi" i!iijJ~m1jjl~;;J-3::**~I'IIJ...tjlfi (http://hk.netsh.comlbbs/8809/html/tree_5925992.html). [author's note] 49 On Nuona see Ven. Dongchu, Zhongguo fojiao jindai rhi, voL 1, 439-440; "Nuona huofo" (http://www.plm.org.hlddispArticle.asp?id=31002); "Nuona Hutuketu" (http://fo.confucianism. com.cn/Show.asp?id=4320). The text Mtom.en puelJUlIn zhenyan txt ~r~1I1J:lt~t'f< is found in Fang Guangchang 1J~~ (ed.), Zang'wai fojing ~5rHjt!l [Buddhists scriptures outside the canon], 30 vols. (Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 2005): voL 6. 50 Huang Yingjie, Mingtto mizongnianjian, 107-108. 51 See Ven. Dongchu, Zhongguo fojiao jindai shi, vol. 1, 439-440. ". On rD:mgs chen teachings related to Gongga Rinpoche (Gangs dkar rin po che) see the contribution by Monica Esposito in the second volume. 53 See Huang Yingjie, Mingtto mizong nianjian, and Ven. Dongchu, Zhongglto fojiao jindai sbi, vol. 1, 439A40. More on this master and his activities in C. Meinert, "Gangs dkar rin po che between Tibet and China." For a list of Chinese translations related to this master, see the Appendix 2 of Monica Esposito's contribution in the second volume.

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Among the most representative of Tibetan Kagyii lamas who came to China and transmitted teachings from the Kagyii and Nyingma traditions were Babang qinzM Renboqie )\J~Qi=1tli (dPal spungs rje btsun rin po che) in 1938, Duga Huofo '/II 11I~{jIfl (Dugs dkar sprul sku) in 1941, and Shenglu Shangshi ~SJ:ilfIi from Lijiang (Yunnan province) in 1941. As for the Sakya tradition, one should mention GENSANG ZECHENG :t~*~;fjjl (Kun bzang tshe 'phrin) from Kham, who in 1936-1937 came to Chengdu, Chongqing, and Shashi t!;-m. He transmitted rDzogs chen teachings, including the two commentaries or "chariots" by Klong chen pa (1308-?) on the sGyu ma ngal gsa and bSam gtan ngal gsa (translated into Chinese as Dayuannzan xx/huan xizt.."Ci miaache jie ::kIllYil/i.F,jj[lIJf*,\lw)1I!iHlf. and Dayuanman chanding xizt.."Ci miaache jie ::kil i'iI/i:ifl[!:Ef*,\jl,:Mi1l!fHlf., respectively), and the preliminaries of the Klang chen mying tbig and the Ye shes bla ma by 'Jigs med gling pa (1729/30-1798), both translated into Chinese under the respective titles of Dayuanman wztsbangzhi guangda xin)'aa benjue cidi ::kli!lyil/i il\liJ:t!'Jl*,c,,~*:\1t&~ and Dayuanman sbengbui benjue xinyaa xiztzheng cidi ::kili'il/iMj ~*:\1t,c,,~~~&~.54 Other Sakya masters active in China were Dengzun zhaba :'l\: :~ULE. (bsTan 'dzin grags pal and Seka quzha i:.f-Ilil'Jt (gSer mkhar chos grags). As laIl1as continued to arrive in China from Central Tibet, Kham, and Mongolia, they attracted many Chinese devotees who were seeking Tantric teachings. This had the effect of p~oducing a so-called "Chinese fever" for going to Tibet to study Buddhism. At first there were the disciples ofTaixu, including DAYONG who, as we have already mentioned, went first to Japan to study Shingon. Dayong was, however, deeply impressed by"the teachings he received from Bai Puren, and he decided to go to Tibet to search for authentic teachings in order to establi~h a "Chinese esoteric Buddhism." In 1924, with the support oflay Buddhists like Hu Zihu i'iJlT~, Tang Zhmdn y~~ii, and Liu Ya."du '!!m1*, he founded the Institute ofTibetan Studies (Fojiao Zangwen Xueyuan {jIfltf[~::tIlJG) within Ciyinsi ~E~ in Beijing and invited Duojie jueba as lecturer in Tibetan language and Tibetan Buddhist culture. He also invited Dagang ::klllJtl and Chaoyi, members of the Wuchang Buddhist Institute, along with its own researchers like Fazun ii:W, Guanko~g /1.3':, Yanding M!:E, Huizhong 1ff<F, and Fafang ii:!lD (1904-1951), to come and study at this institute. 55 The following year, Dayong reorganized the Institute of Tibetan Studies into a "Dharma study group residing in Tibet" (LiZtzang xx/eJa Ulan 1i~ii:III). Before its departure, the expedition team pronounced an oath: "We will fulfill our wish in future incarnations, even if it shatters our bones and grinds our bodies to powder in this life.,,56 In the fall of 1925, leading a group of about twenty students, Dayong left
54 Fo, a list ofrDzogs chen texts translated into Chinese see also the Appendices by Henry Shiu and Monica Esposito in the second volume. 55 On this instirute and Dayong's srudy group in Tibet see also Wang-Toutain, "Quand lesmaltres chinois s'eveillent au bouddhisme tibetain," 713-716; Tuttle, Tibetan Buddhists, 82 and 104-110; and the contribution by Onoda Shunz6 in the present volume (p. 237). 56 See Yu Lingbo 'f~ili!i, "Nenghai fashi (1886-1967)" ~~iI!i'~(!ijj (i!!ljG1886-1967:) [Master Nenghai, 1886-1967], Foyin {jilfi' (http://www.foyin.com/Renwu/ShowArticle.asp? ArticleID= 68064). [author's note].

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Beijing for Tibet and, passing through Sichuan, entered Kham. They were obliged to stop at Kangding because the Tibetans suspected them of being part of a political delegation, and so they stayed there for a while to study Tibetan scriptures. During this period Dayong translated Tsong kha pa's Lam rim bsdus don under the Chinese title of PZttidao cidiliielzm 'l?fmil!ljz~DIlt~ (Summary on the stages of the path to enlightenment). On the New Year's Eve of 1926, Dayong declared the dismissal of the Dharma study group due to unexpected financial difficuly caused by the current political situation. 57 In the spring of 1927, Dayong led ten students to continue their journey west, but when they arrived at Ganzi tr:& (dKar mdzes) they were stopped again by the Tibetan army. This time they lived in Zhajiasi 1LJm!~ (Dar rgyas gling), where they studied with a lama from Central Tibet. Because they failed to acclimatize to the new environment and the living conditions were very hard, some of them fell ill and their leader Dayong passed away in 1929 at the early age of thirty-seven. Among the other members, Guankong, Yanding, Guangrun ~iIlIl, Dagang, Mihong B'iil'f, and Mihui B'iif., remained in Kham for some years to continue their study.58 After having studied for some time in Kham, CHAOYI returned to China and obtained a post as a teacher at the Institute of Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Studies (Hanzang Jiaoliyuan lIjl~J:lll.l!it) in Chongqing. Later he went to Beijing and Shanghai to transmit his teachings and became abbot of Shengjuesi :lI!1.:\ii';~ on Mount Hui I! liJ (Wuxi, Jiangsu province), where he translated Tibetan short sutras like the Heart SZttra (Xinjing 'lA,!.) and the Sitiitapatra-dhiil'a1Jf(Dabai sangai jing ::k:s1ijli::i[l\lJ!.). Fazun, Miwu B'i't~, Hengyan 't.7ji~, Langchan ~)H and Changguang 'iit:J't continued their westward march to Lhasa where they studied Gelugpa teachings. Mrwu, an expert in both exoteric and esoteric traditions, was famous in Lhasa for having obtained the degree of Doctor in Philosophy (dge bshes). After his return to China he spread his teachings in Sichuan. FAZUN i!~ (1902-1980), who was also said to have obtained the degree of dge bshes,s9 in 1933, at the request ofTaixu, returned to Chongqing where he took over the direction of the Institute of Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Studies. In 1935 he returned to Tibet to invite Andong Dashi ~*::k:(frjj (A mdo dge bshes ['Jam dpal rol pa'i blo gros, 1888-1935]) to teach in Sichuan, but on finding that Andong had just passed away Fazun stayed there for five months and studied a large number of exoteric and esoteric methods under the guidance ofJiangze Fawang ~~[Ji!:E (Byang rtse chos rje).60

Yue'an tjt'~, "Yue'an shi laihan" tJl;~m*iii [Letter from Master Yue'an], Haichaoyin iIIlo 7.12 (1927): 12. 58 Ven. Dongchu, Zhongg'!lo fojiao jindai shi, 441-446. See also the cOIftribution by Onoda Shunz6 in this volume (p. 238). 59 On the controversial history about the obtaining ofthe dge bshes degree by Fazun, see the contribution by Onoda Shunz6 in this volume (p. 238). See also Brenton Sullivan, "Venerable Fazun and his influence on life and education at the Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Institute" (MA Thesis, University of Kansas, 2007): 40-4l. 60 LiiJianfu, Zhongg'!lo mijiao shi, 642. According to vVang-Toutain ("Quand les maitres chinois s'eveillent au bouddhisme tibetain," 716), A mdo dge bshes should be 'Jam dpal rol pa'i blo gros (1888-)1935). The translator is grateful to Professor Chen Qingying for the identifica57

ll~

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Inspired by the example of Xuanzang, the greatest Tang Buddhist translator in China history, he worked diligently for more than ten years on translating Tib~t an Buddhist scriptures into Chinese, including Tsong kha pa's Lam rim chen mo under the title of Putidao cidi guanglztn 'l?fl1i!:lii:(j,:~)jj;~J1lJ or The Great Treatise on the Stages of the Path to Enlightenment and mKhas grub rje's rGyud sde spyi'i rnam par gzhag pa rgyas par' brjod as Mizongdao cidi lun ;;l'i*lii:(j,:~~ (Treatise on the Tantric stages). He also translated from Chinese into Tibetan the Abhidharma-mahtivibhiii-fiistra (pa piposha lun ::k:rutl;~tJ;'~, 1: 1545). He wrote books like Modern Tibet (Xiandai Xizang f.ll.1~il!i~) and History of Tibetan Politics and Religion (Xizang minzu zhengjiao shi il!i~B~.n.Uli:1J&~), and more than ten articles on Buddhist studies, which have been recently published in a compilation titled Anthology of the Buddhist Works by Master Fazzm (Fazzm fashi fox'lle l'llnzhu ji $~*ilfIjf1!l~~if:i!~} Finally, as one of the most eminent translators of Buddhist scriptures in Chinese history, Fazun can be regarded as an outstanding figure in the domain of Sino-Tibetan Buddhist studies. 61 Following in Fazun's steps, Ven. GUANKONG ~S': (1903-1989) studied for over ten years in Kham. In 1936 he went to Beijing to teach Lam rim at the Fayuansi Buddhist Institute (Fayuansi Foxueyuan *i!til~1~~~) and then returned to .Kham. During his stay in Beijing, he translated the last six chapters of the Commentary on the Sa'lJ'ldhini1'mocana-siitra (Jieshen mijing shu Mi*;;l'i~iliit) and recorded the explanations given on Tsong kha pa's Lam gyi gtso bo rnam gsum as Sanzhu yaodao jianglzt :::: ~lii:~t~ (Explanations on the three main points of the path). In 1939, after helping Anqin Khutukhtu to transmit the Dharma in Beijing as his interpreter, he went to Tianjin and traveled to Tibet by way of India. He reached Lhasa and studied with great masters like Pozhangka WliJllt (Pha bong kha [pa Byams pa bstan 'dzin 'phrin las rgya mtsho], 1878-1941),62 Kangsa Renbojie ,,*ili1=~~ (Khang gsar rin po chel Khang gsar bla rna, 1888/90-1941),63 and Gadengba 1liil!E. (dGa' ldan pa).64 After learning that Dayong was leading a group to Tibet, the eminent master NENGHAI ~~iili' (1886-1967), who became a monk in 1924 as a retired general, was deeply moved and decided to join the group to go Tibet. In 1925, with four fellow

tion ofJiangze Fawang as Byang rtse chos rje. See also "Fazun fashi zishu" i1;;.i1;;~"l:l!, Fayin (1985.6) available at http://www.plm.org.hklqikanlfayin/gindex.htrn. 61 -See Ven. Dongchu Zhongg'llo fojiao jindai shi, voL 1,454-455; LiiJianfu, Zhongguo mijiao shi, 642-643; and Wang-Toutain, "Quand les maitres chinois s'eveillent au bouddhisme," 720724. On Fazun's tra.nslation of the work of mKhas grub rje, which in Ven. Dongchu (ZhonggzlO fojiao jindai shi, 455) is given under the Chinese title of Mizongdao ddi liielun W*~IXjj!;IlItr~, while in Lii Jianfu (Zhonggzto mijiao shi, 642) as Mizongdao cidi gzlangl'lln W*~IXjj!;}j(~ see the contribution by Luo Tongbing in the second volume (p. 450 note 43). The translations by Fazun have been also published in Fang Guangchang (ed.), Zangwai fojing, vols.1- 4, and 6-7. 62 Also written in Chinese Pabengka iJ!E~pt. On this master see also the contribution by Fran~oise Wang-Toutain in the present volume on p. 374. 63 On the identification of this master see Tuttle, Tibetan Buddhists, 270-271, note 43. This was one of the main masters ofNenghai, see below. 64 On this master see Renjie if?':;, "Huiyi wode qin jiaoshi Guankong fashi" JtllltiJ*~ !ffli~Jl\~i1;;yiji [Remembering my cherish Master Guankong], Fayin 195 (2000.11): 25-30 (http:// www.plm.org.hklqikan/fayin/dharmal2k111g2k1lf05.htrn). [author'S note].

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CbenBing

monks-Guoyao *fili, Yongguang 7](:7't, Guorong *$, and Chuanpin 1~&'"-he left for Kham but, because of the Sino-Tibetan war, the group was detained and stayed temporarily at Ya'an lflE~ in Sichuan while waiting for the opportunity to continue their journey. There, another monkXun'en :ili\,I6l. came to join them. At the beginning of 1926 they reached Dayong and his team at the Paomashan ~I!L~w or Horse Racing Mountains (Tib. IHa mo rtse ri bo; today's rTa rgyug gdan lding) in Kangding where, under the guidance ofJiangba Gexi ~ii'Ef!1ffi (Byams pa dge bshes), they studied Tibetan scriptures. Afterwards, they went to Litang :f1[Jlt (Li thang) and studied Indian logic and the Tibetan language under the guidance of Zawa Gexi iI-~p1fi1-lffi ({fsa ba [khri sprulJ dge bshes). Before long, four members of the group returned to China because they could not acclimatize to the Tibetan environment; only Nenghai and Yongguang stayed at Namosi jj~~Oi'f (IHa mo rtse),65 where they devoted themselves to the study of tantras and received instructions from Jiangyang qingpi Renboqie ~:9<:lff2E1=~t)J ('Jam dbyangs chos 'phel rin po che) on the Sixfold Yogas ojNff7'opa (Tib. Nff TO cbos dmg, Ch. liu jiaxing i\jJQ1T) and the offering of the sacrificial cones (gt07' mal. In 1928, together with another two companions-Yonglun 7j<-1i\iJ and Yongyan 7j(~-Nenghai and Yongguang left for Central Tibet, finally reaching Lhasa after more than three months of arduous travel. Here at the Drepung monastery they studied Gelugpa teachings for five years with the above-mentioned Kangsa Renbojie, before going back to Sichuan to transmit Tibetan Buddhism. 66 In 1938 Nenghai established Jincisi :llI:i1,i(Oi'f near Chengdu, his first Gelugpa monastery, and later Yunwusi ~;MOi'f at Mount Xi Iffiw in Mianzhu MWr, Cisheng'an i1,i(.l'l'iit and Zhengbicheng bieshu oI!~:"lPX:JlUJg in Chongqing, Jueyuan :iJ[ in Shanghai, and Qingliangqiao lffm:m at Mount vVutai, all as "Vajra ritual sanctuaries" (ji12gang daocbang ~!lllU:@::f"4jJ) for the trasmission of Gelugpa teachings. In addition, he went to Beijing, Shanghai, Hankou, Suzhou, and Mount Baohua :llfw to lecture on Tibetan sacred scriptures and had many followers. The president of the United States, Franklin Roosevelt, invited him to lecture in America but he declined. Nenghai followed the Gelugpa tradition, blending esoteric and exo65 Namosi is often given in Chinese sources as Litang's Namosi ~~1l~~'!f. See for instance Huang Yingjie, MingZlo 71lizong nianjian, 27; Yu Lingbo, "Nenghai fashi (18861967)"; Song Dalu jushi **::.Jii;', Nengbai dasbi zi",an ~~~*~ifili (Biography of the venerable Nenghai] (http://book.bfnn.org/books312061.htm#a03); or other sources available on Internet as Longlian fashi lI1tl1i'it~ijj, Nengbai shangsbi nianpu ~~i/(fJ:yijj"Fl1\' (Chronological biography of the Guru Nenghai] (http://www.szjt.org/53can/gaoseng/bashu/nh_nhssnp. htm). Conversely, LiiJianfu (Zhongguo mijiao sbi, 644) refers as Litang's Nanmosi Jil1~if~'!f. Litang's Namosi is a mistake originally included in the biography of Nenghai for Kangding's Namosi. Also known as Nanwusi ifJC'if, this monastery is located on IHa mo rtse ri bo (today's Paomashan Wf;U,ljjili) near Kangding. See Zhou Xiyin }l(]j;jj~lil et a1. (eds.), Zangchuan fojiao si),uan ziliao xuanbian ~'liIJ~:j1i('!fIl%~t4ill.!.Iil [Selected materials of Tibetan Buddhist monasteries] (Chengdu: Sichuansheng minzu shiwu weiyuanhui, 1989): 110. This has been also confirmed by the study of Ester Bianchi (Tbe lTon Statue lVlonaste1J', 46 note 73) who visited this monastery in 1999 at the time when a commemorative han was built in its front building in honor of Nenghai. 66 On this master see Huang Yingjie, Minguo mizong nianjian, 27; and Yu Lingbo, "Nenghai fashi (1886~1967)." [author's note].

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teric teachings into a gradual smdy method, as well as paying attention to Buddhist precepts. He was rigorous with monastic discipline and was greatly respected. He translated ninety-eight Tibetan exoteric and esoteric works as well as more than ten sets ofrecorded notes. 67 Among Nenghai's disciples one should mention QINGDING lill'iE (1903-1999), a general who became a monk and was abbot at Shanghai's JueyuanJingang Daochang j';niJiJ~m~. In August 1955, due to the collaboration of the Chinese Buddhist Association (Zhongguo Fojiao Xiehui CP~f~:l'5CJn:;~) and the Shanghai Buddhist Association (Shanghao Fojiao Xiehui J:.iiijdjB#!zt!%~) with the government in their campaign for "eliminating counter-revolutionaries," Qingding was imprisoned for having served as a general in the Guomindang army before 1941 and then put into prison. 68 In 1975, in response to an appeal by Zhao Puchu Ml.itM, the late director of the Chinese Buddhist Association, which was supported by Premier Zhou Enlai fi'lJJ6l,3V:, Qingding was set free at the age of seventy-three. After serving for some years as a doctor in his hometown, he remrned to his monastic life and became the abbot at Zhaojuesi 8BJIt~ in Chengdu in 1985. He continued to transmit Buddhist teachings, gathering thousands of disciples. Among Nenghai's female disciples was Ven. LONGLIAN fI1!;:)i (1901-2006), an erudite and energetic nun. She was versed in English and Tibetan and translated a number of works including the Bodhicaryavata7'a (Ru pusa xinglzm A,,,~1Tiiili). From 1981 she was in charge of the Sichuan Buddhist Instimte for Nuns (Sichuan Nizhong Foxueyuan [2])IIJE.~f~~[lj'G) at Tiexiangsi ~IH,*~ (Iron Statue Monastery) in Chengdu, devoting herself to training a number of nuns." In 1985 Ven. Longlian was honored with the Cultural Religious Service Award by the Japanese Society for the Promotion of Buddhism (Buldcyo Dendo Kyokai {"~fz;mi%h~). Zhao Puchu calligraphed a hanging scroll praising her as "the first nun of modern times."70 Another disciple of Nenghai, Ven. ZHliVIIN ~~, is currently the abbot at Duobaosi g;'!II~ in Sanmen (Zhejiang province) and devotes himself to the transmission of Gelugpa teachings. Among other monks who went to Kham, Central Tibet, and Amdo to study Gelugpa teachings were Xindao 'I)m, Junbi Jimei :B JfE~l~, Taikong j,I:~, Bisong Shengjin ~j!l;, and Zhuanfeng ":ii.

=:r,

*rl,

67 For a list of Nenghai's works see Lii Jianfu, Zhongguo mijiao shi, 647-648. See also the study of Bianchi, The ITon Statue Nlonaste1Y, 169-173, and of the same author, "The 'Chinese lama' Nenghai (1886-1967): Doctrinal tradition and teaching strategies of a Gelukpa master in Republican China," in Buddhism Between Tibet and China, ed. Nlatthew Kapstein (Boston: 'Wisdom Publications, 2008). See also for Nenghai's materials, Fang Guangchang (ed.), Zangwai Jojing, vols. 4-6. 68 Honghua yuekan 'lL-l-tflflJ, March 25, 1955. [author's note] 69 On this monastery see the study by Bianchi, The Iron Statue Nlonastery. 70 See "Sichuan Nizhong Foxuenyuan yuanzhang Longlian fashi shengpin dashiji" 1m )IIFtlAHlll~IIft~3t~!li~lt;jiP'."F:k~~c [Chronicle of the life of Venerable Longlian, head of the Sichuan Buddhist Institute for Nuns] (http://big5.fjnet.com/gate/big5/news.fjnet.com/ jjdt/jjdtnr/t20061109_40775.htm); and Qiu Shanshan !/l'ww, Dangdai diyi biqiztni: Longtian Joshi zhuan ~~:H';J!l-~~.frFtl!lill~jiP1'1i [Biography of Venerable Longlian, the first nun of modern times] (Fuzhou: Fujian meishu chubanshe, 1997). [author's note].

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XINDAO ,c,'iJ:! (original name: Li Anxiang *~~+, 1905-1968) from Hubei was ordained in 1922 as a monk with the Dharma name Yuanfu i1m:illi (see also below p. 415). In 1934 he went to Qinghai to study Tibetan Buddhism and received the title of mkban po. He was later active in various regions of today's China, including Qinghai, Gansu ifil, Shaanxi ~Jtiffi, Xinjiang t,l['OI, and Ningxia $:Zl. He contributed so deeply to the promotion of Buddhism in the northwest of China that even today monks of this region claim their heritage from him. He wrote the Rec07'd of Spr'eading Buddbism in tbe N07'tb7vest (Xibei hongfa ji iffi~t5Ut~C)?1 JUNE! JIMEI ttlEE~~ (Chos 'phel 'jigs med, i.e., Ouyang Wuwei w,x~I!\Ii"\!!;, 19141991) studied many years in Lhasa before going to Taiwan, where he trained Rushi im:t:i, Lin Chong'an ***3C, and Xiao Jinsong )1:&1'2' in Tibetan studies. They translated many Gelugpa works. Besides contributing much to the translation work, Rushi is famous for his essay ''Awakening to tbe Faitb in tbe IV1ahayana in modern times" (Xiandai dasbeng qi::c'in 11112 lJil.f~jc*~,C,'~1iir), which caused intense controversy. Among the monks who went to Kham and Central Tibet to study Nyingma and Kagyii teachings are ChenJianmin ~*1ltf'\';, Zhang Chengji ,*i'!Hf, Miaokong Y'yS':, Liu Liqian ~U}'z:T, Genzao fRm, and Mixian 1'%'~. CHEN JIAl'fMIN [llf'(J!f'\'; (better known as Yogi Chen, 1906-1987), from You county 1!i1:' (Hunan province), was secretary of the provincial government and a middle school teacher. Following Gongga Rinpoche, he went to Mount Gongga in Kham and studied Tantrism with him." In 1947 he withdrew into retreat and diligently practiced various kinds of meditation in Kalimpong (India). In 1972 he was invited to the United States, where he lived until his death in 1987 (in Berkeley, California). He was well versed in Tantrism, combining theory with his own experience. He wrote more than two hundred works to promote Tantrism, Witll his five-volume anthologi:,1 titled Collected vViwiu of tbe Bent-Ann Studio (Qugongzhai quanji illlJlt~:*) being regarded as a model for Tantric practitioners. He also wrote more than one hundred booklets in English/1 including his Buddbist lWeditation, which was subsequently translated into Chinese as Fojiao cbanding 1:11l$.!z:ilj!fE' and published in the People's Republic of China (PRC) to great acclaim, Furthermore, his biography titled A Gr'eat Yogi Master' (vVeida de yujiasbi 1tjc!'l~Jjfj1nQ) tells of his spiritual quest 74
71 See Ban Shengyuan 'F't~, "Xindao fashi chuanji" 'L.'i!!:itJfIlf~iG [Biography of Master XindaoJ (http://www.fjblog.cn/userll1015/archives/2007128812.shtml). and of the same author, "Xindao fashi nianpu jianbian" 'L.'i!!:itifll:ijOil\'i'iMIii [Concise chronological biography of Master Xindao] (http://www.fjblog,cn/userl/lOlS/archivesI2007128471,shtml; http://www, fjblog.cn/user1l10l5/archivesI200712862S.shtml). [author's note] 72 According to statements by Yogi Chen he had about thirty masters, among them Gongga and Nuon", Yogi Chen, in the introduction to his Buddhist iVleditation (available at http://yogichen,org/efiles/bmchO.html), tells how he became disciple of "Lola Hutnktu" (i,e" Nuona Khutukhtu), On this master see also the contribution by Yao Lixiang in the second

volume.
73 They are known as Chenian booklets. The majority oEhis publications in Chinese and English are available free of charge from the website http://www.yogichen,orgl. 74 Chen Haowang ~*ii"iM., "Chen Jianmin xinyi dashi nianbiao" ~*fJ!~lTijtk*:ijO* [Chronological table of important events of the virtuous actions of Chen Jianmin] (http:// www.budd.cn/book/readari.asp?no=48390). [author's note]

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At the age of seventeen, ZHANG CHENG]I '1~i'& (bettern known as Garma C. C. Chang, 1920-1988) from Anlu 3Z'i (Hubei province), went to Mount Gongga to study with Gongga Rinpoche for eight years. In 1945, when the war with]apan ended in China, he returned to his hometown. In 1947, he was invited by Tan Yunshan ~f~tli (1898-1983) to give lectures jn India at the International University (Guoji daxue ~~A"l'\). In 1951, he was invited from India, where he had lived since 1949, to the United States to lecture on Buddhism at the New School for Social Research and later transferred to the University of Nebraska. In 1966 he became a teacher at the Pennsylvania State University. During his stay in Taiwan in 1963 and 1976, he briefly taught and conferred some lVIahamudra transmissions. 75 Among his translations are the biography of Milarepa (Mi la ras pal and his songs, as well as the biography of Gampopa (sGam po pa).76 He is the author of Tbe Buddbist Teacbing of Totalit)" and is well known in the INest for his explanations and translations of Buddhist thought, having also been the general editor of A TreaSZt'J' oflVIabiiyiina siitras: Selection from tbe lVIabiiratnakiita siitra/ 8 and for his translations and explanations of Tic betan doctrines and practices. MIAOKONG!&~ (1920-1991), better known as FAHAI LAMA l'tiIijJ!*~nJff, came from Amdo (Qinghai) and was originally a novice monk at Kumbum (Tib. sKu 'bum, Ch. Ta'ersi 1:fi!ri{f). Amund the age of thirteen he was taken to China by the abovementioned Xindao'9 and studied with the Chan monk Huiding ;!liE. He entered the Institute of Buddhist Studies at Gushan Jtttli (Fujian province), where he assiduously practiced Chan and studied other Buddhist exoteric and esoteric teachings before receiving confirmation of his thorough understanding of the "Three Barriers" (sanguan =rn~) from the eminent Chan masters Xuyun Jillt~ (1840-1959) and Huiding80 In 1949, he followed Gongga Rinpoche to Mount Gongga in Kham to study Tibetan Tantric practices,81 and after his return he withdrew for long time into Yuhuang75 On this master see Yu Lingbo, "Zhang Zhengji" jki:!l';l; (http://www.szjt.org/53can/ dade!contents/dade_34.htm). [author's note] 76 Tbe Hzmdnd Thousand Songs of1VIilm"epa: The Life-St07J' and Teaching ofthe G,.eatest PoetSaint Eve, to Appem" in the Hist01J' of Buddhism (Rje-btsun Mi-Ia-l"aS-pai MgUT bum bzugs so) (Boston: Shambhala, 1999, first published 1962) and Ganpoba dasbi quan}i xuanyi ltIiIiBiE*~ijJ-! *~,* (Taibei: Fa'er, 1985). 77 Published by Pennsylvania State University Press, 1971. 78 University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1983. 79 See Fori 1JF,S (i.e., Chen Bing), "Nantian yanmu tongchang ming-Mianhuai Fahai Lama shangshi" ii:7':ilUlmtzH)i(-;iJij'tH;!;;iIlfLYijJ [Closing the eyes at the Southern CelestialEye Mountains-In Memory of Fahai Lama], Pa)'in 103 (1993.3): 11-16 (http://www.plm.org. hk/qikan/fayin/gindex.htm). In this article Cben Bing originally gave the name of Daoxing J1! if but according to the author, this name must be revised into Xindao. 80 In Chan the expression "Three Barriers" (sanguan :=:r!lI) refers to three stages (initial, intermediary, and ultimate) in realizing meditation. [author's note] On this term see also the contribution by Monica Esposito in the second volume (p. 519 note 143). 81 Originally Chen Bing in his article on Fahai Lama ("Nantian yanmu tongchang miog-Mianhuai Fahai Lama shangshi") mentioned that Fahai Lama went to 1vIount Gongga in the 1940s. Later, by basing himself on the biography written by INang Desheng ':H.: on Gongga Rinpoche (available at http://nanshi.shi.'i:iu.net/download/), he changed his mind:

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ping 3i!l:b1' in the Southern Celestial-Eye Mountains (Nan Tianmushan lJ7Cr:lW) near Hangzhou (Zhejiang). In 1984, he founded there the Qianfo Chansi T'17~1lj1;!f in order to train nuns and monks while transmitting Buddhist exoteric and esoteric teachings and performing initiations. 82 Lru LIQIAN %'I~:sLT (1910-?), from Deyang 1,w~ in Sichuan, went to Kangding in 1934 to study Tibetan language and Buddhism. Later, he worked at the Border Area Institute of Research of the 'Vest China University (Huaxi daxue Bianjiang Yanjiusuo "]ffi:;k:Jl"'J@!l!If;ifJ1:JiJT), in the translation administration department of the State Council (Guowuyuan Bianyiju ~;fff[liG~~*f;ll), and at the Minorities Publishing House (Minzu chubanshe R';iJ5a:J1&t), translating many Tibetan Tantric books as well as works on Tibetan history and literature. He wrote the Indo-Tibetan Buddbist Histor), (Yinzang fojiao sbi S~lf,lj:lil~5l:) and his publications are now available in Collected vVorks and Translations b), Lilt Liqian (Liu Liqian zangxue zbu)'i 7venji %'ID:sL=flf,l
Jffi\'1'H*:lc~).8J

GENZAO f~Ji (1916-1995) and MIXIAL'I W1!ll were two young monks at Putuoshan t\"rt';w (Zhejiang) who, in 1948, went together to Kham and studied Tibetan language and various Nyingmapa practices with the old abbot of the Sa skya monastery (Sajiasi iiF:i!JIl;!f) named Jiangze Renboqie ~;fili'l1=iBi:L (Byang rtse rin po che). After this they went to Babangsi J\.l'~;!f (dPal spungs chos 'khor gling) in Derge (sDe dge) and, under the guidance of Kalu Renboqie -F~1=iBi:L (Ka ru rin po che, 1905-1989), studied various Kagyii practices such as the sadbana of the Six-Arm Mahakala (Ch. Liubi daheitian t;~:7cJll\7C, Tib. mGon po phyag drug [pal) and of the lVhite Canopy U~l).l~a (Ch. Dabai sangai fomu :7cEi1iji;:j[1:1iltiJ:, Tib. gTsug tor gdugs dkar). In the following years they studied at Zhuqingsi t'r.;!f (rDzogs chen dgon pal before returning to China in 1950, where they established the Ashram of Constant Bliss (Changle Jingshe ~~f,'j"*) in Shanghai in 1953, performing initiations and editing the compilation Constant Bliss Librar), (Cbangle wenku ~~:lcJl1!), which sought to explain Nyingma Tantric teachings. 84 In 1954 Genzao went again to Kham where he was initiated into the Heart Essence of the Great Perfection (Tib. sn)'ing tbig 7'dzogs chen, Ch. da)'uanman xinsui :7c ~iiliH)ItI) by Jiase Shangshi lfIex@ijj (rGyal sras bla rna, 1896-1960) from Angzangsi frllf,l;!f (A 'dzom sgar). He then went to Gatuosi Pfj~t;!f (Ka}:l thog) where he received Tantric teachings from a certain vVenqiu huofo iffil.OIxm1:1il. In 1955 he returned to Shanghai and transmitted Tibetan Tantric teachings to about ten disciples. In 1981 he was invited to Hong Kong and the United States and continued his activi-

"Fahai Lama should have followed Gongga Rinpoche to Kangding in 1949" (Personal communication of Chen Bing via Luo Tongbing). On this see also the contribution by Monica Esposito in the second volume (p. 477 note 11). 82 On this master and the establishment of Qianfo chansi see the contribution by Monica Esposito in the second volume. 83 See Liu Liqian, "Liu Liqian zishu" )(IJj'[fi3J [Authobiography ofLiu Liqian] (http:// www.capdtc.org/zxyjlzgzxyjlzgz.yj!80200512290173.htm). [author's note] 84 On Genzao see http://big5.fjnet.com/gate/big5/zcfj.fjnet.com/fmrw/t20050607_10962. htm. [author's note]

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ties in editing the Constant Bliss Libm1J. Genzao passed away in 1993 and several years later a boy born in India was found to be" his incarnation. 85 Nuona and Gongga went often to China to transmit their teachings, and many famous officers, warlords, wealthy traders, and intellectuals received initiation from them. Among their followers, Qu Yingguang llliaj(7't, Guo Yuanxing 'i'~j[;J!!!, Huang Nianzu jll'~t., and Yuanzhao I!i!llffi are worthy of mention. Qu YINGGUANG llliaj(:7't (style name: vVenliu Y..t:., 1883-1989), as a 1911 Revolution participant, was appointed as Zhejiang army commander and Minister of Internal Affairs. In 1926 he studied with Nuona and, under the religious name ofFaxian t:~, wrote the Guide to the Four jWaMmudrii Pnliminm-ies (Sijiaxing dashouyin daoyin
[gJJQ1T::k-E~lJ'5I).86

Guo YUANXING 'i'~j[;J!!! (1920-1989) was an exceptional scholar of the modern Buddhist world: having studied by himself English, Sanskrit, Tibetan, and mathematics, he went to study Tibetan Tantric teachings with Gongga. He worked at the Nanjing Department of Carving Sutras Qinling Kejingchu 1E'i~U#ii'.JJi1t) and was a researcher at the Research Institute of Chinese Buddhism (Zhongguo Fojiao vVenhua Yanjiusuo 'l'~H~#JY..1t~Jf'Ji:JiJi). He translated Klong chen pa's Cbos dbyings mdzod as Shi.r:iang baozang fun jftJil'lll1ifni (The precious treasury of Dharmadhatu) and Taranatha's bKa' babs bdun gyi nza11Z tbar as Qixi fufo chuan -t~1tt1' (The story of the seven transmissions). Among his other works one may also mention his book on rDzogs chen titled Dayuamnan ::k[!!l1i\" (Great Perfection)," and his essays on Nyingmapa doxography.88 HUANG NIAl'lZU jit~tl (1913-1992) from Jiangling {I'i (Hubei province), after graduating from Beijing College of Engineering (Beijing gongxueyuan :ltJ?:I"li'm), was the head of the Central Broadcasting Station (Zhongyang diantai 'l'*~!t) and professor at the Beijing Institute of Post and Telecommunications (Beijing youdian xuejuan ;jt:g~~~"li'm). In his early youth he studied Chan and Pure Land with the famous master Xuyun and with the lay Buddhist Xia Lianju 2[Jlm. Later, he studied with Nuona and Gongga and was a disciple ofvVang Jiaqi, a senior disciple of the above-mentioned Gongga (p. 400). Among his works figure Collection of tbe Sound of the Valley (Guxiangji :-Ui'J*), C011ZmentmJ to the Amitiibha-szttm (Tuliangshou jingjie Ji\\:l:3#ii'.flJlf),and Notes on Hem-tfelt Wish (Xinsbeng lu ,[)i!:lo't). He was a great influ85

l' [Short biography of present and past lifes of the guru Genzao] (http://www.hkbuddhist.org/

Hongdao %ll!, "Genzao shangshi qiansheng jinsheng duanzhuan" t!!mJ::ilJll1i'E4-IJll:

magazine/546/546_18.html). [author's note] 86 On this master see the studies by Li Yichen jusbi *il'JilI, "Jingang shangshi da chiming banzhida faxian Jingang Fashizi zhuanliie" 1!t[i]uJ::yijj:kj\faJl*,&:iEi:E'Bbi[i]ui:El1Iff1t mil, and "Jingang shangshi da chiming banzhida faxian Jingang Fashizi Qu Yingguang foshi cheng" 1!t[i]IJJ::yijj:kj\fllJl*,&Jt;:i:E%:1!tI'JUltjJHftti~:7tyijj1!1lyijjJll: (http://www.jcedu.org/dispfile. php?id=773). [author's note]. 87 Taibei: Huayu, 1986. 88 On this master see "Guo Yuanxing xiansheng" :\!~ji;~5\';'E [lvIaster Guo Yuanxing] (http://www.plm.org.hk/dispArticle. asp?id=69 5). See also his E-book titled Qixificfo clJUan -i:;]\ 11i:E1' (available athttp://www2.fodian.netiBaoKu/FoDianvVenlnfo. aspx?ID =FvV00000512). [author's note]

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ence in the Buddhist communities inside and outside the COU11U-y, and in 1987, as the vajraca1ya of the Ashram of the Lotus, he was invited to transmit the Anuttamyoga cycle of teaching to members of the Ashram of the Lotus in Virginia (United States) and then returned to China. 89 YUANZHAO OO~\'\ (1891-1994), from an aristocratic family in northeast China, was ordained as a nun at the age of sixteen and studied with Gongga Rinpoche for two years in the 1950s. In 1977 she withdrew into the Guanyin hermitage on Mount Zhongnan *'fjllif (Shaanxi province) and was widely known for her meditation practices. She established Fahuasi r2t~';'f in 1982, and when she died, according to a report from the Sanqin wanbao ~~ai'W, her heart became a great holy relic.90 Along with the rapid decline of Buddhism in China after 1959, the enthusiasm for Tibetan Buddhism also faded. In the 1980s, however, after more than twenty years of dormancy, the so-called "qigong fever" (qigong re ~J}JIiI\) spread throughout China and, because it was regarded as a qigong technique for improving health and developing latent abilities, Tibetan Buddhism began again to attract attention. In the 1950s there were already some Tibetan Tantric practices in what Liu Guizhen %1uJl:~ taught at his qigong sanatorium in Beidahe :lU'l,~tilJ (Hebei province), and contemporary qigong movements still regard meditative and esoteric practices as a kind of qigong therapy. In the modern Chinese translations of Tibetan Tantric works, breathing methods and techniques for the circulation of inner energy, like the vase-shaped breathing (Tib. bum can, Ch. baoping qi J(lt!i:~), were often translated by the term qigong ~JJJ (manipulation on qi or vital energy), and, from 1983, the review Qigong started to explain Tibetan Tantric methods. In the spring of 1988 approximately four hundred admirers of Tibetan Tantric techniques gathered in Beijing and established the Tibetan Tantric Qigong Society of the Chinese Qigong Research Association (Zhongguo Qigong Yanjiuhui Zangmi Qigonghui cp@9~JJJliJfJi:*Wlal~J}J*), with many famous lamas and sprul sku like Fahai Lama and Zhuba ::J:::E. among its members.9l INorks and texts belonging to Tibetan or Tang esoteric tradition were popularly sold in bookstores under the nominal heading of qigong; for instance, the books edited by Qiu Ling JI~~3t explaining Tibetan Tantric techniques entitled Tantric Esoteric

iVIethods (Mizong mifa l*lrt), Antbology of Tibetan Tmm"ic iVlethods of the Gnat Perfection (Zangmi dayuannwn xuanji Wlal::k:i1{liJjyt.Q\;*), and Essentials of Tibetan Tant1"ic Practices (Zangmi xiufa jingcui Wlal-f~ttH), which sold tens of thousands of copies. Also, SW"et Collection ofWi!1"ks on the Quintessential Path of the Mahayana (Dash eng yaodao miji ::k:*~i!!l*), a very important Sakyapa esoteric collection attributed to 'Phags pa (1235-1280) and preserved in the royal court since the Yuan dynasty, was translated and published with commentaries and notes." Many facsimile reproduc89 On this master see "Huang Nianzu shanzhishi shiji jianjie" ji!t~~j.Jl.'l;ff5;~tRJ:Jll:fsj1l' [Brief introduction to the achievements of the reliable Master Huang Nianzu] (http://www,jingtu. org/wnz/hnzszssj.htm). [author's note] 90 http://www.fosss.org/brgq/roushen/yzs.htm. [author's note] 91 On this see'also the contribution by lVlonica Esposito in the second volume (p. 521). 92 Zangr/li baodian-Dasbeng yaodian miji pingzbzt ~*3i"JII\-j;:jIHl~i1l:*:!lg'l'i:E (Xi'an:

The Tantric Revival.and Its Reception in Modem China

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tions of translated ritual books of Tibetan BuddhIsm were edited by Zhou Shaoliang fflj,*,ll ~ and Lii Tiegang g~~1il and published by the Huaria Publishing House as the five volume Secret Compendium o/Tibetan Tantric Practices (Zangmi xiufa midian jIlit:
1!il'!~!lIl-).'3

With the success of such publications, there appeared an endless stream of Chinese Buddhists pursuing Tantric teachings in Kham, Amdo and Central Tibet. The Chinese monks involved in studying Nyingmapa methods alone numbered in the thousands. In addition, there were also people from Taiwan, Korea, and the West who went to visit various monasteries in Kham like rDzogs chen, Kal;1 thog and dPal yul (Ch. Baiyusi S3i~). Unlike the situation on the mainland, the transmission of Tibetan Buddhism in Hong Kong and Taiwan had continued to develop without interruption. Many Han Chinese vajriiciirya set up their own organizations or dev~loped their own lines of succession. Beginning in the 1980s, the reception of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan and Hong Kong experienced a new revival. Lamas in exile abroad came successively to Taiwan and Hong Kong to transmit their teachings, giving rise to a new wave of enthusiasm for Tibetan Buddhism that led to the establishment of a number of Tibetan Buddhist centers including monasteries, ashrams, lecture rooms, Buddhist associations, and the like, in the late 1980s.'4

The Sinicization ofEsoteric Buddhism and the Emergence of Chinese Tantrism'

In order to take root in China, esoteric Buddhism had to adapt itself to the traditions and customs of Chinese Buddhism and maintain a good relationship with its various schools. In fact, those who went to Japan at the beginning of the twentieth century to learn esoteric Buddhism, such as Dayong and Chisong, wished to establish a "Chinese esoteric Buddhism" in consonance with Chinese culture and its own Buddhist customs. Those preaclung esoteric Buddhism all tried to harmonize it with the doctrines of other Buddhist schools such as Chan and Pure Land. Chisong, for example, attempted to harmonize Japanese ~oteric Buddhism with Chinese Huayan doctrines. Feng Da'an, the above-mentioned disciple of Wang Hongyuan, wrote several essays, including '''Clarifying the mind and seeing nature' in Chan and 'Becoming Buddha in this present body' in esoteric Buddhism" (Chanzong mingxin jian:cingytt mizongjishen chengfo ~*Ij}J'!:"~'I"i~it:*gp~P)(;1JIl), contending that both Chan
Shaansi sheying chubanshe, 1994). On this collection, see the article by Chen Qingying Il*EIC

51i, "Dasheng j'aodao miji yu Xixia wangchao de zangchuan fojiao"

~f!ff1ll~

::k*~Jl!*.Ejil!i~.:E.tB9

[The Secret Collection of Works on the Quintessential Path of the Mabaj'ana and Tibetan Buddhism in Tangu1o-Xia kingdom], Zhongg'Ilo zang:':ue 9"OO~,,: 3 (2003): 94-106 (available at
http://www.wnys.com/news/article_show.asp?articleid=1292). '3 For a presentation of these scriptures see Tuttle, "Translating Buddhism from Tibetan to Chinese." '4 On the Tibetan Buddhist reception in Hong Kong and Taiwan see respectively the contributions by Henty Shiu and Yao Lixiang in the second volume.

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and esoteric Buddhism advocate "sudden enlightenment" and "enlightening the mind and seeing nature." They differ in that, according to Chan, after one reaches the stage of "seeing the true nature of self," having overcome the "second barrier," one should save others by p1'ajFiii-samiidhi (wisdom and concentration); while according to esoteric Buddhism one should continue to seek to attain the Buddha-fruit through prajiiii-samiidhi. In Feng's opinion, "esoteric Buddhism relies on Chan to strive upward," and "Chan r~lies on esoteric Buddhism for quickly attaining enlightenment." These two teaChings, he says, are complementary to eaCh other and therefore have no points of conflict.95 In his essay "On Pure Land and esoteric Buddhism" (Jingmi huowen ~WMfii]), Rongkong iM, a lay Buddhist, makes comparisons between "breaking the three deluded attachments throughout one's life" mentioned in the Mahiivairocana-siZtra, breaking the "Three Barri~rs" of Chan, and the state of one mind attained through "the samiidhi of repeating the Buddha's name" of Pure Land, conchiding that although their approaChes are different their attainment in the end is the same. Many of the senior monks advocating Tibetan Buddhism, both Tibetan and Chinese, tried to harmonize Chinese Buddhism-especially Chan and Pure Landwith Tibetan: Tantric teaChings. In Han regions, Tibetan and Mongolian masters preached the techniques of powa JliJip1 ('pbo ba) and the teachings related to Amitabhit, Yamantaka, and Avalokitesvara as being similar to Pure Land teachings; whilst Mahamudra and rDzogs chen were explained as being similar to Chan. The disciples of Nuona and Gongga were in fact all well versed in Chan, Pure Land, and Tantrism. For instance, Nuona claimed that Chan is the "great Tantrism" (da mizong :xW*),96 and stressed that whiChever Tantric doctrine a Nyingma adept practices, she or he must at the same time worship Amitabha and seek the Western Pure Land. He said that "there is no difference between the merit one gets from reciting the name of Amitabha and the merit one obtains from reciting Tantric mantras.,,97 Similarly, Gongga added that the two approaches are the same; that is, there is no difference between being reborn in the Western Pure Land through repeating the name of Amitabha as practiced by Chinese Buddhists, and attaining Buddhahood in this present body as practiced by Tantrists.98
95 Feng Da'an lI!jJl~, "Chanzong mingxin jianxing yu mizong jishen chengfo" JI;11Jlirii'i*&P~pJi;1!1l ['Clarifying the mind and seeing nature' in Chan and 'Becoming Buddha

t,*'l}H,'

in this present body' in esoteric Buddhism] (http://www.guhyayana.com.hklflies(big5)/cbarizongmingxingjianxing-1.htm). [author's note] 96 Chen Jianmin Jl$~~, Xiaodasheng xi!!kong ji micheng dasho!!yi1~ day!!anman, chanzong bianwei JM;;:*,~"i':1il:**,:k-"p, :k~m, *~*m11i!l [The cultivation ofmnyatiiin Hinayana and Mahayana and their slight differences with Chan and the Tantric vehicles of Mahamudra and rDzogs chen], in Q!!gongzhai quanji i!l!JIt:ii!'~~, 6 vols. (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue cbubanshe, 2002): vol. 1. [author's note] 97 Jingang shangshi N!!ona Huwkew foJ~' kaishi I!! ~i'lULJIiji*jjJlII'J'OO5l;OO$*7f7i'* [Notes on Dharma instructions given by the Tantric Guru Nor lha Khutukhtu], Part. 2 (http://www. jingtu.org/dd/zsfjlnazs/nafyks2.htm). [author's note] 98 See Huang Nianzu Ji\:~f.l3., "Shandao dashi yu chiming nianfo" ~-\l'!-:kjlji~j\f~~{!Il [The venerable Master Shandao and the recitation of the name of Amida Buddha], Fayin 75 (1990.11): 29-31 (also available at http://www.plm.org.hklqikan/fayin/gindex.htm; reprinted

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413

Most disciples of Nuona and Gongga tried to harmonize the predominant Chinese Buddhist traditions, especially those of Chan and Pure Land, with Tibetan Buddhist teachings. For example, Chen Jianmin made a comparison between Chan, Pure Land and Tantrism in his book Collected vVodes of the Bent-A7'17Z Studio, concluding that although all Buddhist traditions talk about fiin)'atii or emptiness there are some slight differences: the Mahayana view teaches the egolessness of all dharmas; the Mahamudra view expounds that all dharmas are in themselves the unborn and innate bright noumen; the rDzogs chen view states that all dharmas are originally pure and unpolluted by the discrimination of samsara and nirvana; and Chan validates no specific view, but manifests the truth through the experience of enlightenment according to the disciples' aptitudes. Chen Jianmin concluded therefore that among all the Buddhist traditions Chan is superior because "its initial enlightenment is realized [instead of a mere view]"; whereas, he considered that the rDzogs chen view of original purity, only when it is manifested through realization can be regarded as the point where Chan begins. 99 Contrary to Chen Jianmin's view, when Fahai Lama (Miaokong), who studied exoteric Buddhism in China as a Tibetan novice, explained the sutras he would freely switch between Chan Buddhism and Tantrism. He said that the highest stage of rDzogs chen, expressed as "the final vision of ultimate reality," is analogous to Chan's "breaking of the last barrier."loo In his A ContempOTa7Y Explanation of Buddhism (Foxue jinquan j5ll~4-~i), Zhang Chengji makes a comprehensive study of Buddhism ranging from Indian Buddhism to the various schools of Han Buddhism.1Ol He had a high regard for Pure Land and also said that the longer he studied Buddhism, the greater Chan became for him. In his translation of 71Vodes ofMaste7' Gampopa (Gangpoba dashi ji llilJiE'lE:Aiji;il), he mentions that the statement "the ultimate reality is embodied in the ordinary mind," made by the NIahamudra Master Gampopa, means the same as the statement made by the Chan master Mazu that "ordinary mind is the Path." Huang Nianzu blended together Tibetan Buddhism with Chan and Pure Land. He firmly advocated Pure Land approaches, stressing that a Tantrist must pledge himself to be reborn in the vVestern Pure Land of Ultimate Bliss. He held that all the doctrines of Chan and Tantrism could be reduced to reciting the name of Amitabha Buddha. He composed a giitbii which reads, "Reciting Buddha's name is no different from reciting mantras, nor is khregs chod (instantaneous breakthrough) in rDzogs chen different from the Chan handed down from its earlier patriarchs."102 as "Yizhi Shandao dashi, chinian Mituo minghao" flut:jlf.\j\;I\Jli, lif~5iFWt;~~, http://www. wuys.com/news/Article_Show.asp?ArticleID=7004). [author's note] 99 Chen Jianmin, Xiaodasbeng xittlwng ji 7lticheng dashouyin, dayuanman, cbanzong bianwei (http://www.sangnan.com/cgi-bin/topic.cgi?forum=4&topic=15687). [author's note] 100 See also the contribution by Monica Esposito in the second volume (p. 519). 101 Zhang Chengji 5~m:iIt, Foxue jinquan f9ll"1"4-iil': [A contemporary explanation of Buddhism], 2 vols. (Taibei: Huiju, 1992): vol. 2, 351. [author's note] 102 Huang Nianzu }iit~tli, Guxiangji i'i'u[!i]~ [Collection of the sound of the valley] (Beijing: Beijing jushilin, 1983): 24. On the view of kb,'egs cbod as presented in Chinese sources see the contribution by Monica Esposito in the second volume (pp. 496-502).

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The Fajie Yuanjue school ytJi!-rII~ of Taiwan, established after Nuona's teachings, alSo blended the doctrines of Chan and Pure Land into one. It based its doctrines on the Pmj1iiipiimnzitii with the aim of "clarifying one's mind and seeing one's nature." The rejuvenation of Tang esoteric Buddhism and the eastern spread of Tibetan Buddhism aroused among Chinese an enthusiasm for establishing a Chinese Tantrism. As a result, a new kind of Chinese Tantrism appeared with the establishment of the YiLLTIn Sp,L., and the Fachuang i"t;;$j! traditions. The founder ofYim:in or Seal Mind tradition, Master Dayu :kl!f!. (originally known as Li Shupei 2f:ili\:J.ll'), was from Wuhan (Hubei) and was a congressman before he converted to esoteric Buddhism. In 1923 he left his office and became a disciple of Master Taixu. Seeing the great disruption throughout the nation, he pledged himself to obtain supernatural powers in order to save the world. The following year he went to Haihuisi iliJ1f' on Mount Lu and began to practice pmtyutpannasamiidhi. It is said that in his state of meditation he saw Samantabhadra, who instructed him to practice the "innermost mantra" ~o:inzbongxin zhou ,L.''f',L.''J-E) according to the Fo.o:in jing pin yi tongda suiqiu tuoluoni 1Jll'L.'~!J1o'l,!lJJlil.:k~*Wr:;fIil.Ftl (T 920, 1153). He then claimed to have gained extraordinary signs of achievement, which was broadcast by lay Buddhists such as Chen Yuanbai and caused a sensation throughout the country, with tens of thousands of people flocking to him to ask for guidance. Of these, two hundred became his disciples. His apparent displays of supernatural power, however, were criticized by some well-respected masters such as Taixu and Yinguang SP7t (1861-1940; see below), and so he disguised himself and fled to Chengdu to live in seclusion. IO] His disciple vVang Xianglu .:E.!lJlj~i (1878-1958) set up Yinxin ashrams (Yinxin Jingshe SP,L.';fijif) in Tianjin and Shanghai and wrote several books, including the Speeches Made in the Year Yibai (1935) (Yihai jiangyanlu Z:':~JWjJi[;fut) and Vajra Longevity (Jingang shou iEfllJul'), which have been recently collected in the Antbology of tbe Lay Buddhist Wang Xianglu (Wang Xianglu jusbi wenji .:E.!lJlj~im)C;!~). A disciple ofVVang Xianglu, Yuanyin Laoren 5[;'llr:'tA (1902-2002) began to transmit Yinxin teachings in the 1980s. He wrote several books including Clmifying One's 1\IJind and Seeing One's Nature (Lun nzingxin jianxing in1ii~}j'L.'Jl:tt) and had many followers. Another disciple ofVVang Xianglu, Xu Hengzhi 1~tj[ii!;; (b. 1917) is still alive and is the author of Pmjna Flower (Bm11'uobua fN:*~). The "innermost method" preached by the Yinxin tradition is also called the Formless Esoteric Yoga (wltxiangmi mti'). As a combination of Tantrism and Chan, it preaches the attainment of the state of "being aware of one's true nature" advocated by Chan, through the recitation of mantras; that is, "to awaken to ultimate reality and attain sanziidhi through the sudden breaking through of the great dull darkness [by reciting mantrasl."!04 Moreover, its ways of ex10] See Huang Xianian ji!t~"f, "'Nang Enyang xiansheng yu Dayu chanshi" :I:,~,F5t:'t!;; :xJ!HiI'-VfIi [Mr. Wang Enyang and the Buddhist monk Dayu] (http://magazine.fjnet.comlzdsq/ detaiLasp?id=1756). On this event see also the contribution by Luo Tongbing in the second volume on p. 444, and notes 29-30. 104 Wang Xianglu :E~lmt "Yihai jiangyan lu" Z,*mmifu]\ [Speeches made in the year yibai (1935)] in Wang Xianglu jusbi wenji xuanbian :I:.~!l!Jili:)[*~#,Ijj [Anthology of collected works of the lay Buddhist INang Xianglu] (Shanghai: Foxue shuju, 2000): 104. [author's note]

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amining one's mind and practicing after enlightenment are also in keeping with Chan. The essays authored by Yuanyin Laoren are also mainly on Chan, but Xu Hengzhi went even further in fusing Tantrism with Chan and Pure Land teachings. Another new tradition with esoteric features founded by Han Buddhists in the republican period was the Fachuang ;?t::I~i. The founding patriarch was the already above-mentioned Xindao ,L.,m (p. 406). Learning Vinaya, Pure Land, Chan and Tiantai doctrines, he received Dharma transmission from the Tiantai school as the forty-third generation successor and from the Linji Chan tradition as the fiftieth generation successor. After graduating from the Minnan Buddhist Academy, he became a favored disciple ofTaixu, and in 1933 he taught at Hankou Fojiao Zhengxinhui (;?xJJ191l;J!i(iE{l'ifr) as a lecturer on the Pure Land tradition. In 1934, recommended by Ma Lin ,\!IiIiii, Chairman of Qinghai province, he studied Tibetan exoteric and esoteric classics at Kumbum monastery. He preached Buddhism and founded over twenty lay Buddhist organizations in many places in the province in less than two years. In 1936 and 1937, he preached in Han regions and was well known in the capital Nanjing. In 1937, he went to Qinghai again to receive orthodox Tibetan Buddhist transmission, and received the Kitlacakra initiation from the ninth Panchen Lama, as well as many other initiations from important lamas in Kumbum. He received esoteric monastic precepts from Enjiu huofo JIii,5\ii'i191l and became a Gelugpa lama. In 1938 he became abbot of Daxingshansi AJ!ll!~' in Xi'an. With the committed support of some high officials in northwest China, Xindao transmitted Buddhist teachings for over ten years throughout that region. In 1942, he founded the Fachuang school as a means of establishing what he saw as the true Dharma, particularly in light of the many challenges he faced from perceived heretics. Adapting to the Buddhist traditions and circumstances of the northwest, its doctrines and ceremonies were a blend of Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism. 105

Difficulties and P7'oble'l7Zs of tbe Reception ofTantris'17Z in tbe PRe

Although the revival of Tantrism has enriched Chinese Buddhism and the dissemination of Tibetan Buddhism continues to grow, the acceptance ofTantrism and its esoteric teachings in the PRC has also met with various difficulties and challenges. I will outline here the main aspects on which Tantric teachings are still harshly criticized and attacked by Chinese Buddhists, particularly from sources that are currently available on the Internet.
Tantrism is taken by some to be only superstition and an art of magic spells

Because Tantrism is associated with incantations, mantras, esoteric rituals, and prayers, it is prone to be regarded as sorcery and superstition, especially in this mod105 Jiao Guanglu m7tt.lt, "Fachuang zhengzong yuanqi xu" tt'li1 l'iIE*#;j'(iI9ff' [Introduction to the genesis of the Fachuang orthodox tradition] (http;//www.kangzheng.com/longyuan/ fxwz50/wz50/34.htm); and Ban Shengyuan, "Xindao fashi chuanji," and "Xindao fashi nianpu jianbian." [author's note]

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ern age when science and technology are highly advanced. Even in the days of the army of the Northern vVadords when Duan Qirui, head of the then Chinese republican government and a follower of Tibetan Buddhism, wanted to invite Lama Bai Puren and Lama Duojie jueba to perform rites to ward off political disasters, he dared not let his involvement become known, so he instead delegated the whole matter to somebody else. In 1932, DaiJitao i\IG*1l1ilJ (Ul91-1949), First Minister of the then State Depar=ent of the Republic of China invited the ninth Panchen Lama to perform the Kiilacakra Dharma Assembly to pray for peace, but this aroused much criticism at the time, the fiercest coming from Newspaper ofCurrentAffoirs (Sbisbi xinbao iltJJi@T'W.).106
Tantrism is criticized as being pseudo-Buddhism

That Tantrism appeared in India at a much later time than Buddhism itself emerged canhot be questioned. Evidential investigations in the fields of philology, historiography; and philosophy show that Tantrism was not taught by the historical Buddha and came into being ill; late as the seventh century CE as a hybrid of Mahayana Buddhism and Hinduism. The major content of Tibetan Buddhism-the "Highest Yoga Tantra" (Anuttarayoga-tantra)-appeared even later. The Kiilacakra ritual appeared as late as the tenth century, at a time when Tantrism was regarded as heretical in India. In the early days of its spread to Tibet, Tantrism met with severe attacks from the ruling class. In Tibet, it further combined with indigenous Bon cults and thus appeared to have little in common with what was regarded as "normative Buddhism." It is not surprising that Tibetan Buddhism is commonly called "Lamaism," an appellation that suggests it is seen as a different religion to Buddhism.107 Superficially observed, Tantrism, especially Tibetan Tantrism, appears to worship yab yum images of naked wrathful deities, to use human skulls, shinbones, and Dharma vessels made of skin, and use as sacrifices "five kinds of meat" including elephant, horse, ox, dog meat, and even human flesh, as well as "five nectars" including urine and excrement. These practices are hardly acceptable to Chinese Buddhists, let alone to ordinary people today, which may help to explain why Tantrism was and is still severely criticized in China. Ven. Yinshun ~PJI~ (1906-2005), Taixu's student and biographer, who enjoys high prestige across China and Taiwan,lOB in the essay "The Rise of Tantrism and the
106 On Duan Qirui and Dai Jitao see Huang Yingjie, Minguo mizllIzg nianjian and Ven. Dongchu, Zhonggllo fojiao jindai sbi, vol. 1, 382. See also Jagou, Le 9' Panchen Lama, 117, 120, and Tuttle, Tibetan Buddhists, 81, 166-176. See also the contributions by Gray Tuttle and Luo Tongbing respectively on pp. 323-324 and 445-446. 107 On the negative connotation of the term Lamaism, see the contributions by Shen vVeirong and Wang Liping, and Chen Qingying and Wang Xiangyun, respectively in the present volume on pp. 288-297, and in the second volume on p. 619, note 11. Long Xijiang ~~ ]!!iiI, a researcher at the China Tibetology Center, shows a good example of such conceptions of Chinese scholars about Tibetan Buddhism in his recent article titled "Zangchuan fojiao yu xiandaihua" il~1!t~~:m1",,1t [Tibetan Buddhism and modernization] (available at http:// www.tibetology.ac.cnlarticle2/ShowArticle.asp?ArticleID=2432&Page=2). 108 On the views of this master who, although he taught at the Sino-Tibetan Institute in the 1940s, was not supportive of Tibetan Buddhism, see Cai Huiming ~;$IJIl, ''Yinshun fashi

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Fall of Buddhism (Mijiao zbi xing yu fojiao zbi mie il';~!zz~-"ii9il~!Zzjm4), imputes the decline of Buddhism in India to the prevalence of Tantrism, saying that Tantrism advocates the attainment of the ultimate truth by way of worshipping gods and demons. In his opinion, the utter dependence on gurus and the ritual practice of sexual yoga emanate from Hinduism. la9 Furthermore, when talking of the Tantric practice of "visualizing oneself as the Buddha," he ridiculed this by saying that "it is no different from a beggar's clarning to be a millionaire."llo He states that Tantrism "is as obscene as it is superstitious, an undesirable means which brings benefit neither to oneself nor to the nation. Seen from the Buddhist code of discipline, everything Tantrism preaches is anti-Buddhist."111 Although Master Yinshun's statement is quite extreme, his opinion has been widely acknowledged. His master Taixu, though supportive of Tantrism at a certain stage, does not regard it as "pure Buddhism" on the ground that it "assimilates mara and Brahman," and therefore it cannot be the foundation on which Chinese Buddhism will be revived.112 Xiao Pingshi Iff., a lay Buddhist of the Buddhist Awakening Association (Fojiao Zhengjue Tongxiuhui i9~~1E:Yt[iiJl~~), in defense of the orthodox Chan and Pure Land traditions and their key doctrine of tatbagatagaTbba, does his utmost to denounce Tantrism. In his four-volume Tbe Real and Crazy TantTism (Zbemni yu kuangmi ~il';-"iRil';), he cites more than two hundred Tantric works and, from the point of view of Mahayana Buddhism and his own experience in practice, exposes in detail the obscenity and superstitiousness of Tantrism, stating that Tantrism is an evil and heretical religion having little in common with Buddhism. The apparent lack of public censure from other prominent Buddhist figures may be due to Xiao's claim to have attained Chan enlightenment and his adherence to traditional Chinese Buddhist doctrines. His severe criticism of Tantrism aroused only informal reactions from some unimportant figures in Taiwan, such as the criticism of Xiao on the Internet by Chen Chunlong ~l!i!li and Ding Guangwen Tft)c,lll and an advertisement in the newspaper by Xingyuan tililY4 The most important criticism of Xiao was made by Suodaji Kanbu ~:@t""t;\l;1'!J (bSod dar rgyas mman po, b. 1962), an eminent mkban po from Serta Lharong Wuming Foxueyuan (Tib. gSer rta Bla rung lnga rig nang bstan slob gling, Ch. Sedaxian Larong vVuming Foxueyuan 5j~t!\l\nJlU~1iaJl19il"ltIlJt),1l5 who de foxue sixiang" roPIIIJiit;gijj8~111l"i'}i!l,~.l! [Budhist ideology ofVen. Yinshun], Fayin 12 (1989): 3638; and D. Pittman, Towards a lVlodern Cbinese Buddbisnz, 263-270. 109 Yinshun roPI1il'!, Yinduzbi fojiao roPlltZflll~ [Indian Buddhism] (Taibei: Zhengwen, 1987): 318. [author's note] 110 Yinshun, Yindu zbi fojiao, 320-325. [author's note] 111 Yinshun, Yindu zbi fojiao, 326. [author's note] 112 Taixu *Jillt, "Zhi Changxing fashi shu" i)(1il'tlli!8ijj'ii [A letter to Ven. Changxing], Taixu dasbi quansbu, vol. 17,3. See also the contribution by Luo Tongbing in the second volume on p. 442 note 22. [author's note] 113 http://www.a202.idv.tw/a202-big5/BOOK4000/4000-R2-l.htm. [author's note] 114 http://www.a202.idv.tw/a202-big5/BOOKlO13/bookl013-0.htm. [author's note] 115 More on this Tibetan monastic encampment founded by 'Jigs med phun tshogs (19332004) in David Germano, "Re-membering the Dismembered Body of Tibet: Contemporary Tibetan Visionary Nlovements in the People's Republic of China," in Buddhism in Contempo11wy Tibet: Religious Revival and Cultural Identity, eds. Melvyin C. Goldstein and Matthew T.

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wrote an extended essay titled "Refutation of Evil Heresy" (Poehu xieshuo lun liEi~*Z~3/. "'). This was in turn answered by a pupil of Xiao in a book titled Evil Heresy: True or False? (Zhenjia xieshuo J!j;j~Z~~). However, it would seem tbat in tbese debates the arguments presented by his opponents were weaker than those ofXiao Pingshi.
Controversies over the statement that "esoteric Buddhism is superior to exoteric Buddhism" .

Like exoteric Buddhist traditions, esoteric Buddhism classifies all Buddhist teachings as panjiao 5tU;Jfj:: (discernment and hierarchical judgement of Buddhist doctrines), trying to prove tbat it is tbe most perfect form of Buddhism. Since the time of tbe first Japanese Shingon patriarch, Kukai's books and articles, like tbe Ben kenmitsu nikyoron :!f.lll'lW=~j::'" or On Distinguishing Esoteric and Exoteric Buddbism, have drawn comparisons between esoteric and exoteric Buddhism. The conclusion is always the same: esoteric Buddhism is superior to all the other Buddhist traditions in that one can "attain Buddhahood with tbis present body" if one follows the esoteric practice. On the basis of Kukai's views some followers of esoteric Buddhism, such as Wang Hongyuan, hold esoteric teachings to be higher tban exoteric ones. The extremists even went so far as to completely deny tbe value of Han Buddhism. Taixu's disciple Dagang, for instance, after he went to Tibet to learn Tibetan Buddhism, sent two telegrams to Taixu asking him to come to Tibet to learn about "real Bud~ dhism" before continuing to preach.l!6 It is a common practice among Tantrists to hold esoteric teachings to be higher than exoteric ones and therefore Tibetan Buddhism to be higher tban Chinese Buddhism. This, of course, is likely to spark off counterattacks from Chinese Buddhists. Master Taixu firmly believed tbat tbe revival of Chinese Buddhism could be based only on the two thousand year old Chinese traditional Buddhism. He criticized some Tantrists for placing esoteric teachings above exoteric ones and Tibetan Buddhism above Chinese Buddhism. In his essay "A Talk on Harmonizing tbe Sino-Tibetan Doctrines (Hanzangjiaoli rongbui tan r.lji\\#j::J:1!lMWr~), he criticized Kukai for his way of classifying Buddhist doctrines, saying "it gave rise to the malpractice of each sect defending its own doctrines instead of viewing Buddhism as a whole." In his essay "On Attaining Buddhahood in This Present Body" (Ltm jishen chengfo ie~p ~Jilt{iJil), Taixu elaborated on tbe real meaning of becoming a Buddha in this life in light of the Tiantai's "six kinds of identification," and sought to denigrate the Tantric approach of "attaining Buddhahood through the recitation of mantras and visualizations."l17 He said that Kukai's theory of "dependent arising" was the worst of all the tbeories about "dependent arising" in that it was merely a kind of dualism.118
Kapstein (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998): 53-94. See also the contribution by Antonio Terrone in the second volume. 1I6 Yinshun, Taixu dashi nianpu A!illtjc~iP"F;\ll [Chronological biography of the venerable master Taixu] (Taibei: Zhengwen, 1986): 309. [author's note] Jl7 Taixu, "Lun jishen chengfo" r",NP!llRll:1J1l [On attaining Buddhahood in this present body], in Taixu dashi quanshu, vol. 7, 2872. See also the contribution by Luo Tongbing in the second volume. [author's note] lIB More on this issue in Luo Tongbing's contribution in the second volume.

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Chisong, an outstanding adherent of both Huayan and Shingon traditions, also disagreed with Kukai on the latter's opinion that esoteric doctrine is higher than Huayan doctrine. In his essay "Confronting Huayan and Esoteric Buddhism" (Xianmi jiaoheng i:i3'i;fJi:jij), Chisong tried to harmonize the two traditions by explaining esoteric Buddhism using Huayan doctrines rather than dividing esoteric and exoteric traditions into two teachings as Kukai had done. After this essay's publication, Wang Hongyuan wrote an essay in defense of esoteric Buddhism, but his argument was less convincing due to his insufficient mastery of Buddhism compared to that of Chisong. 1l9 More thoughtful and learned Tantric followers refrained from comparing esoteric and exoteric Buddhism in favor of the former, but instead advocated the identity of the two. Criticism of the ritual practice of sexual yoga One of the principal beliefs of Tibetan Tantric Buddhism lies in the Anztttamyoga-tantm cycle proclaiming that "in the five poisons [desire, anger, ignorance, arrogance, and jealousy] is found enlightenment," and. that "in attachment and sexual desire is found the path." As is well known, the practice of sexual yoga ]20 is one of the most criticized practices of Tibetan Buddhism in Chinese history, being interpreted as far from the asceticism preached by Sakyamuni Buddha; even in India sexual yoga was regarded as a heresy born from the Sakta sects of Hinduism. This is in clear contrast with Confucianist values, which place special emphasis on family ethics and public moral behaviour. It was for this reason that Anztttamyoga was allegedly banned by the rulers of the Song dynasty to prevent it from spreading.!21
]19 Chisong fft~, "Xianmi jiaoheng" ~~if!1i~j [Confronting Huayan and esoteric Buddhism] and "Xianmi jiaoheng shihuo" ~~j1!1j~5rjj!ll\\ [Explaining doubts on confronting Huayan and esoteric Buddhism], as well as Wang Hongyuan 3:3/JiJi, "Da Chisong asheli xianmi jiaoheng shihuo" ,*fft~'iifM~~~if!1ifljfjj!ll\\ [Answer to the aCa1ya Chisong in explaining doubts on confronting Huayan and esoteric Buddhism] published in Haichao),in iJ!j:jWl~ (available at http://i.cn.yahoo.com/blog-X8dFnQOcKfLrmczoUU6ZNote006i5KJVMo-?cq= 1&p=54). See also vVang Hongyuan, "Heng xianmi jiaoheng" i~j~~j1!1if1j [Reviewing the confrontation on Huayan and esoteric Buddhism], in Mijiao jiangxi lu ~if!1~1!'l!t1< [Bulletin of lectures and studies in esoteric Buddhist] (available at http://i.cn.yahoo.com/blog-X8dFnQOcKfLruxzoUU6ZNote006i5KJVMo-?cq=1&p=21). On Chisong, see also above (pp. 390-391). [author's note] 120 This special emphasis on the esoteric methods of sexual yoga before attaining enlightenment are well illustrated by )'ab )'ztm pictures and many articles on Internet (see for instance http://www.a202.idv.tw/LB5000/cgi-bin/topic.cgi?forum=1&topic=1092&show=0). [author's note] 121 Chinese literati have traditionally regarded Tibetan Buddhism and its lamas in a very negative way and imputed to them sorcery and sexual practices that are said to have contributed to the rapid downfall of the Yuan dynasty. On this historical problem of sexualising and demonizing Tibetan Buddhism from Chinese point of view see Shen Weirong, "Magic Power, Sorcery, and Evil Spirits: The Image of Tibetan Monks in Chinese Literature during the Yuan Dynasty," in The Relationship between Religion and State (chos srid zzmg 'brei) in Traditional Tibet, Proceedings ofa Seminm held in Lwnbini, Nepal, MaTCh 2000, ed. Christoph Cueppers (Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2004): 189-228, and his contribution with Wang Liping in this volume.

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Although followers of Tantrism stress that the practice of sexual yoga is intended "to fight poison with poison" and is thus different from sexual intercourse in the general sense, and that the Gelugpa forbade its monks and nuns from conducting the practice of sexual yoga, such things are often hard to control. It is not unusual for Tantric monks to invite scandal by having a consort. 122 It also happens that some people practice Tantrism for indecent purposes, and gurus have seduced female disciples on the false pretext of helping them attain Buddhahood immediately. Such occurrences are not rare in places where Tantrism is practiced. Lay Buddhist Zheng Liansheng l$Ji!E of Taiwan points out: In the age of degenerate Dharma, there are many gurus of questionable character who often commit indecency in the name of practicing meditation through sexual yoga .... Nowadays in Taiwan there are many people believing in Tantrism, of whom some show special interest in the practice of sexual yoga, thinking it a perfect approach by which they can both gratify their sexual desire and attain Buddhahood. One lay Buddhist, for e.'{ample, says time and again in his publications that "one can become a Buddha in one's own lifetime (and does not have to wait until future reincarnations) only through the practice of sexual yoga. No other practice can guarantee the same result during one lifetime." Unfortunately, some male Tantric practitioners take advantage of this theory to sedu~e female novices and, as a result of this, none of them can escape the punishment of causality. In this way they bring discredit on Buddhism. Some gurus twist the real meaning of Shishi fa wushi song ffili7t3i-tll.lj (Fifty verses about how to serve the Guru) to proclaim that they are equal to Buddha and ask female followers to practice sexual yoga with them. Many female novices rise to the bait out of curiosity, which has led to many family tragedies. It is indeed lamentable! Incorrect attitudes that seek quick results, worldly gains, and magic powers Unlike exoteric Buddhism, which preaches gradual purification of the mind, Tantric practitioners exploit the idea of "becoming a Buddha in this body." Some gurus even go so far as to promise that one can "attain Buddhahood in seven days.,,12l In light of the philosophical point of view of the non duality between form (objective) and mind (subjective), Tantrism attaches much importance to bodily practices such as breath control and the gaining of supernatural powers. 124 It also
122 See for instance the explanations given by Suodaji Kanbu (bSod dar rgyas mkhan po) in his essay titled "Zangmi huida lu" .~IQ],*:iK [Recorded dialogues on Tibetan Tantrism] on the reasons why sexual intercourse is natural and pure and consequently allowed by the esoteric code of conduct (http://www.budd.cn/booklbooklreadari.asp?no=29379). [author's note] 123 This refers to the well-known esoteric sentence given in special Tantric literature emphasizing the quick results ofTantric practices. See for instance Suodaji Kanbu in his essay titled "Zangmi huid!, lu" (http://www.budd.cn/booklbooklreadari.asp?no=29379). [author's note] 124 This is a clear attack against the various Tantric practices focusing on wordly attainments; see Chen Yujiao ~.3i~, Adixia yu putidao deng shi 1\iiJJl&~~lirl1rj;'l;J!i:~iI$ [Atisa and the commentary to the Lamp of the path of enlightenment (J3yang chub lam gyi sgron ma)](Taibei: Dongchu chubanshe, 1990): 246. [author's note]

"){O

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appears to teach how to gain worldly wealth, official position, and reputation, which can be very appealing to some people who are attracted by thaumaturgic powers and worldly gains. Such people often lack a sense of detachment and a solid foundation in Buddhism and, while practicing Tantrism, they give scant attention to moral cultivation. As a result, they care only about achieving great accomplishments while they lack social responsibility and fail to strike the right balance between practicing Buddhism and being a decent human being. If one practices Tantrism with greed, selfishness, and worldly preoccupations, one is extremely likely to fall into an unhealthy mental state. Conservative teachers in the sangha such as the above-mentioned Ven. Yinguang, a respected Buddhist master worshipped as the thirteenth patriarch of Chinese Pure Land tradition from the republican era till now, warned his lay disciples against Tantric practices because although "one can achieve easily powers, one can also be easily possessed by demons."125 This criticism of being possessed by demons, which was also part of the recent campaign against qigong, was particularly directed to the new wave of Chinese fervor for Tantrism. NIore cases of "being possessed by demons during the process of practice" were said to be found among practitioners of Tantrism than among those of any other Buddhist schoo1. 126 As we have already mentioned above (p. 414), Master Dayu (founder of the Yinxin school) was severely criticized by Taixu and Yinguang for practicing clairvoyance and divination and for boasting of "becoming Buddha in this very life."127 However, when his predictions proved incorrect, he was discredited and went into hiding, greatly affecting the development of his Yinxin school. Drawing lessons from Dayu's failure, his disciple Wang Xianglu proposed "eight prohibitions," including the prohibition against divination and rapid accomplishment. 128 Huang Nianzu denounced those who practice Tantrism for the purpose of attaining easy enlightenment, gaining wealth or thaumaturgic powers, or meeting beautiful women as "cancers [in the body ofBuddhismJ" and forbade them from joining' Tantric sects. But in reality practitioners harboring such intentions are everywhere. Because Tantrism appears to promise quick enlightenment, thaumaturgic powers, and worldly gains, it is easily used by people having ulterior motives to create "pseudo-Tantrisms" or other kinds of heretical Buddhism in the guise ofTantrism. 129
125 "Zhuinian Yinguang dashi" ~~cP:J'tAWIl [Reminiscences of the Venerable Yinguang] (http://www.bfnn.org/bookgb/books211287.htm). [author's note] 126 "Fu Yao vVeiyi shu" jj1:Jt~IE-ii' [Answer to the letter ofYao Weiyi], in Yinguangfashi wenchao "P:J'ti~fliIj)c~y [Collected writings of Master Yinguang] (http://www.philosophydoor. com/Article/buddhism/315.html). [author's note] 127 Taixu, "Zhi vVang Senfu jushi deng shu" n~iiii<mf;ii~ii' [A letter to the lay Buddhist Wang Senfu] , in Taixtt dashi quanshu, voL 17,216; and Yinguang, Yinguangfasbi wenchao, 3 vols. (Zongjiao wenhua chubanshe, 2004, Digital version): vol. 3, part 3. On this issue see also the contribution by Luo Tongbing in this volume. [author's note] 128 Wang Xianglu, Yigai jiangyan lu (http://www.hhfg.org/jcjx/f28.htmlhttp://www.hhfg. org/jcjx/f28.html). [author's note] 129 Zbenjia shangshi ~jflJ:ljffi [Genuine and fake gurus] (http://www.dudjomba.org.hk/ GenuineGurul-6.htm). [author's note]

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Problems arising from followers relying heavily on gurus

Chen

Bi1Zg

Since the time of the historical Buddha, Buddhism has always adhered to the principle of "relying on the Dharma instead of people,"1l0 which means that in judging something, the truth of the Dharma is the only criterion, irrespective of who proclaims it.lJl Chinese Buddhism in particular stresses that the teachings of-Buddha are the highest authority and the only standard by which to judge whether something is Buddhist or notY' In addition to the "Three Jewels" (taking refuge to Buddha, Dharma and Sangha), Tantrism adds another requirement, which is that of taking refuge in the guru. It further stresses that the guru represents the other three jewels, and therefore taking refuge in the guru equals taking refuge in the three jewels. It is claimed in Tantrism that the merits of gurus surpass those of all the Buddhas of the past, present, and future,!" and so a follower ought to regard his guru as Buddha by making offerings to him through body, mind, and speech and by relying on him unconditionally. Tantrism includes such sayings as "a guru is the foundation for one's enlightenment" and "half of success is guaranteed when one finds his gurU."1l4 Due to this tradition of relying on the Dharma instead of people, it is quite difficult for Chinese Buddhists to accept these ideas about the role of the guru. Also, although the spread of Tantrism depends greatly upon the accomplishments and charisma of individual gurus, there is no guarantee that all gurus are adequately qualified and many followers have considerable difficulty finding genuine teachersYs This is one of the reasons why Tantrism does not have a following as wide as Pure Land, which emphasizes taking refuge directly in the Buddha rather than through mortal teachers. In fact, although many people have received Tantric initiation, not too many of them put sufficient effort into its practice and so revert to their original choice, which is most likely to be Pure Land. What is more, the emphasis on relying on gurus unconditionally is often regarded with suspicion as an evil technique of "spiritual control."1l6
Controversies over the lay transmission ofTantrism

Concerning the qualifications for practicing and preaching Buddhism, in the later stages of Indian Buddhism, Tantrism no longer differentiated between laity
Da baojijing7::fitlfiJ'lf [Ratnakzita-szitra, T 310], j. 82,478.1. [author'S note] Pusa shanjie jing *iifff!!l'ffli;i,l[ [Good precepts of the bodhisattvas], T 1582, j. 6, part 6,

130

1l!

994.2. [author's note] 132 Taixu, "Lun Zhongguo fojiao shi" ~cp~17\l~5Jc [On the history of Chinese Buddhism], in Taixu dashi quanshu, vol. 1,875. [author's note] 133 Yixi Pengcuo Kanbu fuijl:!j1iJlil'tjj:;fJl, Puti dao cidi guanglun jiangji *mi1i'ljz:li'!J!;i~;g1iG [Recorded explanation on the G"eat Treatise of the Stages of the Path to Enlightenment (Lam rim chen moll, 17 (http://www.sutra.org.tw/library/reads%20online/guanglun/bodhi-scripture/escriptture17.htm). [author's note] 134 Suodaji Kanbu, Rumi mingdeng lun A.:&;~Jlj:'!tiff,ij [On the luminous lamp for entering Tantrism] (http://libweb.zju.edu.cn:8080/renwen/Site1202.96.119.148/personal/-zhaoj! secret! rmmdl.txt). [author's note] 135 Zhenjia shangsbi (http://www.dudjomba.org.hk/GenuineGurul-6.htm). [author's note] 136 Zhenjia shangshi (http://www.dudjomba.org.hk/GenuineGurul-6.htm). [author's note]

The

Tant7~ic Revival and Its Reception

in lWadern China

423

and clergy,!l7 on the basis of the belief that "the absolute truth is contained in secular matters and the path is embodied in all manifestations."us Even accomplished gurus sometimes had consorts and lived the life of ordinary people; whilst lay practitioners leading a family life could also become vajracarya if they had arrived at a certain stage on the path to enlightenment. In Tibet, there have been many eminent Tantrists who were noncelibate religious masters; for example, the first two Kagyiipa patriarchs Marpa and Milarepa. Noncelibate religious figures continue to be valued as much as the officially ordained clergy with many high-ranking "living Buddhas" (sprul sku) having a consort who is called "Buddha mother" (Jantu fJll.j:). However, this practice is clearly in conflict with Chinese Buddhist traditions which stress that "Buddhism is maintained by the sangha and supported by lay people.,,1l9 This infringes upon the rights of the sangha because, if the laity can also be seen as leaders in spreading of the Dharma, it might create conflict within the Buddhist community. For example, when the noncelibate "lNang Hongyuan was appointed acarya, he was reprimanded for breaking the precepts and a storm of criticism was unleashed against him. This was detrimental to the spread of Tantrism. 140
Contradictions between Tantrism and the cultural mentality of Chinese people

Chinese mentality has long been characterized by materialism and pragmatism, and is strongly influenced by a socioethical Confucianism that holds that "spirits and ghosts are to be respected, but only from a distance." Ethical practice and a simple way of life are central to the Chinese way of thinking. It is because Chan has fully adapted itself to this Chinese cultural mentality that it has long enjoyed the dominant role in Chinese Buddhism. In contrast, Tantrism has never enjoyed the same position as Chan by reason of its apparent worship of gods and demons and its positioning gurus above independent doctrinal thinking. The fact that Tantrism did not spread very far in the Tang, Yuan, and Ming dynasties and that it has not won a large following since it spread to Han regions for the third time is self-evident. All these problems and obstacles will limit, perhaps permanently, the spread of Tantrism in the PRe. Nevertheless, although Tantrism is still developing, for the Chinese it cannot be seen as comparable with Pure Land or Chan. A fully developed and influential Sinicized or "Chinese Tantrism" with a complete set of accommodating theories is still an ideal. It is safe to predict that Tantrism, especially Tibetan Tantric Buddhism, will continue to develop in Han regions and a successful Chinese Tantrism may come into being, but it can never become a dominant school of Chinese Buddhism. At most, it can only enjoy an equal position with the other schools of Chinese Buddhism. Translated by Monica Esposito
137 Yinshun, Yindu zhi fojiao, 314. [author's note] 1" Chaoyi iI'll-, Mizongfoyu W*i'$'~ [Dharma discourses on Tantrism]. [author's note] !l9 Xingyun ,"ifi ~"~B~G [Diary of Xingyun] (available at http://www.fgs.org.tw/master!

masterAilibrary/3-4diary/04-790401-15.htm). [author's note] 140 On this issue see the contribution by Luo Tongbing in the second volume.

The Tantric Revival and Its Reception in Modern China

425

Appendh:
NAlvIES OF TIBETAN lVIASTERS

CHINESE

TIBETAN

Andong Dashi3'i::lR:km Anqin Huofo 3'i:tl\m1?1l Angqin Daba eJ'ltl\!;:E.

A mdo dge bshes ('Jam dpal rol pa'i blo gros, 1888-1935) sNgags chen Khutukhtu (1884-1947) sNgags chen 'dar ba [bdar pal (alias sNgags chen Khutukhtu, 1884-1947)

Babang qinzun Renboqie )\J~~#1=~J3. dPal spungs rje btsun rin po che (fl. 1938) BaozhenJingang Shangshi
.~~~tlJ:gijj

(Gu shri) dKon mchog rdo rje [rJe btsun Blo bzangl bsTan 'dzin 'jigs med dbang phyug (alias sNgags chen Khutukhtu, 1884-1947). See also Angqin Daba bsTan 'dzin grags pa rDo rje gcod pa (1874-?) Dugs dkar sprul sku dGa' ldan pa sGam po pa (1079-1153) Kun bzang tshe 'phrin Gu shri dKon mchog rdo rje. See also BaozhenJingang Shangshi Gangs dkar rin po che (1893-1957)

Danzeng jinmei wangqiu fj-:l\'il!!f~lttt'<.

Dengzun zhaba ~#'l'LE. Duojie jueba $:,*:l1l:tlt Duga Huofo

1i'~m1?ll

Gadengba ~~E. Ganboba

1llil~E.

Gensang zecheng *~$1 Gunque duojie ~lit$:{!(t Gongga

:l't~ "fI~J:Jli1j

Jiase Shangshi

rGyal sras bla mal sprul sku (1896-1960) Byams pa dge bshes Byang rtse chos rje Byang rtse rin po che 'Jam dbyangs chos 'phel rin po che

Jiangba Gexi nE.;j;'g-iZli Jiangze Fawang ~f!IJi't.:E Jiangze Renboqie

1=~tJJ
~$1=~J3.

Jiangyang qingpi Renboqie n:9cm::f

Kangsa Renbojie/Lama illtli1=i2t1~/~JI$ Khang gsar rin po che/bla rna

(1888/90-1941)

426

Chen Bing
Ka ru rin po che (1905-1989) Nor lha Khutukhtu (mGar ra bla rna 'Phrin las rgya mtsho, 1865-1936) Pha bong kha (pa Byams pa bstan 'dzin 'phrin las rgya mtsho, 1878-1941) (BIo bzang) Chos kyi nyi rna (18831937), Panchen Lama (6 th /9 th) Yongs 'dzin mkhan po (fl. 1922) sNgags chen Khutukhtu (1884-1947). See also Anqin Huofo gSer mkhar chos grags bSod dar rgyas mkhan po (b. 1962) rTsa ba [khri sprull dge bshes lCang skya Khutukhtu (1889-1957) rJe btsun Blo bzang bstan 'dzin 'jigs med dbang phyug dpal bzang po (alias sNgags chen Khutukhtu, 1884-1947). See also Anqin Huofo

Kalu Renboqie -F.C~Ji Nuona Hutuketu ~Jl~Il'J'lli!l5l:lli!l Pozhangka !!ifi::~/ Pabengka ~i3~Ji)j~ Queji nima

litemE!)

Rongzeng Kanbu ~~i\'!=;fJJ Saqin (Chiming) Hutuketu iliJiljz(fifll,,) Q'l'lli!l:l'l:lli!l (Also written Saqin Hutuketu

ilil''!!;';}l:l'I:lli!l)
Seka quzha 5-FJrzJL Suodaji Kanbu
~itai\'!=;fJJ

Zawa Gexi *~Q1;f&1ffi Zhangjia Huofo

ilt~'Hi!if9ll

Zhizun Shanhui chijiao wuwei zizai deshan ~~'j!fif.fif~~a:tE1,'&l'j!f

NAMES OF TIBETAN MONASTERIES

Angzangsi i'illit'i'f Babangsi

)~f~'i'f

A'dzomsgar dPal spungs chos 'khor gling dPal yul Kal). thog IHa mo rtse Sa skya dgon pa sKu 'bum Dar rgyas gling bKra shis lhun po 'Bras spungs rDzogs chen dgon pa

Baiyusi ~.'E'i'f Gatuosi

Pfj~t'i'f

NamosiJl~~'i'f

Sajiasi P":l!1!!'i'f Ta'ersi :i'lHru'i'f Zhajiasi tL:l!1!!~ Zhashilunbu tLft{)itr;fJJ Zhebangsi rgiJ!$'i'f Zhuqingsi tt..'i'f

The Tantric Revival and Its Reception in Modern China

NAMES OF DEITIES

427

Dabai sangai fomu j;:s*:Mtf1ll-BJ:

(Tib. gTsug tor gdugs dkar, Skt. U~lfl~asitatapatra, [White Canopy] U~lfl~a) (Tib. rDo rje 'jigs byed, _ Skt. Yamantaka-Vajrabhairava) (Tib. rDo rje phag mo, Skt. VajravarahI) (Tib. [rDo rje] seng ge'i gdong rna, Skt. SiI1iliavaktra) (Tib. dPalldan lha mo, Skt. Sridevl) (Tib. mGon po phyag drug [pal, Skt. Sa<:!bhuja Mahakala [Six-Arm] Mahakala) (Tib. sGrolljang, Skt. Syama Tara, [Green] Tara) (Tib. Na ro mkha' spyod rna, Skt. Naro pakinI/ Na<:!i pakinl) (Tib. bDe mchog, Skt. SaItlvara) (Tib. Tshe dpag med, Skt. Amitayus) (Tib. Sangs rgyas sman bla, Skt. Bhai~ajyaguru)

Daweide jingang j;:JlI(;tf.~li!Jtl Jingang haimu ~li!Jtl*-BJ: Jingang shimian mu~li!JtljjiOO-BJ: Jixiang tiannu tft!f*::9." Liubi daheitian 7\Wj;:JWl*

Lii dumu ~It-BJ: Naluo kongxingmu jJ~riE;::tr-BJ: Shangle jingang ...t~~li!Jtl Wuliangshoufo M.:I:$f1Il Yaoshifo ~mf1ll

The Reformist Monk Taixn and the Controversy about Exoteric and Esoteric Buddhism in Republican China In.the early 1920s, the lay Buddhist Wang Hongyuan J:5L~ (1876-1937), gave rise to a controversy between esoteric and exoteric Buddhism through his preaching of Shingon Buddhism as a vajradirya. To maintain the equality among the eight schools of Chinese Buddhism and the Chinese monastic code, Taixu warned Wang that "parted from the exoteric principles and discipline, the followers of esoteric teachings become mara." In addition, Taixu criticized lamas in China proper for their disrespect for Chinese Buddhist monastic rules. After 1928, with the aim of harmonizing esoteric and exoteric Buddhism, Taixu adopted a positive attitude towards Tibetan Buddhism while accusing adherents of Shingon of splitting Buddhism. He became an apologist for Tibetan Tantric teachings, tolerating Tibetan Buddhism for its differences from Chinese Buddhism in patterns of behavior and regarding the distinctive practices of the Anuttarayoga-tantra, such as qigong, sexual yoga, and reincarnation, as expedient methods compatible within the whole body of Buddhist practice. After 1939, however, Taixu came to regard esoteric Buddhism as devayana, unsuitable for modern times. Confronted with the challenge from Tibetan Madhyamika thought, Taixu validated the theory of the special nature of Chinese Buddhism and accused the "emptiness-and'controversy graspers" of causing the rise of Tantric sects and the decline of Buddhism in India. The changes in Taixu's attitude toward esoteric Buddhism apparently coincided with the successive periods within his own Buddhist reform movement, thus revealing his attitude towards the tenets of esoteric Buddhism as expedients serving his reform of Buddhism as a whole.

Le moine reformiste Taixu et la controverse sur Ie bouddhisme exoterique et esoterique en Republique de Chine Au debut des annees 1920, Ie bouddhiste lalque Wang Hongyuan J:5L~ (1876-1937) a souleve une controverse entre Ie bouddhisme esoterique et exoterique it travers ses preches du bouddhisme Shingon en tant que vajriiccilya. Afm de maintenir l' egalite parmi les huit ecoles du bouddhisme chinois et Ie code monastique chinois, Taixu enseigna it Wang que issus de la discipline et des principes exoteriques, les adeptes des enseignements esoteriques deviennent mara . De plus, Taixu critiqua Ie manque de respect des lamas en Chine meme pour les regles monastiques du bouddhisme chinois. Apres 1928, dans Ie but d'harmoniser Ie bouddhisme esoterique et exoterique, Taixu adopta une attitude plus positive envers Ie bouddhisme tibetain tout en accusant l'ecole Shingon de diviser Ie bouddhisme. n se fit l'apologiste des enseignements tantriques tibetains, acceptant Ie bouddhisme tihetain dans ses differences avec Ie bouddhisme chinois en ce qui cone erne Ie comportement et l'approche des pratiques particulieres de l'Anuttarayoga-tantra, telles que Ie qigong, Ie yoga sexuel et la reincamation, conune methodes efficaces compatibles au sein de l'ensemble du corps de la pratique bouddhique. Apres 1939, Taixu en vint toutefois a considerer Ie bouddhisme esoterique conune devayCilla, incompatible avec les temps modemes. Confronte au defi de la pensee tibetaine du Madhyamilca, Taixu mit en valeur la tMorie de la nature speciale du bouddhisme chino is et accusa les detenteurs de vide-et-controverse d'!;tre la cause de la promotion des sectes tantriques et du declin du bouddhisme en Inde. Les changements de l'attitude de Taixu it l'egard du bouddhisme esoterique COIncident apparelnment avec les periodes successives de son mouvement de refOlme bouddhique, rev61ant ainsi son attitude envers les adeptes du bouddhisme esoteriqne comme servant la cause de sa rMorme du bouddhisme dans sa globalite.

THE REFORMIST MONK TAIXU AND THE CONTROVERSY ABOUT EXOTERIC AND ESOTERIC BUDDHISM IN REPUBLICAN CHINA

Luo Tongbing*
he Venerable Taixu *~ (1890-1947) pl~y ed an important role in the controversy between exoteric and esoteric Buddhism in republican China. In the early 1920s, Taixu, already a famous Buddhist reformer, witnessed and actually promoted the earliest transmission of esoteric Buddhist teachings from Japan and Tibet into China. From then until his death in. 1947, Taixu found that his cause of Buddhist reform had to contend with the rise of esoteric Buddhism. Taixu's articles and speeches on the controversy between esoteric and e.'wteric Buddhism are worthy of note insofar as they reflect the relations between the Buddhist reform movement and the rise of esoteric Buddhism, the two most conspicuous aspects of the history of Buddhism in repubhcanChina. In a lecture titled "A Brief History ofMy Buddhist Reform Movement" (Wo de fljiao gaijin yztndong liieshi ~fl<Jf?ll~i&jU!jjJ~3:.) given in i940, Taixu divided his reform movement into four successive stages, I with a clear correlation between this division into periods and the changes in his attitude towards the con- Venerable Master Taixu. (Source: Yinshun Cultural and Educational troversy be~een exoteric and esoteric Buddhism.
Foundation, Xinzhu County, Taiwan)

* I am grateful to Monica Esposito for her help in translating and revising this article and for her suggestions for improvement. I am also indebted to Eric Goodell, Chen Jinhua, and Ester Bianchi for their comments and suggestions on earlier drafts of this essay. 1 Taixu, "Wo de fojiao gaijin yundong Ineshi" :fIt(j{]1lIl~i:&l!tlllWmlr~ [A brief history of my Buddhist reform movement], in Tai."CU dashi quanshu j<;:biit:kHiJi1;:li [Collected works of the Venerable Master Taixu] (abbreviated from now on as TXDSQS) 19 (Taibei: lvIiaoyunji

Images of Tibet in the 19" and 20" Gentzwies Paris, EFEO, coll. Etudes themariques (22.2), 2008, p. 433-471

434

Luo Tongbing

1915-1928: "Parted fi'om exoteric principles and monastic rules, the follower's of esoter'ic teachings become 77Ziim"
In 1915, when his Buddhist reform movement entered its second period, the origin of Taixu's fervor for learning esoteric Buddhism can be found in his article "On the Reform of the Sangha System" (Zhengli sengqie zhidu lun ~l1ll{Ii'{hDiliVIi~il;) in which he advocates sending monks to Japan and Tibet to study esoteric Buddhism with the aim of reestablishing Chinese esoteric Buddhism. Though it was not adopted by Chinese Buddhist circles at that time, the purpose of this key link in his plan for reform was to resist Japanese cultural invasion. In the first period of his Buddhist reform movement (1908-1914), under the government's threats to expropriate monasteries and temples to finance public schools system, Taixu was occupied in rescuing Han Buddhist monasteries and paid little attention to esoteric Buddhism.' However, the Japanese religious invasion had impressed Taixu deeply. The Japanese, seeing Buddhism devastated in China, lured Chinese monasteries to accept their protection following the example [of foreign protection] ofvVestern Christian missions in China. [Over thirty] monasteries in Hangzhou took shelter under Uodo] Shinshu J1l::* and the Japanese consul acted on behalf of those monasteries against the threats of expropriation. The agitation caused by Japanese involvement became [diplomatically] important so that the governor of Zhejiang province dared not make any decision and presented the affair to the central government, or the Emperor. As a result, through negotiations with the Japanese, the monasteries' affiliation with Jodo Shinshu was cancelled. Meanwhile, the government issued an edict to protect Buddhism and ordered monks to organize their own education, which led to the founding of the Sangha Education Association.'
8.A.!tUVfltmID1**!I:~J1IiJ!, i:!!.mcl;Q:I*i1!ii'Fl!Bi!U!l:*1\\'~8jJM*, 5i--]lCPmIDBj 11i''if~A{*~, ;\;Q:fJtJ+I~'iffrJ1l::*r*~:'('""f, ypiJ!!Wdl:lJi:, 1~11:l'if~'r~, mcil 8 *@!~t\jID1*~o ~T~~JR~jjjJll1llt\j11Jl*J~JJIJJ, ilUt!r:Oft""YPitiTiljiliJ7!Hi!.::f

wenjiao jijinhui, Digital version, 1998): 67, The first stage of his Buddhist reform movement lasted from 1908 to 1914, when Taixu participated in the organization of monastic education in Ningbo, Putuoshan, Nanjing, Canton, and served shortly in Beijing as a journal editor in the General Association of Chinese Buddhists (Zhonghua Fojiao Zonghui 'I'I'IIl>l'!I: ,!,\ll1llr) after his failure to establish the Association for the Advancement of Buddhism (Fojiao Xiejinhui fJB>l'!l:Th'hJ!1llr) in 1912. The second stage lasted from 1914 to 1928, when Taixu established the Wuchang Buddhist Institute and the Minnan Buddhist Institute. The third stage lasted from 1928 to 1939, when he founded the Institute of Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Studies as part of the 'World Buddhist Academy. The fourth stage lasted from 1939 till his death in 1947, when he turned from world Buddhism to Chinese Buddhism as the basis for reviving Buddhism in China, For an English study on Taixu and his movement of reform, see Don A. Pittman, Toward a l'vlodern Chinese Buddhism, TaLm's Refo1"71Zs (Honolulu: University ofHawai'i Press, 2001). 2 On this issue see also Holmes Welch, Buddhist Revival in China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968): 161-165, and the contribution by Onoda Shunz6 in the first volume. J Taixu, "Wo de fojiao gaijin yundong liieshi," TXDSQS 19: 70.

Taixu and the Controversy about Exoteric and Esote'l"ic Buddhism

~!rfF#Ulll~, 1E~~i't;1f%~I<op:9cj[!U1t-jj~~J!~m:ii'oA*",LL !.iii:5!/:, -tJ j[fioJ El;$:xl!Ji, 1EJ9:A;J!l;*S<:J~>t;1fll:<i'i; -tJj[fEll:Mr~Rf!i?:~f~*!i:, M4-flli* vfi*!l:1f, JI!i:ffflli*!z1fw-s<:Jii':i:,

435

Japanese involvement in Chinese monasteries resisting expropriation started in 1904, when Mizuno Baigyo 7MlJ'fHJil3t helped monks at the Hunnan Monastic School in Changsha -Rt~ to resist expropriation. The spread of such involvement forced the Qing government to give monasteries the right to run their own monastic education. In 1908 Ven. Jichan ~r~ founded the Sangha Education Association in Ningbo *il!i. While working with this organization, Taixu became aware of the extent of]apanese involvement and, as a response to this cultural invasion, was motivated to initiate a revival of Chinese esoteric Buddhism. In the fourth year of republican China [1915], 'Western countries were too busy with the war to care about the East. Taking advantage of this opportunity, the Japanese called into play its long-premeditated greed for China and coerced the Chinese government to accept the Twenty-one Demands. Its fifth article demanded Japanese freedom of missionary work in China. It was known to everyone that the Japanese pseudo-religious ambition was indeed imperialist and political. '" Knowing perfectly well it was a political trap of cultural invasion, Chinese Buddhists had no way out, for esoteric Buddhism had indeed been extinguished in China. Stimulated by this serious challenge, Chinese Buddhists began to pay attention to esoteric Buddhism: A certain Mr. Chen enumerated the doctrines of Japanese esoteric Buddhism in his book Amida Buddha Belief in China (Zhongguo zbi AmitztoJo op~z~iiJ~I:IlWt;f~); I proposed in my article "On the Reform of the Sangha System" written that year to send people to Japan and Tibet to study esoteric Buddhism to revive Chinese esoteric Buddhism: .
1'\';~[lJ"'P, lllXl\1xtJi!ltt, ~iffiM~fl\!;S?x*Jli'lz~, El}jj~w\~~j(AW:'i'~ftZ!l!f'C.', lJ-=+-f~wJ..ft:llt, AJi';nfl.~&PJi*ElA.:fE~fff~*!I: EIlti ; Ml'f~*!I:z;gjlij 1fA*~~Z., A~ff:i1e%, $%A.\'J;piB, .'. ft~iililf1'i-SdtIljjJ;PA:R9:i1 ;fUffl)CfUl!m&z~tj$',iiWop'B'.'*!i:~*E, lJ!ll!Jl'*j(pzfiiJiB! lJ-i\)[, ii!ii~f,;illw:~

Jlt**Um9:, W,ij0'B'.'*!I:F"m, i~liifii1~: ff~JI!~'iOP~Z~iiJ~Wt;f~, *Z*~; i'IJ0:ii'o"'P'ilJl!t:\'llfllifbOiliU)'!Hiili, 2iFiiKA.1i'l El, 1i'l~'Mi'B'.',

L~*o

~El;$:'B'.' lJ-:i:!!"l!'l'lt~

In 1920, the monthly Sound of the Tide (Haichaoyin ii\J'j!/Jlif), edited by Taixu, published a special issue on esoteric Buddhism. In a previous issue two months before this special issue, Taixu had warned readers: It is impossible to study this magazine's forthcoming special issue on esoteric Buddhism without first studying the Compendium of Esoteric Buddbism (Mizong gangyao 1'i'i*#~Ji) translated by Mr. Wang Hongyuan 'lL.Jm. 5 For
4 Taixu, "Zhongguo xianshi mizong fuxing zhi qushi" CP~IJl.I!Iil*tlJ!'!!Z;t!j~ [The . contemporary revival of esoteric Buddhism in China], TXDSQS 7: 2879. 5 INang Hongyuan I'lL'! (1876-1937) was originally named Wang Shiyu ai1i~ (style name: Nluhan ~~1/;). As a xiztcai 3';t, the lowest degree candidate under the civil examination

436

L,to Tongbing

your' convenience, we have obtained some copies of the Compendium ofEsoteTic Buddhism from Mr. Wang and are selling them on his behalf in order to make them known to a larger number of people. 6
~F7'GliJfJi':BL!j1l'ViH)i!i~~z. W7lU1lJ~, !'lIJ:a~*(f,U,1;z.~~, l~rH1fJtliJfJiz.

F~l'fo

:f.01t:liJfJiW*/tilJjl"

**91;-LEf;H~J!1U1Z ((W*#1IJ~)) g;ll"~, 1~:f.0~1f.iHL

The Compendium of Esoteric Buddbism was a book by Gonda Raifu f!iHE~*,7 a high priest of Shingon. Wang Hongyuan, a lay Buddhist and a middle school teacher in Chaozhou j1'Jjj+l, earned the favor of Gonda thanks to his translation of Gonda's works. However, if Taixu on the one hand praised vVang and Gonda for having introduced esoteric teachings in China, on the other he was a critic of their status as iiciilJ1a. Although he considered the revival of Chinese esoteric Buddhism as a part of the reform of the sangha system, Taixu could not accept non-celibate vajl'iiciilya in China. In 1924, when Taixu heard that Gonda was coming to China to perform a consecration in Chaozhou, he wrote an opeilletter in the Sound of the Tide: system in the Qing dynasty, he had been an anti-Buddhist Confucian before the age of 40. In 1915, he converted to Buddhism and renamed himself Wang Hong)'1lan. In Chinese, Hongyuan 'ILl!\'! means "grand vow" while Shiyu Bijj~ plus Muhan ~~ means "to admire and learn from Han Yu ~~," the most famous anti-Buddhist Confucian in Tang dynasty. In 1924, he accepted from Gonda Raifu the Dharma-transmission consecration of the two mandalas, i.e., the Gm'bhadhiitzt and the Vajmdhatu. With the esoteric name Vairocana Vajra (Ch. Bianzhao jingang i@iftlt1itflltl), he became a forty-ninth g~neration acalya of the Shingon tradition. In 1925, Wang founded in Chaozhou the China Esoteric Buddhist Revival Association (Zhendan Mijiao Chongxinghui jl!t.i'i'itft~~) and conferred initiations on people including ordained monks. In 1926, he founded the bimonthly Mijiao jiangxi lu i'i'itftillli'rll~jl [Bulletin of lectures and studies in esoteric Buddhism], which lasted till 1933. In 1928, 1932 and 1933, Wang held initiations three times at the Liurong Jingshe ;f;;iii:fi!!1!r in Canton, which greatly stirred up emotions. In April 1934, "Vang founded in Shantou city the Shantou Esoteric Buddhist Revival Association (Shantou NIijiao Chongxinghui iilJlil'li'i'itft~!!l!1l1) and published the monthly Shideng tit:!::!! [Lantern of the world]. In February 1937, Wang died at the age of 61. See Zheng Qunhui il!i>ilfiUi', "Wang Hong)'1lan yu dongmi" xiJUli\'UlillRi'i'i [Wang Hong)'1lan and Shingon], Renbai deng A illt:!:! 2 (1994): 75-94, here 76-77 (a review edited by Dingran JEPi-\, Shengtao imil, and Ciyun 1$ and printed in Chaozhou i\ilJ+1 by the Lindong Foxueyuan ~lRj!ll~Ii7t). 6 Taixu, "Xiuxue mizongzhe zhuyi" ff$~W**ff~ [Notice for esoteric Buddhist learners], Haicbaoyin i!ii:wHf 1.7 (1920): 5. 7 Gonda Raifu tiEE1ii"1f (1846-1934) was a native ofNiigata fJii"i Gapan). At the age of seven, he was ordained and given the Dharma name Junkibo Kaishiki Jllfi!%t:J<liI by Kaiban ,t:J<i!;Z. At age 11, he began to learn Buddhist theories such as Abbidba1"71zakofa il'l,1!r, Vijiiaptimatm nlli!~, HetZt-vidya Itla)l, etc. in Buzan 'l'i'w. At the age of 26, he converted to Sota Zen and was renamed Raifu. Besides learning Zen from Nishiari Bokusan iffil'lt!l1w, he later also learned Jodoshii i'i'* (Pure Land) from Fukuda Gyokai tIilEE1T~. At the age of 32, he went to Buzan again to take the abbacy of Shoboji IEi;!;;". In 1893, at the age of 48, he received from Master Eigon !liJlIt the seal of the Denboin 1i;i;!;;1i7t transmission. Afterwards, from eminent monks of different esoteric schools like Yuga Kyonyo ljjijillQ*!l:jz~ and others, he also received Dharma-transmission consecrations such as the Homanin :l;~~Jt transmission of Tendai at the Toeizan lRt!iw, and the Sanmaiin ::::iJ;K'Jt transmission at the TotO lR* of the Hieizan ~li(w. In 1901, he assumed the post of chief abbot (ftancbif 'gft) of the Shingonshii Buzanha ;i':i;i'i*:!!!twi*, with the title of Highest Priest (daisifsbif jej!'lIE). See Zheng Qunhui, ""Vang Hongyuait yu dongmi" x'lL'i!li!lRi'i'i, 81.

Taixu and tbe Controve7'sy about Er:oteric and Bsate1-ic Buddhism

Mr. Gonda is indeed a leading figure among Japanese scholars of esoteric Buddhism. However, in spite of his title of high priest he actually does not follow the conduct required of a sangha member. According to Ven. Yanhua iJi1, Gonda, though more than seventy years of age, married a concubine .... What esoteric Buddhism values above all else is conduct. He who does nothing but make void speeches can be treated only as a philosopher instead of an iicii1Ja of esoteric Buddhism. In my opinion, we should invite Gonda to give visiting lectures as John Dewey and Bertrand Russell did, but not to open altars for
consecrations. 8
*~B*@.~*~$,~~-~.4 Mfi,~~~+.~ ~~@ ff,~ ~,~.~m.~M.m~~.~~.a.~~ ~jTh!HHijtliiJi'l~~.
.

437

. ~~~, ff.~~ ff,~~.~fi*~m ,.~tl . ,W

Taixu denied Gonda the qualification of iiciirya because he was married. Ironically, after. a vaj1-iiciirya consecration, Wang Hongyuan, who was a married layman, also became an iiciirya in just twelve hours. This violated the Chinese Buddhist conception of suitable qualifications for an iiciirya, and brought Wang criticism from many Buddhists, both laymen and ordained monks. Shi Shanyan 5l:.'l'f~, one of the first to denounce Wang, held that it was ridiculous that INang became a master after such a short period of study. In contrast, it usually took a novice seven to eight years in Tibet to learn the two principal mandalas and at least one year in Japan to obtain a general mastery of the esoteric rituals. iVloreover, according to Buddhist precepts, it was a mark of the decline of the Dharma when non-celibate Buddhists expounded doctrines to ordained monks.' Instead of being depressed by the threatened decline of the Dharma, Wang appeared so encouraged by the sudden boom in Shingon teachings in China that he often spoke of the doctrine of the dependent origination of the six elements Ijiuda yuanqi "A ::k~$::Jl'Q) as being the most thorough and highest among all the theories on dependent origination (yuanqi ,$$::Jl'Q). To refute Wang and the Shingon tradition, Taixn classified Buddhist theories on dependent origination into five kinds: dependent origination under the influence of karma (yegan yuanqi !t~$::Jl'Q); dependent origination from the iilaya Ijaiye yuanqi *M~~$::Jl'Q); dependent origination of the bhz7tatatbatii (zbenru yuanqi jl;j(o~$::Jl'Q); dependent origination of the Dharma realm (fa}ie yuanqi #;,!/H$::Jl'Q); and dependent origination of the six elements. The theory considering the six elements as the root of the dependent origination of sentient beings and inanimate matter is merely a dualism which is commonly known to ordinary beings and heretics.... Among these five theories of dependent origination, the dependent origination of the six elements is the
8 Taixu, "Fu Wang Hongyuan jushi shu" tIEE'IIJ~l'iFo'1f [Replies to the letters by the lay Buddhist Wang HongyuanJ, TXDSQS 17: 127-128. . 9 Shi Shanyan )!:~~, "Shi Shanyan jushi yu Wang Hongyuan jushi shu" )!:~~ Fo'iJi!.:E'IL!!l!Fo'1f [Letters by the lay Buddhist Shi Shanyan to the lay Buddhist Wang HongyuanJ, Haichaoyin 6.4 (1925): 9-11.

438

Luo Tongbing

most superficial one both in terms of the Dharma to be known and the person who is capable of knowing the Dharma lo

ii;l)Jt7'\:k1.o'tJ1f Wfl\\'tjlf1.o#~~~iF.9Z1l'l*, f!;1;,L.,W=:7I;[;itr1+,

1.oA.*m~.~., 1.0~~!

Jl:tA,'W=:7I;~,

.,

[JE iF.9,~m~~,~n~A,

~7'\:k.iF.9
.

What worried Taixu most was Wang's violation of monastic precepts according to the seven classes of Buddhist disciples (qizhong li0'i-t~1;jt{l!l:),11 which stipulated that the ordained are superior to the laity, and the male superior to the female. Wang and his Japanese t~acher Gonda violated these precepts and thereby created a conflict between exoteric and esoteric Buddhist teachings. Taixu reviewed the problem in an article as follows: Coming from Japan where the monastic system had already collapsed, some esoteric Buddhist monks, in order to gain fame, wealth, and respect as the first missionaries in China, bestowed on laymen an official rank to lead and to transmit the Dharma, which traditionally belonged to ordained monks. To justify this, they showed that in the iconography of the mandalas lay figures occupy the center with female figures as consorts of meditation .... Thus, the problem of whether Buddhists should obey the monastic rules and rites for the seven classes of Buddhist disciples turned into the problem of exoteric Buddhism versus esoteric Buddhism, and became an unsolvable knotY
~il1Utl5tj.lz 8 *1'\'i'i~Jcr\!l*, 11.o3i1~5i:Jl~~5tl'iJ~JcmZ~5fU$11'ff, ~b~ li~~ ~z~&~z~.~fr;.~*.z%ffi,B*%m~.~,B~ ~1.ofr%~,~~~a, [JW~fr.*.~-t ~~~.T~z~., J()Ii'fpj(;~.\'i'i.F"'., .ful~::ti4~J1W/fOJIliJ~l/Z~,

At that time, some Chinese Buddhists held the opinion that lay Buddhists should take over the responsibility for spreading the Dharma because in general they were superior to the ordained monks in intelligence and ability. However, they restrained themselves from publicly advocating this point of view because ofthe long-established order of the seven classes of Buddhist disciples. Clearly understanding the situation, Taixu regarded the problem ,Nang had caused as very serious: 'With those who disregard the exoteric principles and its discipline in favor of a messy mass of male, female, monks, and laymen as part of esoteric Buddhism,

10 Taixu, "Zhen xianshi lun zongyi lun" :~UJl..rnIi*1t<~Ji'i [The epistemology of the true reality], TXDSQS 11: 559. 11 The seven classes of disciples: (1) bbikku btli, monk; (2) bbik,Ul" btlift'" nun; (3) sikeamiilw 'i'\;5I.~Jl~, a novice, or observer of the six commandments; (4) s1'iimmJem i:J.'5T1l, and (5) s1'iimal1erika iY5T1lft'" male and female observers of the minor commandments; (6) upasaka 'f:!! ~, male observers of the five commandments; and (7) upasikaff~5\[, female observers. The first five have left home; the last two remain at home. 12 Taixu, "Jin fojiao zhongzhi nannli sengsu xianmi wenti" .6;-fJll~~z.~:Y:f~1tt;;Jl*r"' I%!l [The problem about male, female, clergy, laymen, esoteric and exoteric in current Buddhism], TXDSQS 9: 608.

Taixu and the Contt-ove7-sy about Exoten'c and Esoteric Buddhism

we are not facing a problem of exoteric Buddhism versus esoteric Buddhism, but a problem of Buddhists against mam.ll

439

In saying "Buddhists againstmam" Taixu warned Wang and his adherents that they were following the heretical doctrines of mam instead of following the Dharma of the Buddha. Taixu supported this criticism canonically by classifying the Mahiivai7-ocana-abhisa7pbodhi-st7t7-a (Ch. Dapiluzhana chengfO jing Al!lAtJI!tIIBw;1iJ1l~&) and the Vajrafekham-stttm (Ch. Jingangdingjing iL~~Jl'i"~~) as the scriptures concerning the conversion of mara I:mo shouhua jing Bl:'ltf-U&) which are mentioned in the Bmhmajala-szm-a (Ch. Fanwangjing ;HI!J,@.). The means by which the Buddha converted ma7-a were the exoteric principles and the vinaya. Nowadays, some people learn esoteric Buddhism but disregard [exoteric] teachings about dharma nature and dharma character and violate the rules and rites for ordained and lay Buddhists. They are not converting mam with Buddhism; instead, they are impairing Buddhism as ma7-a. How far have they gone against the B~ddha's secret purport in preaching the scriptures of the conversion of mara! 14

~~.~~~w;a.~~m.m~,m~~~.ft~
:&:! 4-'lWffijfF~t1;f~*)(., liIli~3:1!J1{1'i-~i${i, {iJIl; A"1t:it{iJIl~Bl:'ltfU~if.'la{ilJ:!ml!B?

~w~ JlIJ~F~{iJIl{t., ffij&pJZ~Bl'~

Thus, if the followers of "the scriptures of the conversion of ma7-a" reject the exoteric principles and the vinaya, they are actually rejecting conversion to Buddhism. So Taixu warned: Obeying exoteric principles and disciplines, the followers of esoteric teachings are converted Buddhists. Parted from exoteric principles and disciplines; the followers of esoteric teachings become mara. IS

But Wang did not think he was becoming ma7-a. Instead, he preached "becoming Buddha in the present body" as an attainment unique to esoteric Buddhism, which made it superior to exoteric Buddhism. Against this sectarian arrogance, Tai.:ru pub. lished his lecture "On Attaining Buddhahood in the Present Body" (Lun jishen cbengfO ~i\ii~p~W;1iJ1l). Here he emphasized that attaining Buddhahood in this present body was merely an expedient that buddhas and bodhisattvas devised especially for sentient beings who clung strongly to their body as ego. Therefore, to take the phrase literally as an ultimate truth is nothing more than to persist in error. Taixu refuted a number of the reasons persistently offered in this heresy. vVith regard to the transfiguration

1l

14
15

Taixu, "Jin fojiao ... ," TXDSQS 9: 609. Taixu, "Jin fojiao ... ," TXDSQS 9: 608-609. Taixu, "Jin fojiao ... ," TXDSQS 9: 609.

440

Luo TOllgbing

of the body as Buddha, Taixu highlighted that Deva-mara (tiannzo :R~) and heretics with achievements in meditation were capable of such transfiguration. As for the argument that the body is merged into Buddha's body, Taixu pointed out that such skills had long been common among Chinese heretics in order to contemplate the body as an aggregation of elements in the Dharma realm. Making allusion to the belief in the similarity between the Buddha body and the human body in their makeup of the six elements, Taixu ridiculed such an explanation by saying that if one followed such reasoning one could also become an ox or even shit in the body. Such a principle, according to which sentient beings are in nature Buddha, was common to all Mahayana schools and could not be appropriated as a unique property of esoteric Buddhism. Precisely speaking, only the Buddha's self-enjoyment body ~i shouyong shen 5tffl~) can be rightly called Buddha, the highest enlightenment, because it is
uncommon in sentient beings. 16

Thus, "attaining Buddhahood in this body" could be explained only through the Tiantai doctrine of "the six kinds of identification" (Tiantai fillji :RI:i\~P). Realizing that all beings have Buddha-nature or that beings are inherently enlightened (lijifo l'I~Pf:lt) shows the naturally perfect reality of all dharmas (shixiang :Jf:t), which can be called "attaining Buddhahood in this body." Being the Buddha in name (nzingzi jifo ;g~~Pf:lt), that is, awakening to the perfect reality of all dharmas; being the Buddha in contemplation (guanxingjifo il!1T~Pf:lt), that is, corresponding to the perfect reality of all dhi.trmas in contemplation; as well as being the Buddha in similarity (:tft;l~PfJr,), that is, achieving the attainment of contemplating the perfect reality of all dharmas, can also be called "attaining Buddhahood in this body." Instead of being unique to esoteric Buddhism, these doctrines, practices and attainments are common to all Mahayana schools. Regarding all Mahayana schools as equal Taixu did not believe that one should be exalted at the expense of the others. In his article "On the Reform of the Monastic System" (Zbengli sengqie zbidu fun 'I'll'I{lilfhOmU.ocmfu) Taixu designated the Vinaya school as the "foundation" for the other seven lVIahayana schools-Chan, Tiantai, Huayan, vVeishi, Madhyamaka, Pure Land, and esoteric Buddhism. He proposed an egalitarian basis for his sangha reform: vVe must subordinate the 800,000 monastics to these eight schools, which as starting points and expedient means are gateways to the same Truth, and as perfect harmonious practices lead to the attainment of Buddhahood. Just like the eight edges of a single diamond, their harmonious equality is the characteristicof Chinese Buddhism and the extraordinary splendor of the Chinese monastic system," Taixu, "Lun jishen chengfo" mfu~P~pJl;f:lt, TXDSQS 7: 2872. Taixu, "Zhengli sengqie zhidu lun" 'i''!!J!I1j)!ifJJoili~&~ilI [On the reform of the monastic system], TXDSQS 9: 27.
16

17

Taixuand the Controversy about ExoteTic and EsoteTic Buddhism

~fi1!}'+.1!!H1Jo. ~/F:l~},*z5''I-. 'iil'/fmlt~},*z -. ~ilf,tJ\:lfk1)]:1J1JYI;'. m~A~. ~pJ(;-i1iJ1!~*rr. lij'jiIi'tllldt. :!lQ},:m Prt-~~tl. lluJit..1t~z

441

!i'f'@..

~iit..1~.lJ!<z~~B.

Contrary to this principle of the equality among Chinese Buddhist schools and the unification of all Buddhists through the monastic code, esoteric Buddhism persisted in advocating its superiority and disregarded the established monastic code of Chinese Buddhism. In Taixu's view, this threatened the whole Chinese Buddhist System. In "The Contemporary Revival of Esoteric Buddhism in China" (Zhongguo xianshi mizongju.r:ing zhi qllshi <p~lJI.IlW*~J!!zil'l~) Taixu said: After the invasion of esoteric Buddhist traditions transgressing the Dharma, learners were amazed at its novelty, while cunning ones plagiarized it to peddle it to blind and infatuated people. In this turmoil and chaos, the originally harmonious and consistent Chinese Buddhist traditions like Chan, Tiantai, Vinaya, and Pure Land suddenly fell into disorder. There appeared a danger that V maya and Pure Land practices would be discarded as useless garbage! 18
~1t~~i'tZ~ni1.~A. W7clggLA..i2IS:!Ii'z:j11.R-gf,tZ~#;fO. ~~.lJ!<1tW;%\\'f*Ji

';!;t. ~1tJ,lJ~\!J,fll5i. ~fft&~. ~~iWLiR, ~1!ilt~~, ~, W, ~~Juo-3it

z~A. ~Jl'l~;jl1]!BII1Lz)ij(w!\,

JiWiif*~Jil(;1j'.

1l:~~Z~~!

To cope with such a danger, Taixu proposed: The remedy should be based on an equal development and harmonious construction of the eight Mahayana schools, as I expounded in my essay "On the Reform of the Sangha System." As for esote~ic Buddhism, we should first learn esoteric Buddhist traditions from Japan and Tibet and adapt it into rules, ceremonies, and doctrinal principles in order to establish a Chinese esoteric - Buddhism. Second, we should restrict the number of esoteric Buddhist temples to one per sub-provincial circuit. 19
*TJlllll1UollitlJj'r,QF.iT~jL 1!AJ~J\*-'fj~Hlii, ~;fO~~lt:. llff~m~lf~1t : -, 'i'.lJ!<E3lf, ~lf, ~~W1i~llIl\!J,~tplf; If*''-f'i';%-~M[-''-fz

=,

'Utl.
Obviously, Taixu planned to regulate the teachings, codes of conduct, and accessibility of esoteric Buddhism, and to limit ethnic heterogeneity. According to Taixu's plan: The Chinese should regulate esoteric Buddhism according to doctrinal principles and disciplinary rules, like Tsongkhapa, and thus construct their own Chinese esoteric tradition, but not accept it as it is without differentiation. 2o

For Taixu, "esoteric Buddhist traditions transgressing the Dharma" included "J:he invasion from two sides: Japan, and Tibet plus Mongolia." He criticized the latter, saying:
18 19

20

Taixu, "Zhongguo xianshi ... ," TXDSQS 7: 2882-2883. Taixu, "Zhongguo xianshi ... ," TXDSQS 7: 2883. Taixu, "Zhongguo xianshi ... ," TXDSQS 7: 2884.

442

Luo Tongbing

When Tibetan and lVIongolian lamas transmit esoteric teachings in China proper, they look and dress like laymen and publicly eat meat and drink alcohol. Han people always value the monastic rules as the treasure of the sangha; however, these lamas regard the monastic rules as something to be thrown away as useless garbage! 21
j(Q~~p)M~Z*Jjli1"1'tm,
;ffr~ !

%ElH'iJ1ii', iMi1'J01l1l,

~m[j!lj*tJ!J.g{!W~Z1T1~,

In addition, Taixu also discredited the teachings and the attainments claimed byTibetan Buddhism. In 1927, he dissuaded Ven. Changxing 1j\t (1896-1939) from learning Tibetan Buddhism, saying:
As for the way of realization, I suggest you to follow that described in the "Stage of the Sravalca" in the Yogacambhiimi-sastm, which is more practicable. Having gradually lost the truth of Buddhism by absorbing the teachings of ma1'a and Brahman, such pantheistic esoteric Buddhist teachings are not a basis for establishing the Three Jewels [sanbao '=:Jif; that is, Buddha, Dharma and Sangha]. The sayings that their scriptures are ten times more than those in China proper and that many people there attain sainthood are only unbelievable exaggerations by Tibetan monks."

171lJ!l;Zi'JLinJ!W*, ~, 5/dill:1JiHli.

J1t~m~~Z~i, *::!c~JiiZI>il:l:iilifi'x:?!'\PJ~3L i'i>:1l!lli't8lfi1)t*~. *Wi:l!:rn"lilli!:JCl$Ji~ ~~F9.t:lL'=:JifZt~*. ~.HHH, ~~?ffAA, lii{1!W

In the spring of 1927, Ven. Changxing, then the deputy director of Minnan Buddhist Institute (Minnan Foxueyuan OOiH;jJlJjl<IifG) recommended Taixu as the director of Minnan Buddhist Institute and the abbot of Nan Pumosi ii'i!fWt;'I in Xiamen (Fujian province). In order to dedicate himself to his Buddhist practice, Changxing resigned his position as the deputy director. Though famous for his mastery of Chinese Buddhist doctrines, Changxing planned to concentrate on Tibetan Buddhist esoteric teachings for his practice. However, Taixu would rather Changxing practice by himself with the guidance of Yogacambhz/71Zi-ftistTa.

1928-1939: "Esoteric mantras can be utilized only as a secondary practice of bumanistic Buddbism"
In 1928, with the support of Chiang Kai-shek Giang Jieshi ~1l-:P, 1887-1975), Taixu made a missionary tour of Europe and America. After his return, his attitude toward Tibetan Buddhism became very positive. In his plan for the World Buddhist Academy (Shijie Foxueyuan tltJll1;jJlJjl<JiB), Taixu attached much importance to Tibetan Buddhism, which he came to accept as one of the three principal systems of Taixu, "Zhongguo xianshi ... ," TXDSQS 7: 288l. Taixu, "Zhi Changxing fashi shu" i!l:1i\"'tI~m. [A Letter to Ven. Changxingj, TXDSQS 17: 38.
21

22

Tai.~u

and the Cont1"OVeny about Exoteric and Esoteric Buddhism

443

Buddhism in the world. 23 Moreover, through its involvement with Tibetan affairs the newly established Nanjing government was supportive of Taixu's efforts. Wh~ Nor lha Khutukhtu (Ch. Nuona Hutuketu~J.I~IlfIilR:IiI), a firm supporter of the central government in the two Sino-Tibetan wars at the end of the Qing era and in 1917, joined the newly established Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs (Mengzang Weiyuanhui ~ii~~lI) Taixu honored him with the title of council d.irector of the Chinese Buddhist Association (also founded with the support of Chiang Kai-shek) and invited him to confer the empowerment of Amitaylis (Wuliangshoufo 1I\I;:i.:a<1?1l). In 1930, Taixu established the influential Institute of Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Studies (Hanzang Jiaoliyuan ilii;l1)[:@.Il%), under the auspices of the warlord Liu Xiang fiuli1l. Liu Xiang, army commander of Corps 21, "farsightedly realized that the politics and the customs in Kham and Central Tibet all depended on Buddhism."24 He ordered each county where his troops were stationed to send two ordained monks to Tibet to study Buddhism. During a banquet Liu hosted for Taixu, Taixu told him, "It would be better to establish an institute in Sichuan province and attract Chinese and Tibetan teachers and students there.,,25 With the support of Liu and some local officials, Tai'CU established the Institute of Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Stud.ies. The cl~se association between Tibetan Buddhism and political affairs during the republican period led to the controversy over "saving the country through reciting mantras." During the Qing dynasty Tibetan Buddhism had held the role of the imperial court religion and it went on to become associated with the republican politicians. The performance of "state-protecting rites" (hztguo fohui 1ii~i't-t') came to be highly valued by politicians, more for their supposedly magic power than for the pragmatic aim of winning s]lpport among the Tibetan and Mongol upper classes. 26 The warlord Sun Chuanfang l1\1iJ3'Y revealed such belief in the following announcement: This year our Marshal (sUn) invited the honorable Lama Bai27 to establish a Golden Light Dharma Assembly in Zhejiang. Shortly afterward, in the battles 23 Taixu, "Foxue yuanliu jiqi xin yundong" jjIl~imrRt1il.;Jt;jjJfJljiJ [Origin and development of Buddhism and its new movement], TXDSQS 1: 932. 24 Taixu, "Hanzang Jiaoliyuan ji" il~t!JlI!~ft'. [Record on the Institute of Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Studies], TXDSQS 19: 1140. On this see also the contribution by Onoda Shunzo in the first volume on pp. 234-235. 25 Taixu, "Shijie Foxu~yuan Hanzang Jiaoliyuan yuanqi" l!U'fjjIl~:mil~tlJ1I!.~~Jljl [On the genesis of the World Buddhist Academy and the Institute of Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Studies], TXDSQS 19: 1034. 26 On this issue see also the contribution by Gray Tuttle in the first volume. 27 The honorable Lama Bai s:ij:lif (1870-1927) was named Guangfa 'it/It;. and styled Puren 1l!"-1=. Born in the east of the Rehe province 1:MiiJ Uehol), he was a Mongol monk of Yonghegong in Beijing. ManjuSrl was said to have been revealed to him on Mount Wutai. Following Mafijusrl's teaching, Bai practiced diligently and attained outstanding wisdom. As a prayer for the protection of the state, he often performed the rite of Yaksha General Wi:lt:klm- and the rite of the Suvar1Japrabhiisa-uttamm"iija"siitm (Ch. Jinguangming zuisheng wangjing i::l'tH)j~Jljf.:E!i:, T. 665) and enjoyed fame from evidently producing miracles. In 1925, the Panchen Lama bestowed upon him the title of Kanbu :/l;!i;fJJ (Tib. mkban po). See Ven. Dongchu illJlt1JJ, Zhongguo jojiao jindai sbi opJjjjjjlltlJiI1-1;3;: [History of modern Chinese.

444

LZIO Tongbing
which broke out in the southeast, our enemies scattered at the mere sight of our forces and the provinces ofJiangsu and Anhui were soon pacified. Who can say for sure that it was not thanks to the divine power of that Golden Light Dharma Assembly? Now we are so lucky to have the honorable Bai establish once more a forty-nine-day Golden Light Dharma Assembly in Hangzhou. We hereby order each county in this province to ban butchery for three days at the beginning and at end of the rite. 28

:<:.r."

*~ljif;ll!rjJ:tEWi, i9!~I~r~1!f}t~~J'I;aJl~, *~:llriI~iE9, ili!(lii~.1lD., i~1iJ iiitBiGni'i)'E, *~T~F~J'I;Ij)j.wG1fjl:<:'7J.Ji)T1JQ1J!tm, ~*S~1!fi't~1t*, fi:tE

;tJi;'+I}t~*aJl~I!!I+fLB, JI[*1!l~M, ~J'l!(}tjc~'&lmrrB~, ~~~m:=B.

The idea of saving the country through the recitation of mantras later became popular amongTaixu's supporters. Ven. Dayu jc~, a former congressman ofHubei province who was ordained as a monk by Taixu, once went on a retreat to Haihuisi #Ij,'ff ~ on Mount Lu:

In the winter of 1926, he grieved for the chaos caused by the Communist Revolution in Jiangxi and Hubei provinces and aspired to obtain divine powers as quickly as possible in order to save the nation. In meditation, he saw Samantabhadra who taught him the innermost mantra ~"Cinzhongxin zhoZl ,c,''I',c,;%). Finding the same mantra in the Buddhist Canon, he cultivated it until attaining in 1928 clear signs of realization and thus began to spread it in Shanghai.2
~+.1i~ (1926) 4f5'C, ~:J:i<'!j[:tE", -'!i~jcimiilLr.', ~F1lil!*~1fjlJl[;Jlj(.A.;Jlj(t!t, )'E'I'jf.ffIH\,iilJl.~, t{~,C,,'I"C,,%, ~.~1JiJ%, f:&ft\\*~, ~+-t~B~1JIl

$, mUiM.*1i.

In Shanghai in 1928, Dayu taught the Formless Yoga (w!txiangyujiafo i!\l\;f!lltuJ}JOi't) of

the Seal Mind tradition (Yinxin zong SP,C,'ff-i), which he founded by integrating Chan with Tantrism: He made a nationwide stir through performing miracles and telling people their predestined fates. 3o

!ifJlf:fiifrI,

~1f\!~lIZt!t, IIj!;tIJ:i:~.

Chen Yuanbai ~~S, an important sponsor ofTaixu at the Wuchang Buddhist Institute, was the first person to support Dayu publicly. Wang Senfu J:~*, a board director of the Wuchang Buddhist Institute, was also fascinated by Da,yu. Taixu, however, said to WangSenfu: Buddhism], 2 vols. (Taibei: Dongchu, 1992): vol. 1, 436-437. On this figure see also the con, tribution by Chen Bing in the first volume on p. 396. 28 "Jinguangming hui zhi yaohan" ~J'I;fJIl~z.~~ [Important notice for the Golden Light Dharma Assembly], Haichaoyin 7.2 (1926): 7. 29 Taixu, "Taixu zizhuan" :;tJ:l[iIJ [Autobiography of Taixu] , TXDSQS 19: 235. On Dayu see also. the contribution by Chen Bing in the first volume on p. 414. 30 Yinsh11Il .PJIll, TaixZI dashi nianp" :;tJ:l[jcilili1f~ [A chronological biography of the venerable master Taixu] (Taibei: Zhengwen Press, 2000): 290.

Tai."CZt and the Cont1'oversy about Exoteric and Esoteric Buddhism

The unverifiable predestined fates Dayu predicted do nothing but arouse people's doubts and slander, and should not be spread. Such tricks are also characteristic of ghosts and spirits. Buddhist practitioners should not take to them as expedients to induce people into Buddhism because the faith generated by such means is mostly superstition, which encourages spirit cults and obstructs the light of the Buddha.ll
*~{IlljA.m1ii:r, M.i'iJit, ttfid.A.jj;E~, '&:;fJJt\{$:lto )tJlt**<jl~ff~~, {i'll 7t:tT A.pHf't.'~, ~~JJ,~~A.:tJ{JI!:o ~*J!lJlt~:tJ{JI!:'5I!tz.{~,t." *~~m, tt~ **<jlttz.~;t&, lillili{i'll:J'[;o

445

In 1932, prominent political figures like DaiJitao i\I(;!lij (1891-1949) and LiJichen r;!\'~, members of the central committee of the Nationalist government, sponsored a Golden Light Dharma Assembly at Yonghegong ~Ullg- in Beiping ~t.:sp: (Beijing). In a notice to solicit contributions, they attributed the thirty-nine successive years of good harvests during the Kangxi era (1662-1722) of the Qing dynasty and the flourishing national fortune of}apan to the emperors' esteem for esoteric Buddhist rites. In the third year of republican China, the honorable Bai Puren ofYonghegong saw in meditation that our nation would suffer thirty years of radical riots which could be remedied only through esoteric rites. He collected money and established the Golden Light Dharma Assembly and the Great Compassion Dharma Assembly. Although civil wars never ceased in these years because of the heavy bad karma of sentient beings, people were able to settle down in their homelands. This is proof of the lessening and extermination of some fixed karma (dingye ~~).
~UIlg-8l\H=~~, ~~iplll1.~*ffi!HE+:*fliL, JJ,~~~~1l'J7t:, ~;lfdIUrtJt~~.:fL~:J'[;ijI3i!t~, *;mi!t~, jjHY1:!t~~, pg.lJl-:;f,~" jffl:l4!!:1J*,:~;lIi!I, A.R:;~{l~fi![, ~U~~Z.~B1Jt~iJo

R:;I!'::=':, M.WJlJ5lt,

As for the cause for these miraculous effects, the notice praised the power of esoteric practices: The fixed karma of sentient beings is very difficult to eliminate. But for practitioners of esoteric Buddhism, no karma is unchangeable, no sin is inextinguishable. 32

II Taixu, "Zhi Wang Senfu jushi deng shu" ljlC:E~i'Ilm~. [A letter to the lay Buddhist Wang Senfu], TXDSQS17: 216. 32 Beihua;m (i.e., Tabeu), "Lun Shishi ."Cinbao suowei jingzhou jiuguo" ir.t1l~rjiR}jIf ~.~JEi([gjlj [Editorial on Current Affairs Newspaper's so-called "Scriptures and mantras will save the country"], TXDSQS 7: 2890. This editorial was originally published in Haicbaoyin 13.9 (1932): 43-48 under the name of Beihua ;m, one of the pen names of Taixu. According to Yinshun (Taixu dashi nianpu, 4) "Taixu himself admitted in 'A letter in reply to Wang Hongyuan' that Beiliua was his pen name." See also the contribution by Gray Tuttle in the first volume on p. 318.

446

Luo Tongbing

Reporting this event under the heading "Scriptures and mantras will' save the country" the Current Affairs Newspaper (Shishi xinbao ~$~Ii1) was skeptical. Facing doubts from the Buddhist world and Chinese people, Taixu acknowledged that "saving the country through reciting mantras" was indeed doubtful, but as a religious figure he also acknowledged the effect of mantras: Some sentient beings, superior or inferior to human beings, do exist beyond our perception. Depending on the same material world as human beings, they universally communicate with man's spirit via the subconscious. Thanks to means of communication like offerings and mantras, it is possible to generate miracles.

I1.<g'B' A.l'!IiIIJiJT/l' &Z!i-,

~ ilIHHlfllf:aU!l1(;g,t Az 1J;It~. :tE31J:!:F.Hf 3(JW1A. fiM1UI;;fljJl.z:j1![jffi-j91J~ fj!;1\tJEztj-i'iJ::t~z'Ilfl1J!!o

;Ji<*/lll~. rmWA~jfUlJ.r"fz;ft*$.

However, he further pointed out: The right Dharma of the Buddha resides precisely in the fact that all things originate from many mutually dependent causes and are nothing but representations of consciousness. Consequently, we should redirect our good deeds from our mind into good results. Mutually promoting such cultivation, we can benefit our nation and the world. Those who lay particular stress on esoteric mantras are acU;ally deviating from the principal truth of esoteric Buddhism. JJ

1?IlZIEi'!.

~IJ!Ijffl:tEIlIl-m$!lm\,~~JiX;rm~!E~m. lltEl;~'t&~~1T. ~!tljUI~:. :!iff.?;~..t!JJljjI(l1il1J:!:; :M1!ii~:a~l$JE. J!Ji3Z..~Fl~l$z*~~.

To explain the principal truth of esoteric Buddhism, Taixu first criticized the notice for establishing a dichotomy between =teric and esoteric Buddhism. The notice said: Buddhism has two divisions: the exoteric one consists of the sutras, vinaya, and shastras of all vehicles, while the esoteric consists of dharanis of the various mandalas.

In response, Taixu argued:

The Mahavairocana-abhisa1'/Zbodhi-stttra (Ch. Dapiluzhana chengfo jing *~Ji.J!fh Jl~JiX;1?Il~). the Vajraiekhara-siitra (Ch. Jingangdingjing ~~~m~), and Susiddhisiitra (Ch. Su.xidijing ~~J:i!l~) all belong to the sutras. The vinaya includes not only the prohibitive precepts (zhichi ll:::J\f), but also all norms for the three activities of mind, speech, and body (sllnye ~!t), so that the riruals of the various sects of esoteric Buddhism necessarily are part of the constructive precepts (zuochi f'F:J\f) of the vinaya. Needless to say. the works ofNagarjuna, Kiikai, Phagspa. and Tsongkhapa belong to the shastras. Thus, can esoteric Buddhism exist outside the sutras, vinaya, and shastras?
lJ

Taixu, "Lun Shish; xinbao suowei jingzhou jiuguo." TXDSQS 7: 2893

Taixu and the Controversy about Exoteric and Esoteric Buddhism

*WH;I;ig!l~,ql(;1jjl~, ~lilJtlrn~, ~~1ll~~, ~~-t!?,. *l$~~~ll::r.fz*f~, mhlftjfi-Wf[M=~zf'Fi'!, "Ii!l:J&';J<~UIl1Uh" ~f'F:r.fzl$J}. ~:oH~tM, ~ ~, ~JHllB, ;J<I1tB, mlr.u-flfIiz1.f;r.u-, ::f~~, JlU~mI*~i;j<r.u-:9~, fiiJJJUfi

447

{t;*?

From their definition as "total retention" (zongchi J;,i!lM'), the dharanis fall into four categories: hearing dharanis (fo tztoluoni i'!~'t;!.im); truth dharanis (yi t'Ztoluoni ~~'t;!.i m); realization dharanis (yen tlloluoni 2~'t;!.im); and spell dharanis (zhoZt tztoluoni 5'\',
~'t;,mm).

Mantras constitute just one among all the kinds of dharanis, which also include all sutras, vinaya, and shastras. Thus, there are no sutras, vinaya, or shastras outside the dhararus. J4
5'\',1.f;~'t;!.iJB-lI, WmI~l$r.u-~&P1.f;i'!~~'t;!.iJB; ~JlIJ~mI~'t;!.iJB, ~J!\Ii~

1$r.u-.
Taixu then examined esoteric mantras from a historical point of view. Esoteric mantras were merely minor expedients for invoking non-humans (jeiren ~FA; that is, sentient beings who do not share the destiny of human beings), and thus occupied a very low position in the initial stage ofIndian Buddhism. Promoted as Dharma-protective gods, the non-humans and their mantras occupied a higher position in the second stage of Indian Buddhism: In the third stage, when the mantras developed and their gods became the most important objects of reverence in Buddhism, the so-called Tantric sects appeared. Indian Buddhism further developed into a fourth stage. The esoteric mantras center around the Buddhist instructions for the transformation of nonhumans, that is, the eight classes of devas, nagas and so forth (tianlong babu 7C figjl.ll1l). Among the eight classes, yakshas are the most important. Yakshas, according to the Commentary on the Vairocana-abhisa1!Zbodhi-sutra (Ch. Dmi jingshu *B~i9'It) by Yixing, are the Vajra-holders. Developing with the yakshas as the special center of esoteric mantras, even Buddha became Buddha among yakshas and the highest Buddhas all took the form of yakshas in the Vajra-holders group.
fi~I1!IJ1Jl~!iI~f.lt, j[mlJ&'5'\',J]i:1!J.J!1M~A.i.J7CjJVI.ll1lzfjjltt1.f;j:,

Wjl.ll1l 'i':!t1!J.!iX-:atXA'l&PA~lilJtlA'l, Ji,-iT*B ~i9'It-ll1l1.f;j:, f:&JItJ&'JEll1lz

%,~ll1lW~!iI, fjjl~,ql(;1.f;:atXll1lzfjjl, :l\l~zfjjll!l'1.f;A~lilJtlll1lz:atX~~.

Apparently not appreciating the higher position of the yakshas, Taixu concluded: Now that esoteric Buddhism takes devas and nagas, or yakshas, as its focus and standard, it becomes clear that it can be utilized only as a secondary practice of humanistic Buddhism. 3s

34

l5

Taixu, "Lun Shishi xinbao suowei jingzhou jiuguo," TXDSQS 7: 2895. Taixu, "Lun Shishi xinbao suawei jingzhau jiugua," TXDSQS 7: 2897.

448 Taixu found parallels for mantras in the practices of other religions:

Luo Tongbing

The Indians who engage in cultivation for longevity and divine powers mostly follow the practices of yakshas. Similarly, Chinese Daoist magic techniques, such as elixirs and talismans, also belong to the practices ofyakshas. 36
"P~z.~tHf,

1tEiili:1r,

*1l\;~~i!Rlto rmcp[j]m$J:z.fh'1i:f,1'~~j!lWJ,

!lF1JZ:

Rltz.lj[Ej:o
In Taixu's eyes, the reciting of esoteric mantras was a practice common to heretics but not characteristic of Buddhism as a whole. So he warned: The esoteric mantras are expedients for those with great mercy to attract sentient beings. vVithout the true root of great wisdom in the pursuit of enlightenment, knowledge and compassion would be lost, lust and hatred would become unrestrained, and those merciful expedients would be stolen and used as tools harming sentient beings. Bodhisattvas! Can you be so incautious with mantras? 37
I**~JE*1l\;~*'l,rniI'HH~z.:1f~, ~~~lU,*t\' J::*'frm~;it*, rm #.i!fjtiJl\, fillTU 'f-::1f 1j!, ~;,-*J!i1irl.~::iitIJl-, ~111li'- m;;r;'fJl\i\Ii; !

:fr:t\';[!J

Though Tai~ regarded the reciting of mantras as a practice common to heretics, he did not consider the esoteric traditions themselves as heresies. In 1933, Taixu stressed: The differences between the esoteric and exoteric traditions do not lie in teachings and principles, but rather in the practices which vary according to the aptitudes ofthe learners. J8

This is the theme of many of his later articles on esoteric Buddhism. In 1934, Taixu criticized Shingon for distinguishing the esoteric and the exoteric as two separate teachings. When, inJuly 1932, INang Hongyuan again transmitted precepts for the Buddhist clergy, Yao Taofu Jl>I5P1IDjiij[, a Shingon follower, criticized Wang in an article titled "Painful Words for Protecting the Dharma" (HZ/fa tongyan iiitt:1iij): vVang Hongyuan and Feng Da'an l.!j:i!]i\j;, as lay Buddhists, transmitted the precepts to ordained monks and accepted their worship. This is a renegade deed unprecedented in history.J9

Meanwhile, in the Special Journal ofDiscem'l7Zent and Pe1jo171Zance (Jiexing tekanfillfirif fU) INang published an article expounding the superiority of esoteric Buddhism over Toixu, "Lun Sbisbi xinbao suowei jingzhou jiuguo," TXDSQS 7: 2896-2897. Taixu, "Lun Sbisbi xinbao suowei jingzhou jiuguo," TXDSQS 7: 2898. 38 Taixu, "Shijie Foxueyuan zhi fofaxitong guan" t!t3']lfJllc'jO:JBz.lj~i*]\jy'E1Il! [vVorld Buddhist Academy's view on Buddhist systems], TXDSQS 1: 493. 19 Yoo Taofu, "Hufa tongyan" iiIi*J1i\,:, [Painful words for protecting the Dharma], Haicbaoyin 14.7 (1933): 5.
J6 37

Taixu and the Controversy about Exote7'ic and Esoteric Buddhism

449

other schools using ten points. Besides arguing with other Shingon scholars s~ch as Ven. Manshujiedi ~:BI'.1,\jt* and Yao Taofu, \Nang protested so bitterly against the Sound ofthe Tide that both sides published special issues for the debate. In 1934, Taixu published "A Casual Talk on the Controversy about Wang Shiyu [\Nang Hongyuanl" (Wang ShO!U zhengchao zhongde xianhua I8f1lJ1!I~l\\IJCPBIJiJ,'liil5) where he emphasized that "the ten points of superiority of esoteric Buddhism" are all "grounded on the idea that the founders of esoteric and exoteric Buddhism are completely different." He criticized the arrogance of these sectarians: "The sectarians, who are so biased and narrow-sighted that they are close to being heretics, always tend to establish new founders to vaunt their eminence." Taixu traced such sectarian arrogance to Kukai, the founder of Shingon: Kukai considered 1VIahavairocana as the founder of esoteric Buddhism and said that Mahavairocana was absolutely different from Sakyamuni, the founder of exoteric Buddhism. Thus, he split Buddhism into two opposing teachings!O
~.~*BAWftft~,nft.ftft~.mM~~~,~~ft~=~ft=.

j'fljjlfIjAffiil!\lltHiriln'r.z.*j:,

1.!1f'.~11!\lz.1;jilftlilt~~A=o

Considering the Wang Shiyu controversy "a farce performed by the offspring of Kukai," Taixu trained his sights directly on Kukai: The Shingon tradition of the Japanese monk Kukai was established on the basis of ruthless fights. From Kukai's fallacious fairy story that he overwhelmed other schools by manifesting divine powers at the imperial court, we can see how he promoted himself and vilified others. His writings, such as On DistinguishingEsoteric and Exote7'ic Buddhism (Ben leenmitsu 71iley07'on :iHI)'iW=*j:tiii) and On the Ten Stages of Spiritual Development (Jzljii shinr07z +iiC"tiii), are all grounded on such vices and arrogance!l
BM~.z..W*~~~.~z.~~,.~.~.~.mm.~.*z.
i'iJJiIJt~p1iiJ'/!l'\lJ11ll~-t)JtlFfF~o =~j:~iii, ~z.~o

-tttc,'tiii:'i,

\'~~Jl~'JJtJ~~~

Sneering at the reasons Wang put forward for the superiority of esoteric Buddhism, Taixu pointed out: Such students of esoteric Buddhism are not clear about Buddhist principles just as the deaf do not fear thunder! Since they can grasp the supreme ni77lziinakiiya (shengyingshen JljfJ.l!\~) and niz'11Ziinaleiiya according to conditions (sui!ei lJZlashen '~j1lHt~) as dhaz'71zal,iiya, why cannot they presumptuously take the phenomenal visualization told for Mahayana beginners as the ineffable fruit? 42
W*A~~ft.,W~.~z.~~.,~i'iJ~ ~d ~~a$~,XW

40 Taixu, "'INang Shiyu zhengchao zhongde xianhua" gijj:wJlli~'fs<jI),~~ [A casual talk on the controversy about Wang Shiyu], TXDSQS 19: 1428. 41 Taixu, "Wang Shiyu zhengchao zhongde xianhua," TXDSQS 19: 1422. 42 Taixu, "Wang Shiyu zhengchao zhongde xianhua," TXDSQS 19: 1433.

450

Luo Tongbing

/fPJ ~ IfR ~ 1ff"i' tI:l18<: iii w;*l'!tJJ flH>g' iiiJifi fJiIl'} t ~t, ~j1J :i:iHJl /fPJmz :5:1'1"?

In 1936, citing the newly published Chinese version of mKhas grub rje's Introduction to the Buddhist Tantric Systems (Tib. rG)'ud sde spyi'i rnam par gzhag pa rgyas par bljod)4l as proof of his viewpoints, TaLYU stressed that: Shingon considers lVIahavairocana as he appears, exposing its root-sutra SaTvatatbiigatattvasam (Ch. Shuo zhenshishe mJUiUlli) as the dha77nakiiya Buddha, and on the basis of debates on the original state and the role of empowerment, it divided into two branches: the Old Oap. Kogi i5~) and the New Oap. Shingi l'fr~). According to the three Indian shastra-interpreters recorded in this shastra, Mahavairocana was a nir17Ziinakiiya, maybe a supreme nimziinakiiya or a nirmiinakiiya according to conditions, expounding the scriptures on the top of Sumeru. It was not the dbamzakiiya or even the sambhogakiiya. This is enough to discredit Shingon doctrine. 44
*!,a0mJiJ;JfJi;'li~;fl'l*#&z::*:Bjm*~l'!5HIIl, 1~1El*J:i!l&tuffZ*rm:5:1'i5~
l'fr~,

ll!lJ!tJifiii\< C:Pi!=~i%lIfrlj[ilJ*IJJ!t;!li:1i~il5fflHlfJi#&Z~1tJ!t-PJ ;!li:lmjf~J!t W;

'~Jiil1tJ!t, /fpl~~itJ!t, iU~WJ!t, lBIc,EtH~*!ZJl:~tl'l*o

In contrast to his severe criticism of Shingon, Taixu seemed ever more supportive of Tibetan Buddhism and even adopted the role of an apologist for Tibetan Tantric teachings. According to the Cln'onological Biography ofthe Venerable lV1aster Taixu (Taixu dashi nianpu *.!!iii:::*:ilfjjif:~), in February 1934:

4] Introduction to the Buddhist Tantric Systems refers to mKhas grub rje's Extensive Survey on tbe General Classification oftbe Tantric System (Tib. rG)'ud sde sp)'i'i mam pm' gzbag rgyas pas bljod, Ch. Mixubu zongjianli guangshi W.~J!llI~~\l!J!:lz:Ili!:jii). Ven. Fazun i'!~ translated it into Chinese and in 1935 gave it another title as Mizongdao cidi lun W31h!!ijzjjl;ifiill [Stages of the Tantric path]. The latter seems to refer to Tsongkhapa's sNags "i", chen nzo (Ch. NIizongdao cidi guanglztn it* i!!ijzjjl;lli!ifiill) but it actually is mKhas grub rje's explanation of Tsongkhapa's sNags rim. In his preface to this work written in 1936, Taixu said: 'Wlizongdao cid; lun was originally titled j\!Iixubu zong jianli guangshi W.J!I$~i!lJ!j'[lli!ifi [Extensive survey on the general classification of the Tantric system]. It was written by the Tibetan Great Master mKhas grub rje and translated into Chinese by Fazun, professor at the Institute of Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Studies. It is said that besides this translation of the brief treatise there is an extended treatise, just as there are the Extended Treatise on the Stages of tbe Patb to Enligbte1Z1nent (Tib. Lam rim chen mol and the B1'ief 1hatise (Tib. Lam "im du don)." Fazun remembered in his Autobiograpb), (Fazun fashi zishu i'!~i'! yijiJ) that he began translating the sNags rim chen mo in 1937. "In the summer of 1937 ... following the request from the Venerable lVlaster Taixu I translated the sNags "im chen mo. Later, the translation was published by the Bodhi Society in Beijing." According to Lii Tiegang fIIi: ~ ("Fazun fashi yizhu nianbiao" l'!~l'!gfjjifll'1fif:* [A chronicle of the works by Ven. Fazun], Fayin i'!ilf 12, 1990: 14-19), in 1939 Fazun finished translating Tsongkhapa's sNags I';'" chen mo, which was published by the Bodhi Society in Beijing, in 1942 (http://www.plm.org.hklqikan/ fayin/gindex.htm). As far as I know the "G)'ud sde spyi'i 17lam paz' gzbag rgyaspas bljod by mKhas grub rje has been translated into English by F. D. Lessing and Alex Wayman as Fundamentals of the Buddbist Tamms (The Hague, 1968) and as Intl'oduction to the Buddbist Tazztric Systems (Motilal Banarsidass, 1978, reprint 1993). In this article, I have chosen the latter title. 44 Tahu, "Mizong daoci xu" W*i!!ijz/ [Preface to hm'oduction to the Buddbist Tazm'ic Systems], TXDSQS 19: 783.

Taixu and the Controve1'sy about Exote1-ic and Esoteric Buddhisnz

The Venerable Master (Taixu) came from Shanghai to Nanjing to discuss Buddhist affairs with the Panchen Lama. In an evening talk with Huang Chanhua Jil'Hil", he heard that contemporary people expressed many doubts and denials about Buddhist Dharma (the Cina Institute of Buddhism [Zhina Neixueyuan :YJl~pg~!l)t]) had made many criticisms of the Kalacakm rite). The next day, at the Chinese Association of Buddhism, the Venerable :Master gave a lecture titled "Buddhism is Grounded on Realized Fruits" (Fofo jianli zai guozheng shang fjiii't9t1z:1:EJIHiltt).45
AgijjEEi~tt);l1'l:Ji'(,

451

YUIH\l.jjij1'b1fjii*,

a.i~JiI'Illl:"WUiL 9;QiliAJl!Hjiil~~lttllre

(pg!l)tJi r~lj\jl;~I:tJVJ ffi'ito1l1rt~'I'), 'li!B, AgijjJJJl2"cplill1lfjii~"@", i;11} fjiil'to9t

1z:tE:llHltU,
The debates about the Kalacakm (Shilun jingang ~lj\jl;~iiljU) not only raised doubts about its effectiveness in saving the country by means of reciting mantras but also questioned the authenticity of esoteric doctrines as Buddhism. In "Examining Tantrism in India" (Yindu nzijiao kao fPliffi';jtj:7&), an article criticizing the Kalacakm initiation held by the Panchen Lama, Jing Changji :llh~1,;g of the Cina Institute of Buddhism traced the eSOteric doctrines back to the tantras. However, according to Jing Changji, the tantras had originally no esoteric meaning. Some Buddhists, knowing that the tantras they practiced deviated from Buddhism and contained many ulterior and shameful elements, concealed the tantras under the mask of so-called esoteric Buddhism. Therefore, the collection of esoteric doctrines was actually a melange of superstition and deceptive metaphysics, which led to strained interpretations and false analogies!' Although he viewed esoteric Buddhism from a historical perspective, Taixu strongly emphasized faith. He acknowledged that as no one could find Vajrasattva in the Iron Pagoda of South India or the Shambhala realm where the Kalacakm originated, "how can there be a history to be examined?''''' It was, however, improper for Chinese Buddhists to completely deny esoteric Buddhism on this basis. Examined with common understanding and according to the history of the human world, the esoteric mantras are just as unreliable as are the Avata7?,sakasiitm (FloweT Ommnent SC1'iptzl1-e) and the Yogacii1ya-bhlInzi-fastra (Discourse on the Stages of Concentmtion Pmctice) with their unverifiable myths. However, Buddhism is grounded on the inconceivable fruit of Buddhahood and other saintly fruits. Only those who have attained the fruit of Buddhahood can judge the authenticity of the Buddhist Dharma."

45 Yinshun, Taixu dasbi nianpu, 365-366.

Jing Changji :lll:1ll;jlTJj, "Yindu mijiao kao" [Examining Tantrism in India], in Xiandai foxue daxi Jli!11:1*~jc~ [Series of modern Buddhism], voL 51, ed. Lan Jifu 1l1iE'~ (Taibei:
46

Maitreya Press, 1984): 639-640. 4' Taixu, "Fofa jianli zai guozheng shang" 1*it::lt.l'L1:E!ilH!Lt [Buddhism is grounded on realized fruits], TXDSQS 7: 2756. For the legend of the Iron Stupa related to the origins of esoteric Buddhism see Charles Orzech, "The Legend of the Iron Stiipa," in Buddbism in Practice, ed. Donald S. Lopez, Jr. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995): 314-317. On Kalacakm and Shambhala see the contribution by Gray Tuttle in the first volume. 48 Taixu, "Fofa jianli zai guozheng shang," TXDSQS 7: 2756.

452

W.

~Q* ~tfm1iJ,\!LIJl!, ~~Ar"' B'JJl'K5!:31<:jfi~L lli'*i.\\jl5l'.W.Ji'~, ltullJD~ii!l~

~.~~.,ili~~~, .~~~iJ @.~~~~~ !\!L!ill:~1'i'liJ!iJ,

It,

;'ij;(;J'!iilHil'T1:11i:511::z.A:,

m~#U)JU1t!lB<]1J;jfWJilli1l.!l.

..

Luo Tongbing

iJ.*

But this in turn demands faith above all: "If we can accept with faith the doctrines and then practice, sooner or later we can attain the fruits." 49 In another article, Taixu cited the Lotus Sutm (Fahua jing B:.if~) to defend esoteric Buddhism: The Lams Sutm expounded that none but bodhisattvas with strong faith can understand the Dharma realized only by the Buddha himself... .viewed from the same perspective, the mantras and rituals of esoteric Buddhism are all teachings on the ineffable fruits. 50
~.i)l~1:11l* mrZ~, ~#i1~LM\li'1lz 'ffj(F,U!\\~~i1tm~ .. iIi~lJ,~lli'*Z~5l'.

1~JilIL, \''~~Q**7}~~rJlZ;m, Zil'~JE1iftil!P

In stressing faith in esoteric Buddhism, Taixu warned that historical examination without faith could in fact destroy Buddhism:

If, instead of acknowledging the inconceivable fruits of Buddhahood and the ineffable nature of all dharmas beyond discernment and description, we insist on historical events and reasoning as the only standards for judgment, it would be impossible to validate the worldly principle of causation like the reincarnation in the five realms, the supramundane principle of causation like the three vehicles, and the reality of all dharmas which only Buddhas can ultimately realize! 51
~~*.~~
.,~.~.,m _E.z~~~*,Zil'.~mrd~~!~m~~ili~~ *? 1PJi5Lnf1!H~I:IIlmg'n:ltZ.lt.;fJjB?

z.*,Rg.ft~~.~Z.B:.~tt,W~~A.~

This is why Taixu titled this article "Brief Comments on Kalacakra Dharma-assembly in the Period of Stubborn Debates" (Douzheng jiangu zhong lilelun shilunjingang

fahui

Fl~li'1lcpmi3:~il9'ifrni:3EliiJult:~).

According to Ven. Yinshun S~Jll:ll, "At that time, the Venerable Master wrote 'Exhuming the Dormant in Fanwang jing and Qianbo jing' in order to prove that esoteric scriptures are ancient translated texts and traditional transmissions." 52 Actually, the most significant part of the article was Tai..'m's effort to prove that the Fanwang jing or Bmhamajiila-szttra was a code of precepts for esoteric Buddhism (!'zizong jieben **Jll(;;$:). Though commonly accepted as a code of precepts for the bodhisattvas (pusa jieben fliJll(;:$:) by the seven classes of Buddha's disciples in Chinese Buddhism, the ~Bmha11Zajiila-sz7tm was later suspected of being an apocryphal scripture Taixu, "Fofa jianli zai guozheng shang," TXDSQS 7: 2760. Taixu, "Douzheng jiangu zhong liielun Shilunjingang fahui" F~~]i:Hi\l*I~M.iiii!fif\fH~ [lJutir [Brief comment on Kalacalcra Dharma-assembly in the period of stubborn debates], TXDSQS 7: 2915. 51 Taixu, "Douzheng jiangu zhong liielun Shilunjingang fahui," TXDSQS 7: 2916. 52 Yinspun, Tai~-zl dashi nianpZl, 366.
49
50

Taixu and the Controversy ahout.Exote7'ic and Esoteric Buddhism

453

due to the obscure history of its Chinese translation. On the other hand, the Qianho jing +ffi*-#& or Mahayana-yoga-vajm-pmkrtisagam-Maiijzt.f7'z-sahasmbiihu-sabasmpatmmahatantraraja-siltm provides a precise historical record of its translation in the preface to the Chinese version, which made it clear that "it certainly was part of another lineage of esoteric scriptures transmitted from Sri Lanka."53 Comparing the two texts and finding parts of them completely identical in meaning, Taixu concluded: On the basis of the Qianbo jing, the text [of the FanwangjingJ must have a Sanskrit original, which can eliminate the doubts about its authenticity.54

Taixu then found evidence in the text of the Fanwangjing or Brabamajala-szttra to prove that the scriptures of the conversion of mam referred to esoteric scriptures such as the Mahavairocana-ahbisarfZhodhi-siitra and the Vajmfekham-sz!t7'a. The Bodhisattva expounded the scriptures of the conversion of mam before being born as Sakyamuni, leaving his family, and attaining Buddhahood. Conversely, the Avata7!zsaka-szttm and the Bmhamajala-slltra were expounded after he became the Buddha. Some people hold that the scriptures of the conversion of mam [in the Bmhamajala-SlttraJ refer to esoteric scriptures such as the iVlabavairocana-ahhism!zbodhi-sltt7'a and the Vajrafekhara-siitm. This seems believable with proofs [of the characteristics mentioned in the Brahamajalaszltm about the scriptures of the conversion of ma7'aj. Firstly, the scriptures were expounded in the Mahesvara Palace. Secondly, the Bodhisattva manifested as a lay figure before leaving his family, and attaining Buddhahood. Thirdly, although the mara were converted to Buddhism, the converter and the converted did not give up the form of mam. Since the purport of the esoteric scriptures lies in the conversion of mam to Buddhism, it is ridiculous to reject conversion and even to want the Buddha, who has renounced the family, to turn back to the non-converted mara just to stubbornly insist on the mara form which was not forsworn [in the scripturesJ.55
JlI::j'jtil5<':1~~!f, JJ1.9*''*!E, *::*, *JJJHllll\trzJiJimL WM, J.i:~f!J1(9)jMlllIlif JiJi:llt/FlliL j;j(J~j'jt!l5<':1t#&&Pj'jtjcB, ~1l'J~m~~il'ill1J~, 0I'f'i:iJm1~, l:1Ji>J1:E* liiHltgj'jt, -illo JiJiIJI.!'!J 1.9*::*pJ(;1:11l;t, =tBo ilU5<':1UP1:11lrmfi~1~JiJi1t* :fIi!lt, =tBo ~U~, 1~!l5<':1~rmpJ(;1:11l, fI!l1.9~lli'll1J~#!fi, OI'ffl!l1lI\!I;*:fIizil trm/F5<':1t, ~RlixB::*pJ(;1:11lZ1:11l:le:*5<':1tpJ(;!I, 1I;tt<::ifl''fill!

Taixu emphasized: The Brabmnajala-szttra belongs to esoteric scriptures, for it belongs to the same group as the Qianbo jingo Hence, the precepts of ten weighty sins and forty-eight light sins in its last volume form the code of precepts for esoteric Buddhism. 56
53 Taixu, "Fanwangjing yu Qianbo jing jueyin" ;c#Jll#&W'f*,*~&tR:'1 [Exhuming the dormant in Fanwangjing and QianbojingJ, TXDSQS 7: 2905. ,. Taixu, "Fanwangjing yu Qianbo jing jueyin," TXDSQS 7: 2901. 55 Taixu, "Fanwangjing yu Qianbo jing jueyin," TXDSQS 7: 2903. " Taixu, "Fanwangjingyu Qianbo jing jueyin," TXDSQS 7: 2904.

454

Luo Tongbing
);t;#'~fi&WTii;H&~JEFiU~~!iiJL J'1u;lt~ffi'*fi&}II!- PJ:j;po El3JJt;ltT~:t:. -t][[IJ-t)~

~iJ!, iJ!'!.i1F~ffi'*M*o

To provide a proof, he studied the characteristics of the Bmhamajiila precepts (!anwangjie Jt~fl'JM): Novice bodhisattvas can accept Bmhamajiifa precepts as promoting conditions from the empowerment of the Buddha. Hence, it is obvious that Bmhamajiifa precepts are part of esoteric Buddhism characterized by the empowerment in the three secrets [sanmi jiachi '::::ffi':iJPff, body, speech, and mind] of the Tathagata. 57
*)J~IHY1;filiPJ':.{;g!lH~jJP*J!i::iJPffBfJillJ:f.ffc;iJ
0

f&Jl:~,*, jtJEjiI,);t~[1J7J.::::it:tmffsfJ

ffi'Mo
Convinced of the impossibility of verifying the esoteric doctrines as an orthodox form of Buddhism through the examination of their history and related literature, Taixu commented on the Iron Pagoda in South India as "pure legend to win the faith of people but without any precise textual basis."58 In 1935, he once again tried to justify esoteric Buddhism. In "Inferences about Nagarjuna Being Initiated as the Founder of Esoteric Buddhism by Vajrasattva in the Iron Stupa of South India," Taixu citedJapanese scholars and concluded that the Iron Stupa of South India was the dharmakiiya stupa (!ashen ta Iz:~t) containing the written verse "All dharmas arise from mutual dependent conditions and the Tathagata tells about this being the causation i'l'i1t1j:(fi.ffc
~,.ftp*~~I3I."

The stupa further became the caitya of the primordial Buddha, in other words, the Dharma Realm Mandala or Dharma Realm Palace. The so-called primordial Buddha actually refers to the Dharma realm, or dha177wkiiya, that is, the empty nature of the originated dharmas. Just as Huayan symbolizes it with Samantabhadra, the esoteric Vajrayana founded by Nagarjuna symbolizes it with Vajrasattva, the Primordial Buddha. Vajrasattva is Samantabhadra, and the Primordial Buddha is precisely the so-called primordial awareness in the Awakening of Faith (Qixin fun ;m1*~1iti). The Vajmfekham-szttra says that Sakyamuni became the Buddha after obtaining the mantra and seal of Samantabhadra. It actually identifies the initial enlightenment with Sakyamuni, the primordial awareness with Samantabhadra, and the attainment of Buddhahood through the unification of the initial enlightenment with the primordial awareness. Similarly, Nag"rjuna opening the dbarmakiiya stupa in South India and being initiated by Vajrasattva is just a symbol representing the initial enlightenment's sudden realization of the primordial awareness and the attainment of the Bodhisattva's Stage of Happiness (pmmudita-bbumi Wz*:l1il).59

Taixu, "Fanwangjing yu Qianbo jing jueyin," TXDSQS 7: 2904. Taixu, "Fanwangjingyu Qianbo jing jueyin," TXDSQS 7: 2905. 59 TaiXu, "Longmeng shou Nantian tietaJingangsaduo guanding wei mizong kaizu zhi tuilun" ilMik:l\':Jj7:ltIi:tlf1it[iJVj(iJ3l1ijnl'l~**j,lJtJl.:<:'J1Ei;fm [Inferences about Nagarjuna being initiated as the founder of esoteric Buddhism by Vajrasattva in the Iron Stupa of South India], TXDSQS 7: 2918. On this legend see also C. Orzech, "The Legend of the Iron Stiipa."
57
58

Taixu and tbe ControveTS)' aboutExoteTic and Esoteric Buddbism

455

jjJ1;t3'l-g-; llOJiJT~!\,2js:fJJ1:11llf, llO:(:EWl[ Jiihi:\llIJtllz1J;"711\'i';3tliiltlt, )'l1J!J,3tliiltliillJ@li:\2js:tJJ1:11lo :&Z:liiltliillJ@l~Pff~, l102js:fJ]

~P1iit3'l-, jjJ1;mlt,~~il'9~tiz#d1, !!FrJiit~o :(:Emt!J,ff~~~z,

83Jl'!oJlt-tVllO~px;i:\2js:fJJ1,IHttlm:, JNJiit3'l-E~li,

1:11l!iJ;11lil'91j!j~iUYi~z2js:l:o 3tliiltlJllliliI1na:t:WrI#!HftW~:i!i!l#'ifpx;f:lllllif, 1~ff~z%SP

JJpJ(;1:11llr,

7':~Uj:ti,

!iJ;i:\!J,f~:i!i!l:'lli:Ptll:, ff~:'lli:2js:I:, Ptl2js:~- JJpJ(;1:11ltBo llO~~lizlllJiJ :'lt3tliiltliillJ@lziim, !iJ;epptl3ll"Filll'2js:I:, 'li1'fJ]W\*j:i!r~,~o

As for the Tibetan highest cycle of tantras (Anuttarayoga-tanrra), Taixu cited the Kiilacakm root tantra and its root commentary: The Kiilacakm was also told in the Iron Stupa of South India, which means it originated from Nagarjuna's realization of the primordial awareness-dhamtakiiya and his ascent to the Stage of Happiness, The so-called initiation by Vajrasattva symbolizes the realiZation of the primordial awareness-dharmakiiya, From this, we can infer that the five major vajra rites of the Tibetan highest yoga all originated from the Iron Stupa of Nagarjuna, 60
lIif~iUtIDl;Jl~'Jlt*cp, !iJ;1i'<~Ji~1;J]W\*Jt!lllOilll'2js:I:IUJl!:'JJttticp JiJTiJiE1l

; ;iJ;::'lt3t

IiilIJiillJ@liiJlllr, epilll'2js::\vt~ z~jiJ j~j:tiJiJT1l\', !iJ;jjJjjtj;Q*o

83J1:lll!i~I!\\.LliliI1naz]i*:&Z:liiltll!,

fi'iJ 1l ~Mi

Thus, the esoteric doctrines including the Anuttamyoga-tanrra, though not traceable through textual and historical examination, originated from the realization of the dbarmakiiya and cannot be excluded from Buddhism, The prajna produced through learning, thinking, and practicing the Buddha's instructions is the initial enlightenment, while the initiation by the Primordial Buddha or Vajrasattva symbolizes the initial enlightenment unifying with the primordial awareness: this is the fundamental doctrine of Mantrayana, As for mantras, seals, icons, and rites, there is no doubt that they have absorbed many popular features of folk cults and deserve no deep inquiry,61
F>flf~:i!i!l1:11lWr!il'!,1~JiMEJilt~ i:\pill:, :'lt2js:fJ]1:11l:&Z:liiltliillJ@liiJIli:\~tll:~Hlt2js:jt, i:\1J;"!ztl.2js:~o ~ml JE sp %1~,

Jl:l )'lU [1!] g; '~IIifI&;,JJlZ14j(,~lffitlir"~r;!T~1EiTlriliJ::fJE

i!1i9'l:i:Bo
Taixu displayed his tolerance fm'Tibetan Buddhismnot only in defending its scriptures, but also in accepting its differences from Chinese Buddhism in the vinaya code and religious conduct, Having denied Gonda the qualification of iicii1JIa because he was married, Taixu tolerated Panchen Lama's transmission of sexual yoga rites which had brought him criticism from the Cina Institute of Buddhism for "becoming a pupil of a non-celibate bhikku,"62 In May 1934, Taixu attended the Kiilacakm initiation held by the Panchen Lama in Hangzhou, According to Ven, Yinshun, "the Venerable 60 Taixu, "Longmeng shou Nantian",," TXDSQS 7:2919, 61 Taixu, "Longmeng shou Nantian" ,," TXDSQS 7: 2920, 62 Sheyun ifHi, "Chongqing Sheyun fashi laishu" :1I!:Jll'*F1itSiIi!iHiF [A letter from Ven, Sheyun in Chongqing], Haicbao),in 16,7 (1935): 130-133, here 132. The expression used by Cina Institute, "becoming pupil of a married bhikku" (bai qzcJu biqizt #~ft>i1btJI) is an euphemistic expression for a bhikku engaged in sexual practice,

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Luo Tongbing

Master Taixu accepted the vajriiciirya initiation from the Panchen Lama and'observed the formalities of the master-pupil relationship. People were amazed to see that the venerable master of humanistic Buddhism went so far to learn 'the esoteric mantra which absorbed miim and Brahmanism' just to suit the occasion."6) Half a year later in January 1935, Taixu explained his reasons for his initiation: During the past several years, the great Panchen Lama and I have become more and more acquainted through talks. Last spring, during a conversation in the light of the interpretation by Ven. Chaoyi 1tIi-, the Panchen Lama praised IIie as being the greatest promoter of Buddhism in China proper and expressed his regret for the difficulty we have in our exchanges of knowledge due to our different languages. I answered that I also felt eager to study esoteric mantras, which are the strong point of Tibetan Buddhism. He told me that mantras could not be transmitted without initiation. As I do not want to infringe any ancient Buddhist rule unless there is no alternative, I answered that, if possible, I would accept a general initiation granting me the freedom to study any mantra. He immediately agreed joyfully and conferred on me the vajriiciirya grand initiation. This is the meaning and the process of the initiation I accepted for the freedom to study all the mantras. 64
~,'p~, W~H'\!AI'frljIlfr~;ljz, lB1Jl:l;f'9;Qi~)ji*o 'l!F1'"~, j1l\j!-8iji1.o~iiill, ~~nu~

~, ~t~1.oi!i!JiMLI~1J1l$~- A.o It~)t~~nl,

liJfnll!ililit1J1l~!f!flllJz'il': no R;~\ll~FiiJ~1~H5\'/FjjJ 0

/flim;tliJfno 1tI1"F: ~!lHijj!( JRh'!:1J1ltll. i!lititl, ~FIi\/f'J1 c, /Ff!l~~o 1tI~\ll: )zQIi~t5\'~~\!!iirn, 1Jl!jjJ:tEliJfn~n;'t~:jlj-, R;jft:k:l'frljj5\'zo BB ~~ft, 1.o.\lj(t5\'~!Iltl~iJfM~Aiirn$0 Jl:lJR1.oj<HJf'l-t]JJ-E$z :tE, jJt':iiJ~

z~~'&~imo

TaLYu did not reply to the criticism of "becoming a pupil of a married bhikku" so we cannot know his opinion about it, but it is clear that he became tolerant towards Tibetan Buddhist rules of conduct and even towards the Tibetan lamas' custom of eating meat, a habit he had so bitterly criticized in 1925: Those lamas who are absurdly called "living Buddhas" do not get fed without killing living beings, which they claim to be a way to liberate them. Alas! Aren't they like the Indian heretics who offer sacrifices through killing living beings? vVere it true, the lamas should first kill each other in order to attain liberation. And, the blind followers should first offer themselves as food for the lamas. vVhy are they so shamelessly continuing to live in the human world? 65
:lHJ!l1.oRi1jBz~~PJffll', fllJ EI ~Fff&1:/ft\i'l, R~\ll Ellff&1:jjJ 4-l!lf~jL q(:jo'l'! Jl:l~FE'~OC ii\lt1::foHrjTZ5rJ1!l!~? :f'i7!:\:jlj-, fllj1B1~~PJff!!!5tJi;tii\lti1l' ~n!tflilfml;, l',!(;~~l~HJt:jlj- ff! 5t~~~PJffii\ltjljjitz, 1iiJfi,jlill,$Jlit.\'!!.J...F"~m?

In 1933, Zhu Fuhuang *1iHt, a famous lay Buddhist, expressed a similar antipathy
toward the Panchen Lama:

63 Yinshun, Taixu dashi nianpu, 367 Taixu;"Da huo wen" i'!f!jJil"~ [Answers to someone's questions], TXDSQS 9: 616-617. 65 Taixu, "Zhongguo xianshi ... ," TXDSQS 7: 2881.
64

Taixu and the ContToveTsy aboutExoteTic and Esoteric Buddhism

457

The Panchen, an ordinary sinner who usurped the title of Buddha, offends against the rule of not taking life by consuming meat and in his political maneuvering does not behave like a bhikku. 66

By contrast, in 1935, Taixu admitted, "There is no ground in the sutras and vinaya for considering abstention from eating meat as essential." However, Taixu added, "Vegetarianism is a good custom unique to Chinese Buddhists, which we should promote and gradually persuade the lamas in China proper to follow." 67 Compared with the previous accusations of "killing living beings" and being "heretics," Taixu's later comments indicate that he became much more tolerant. The greatest differences between esoteric and exoteric Buddhism lie in the former's dense and complex rites and the sense of mystery and secrecy, which greatly attracted Han Buddhists. The teachers of esoteric Buddhism often boasted of the unique superiority of its practices. However, in Taixu's eyes the common praetices of esoteric Buddhism were not superior to the principles of exoteric Buddhism. InJanuary 1934, Taixu emphasized: Esoteric Buddhism specializes in imaginative visualizations (jiaxiang guan 1E< !J:!1Il!) and turns everything into visual images. Through the visualized five Buddhas they contemplate the five dharmas of the fruits of Buddha; that is, the Bodhi or enlightenment of the four wisdoms ~izbi put; 1J]~;lf~) plus the pure Dharma realm or, as it is known in esoteric schools, the wisdom of the fundamental nature of the universe (fojie tixing zhi itj'illllHi~). Through the lotus and the moon they contemplate the originally existing fundamental nature (benyou lixing *'il:[!IHi) and the acquired mark of awareness ~r;insbeng zhixiang JilJ::~;f). Through sexual yoga, they even contemplate the union of bliss and wisdom. None of them is anything other than the object ofimaginative visualizations. 68
jiiBf,.1\[.:E1E<~J\\1Il!, -t)]fW</G1E<~J\\1Il!1.t., 1:&.li1~1Il!~1~:lltliit-~'lJr,H'r!j'il&1J] ~;lf~, mrr!j'il!*;gitj'illlilti~-1:&Jif'I M~1Il!'il*'il:f,ti, WTlJ::~;f

~, n~1:&!J3:9:;fQif1ll!~:fii'i~;fQif~, fW<-~F1E<~J\\1Il!:<:1Il!Jj!;t\1,o

Here, Taixu adopted the Tiantai doctrine in categorizing three kinds of insights: the phenomenal, the empty, and the middle insights (kongjia zhong sanguan 'i'fN'i=':=:1/l!). The phenomenal insight refers to the originated dharmas (yuanqi shixiang ,$tffil$;t~); the empty insight refers to the emptiness of the original nature (xingkong lixing 'ti'i':f 'ri). The phenomenal and the empty insights are actually two sides of the same principle and thus there should be no bias toward either side: this is the middle insight.

66 Zhu Fuhuang *'ii\'f.I1l, "Yu Dai Chuanxian yuanzhang lun yingqing Banchan rangchu guonan shu" Wi'lJH'~liIH~:i!fn;i!l!~ljlH1j!:jj,*[gljJIti1 [A letter to President Dai Chuanxian (i.e., DaiJitao) on inviting the Panchen to eliminate national disasters by holding rites], Haichaoyin 14.3 (1933): 93-94, here 93. 67 Taixu, "Da huo wen," TXDSQS 9: 613-615. 68 Taixu, ""Vang Shiyu zhengchao zhongde xianhua," TXDSQS 19: 1432.

458

Luo Tongbing

Therefore, the phenomenal, the empty, and the middle are intrinsically harmonized. Viewed from this principle, the esoteric teachings are equal to the contemplative practices of the exoteric traditions such as Tiantai and Chan. For one who has realized the perfect emptiness 0,uonkong III) or the perfett phenomenal existence (yunji 1l!I~), any practice is perfect and naturally is neither superior nor inferior. However, Kiikai, Gonda, Wang Shiyu, and the like held onto the phenomenal as superior. Unaware of the unreality of visualized images, they end with increasing afflictions related to the attachment to their private understanding (jionqu .lVI)() and to a mistaken attachment to their personal moral discipline (jiejiqu ffl(;~I!R). 69
Jznt1j.~m-Il!I:i:Il!I~. ~iJM-~:!&i\l1lil i!lii1f::g-zmo Oi!i:i:~, IIB;'- .:EillIi1U. ~iI\~ffi:f.f;mJ1lillJ!!Wk. /I'It:f.f;~~lll.z1E<ffi. ~IJ~f~~I!R, ffl(;~I!RZ~~1}?

While trying to incorporate esoteric practices into exoteric Buddhist principles, Taixu did not deny the salient points of esoteric Buddhism. In April 1934, still zealous in his support of the Panchen Lama's teachings and esoteric Buddhism, Taixu highly praised esoteric practices: The gate of genuine emptiness f.,;zhengkong men .:i:r~) reaches its peak with Chan, and the gate of illusory phenomena (jiaxing men ~ffir~) reaches its peak with esoteric Buddhism. Among the gates to practice these two are the loftiest because Tiantai and Huayan focus on profound theories and lack strength in practice. 70
.:i:r~:!&;fl.!JJ~~*. 1lil~tm:!&;fl.!m-if*o "Iil!:{TmZ:!&r~. ~!J,Jtt-=:f.f;*o jf :71:~' JiL ~lIJJ~~:W'yIJ#1i$. ~trm'&P)(;i!liiJJiJ2.!

However, Taixu's praise did not necessarily mean he agreed with those who claimed that esoteric Buddhism was the highest fruition. Chan and esoteric Buddhism are peaks confronting each other in the gates of emptiness and phenomena for their greatest strength in leading to practice and realization.71
)

~.iiiif -=*. :f.f;:i:t-=rH~IIii;fl':H!lzf;J~~w!. !l=1f.j\jtrmZJJ~5f1\o

As for the distinctive practices of the Anztttorayoga-tantra, such as qigong ~J;b, sexual yoga, and reincarnation, Taixu neither tried to incorporate them under exoteric principles, nor decried them as heretical. Taixu did not talk much about qigong, but did express a distinct view when, in 1934, Zhang Huasheng ~{.t~, a former teacher at the Wuchang Buddhist Institute, visited Tai~ and confessed to Taixu his Daoist belief. Though "Huasheng had con-

Taixu, "Wang Shiyu zhengchao zhongde xianhua," TXDSQS 19: 1432. Taixu, "Fofa yiwei lun zhi shizong pianmian guan" 1?Il~-I9\i:~Z.+*Jtiilil! [perspectives on the ten schools as the same-purported Buddha Dharmasj, TXDSQS 1: 343. 71 Taixu, "Fofa yiwei lun zhi shizong pianmian guan," TXDSQS 1: 343.
69
70

Taixu and the Controversy aboutExote6c and Esoteric Buddhism

459

verted to Daoism at that time,,,n Taixu felt no animosity towards him. Instead, he thought that the study of immortality ~r:ianxue 1w"l') greatly benefited Huasheng in his study of Buddhism. In the past, I already had decided that Huasheng must be outstanding in the cultivation of body and mind because, on reading his articles, I felt that he could illustrate Buddhism well through science and was rather clear and familiar with Chan. Now, through his autobiography, I know that he entered the gate of Buddhism through the study of immortality and had obtained some gain thanks to the art of qigong7l

1:li!<i&, JJJ;uil1wA1!11l,

~a)ji}:y:, :W:A1!11l"l'f4"l'tll,il~lt, r.!zi~*ilil:fjijjt. 'Jll:~'[.'1~.ffi@IA=i!r; J1l-1U'~~zi*Jo

4-

Taixu further associated qigong with the Anuttamyoga-tantm: In the period of the semblance of the Dharma ~r:iangfo 1!itt!) and the period of degeneration and extinction of the Dharma (mofo *i't;;), the Buddhist postulants lacked discipline and meditation methods. Thus, it was difficult for them to be enlightened to the true wisdom through the insight of emptiness and to realize the saintly fruits. Through the imaginative visualizations of mantras, tl,ey always failed to move upward because of their desire and ignorance whim were enhanced [by the mistaken practices of the esoteric schools]. Thus, fleeing to the Pure Land School had become the only choice for Chinese Buddhists from the time of the Song and Yuan dynasties. This incurred ridicule from the Daoist immortality learners who said that Buddhists could cultivate only the spirit but not the body. By contrast, the Tibetan lamas could demonstrate with evidence the ability to transmigrate !i.eely. The essence of their secretly transmitted practices lies in qigong, which can be compared, along with Daoist bodily cultivation [minggong 1iPJ)), practice on the vital force], to different approaches having the same results. Maybe they can both be seen as preparatory expedient methods for cultivating meditation in the re.ahn of desire. 74
.~1:li!ililH ,
T~1tjt~, 11il:f~..tjo

m ,a.m~~~z.*M.o~~ Z~., iI:i!5iC, 5Wjj!', J.!tEU!llltEIt~Li1, tiJ"l'1w=i!rim ~ 1~t1:f*iPz~o JilllliJ, jlPAl~PJil;, 1i~1'l& iJil}l:tzjij(, l*~t1~z)iJT%j\L 1:E'f

~J)), ~it*ziPJ)), ~ff!JllBiI8JIzjly, JilliX3'I-<t>1~1!*~~zlltrJJ1JiflIJ\?

Although considered as a practice common among heretics, meditation (chanding JE) with qigong is a key factor in the sharp contrast between Han Buddhism and Tibetan Buddhism with regard to the results of their practices. Therefore, when some Buddhists "hastily wanted to reprimand Huasheng with the three refuges," Taixu defended Huasheng: .

Yinshun, Taix7I dashi nianp7l,.370. Taixu, "Huasheng xu" 1t'i'.i'Ji" [Preface to the autobiography of Huasheng] , TXDSQS 19: 878. 74 Taixu, "Huasheng xu," TXDSQS 19: 878. For the relation of Tibetan Buddhism to qigong see also the contributions by Chen Bing and Monica Esposito. '
72

73

460

Luo Tongbing
Having practiced Daoist qigong and afterwards beginning to learn Buddhism, Huasheng has already known the place of Confucianism and Daoism in Buddhism as vehicles of human beings and deities (A.7i:* human-yana and devayana). Having known how to lead human beings and deities into Buddhism, why cannot he be allowed back into the ocean of Buddhism after having temporarily wandered in the realms of human beings and deities? Moreover, the Buddha himself changed the originally worldly good dharmas ofhuman beings and deities into preparatory supplies and provisions for Buddhist wisdom, clearing their obstructions. For example, qigong and the mantras of the esoteric traditions originated mostly among sinners and heretics such as Brahmans, nagas, immortals, gods and demons. Just as the Buddha kindly admitted into the Buddhist medicine chest the peculiar talents that the sinners and heretics offered as provision to benefit sentient beings, I would like to hear what Huasheng would display as he writes his study on immortality.75
1t~:7'G{~~J.iJ, ~liif{l'!lfJ., Bfi~1lL{~~~A.7i:*pg

1l'!l~Jm;J>; $WJi~, iJl'Plt~~Un.lo WW*~5'E1#, 3ilCJ;iJ, iJl'r.'tl:!;t:l!'fR1w~!fl;t~Mr ~m, 4H!I';J>;'iifft~fiWNt~1l'!l, fl'!lIZSl~*Pl~~'Hicp, 1V-fiil',~~ff~~-4kJ*o "IiJ[*iJl'1ill1U!~~*~;J>;1w1#jljj~~~
0

~M)('7i:, iJl'il\J{iiJ~111~~1l'!l~? ~1lOJj!;f*,

: !llE$A.7i:Wlft!1l'!l, A.7i:.l't, *pjEt!tr~',

f1utikrg~

By taking Tantric practices as an example to justify the inclusion ofDaoism into Buddhism, Taixu treated the Daoist study of immortality as equal to the mantras and the "qigong of the esoteric traditions," both being "preparatory expedients for cultivating meditation in the realm of desire" and practices common to heretics allowable in the ocean of Buddhism. Taixu's tolerance of "heretic practices allowable in the ocean of Buddhism" also went for sexual yoga. Although the Jangzhong shu 8'1cp1#, or art of the bedchamber, was a very old tradition in Daoism, many Chinese were uncomfortable with the sexual yoga of Tibetan Buddhism. Some Chinese Buddhists castigated it as one of the evil practices ofheretics.76 At first, Taixu thought of sexual yoga as simply symbolic. In 1932, in a lecture titled "The Analysis and Management of Human Desires," he said: The highest section of esoteric Mahayana uses some images of sexual union to rep,esent the dharmas as joint cultivation of wisdom and bliss, and the union of meditation with wisdom, which can purify the sexual desire functioning as the desire to extend life.77
**~*~;llj$1l=~3("IW, ='l1ffi1f~*{t.IV-*i't;, *1M1iI'~f~JE.~n1f~

i't;,

OJlV-lJ1ti.\Jl~tik~~3z;tiko

75 Taixu, "Yue canshi riji" 1ilI'l'1=iB1iG [Review of the diary of the Stone-eatil g Hermit), TXDSQS 16: 174-175. 76 On this issue see the contribution by Shen Weirong and Wang Liping in the first volume on p. 272. n Taixu, "Renyu zhi fenxi yu zhili" A1iXz:5t;fHWra:J [The analysis and management of human desires), TXDSQS 16: 740.

Taixu and tbe ContToveny about Exote6c and Esoteric Buddbism

461

In this lecture, Taixu put the symbolic sexual yoga into the category of the "Mahayana transformation of desires": By cultivating all the deeds of the six piimmitii to save all sentient beings, a Mahayana practitioner has no selfish desires except the great desire to save all sentient beings. Transforming selfish desires into the great desire, Mahayana has the utmost expedient method!78
j:*11i/\lt~1T,

ti'lt1f'i;lf, 1fltj::z.j:1}(,

I!l\;fvc,z.f"~o j:*IJj:~~1tf"

~,:1Jif:~J5, ~WJQ*!

Obviously, through such transformation, selfish desires, including sexual desire, are "purified" or actually extinguished through the psychological function of sublimation. However, the disputes that surrounded the Kiilacak,'a initiation Taixu attended in May 1934 informed him further about Tibetan sexual yoga. Lii Cheng !5il&, an authoritative Buddhist scholar of the Cina Institute of Buddhism, revealed that the Kiilacak1'a involved actual sexual activities. In February 1935 Taixu explained the Tantric practice of sexual yoga by means of the omnipresence of dbarmakaya: Since the bhiitatatbatii in transmigratory forms (liZ/zhuan zhenru iAf)Iil/,lJj;jm, pravrtti-tathatii) or the bhz7tatathatii of evil behavior (xiexing zhenru :J1ltfJj;pp, mithya-pratipatti-tatbatii) of any sentient beings is in itself dharmakiiya, any dharma oflust, hatred, ignorance, and arrogance is the vajra-dharmakiiya. Endowed with this meaning, all the rites of Brahmanism and folk cults, even the rite of sexual yoga worshipping the female sex, now take on new connotations in the light of the correspondence between the vajra-dha177zakiiya (fashen jingang i't;;~3tillJU) and prajna as the mother of Buddha (boro jimzzt J!ffi::t'1:lllilJ:). In this way learners can understand the Buddha Dharma in worldly dharmas. The usual explanation in the Vimalakirti-niTdefa-sz7tra, that the expedient (Ch. fangbian :1Jif:, Skt. upiiya) is the father and wisdom is the mother, represents the union of Samantabhadra's practice with lYIai'ijusri's wisdom. However, in the Vajrayana of the Primordial Buddha, it means the union of the vajra, the primordial awareness (benjue jingang ::ijs::ll!:3tillJU), with the initial enlightenment as the mother of Buddha (shijue Jomo P!l:ll!:1!tilJ:). The union of primordial awareness with initial enlightenment is called the Buddha; therefore, Buddha is symbolized through the image of the union of the vajra with the mother of Buddha. This is indeed the highest achievement in which traversing the nonBuddhist path reaches the Buddhist path?9
i't;;~~~a-m~~1f.i't;;Z.."Jj;~.:J1lfiJj;~,m* ~ffW

-i't;;, \,~P;llb:3tillJUi't;;~, llOJtiIii r~~~4tZ.1Ti,;tJi! f\';r.'i)1Ef&Jifi'1tf1rp~:f$z.*ff1~ :r.\;, i<]3':~3z:,i't*~fZJ3 :9j~:lJ, ~\'jjJMJl:UfJipgWZ..f;~, 1J7l'i't;;~3tillJU
~J!ffi::t'1!tilJ:pw!mt!!!, 1*~p~t!:!:r.'i't;;llOim~1!11li't;;o "f1j\'I:&Mt~~j;:1Jif:a:X'., ~

1!,l:aJ:z.I!Ul[1,

)'j1j'/ff~1T~)(l,*~z.'fp1rmo

:ll!:3tillJU~P~:ll!:1!1lJ:z.1r-a~,

't{ttE;$:W1!tZ3tillJUi't;;, )'jljiltlJ::ijs: ::ijs:P!lir-E11!1l, ;im3tillJH!IlilJ:;fir-~1!t, Jit

'fJII.aff1t:~F@llOim~1J1l@z.i<]~j(o

78 79

Taixu, "Renyu zhi fenxi yu zhili," TXDSQS 16: 747. Taixu, "Longmeng shou Nantian ... ," TXDSQS 7: 2920.

462

Luo Tongbing

In sinner sentient beings who perform such worldly and non-Buddhist deeds as sexual union, Dhamzakiiya still exists as the bhiitatatbatii in transmigratory forms or the bbzitatatbatii of evil behaviour. In the Chinese Buddhist doctrines Taixu followed, such bbiitatathatii is the true nature of worldly dharmas as lust, hatred, ignorance and arrogance or in other words the primordial awareness innate in sentient beings. Becoming aware of this dbarmakiiya is the wisdom, the initial enlightenment. Attaining buddhahood means the union of initial enlightenment with the primordial awareness. To justify sexual yoga, Taixu defined the dbarmakiiya, primordial awareness as the vajra, and the wisdom, initial enlightenment as the prajna, the mother of Buddha. Thus, in sexual yoga the worldly dharmas as sexual union take on the connotation of the union of vajra with the mother of Buddha, or the union of initial enlightenment with the primordial awareness. Such general explanations of its principles instead of concrete discussions of its practices showed that Taixu lacked precise and systematic knowledge of the Anuttamyoga-tant7l1. By contrast, Lii Cheng was familiar with the practice of sexual yoga having read about its rituals directly from Tibetan sources. In some articles published in the Guofeng [gig)$\. journal, such as "A Refutation against the Kalacakra Dharma-assembly" (Pi Sbilzmjingang jahui 1l*8i!f~1ii3~~1;i;;~) and "An Explanation to Kalacakra Followers" (Duiyu Shilunzbe zbi jiesbi !tf1J,(-Bi!f~iin'l'fZJTInl:1) Lii Cheng pointed out: Vajrayana indulges in sexual practice and regards it as great bliss. It adopts as an excuse the hypocritical terminology of "wisdom and expedient" for such sexual practices just to delude others. Does this imply that there are no other meanings among the variety of practices for the six perfections than such metaphors?"

.1TZ:f!.

.3~~.~ ,m.*.,w~~ ~~~;Ii'::ll:t~*m?

..

n~.~.adA~

. ~~~

Lii Cheng depreciated the authenticity of the Kiilacakra teachings as orthodox Buddhism by saying: The Kiilacak,'a teachings originated from the Vajrayana, which was the late and decadent stage of the Tantric tradition. Blended with heresies to suit mundane tastes, it is already in sharp contrast to the esoteric Mantrayana in authenticity, but when it is compared with orthodox Buddhism, the differences can be so wide as to be immeasurable.81
Bi!f$Iii:l;liNIH&*i.iiEZ3[:t.]~~. Jl:t~~*lHri'f. Jiif!l1iHf. E'.l\iIl.~J!m?5lt. nzJ;.iE1J1ii;t;. t~/GPJt;(i!:F!Ut.

Wil'it9:zJ!l,:i'ftrt. IBl

Taixu felt a need to deepen his knowledge ofVajrayana practices. In three letters written in 1935, he urged Yen. Fazun l;i;;:ij: to translate the Introduction to tbe Buddhist Tann-ic
80 Ma Changshou ,%;~~, "Bojiao yuanliu" iliU!l:il!WIT: [History of Bon], in Zangshi lunwen xuan: zongjiao ji ~*~iitr:Jz:~*~lr~ [Essays on Tibetan affairs: Collection on religions],

eds. Tao Changsong '~~1'~, Ji Huanhuan $1'.J:, vVei Zhizhen ~.w,i$~ et a1. (Lhasa: Tibetan People Press, 1985): 136-168, here 156. 81 iVla Changshou, "Bojiao yuanliu," 157.

Taixz! and the Contlroversy about Exoteric and Esote1-ic Buddhism

463

Systems by mKhas grub rje." In the summer of 1936, Taixu then wrote a preface to Fazun's translation of the Introduction to the Buddhist Tantric Systems. In the preface, Taixu made a comparison between exoteric and esoteric Buddhism in their doctrines on attaining Buddhahood and found that the Faxiang Weishizong i't;ffipl~* (Consciousness-only [Nature] of the Characters of Dharmas), or simply Faxiangzong i't;f * (Dharma-character) or Weishizong pl~* (Consciousness-only), the Chinese heir to the Indian Yogacara system contained ideas common to all schools. Anuttarayoga-tantra is identical with the Dharma-character [in the doctrine
about attaining Buddhahood], ,except for its unique doctrine according to which the final-rebirth bodhisattva (zuihou you :liH~ll) accepts the third and the fourth initiations by all the Buddhas 'and becomes the yab yum ["fathermother"] Vajradhara Sainbhogakaya. From this we can see that the Mahayana Dharma-character is the definitive one among the doctrines on the Buddha's body and on attaining Buddhahood. Compared with the Mahayana Dharmacharacter, the Sravaka doctrines hold the same thoughts but are not so complete; while the tantras onlye.'Ctend the stages from the final-rebirth bodhisattva to the attainment of Buddahood with their special doctrine. Thus, the various Mahayana doctrines on the Buddha's body and on attaining Buddha-hood are different merely in their extension or condensation of the doctrine of the Mahayana Dharma-character. 83

f!!\...t$ (~19Illm) ~JiiJi't;f, plP.t ':/l13tcff' *i\t1l1!~~~ll!IilTIL Plt!!~3~~ M'*~, 1.gJlt$Z%,~o El3Jlt9m~1l1!&19Il~, ;;Yi;Ai't;f:k*1.g'*-tE~oliIJiE! :!'!P.tt;;;fjjl.>!Cjf;'flf, W'!<iiE!:O,,":/l13tcff~~19Ilr.';!IQi\;l1;%,~o :Jtz.:k*,g..1't~19Il
&19Il~.m, \il'/FJ!&i't;f.:k*~""';lJQJl:~~lilt~ro~JlIJ.g-z9)jcm
0

Taixu emphasized, "The practices unique to the Anuttarayoga-tantra lie in the yab yum or sexual yoga, which is common to the rNying rna and bKa' brgyud traditions." 84 However, his judgment that ciJ.e Mahayana Dharma-character's doctrine on attaining Buddhahood was the definitive one implied some doubt ab~ut sexual yoga as a required method for attaining Buddhahood. In a postscript to the preface to the Introduction to the Buddhist Tanwic Systems, Taixu wrote a review on the Sixfold Yoga of the bKa' brgyud (ptingxingdao liuchengjiufa Ijj:jffMtt\~Jl9ti't), which was a Chinese version translated from the English Tibetan Yoga and Secret [}octrines. 85 In the review Taixu explicitly stated that the anztttaraydga practices were actually meditations on sensual bliss:

82 Tai.w, "Yu Fazun shu" ~i't~. [Letters to FazunJ, nos. 4, 6, 9, 11, TXDSQS 17: 58-59, and 61-62. 83 Taixu, "Mizong daoci xu" **~77cJ'f, TXDSQS 19: 783. 84 Taixu, "Mizong daoci XU," TXDSQS 19: 784-785. 85 It is interesting to note that the Chinese version was translated from the English translation made by Kazi Dawa Samdup and edited by Walter Evans-vVents, Tibetan Yoga and Secret Doctrines (New York: Oxford University Press, 1935). On this see also the contribution by Donald S. Lopez in the first volume (p. 184), and Gray Tuttle, "Translating Buddhism from Tibetan to Chinese in early 20' Century China (1931-1951)," in Buddhism Between Tibet and China, ed. Matthew T. Kapstein (Boston: vVisdom Publications, 2008)

464

Luo Tongbing
The passage on generating the body of the Supreme Wisdom rjakinf(shenghzii nil

llJillfy) in visualization reveals the secret that Anuttarayoga-tantra comprises of

meditations on sensual bliss. Essentially, spiritual peace and meditation with the heat ignited by desire for the beautiful or fear for the monstrous is considered as enlightenment, or the realization of the empty nature of afflictions. 86

Ei.ftt?HiJ@jt'llzAAfJ, 1J!:JJ:t,C.'11Hi'%,

fil!1J!::l!l:~llJillfY5H\!:' ffJj~~:m~li!\'$~L$~j~jij(*%Ztl1'$o ~L 1iJ.~fr'Y llU:tl'i:'I'~'I'ES"&p;gom*,

Here Taixu did not mention insight practice (vipafyana), which is necessary for the enlightenment of the empty nature of afflictions. So he seemed to regard the Anuttamyoga-tantTa's claimed enlightenment with afflictions merely as meditation on sensual bliss. Even if the Anuttamyoga-tantra comprises insight practice besides meditations on sensual bliss and thus can lead to enlightenment, one may wonder if its attainment is the Sambhogakaya Buddha. Regarding its unique practices like qigong and sexual yoga as meditation on sensual bliss, or as "preparatory expedients for cultivating meditation in the realm of desire," Taixu could not agree with the Anuttamyoga-tantTa on its claimed "attainment of Buddhahood with the present body" as achieving Sambhogakaya Buddha.
In Tantrism the so-called attaining Buddhahood has three stages: the stage of the fundamental or original nature (lixing :EI'i'1), the stage of empowerment Ijiachi !JQN), and the stage of manifest attainment (xiande ~1~). The first stage equates with "being Buddha in nature" (fiji :EI&P) and "being Buddha in name" (nzingzi ji C;S"P&P), the second equates with "being Buddha in contemplation" (guanxingji fil!1'J&P), and the third equates with "being Buddha in similarity" (xiangsi ji i'jlJ,&P) and "being Buddha in partial realization" (ftnzbeng ji :5:Hlt ~P). As for the so-called Buddhahood attained through qigong and visualizations in Tibetan Tantric traditions, it is actually achieving freedom in conu'olling the intermediate state of the human and deva realms. 87
'$*~.,~~:EItt,~M,~~~&,wm:EI~C;S'~,~mfil!fr~,.mffi flJ,~P:5Hll'&P, ~li!\'$EB1i'\.J}]fil!r.t!z)iJT~~fJll, ~#.111;\}"~'F~jl; :(E,

The freedom in controlling the intermediate state of the human and deva realms refers to the ability to ensure rebirth in such realms. Thus, Taixu reduced the so-called Buddhahood claimed by the TibetanAnuttamyoga-tantm to certain freedom of transmigration. This idea might have been formulated from his earlier ideas. In 1930, on the basis of exoteric principles, Taixu judged that the greatest living Buddhas among the Tibetan reincarnations were the bodhisattvas in their initial determination to enlightenment (chZ/faxin pusa 19H1l',C.,;goiii): Khutukhtu means "coming"; that is, the bodhisattvas who, in their initial determination to enlightenment, reincarnate by the power of the vow to pI Jtect

86
87

Taixu, "Mizang daoci xu," TXDSQS 19: 785. Taixu, "Da hua wen," TXDSQS 9: 617.

Tai."CZt and the Controversy about Exoteric and Esoteric Buddhism the Dharma. Tsongkhapa ordered the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama to be reincarnated, and they did so by cultivating the vow to protect the Dharma. 88
iZ!i~ii'J'JiI'~iJ, ~P*~o !Jl'~f}]~,C.'ifi1ift(:il!.7J:jl}1o:t..Af., ;!til!~Piiii'til!o
~E~JiiAA, J;If~~ilit1!!:, ~Pf~Jltil!f,If.3?:o

465

On the basis of the same prinCiple, in 1935 Taixu made a clear decision: Tsongkhapa ordered the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama to reincarnate in Tibet for the purpose of protecting the Dharma, which is just identical to the stage of protecting the Dharma (hufaxin iiii't,C.~ that is cultivated in the ten faiths-the first ten stages of the path of the bodhisattvas ~hixin wei -tf~ffL). 8'
*~E.-trrJiiAA, J;If~:t..ilit1!!:iZ!i~, !Jl'tEiii~, i'il"fiiJ-tf~{!['pJijf~ai't,c.,-tP.o

The bodhisattvas in the tell stages of faith represented "the bodhisattvas in their initial determination to enlightenment." Such novice bodhisattvas are the shouldbe practitioners of Taixu'shumanistic Buddhism. Apparently, Taixu's persistence in reducing the greatest living Buddhas to novice bodhisattvas led to his explanation of the Buddhahood claimed by the Tibetan Anuttarayoga-tantra as such preliminary fruit. With the propagation of Tibetan Buddhism in China proper, the conflicts between Tibetan Buddhism and Han Buddhism in doctrinal matters became more and more prominent. Besides the problem of esoteric Buddhism versus exoteric Buddhism, Taixu found himself confronted with the problem of the Madhyamika school versus the Dharma-character school. The two problems later coalesced into one. In 1937, to deal with these two problems, Taixu gave a lecture titled "A Talk on Harmonizing the Sino-Tibetan Doctrines" (Hanzangjiaoli l'onghui tan i~jil(~lll!I!ll1Wr ~). Opposed to splitting esoteric and e.""{oteric doctrines into two teachings, Taixu refered'to insights from Tibetan Buddhism: We accept the distinction between exoteric sutras and esoteric tantras made by Tibetan Buddhism rather than the distinction between exoteric and esoteric teachings made by the Japanese. The Tibetans divide the Buddha's instructions, except for the vinaya, into two parts: the exoteric sutras include the Dharma of the vehicles of humans, deities, and friivakas, as well as the Mahayana instructions on emptiness, phenomena, meditation and insight;, the esoteric tantras are concrete methods of practices, such as mantras, seals and rites transmitted by masters to disciples. Therefore, in his Introduction to the Buddhist Tantric Systems, mKhas grub rje' did not make any other division among the Buddha's instructions.'o Taixu, "Dafangr;uangfo huayan jing Ru bu siyi jietuo jingjie Puxian xingyuanpin jianglu" [Record of the lectlire on Entering the inconceivable state ofliberation through the pl'actices and vows of the Bodhisattva Samtmtabhadra according to the Bztddbiivata'f/zsaka-mahiivaipul:ya-szttra], TXDSQS 7: 1080. . 89 Taixu, "Yue zangmi huo wen" Illl~WJil(;r.\l [A Review of Answers to some questions about Tibetan Tantrism], TXDSQS 16: 171-172. '0 Taixu, "Hanzang jiaoli ronghui tan" il~~:FJI!i\!i!lI~ [A talk on harmonizing SinoTibetan doctrines], TXDSQS 1: 430-431.
88

::k1fllitfj!l~iI~A;Y;.\!!.;liJH1jlHJl;~~1f'll'1Til!Jl,~*'1<

466

Luo Tongbing
m~~~6*m~~.m. W~E.m*~ m . E.~.a. ~$~ *_*a ma= . ~aA~.~.~~~&a~~.ff.*~~a . ~.~fi~.~~n~.a.am . ~@ ~~m~ . ~. ~ ~ ~.~~. m~m*~~.~~*~~~ft~a.

However, the transmission of Tibetan Buddhism in China raised the problem of the opposition of the Madhyamika school to the Dharma-character school, to which Taixu responded: Originally, the theories of the Madhyamika and Dharma-character schools transmitted in China advocated mutual validation and mutual fulfillment instead of mutual refutation and mutual rejection."

Unhappy with the dGe lugs pa's criticism of the Consciousness-only theory, Taixu continued: Hinayana Dharma-character theories such as the Abbidha,.,,,akofa cannot be compared with the Mahayana Dharma-character doctrine in many aspects. Concerning the phenomenal existence caused by dependent origination expounded by the Madhyamika school, and the self and dharma held as real by sinners, heretics, and Hinayana followers, the lVIahayana Dharma-character school confutes ring upon ring, and thereby expounds layer upon layer, the different causes and effects, polluted or pure. Its differentiation of the two kinds of absorptions or samadhi in which active thought has ceased, and its exposition of dependent origination of two continuous lives are good examples of its theoretical superiority to the Hinayana Dharma-character theories such as Abhidha177wkofa. How could it be proper to abandon with bias the correct dogma of the Yogacara school?"

1ElMJiJTrll.

~~*B~[B*~fl'1~~, 1tJl~fL;lcJ~~/J\~mAB~A~~. ~~~lW M'iW.~~B~*iijl[B*~)jIj. -pP!,Jt=IW<,G'JE~)jiJ.&= t!:t.~~!t9~ Jlt ~~F1!'!*.

IJ\~~@~jjJ&. ~Jll\\Wffiij5!W;t!ltu1!JD, PtEmll\.~~W~ffl?

AfteT 1939: "Devayana practices no 10ngeT suit the times"

From November 1939 to May 1940, subsidized by the National goverment or Guomindang, Taixu made a trip to Burma, Malaya, India, and Ceylon. Having made an investigation of Buddhism in those countries, Taixu turned from world Buddhism to Han Buddhism as the basis for reviving Buddhism in China. He saw this as being achieved through spreading "the deeds of contemporary bodhisattvas" on the basis of exemplary monasteries. Accordingly, his views on esoteric Buddhism changed sharply. InJuly 1940, Taixu gave a lecture titled "How I Discriminate among and Explain All Buddhist Doctrines" (Wo zenyang pansbe yiqie loft ft~;f~*UJl-tJJ191lit). From the point of view of the aptitudes of learners in different times, he divided the spread of
9I 92

Taixu, "Hanzang jiaoli ronghui tan," TXDSQS 1: 428. Tailnl, "Hanzang jiaoli ronghui tan," TXDSQS 1: 428

Taixu and the Controversy about Exoteric and Esoteric Buddhism

467

Buddhism into three periods. The first was the period of correct Dharma (;zhengfo shiqi IE)'!~~,)j), when people were initiated into the enlightened mind through the power of the practices and fruits of the friivakas. The second was the period of the semblance of the Dharma ~iangfo shiqi ~)'!~~,)j), when people pursued Mahayana fruits through the power of the practices and fruits of the vehicle of devas or deities. The third was the period of degeneration and extinction of the Dharma (pzoJa shiqi )'!H'lfWl), when people further cultivated Mahayana deeds through practices and fruits of the human vehicle.

*'

The esoteric and Pure Land schools, as typicil! representatives of the sem, blance Dharma period, follow the principles of the practices and fruits of the devayiina. The essentia~ part of esoteric Buddhism lies in its priority in cultivating the illusory body or the body of a deity (deva) to achieve the Buddha's nirmiinakiiya . ... Though comparatively strong in intellect, sentient beings in the semblance Dharma period were unlikely to realize the friivakas practices and fruits due to their failure to keep the monastic vows. To attain Buddhahood more rapidly they took the route of the practices and fruits of the devayiina, such as those of the esoteric or Pure Land schools, which made their priority one of cultivating the illusory body of a deity or ascending to a heaverily pure land in the next life. 93
f~l'!~l!Jl~.tf;1~~!J:!!**, ~*. :!!1&7i::~IHf*!J~!lL jm**::tE7tf~p)i;
7i::~~B~f;J~p)i;{'I::.~15t

.. IEl.tf;f~!~l!JlB~~I, JlI!.mhBI:tifi5tSl, @M'I:tJiii!l; 1!i::for~11i'. illt~ljfr,/l1T*Jlili::f~~! ;!iH.L7tp)i;7i::~~. !iIl;J:.I7i::~. 1&*

~!J7i::*1T*~l!Jl:J!iip)i;f?ll!J !J.

Examining the aptitudes of sentient beings in his own time, a period of degeneration and extinction of the Dharma, Tai.w concluded: Viewed from the point of view of contemporary trends, practices based on the practices and fruits of the devayiina no longer suit the times and therefore have lost their effectiveness in leading to Mahayana. Learners equipped with the aptitudes of the first two periods rarely exist. Moreover, the friivakas practices and fruits are reviled as negative and escapist; while the devayiina practices are denounced as superstitious and theocratic. They are now hindrances instead of expedient means. Therefore, in the present situation, the direction of Buddhism points only to Mahayana deeds. And the route is neither by the friivakas practices and fruits of the first period, nor by the devayiilZa practices and fruits of the second period, but definitely by the practices and fruits of the human vehicle which carry out the principles of humanistic Buddhism that I preach.94
8,1t.J!IB~JtI~ J:.II.~. ~7i::*1T *~ -:l-tP,1'jj~~;Ji1n. IElJlt, -tP,8,1t;lc 1 ~~@jc*B~J;iJ~:J[. @iiu-=Wl!J*tlI!. M~F%:i:~1f. 1'JM'I,jt:!!1~d>I!1B9T Jlij it. 1&litr,/l1T*:!!:~H1[w.i.tf;l!j~]~t!tB~. 1&7i::*1T*:!!~~~.tf;J2IS1jli:f!ll;fi!J, 1'tt1':!!1f{!Jlij&p)i;.tf;'~*7. }jIf~::tE4- B !Jt.le'. fJijtiJ!J~::tEJlt@jc*1T.
OJ Taixu, "Wo zenyang.panshe yiqie fofa" j1t~~*u:ti-tJJ1jtl'! [How I discriminate among and explain all Buddhist doctrines], TXDSQS 1: 527. 94 Taixu, ""Vo zengyang panshe yiqie fofa," TXDSQS 1: 528.

468

Luo Tongbing

ffilJiJi1:&s<.J, IlI~FtJJJtJlS<.J'll'Pl'J1T5!lo, Jl;~F=JtJlB<.J7':*1T5!lo ; ffilliiJEfi'o:f:EA.*1T5!lo,

~.1T'f\tJiJi~S<.JA'E(!IltV:S<.Ji*J1Ilo

Taixu also cited historical reasons for giving up esoteric Buddhism as a secondary practice of humanistic Buddhism. As early as December 1935, Taixu had said: Buddhism [in the period of the flourishing of esoteric mantras in Indian Buddhist history], though widespread, attached little importance to doctrines. Laying particular stress on the transmission of mantras merging with folkcustom beliefs, it led to the rise of Brahmanism. As Brahmanism developed, Buddhism gradually declined and almost disappeared in India!95
l!1lt!ilIE1!fi~1E1T, ffil::f:o~;j;')rJ1ll, @lliii:O~~5'Es<.Jl'M',

iJiiii'Ul'\';lti-s<.Jml!,

~4-!l<

~F~;j;'H~zU/iil~ffil~:ilil', l!1li;&iiWf~li; m)r1~*s<.Jf(lll!'l!1l;j;')r, :l~JlIJl~wU&ffil;~

-'fl,ijiJ" ifat !
In Taixu's revised view, esoteric practices such as mantras, qigong and sexual yoga were expedients common among heretics. Divorced from Buddhist principles, they naturally led to the rise of heresy instead of orthodox Buddhism. As Tibetan Buddhist traditions, especially the dGe lugs pa, spread in China, Taixu came to see them as deleterious to Han Buddhism. According to reports by Yinshun, Taixu deliberately advocated Han Buddhism in opposition to Tibetan Buddhist doctrines. This month Uuly 1941], the Venerable Master Taixu gave a lecture titled "The Problem ofvVhether Dharmas Have Their Own Nature" (Zhufa )'OUWlt zixing wenti ~i;1lfw. 1't1Fc'Iill), recorded by Yanpei M::til', Miaoqin fr'y~jz, and vVenhui Jt~. In recent years, the Institute of Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Studies has emphasized in its preaching Tsongkhapa's Madhyamika non-nature theory, so that the Venerable Master specially validated the Chinese Buddhist theory of the intrinsic nature through the Yogacara theory on the three natures of perception [that is, the perfectly accomplished nature of reality Il!lM.'t1; the dependent and conditioned nature 1:&1ffiiElt1; and the nature of existence produced from attachment to all-pervasive discrimination inJiJiAt1].96

!ll:fl 09414"6 fl), A@ijlJl~iI[I)t~ r~lIii;Ml\li tHc'IillJ, j:ii[:I:.g:, JMjz, Jt~ fE'. (Jt)o li!:[I)t~t4"$5L*1l1H':,Z9"lll!fw. 't1~, ABijl-tW(Ui&z=:-t1~, M:lL9" ~1j~~z 1l'1'l 't1~;fU
0

This summer [1942], the Venerable Master gave a lecture titled "Reversing the Verdict for the Chinese Monk Mahayana Arguably Defeated in the bSam yas Debate" in order to rectify the prejudice against Chinese Chan by the Tibetan lamas and those infatuated with Tibetan Buddhism. 97
fi'o~

0942 4"),

A0ijlJl~ti~JG, ~ r ;,'I:J3ttJ~l:;fjJlIjj~J, ~;f.4lE~1~&l1iJl~jffi~151l

;j;')r~!MJl~9" ~1Jjl'*z~.H5iL
95 Taixu, "Jianshe xiandai Zhongguo fojiao tan" :lt~m-f-~'P~f?~*,J:~ [On the construction of modern Chinese Buddhism), TXDSQS 9: 244. 96 Yinshun, Taixu dashi nianpu, 487. 97 Yinshun, Taixu dashi nianpu, 494.

Tai::."U and the Controversy about Exoteric and Esoteric Buddhism

For the past twenty years, the Buddhist institutes have always laid particular stress on the consciousness-only theory and, in Sichuan, on Madhyamika and esoteric Buddhism. Mter this year [1942J, however, the Venerable Master often lectured on Chinese Buddhism. 9 '

469

Jii=+e3I<.,

f?Il.!Jl<ll*4lJfliii~PIE~, iliill!l)ilX~~*ftht1f*o

;!l!:eC42 e)1~,

*m7J~Mf*ilz.f?Il.!Jl<o

In 1943, Taixu explicitly accused the Madhyamika teachers of having raised the controversy between the Madhyamika and. the Dharma-character schools, which caused the rise ofTantric sects and the decline of Buddhism. Under the weight of intense contention among the Madhyamika school, the Dharma-character school, and various sectarian doctrines, Tantric practices gradually became widespread and Indian Buddhism fen into decline. . .. It was Bhavaviveka who started this decline. Holding onto emptiness and rejecting the consciousnesses, he was the first to stir up controversy. Preaching emptiness differently from Buddhapalita, he caused the schism in the Madhyamika school. To await the decision of Maitreya, he recited mantras and sought help from yakshas in prolonging his life. Apart from political and social factors coming from the outside, nothing is more to blame for the decline of Buddhism in India than such "emptiness-and-controv~sy graspers." Arousing the bad trend of sectarian contests and getring no result, they had to resort to the magic help of mantras. By contrast, Chinese Buddhists developed a harmonious syncretism that subordinated the ends to the root. Therefore, Buddhism flourished in China while falling into decline in India.99
3::~~?!Hlj.m, /J\**~~M', ~iilHi'i1f1T, i!!lA"IlJ.tl!11l~~~o ... iliiiilJllfJJI;t ~~~1!i, JIl4ir;f,!f}$, lt3::fF~~lliJiIi)tg3::~z.~, ~3::XB{,l!11l~3::*~Jit)j[J, M'

%~PlWD'Z.*~~iP~#l:5al:t!J; .!&$Jit~~, 'l5'~~#l:, i!*1f%~~W:Jo ~"IlJ.tl!11l ~~~, ll#i"r*]Ij!(iil:i1t!*I29"r, ~~*nHtlt3::~1!io ?!.\JI:t~:tE*il, JlIjIlfJ)il H'*!i:2jl:, :2jI:*i\!'I!.B'J~*~, iiJl:EPJ.ti!!l~~ilil*ilJlIjpj(;~~o

In general, the Dharma transmitred in present Tibet originated from the transition of shastra-interpreters on emptiness. An example that shows how the esoteric Dharma originated with shastra-interpreters on emptiness is that of Nagabodhi, a Madhyamika shastra-interpreter from whom, according to legend, Xuanzang learned the Madhyamikafastra. He wanted to transmit the esoteric Dharma to Xuanzang but Xuanzang declined. Practicing insight with Madhyamika, the wise ones could be, like Nagarjuna, enlightened to emptiness, or to Chinese Chan. However, "emptiness graspers" who were good at destroying others' theories while keeping nothing positive for themselves to uphold, if they did not drift into erroneous doctrinal views of emptiness denying the principle of cause and effect, had nb other path than to turn, like Bhavllviveka, to esoteric mantras in striving for longevity. Those whose

Yinshun, Tai..'"CIl doshi nianpll, 496. Taixu, "Zaiyi Yindu zhi fojiao" :jl}~"Pltz.1?Il~ [A second review on the history ofIndian Buddhism], TXDSQS 16: 60.
98

99

470

Luo Tongbing

theories were destroyed, being weary of bitter contests, also turned to esoteric mantras to find peace of mind. 100
~~W.~.,*~A~Mfi~q~. n.~A~Mfi,.~~.~.~M, n.a~~~m$,~~~~~,~AmftH.~.fi~m ~~.~ 1T, i'ill:wormA~tL 1!~~@, JzQIl~1M, ll!tJiX;~~t",*; rmJ\~~Jtr:W, ilH~1t!l

M,i.or_, ~ft~~~8.~.,~~W~.M_A~WW%m.~*~ -J!. rmlt!l~U~jJZ[:w, ~JID({1rl5'il, l"JiflW%A'\i!,'C.'~:lIL

Besides criticizing Bhavaviveka (ca. 490-570), Taixu also criticized Candraklrti (ca. 650): The refutation of others in iVIadhya77ZakiivatiiTa was just a game of verbal battles which were totally irrelevant to the right enlightenment. Enjoying and persisting in such contests within Buddhism, Candrakirti was unable to achieve an overwhelming victory but merely ended up providing chances for heretical doctrines to destroy Buddhism [in India]! Sons of the Buddha should never do such thingsllOJ
A~li&:1t!l, {gAj''m~I!l;,

.Eij:I'1l!

~'i~il,

2f:liIi3iliic'oiEJlt,

1iE~:9~@*rr<j(,

il'i'iiJ1;ji\1t,

;\j~I;ji\Tf~AJJt!

The emptiness shastra-interpreters, whether Svatantrika or Prasal,lgika, acted as the forerunners of heresies that would eradicate Buddhism in India through their persistence in debates within Buddhism and reliance on Tantric practices. Such criticism against the Indo-Tibetan Tantric doctrines is no less severe than that leveled against the Japanese Shingon. This position marked a tremendous change from Taixu's former fervor for Tibetan Buddhism. MeiJingxuan ;filJ~nf, a Taiwanese scholar once complained: Taixu must have had several sets of standards for evaluating Tibetan lamas, which are unknowable to later generations. 102
j,eJ.j[,c., ~ ll!t~fWfrTm~~'f"'W.'iiI!~~)ffB'J~4', fi'o1fA.$1~3;Q B'J

However, for Taixu, who believed in "adapting both to principles and aptitudes" in spreading Buddhism, his changes in attitude did not imply the absence of principle. In the "Postscript by the Compiler to the Chronological Biography of the Venerable Master Taixu" (Taixu dashi nianpu, bianzhe jl)'an j,eJ!l[*~jjj'~-.,jij~'it), Ven. Yinshun appraised Taixu as "sangha oriented," "Chinese Buddhism oriented," and "advocating the leading of modern minds with Buddhism."lOJ
100 IOJ

Taixu, "Zaiyi Yindu zhi fojiao," TXDSQS 16: 61. Taixu, "Yue I/.lIzbonglun ji" Il!IA~~;i<iiC [A review on iVladbyanzakiivalam], TXDSQS

16: 86.
102 Mei Ching-hsuean (Mei Jingxuan ~~jiijff), "NIinguo zaoqi xianmi fojiao chongtu de tantao" f\';1ll1-'f!.jtJl~'Wf'~~j(111j~a~~M [The conflict between Chinese and Tibetar Buddhism in the first decades of republican China], Cbung-Hwa Buddbist ]ournal4'I;ji\&jOliJI'Ji: 3 (1999): 251-270, here 256. IOJ Yinshun, "Taixu dashi nianpu, bianzhe fuyan" *m:*fi'li1!-#jffi1lt~fl~ [Postscript by the compiler to the Chronological biography of the venerable master Taixu], in Taixu dasbi

nianpu, c2.

Taixu and the Controversy about Exoteric and Esoteric Buddhism

471

This appraisal sugg~sts a clue to understanding Taixu's varying criteria for judging esoteric Buddhism as the result of a combination of personal, religious, institutional and even political interests that changed during a complex historical period. In the first period of his reform movement, while focusing on escaping expropriation of the monasteries in China proper, Taixu turned his attention to an alien Buddhist tradition only because it was trying to seize control over Chinese monasteries. From the second period on, Taixu's conscious reformist aim was to lead modern minds with humanistic Buddhism via the organization of a modern clergy and the harmonization of Chinese Buddhist traditions. Consequently, the esoteric traditions from Japan and Tibet, with their different codes of conduct, ethnic heterogeneity and sectarian arrogance, were seen as threats to his reform and incurred his criticism. His acceptance of Tibetan Tantric teachings as secondary practices of humanistic Buddhism in the third period was, to some extent, a strategy both to cope with the rivalry from Tibetan Buddhism and to earn support from such political figures as Chiang Kai-shek and Liu Xiang in solving Sino-Tibetan conflicts at that time. Hence he defended the authenticity of Tibetan Tantric doctrines as Buddhism, yet regarded its special practices as common to heretics but allowable in Buddhism. vVhen, in the fourth period, Tibetan Madhyamika appeared to be incompatible with Chinese Buddhist doctrines, Taixu accused its Indian precedents of causing the rise of Tantric sects and the decline of Buddhism; he regarded Tantric practices as devayiina which, unlike humanistic Buddhism, were unsuitable for modern times. Therefore, the changes in his attitude toward esoteric Buddhism, which obviously correlate with the division of stages in his Buddhist reform movement, can be understood as expedients to adapt Chinese Buddhism to the changing times.

rDzogs chen in China: From Chan to Tibetan Tantrism in Fahai Lamas (1920-1991) footsteps In Southeast China, on the slopes of the Southern Celestial-Eye Mountains (Nan TianmushanZhejiang), there is a Chinese monastery founded by a Sino-Tibetan master known as Fahai Lama (1920-1991). After having received Chan Buddhist teachings from the monk Huiding, Fahai Lama was initiated by the sprul sku Gangs dkar rin po che (1893-1957) into the bKa brgyud and rNying ma traditions. In 1961, he withdrew into a cave located in the Southern Celestial-Eye Mountains where he devoted himself to rDzogs chen (Great Perfection) practices. This extraordinary contact point for modern Sino-Tibetan Buddhism provides the setting for our presentation and comparison of some religious practices and views of rDzogs chen and Chinese Buddhism. These data are presented on the basis of Chinese texts and manuscripts belonging to Fahai Lama. They concern mostly oral teachings about Tibetan Great Perfection conferred on Fahai Lama by Gangs dkar rin po che. The manuscripts presented here for the first time, are a precious tool for showing how rDzogs chen texts were translated and interpreted during the 1930s and 40s in China and how Tibetan rDzogs chen views and practices were perceived by the Chinese. Finally, this contribution provides the first annotated list of Sino-Tibetan rDzogs chen texts and manuscripts.

Le rDzogs chen en Chine : du Chan au Tantrisme tibtain sur les traces de Lama Fahai (1920-1991) Sur le versant sud des montagnes de lil Cleste (Nan Tianmushan), au sud-est de la Chine (Linan, Zhejiang), se trouve un monastre fond par un matre sino-tibtain connu sous le nom de Lama Fahai (1920-1991). Aprs avoir reu les enseignements du bouddhisme Chan dun moine nomm Huiding, Lama Fahai fut initi par le sprul sku Gangs dkar rin po che (1893-1957) aux traditions bKa brgyud et rNying ma. En 1961, il se retira dans une grotte sur les flancs du Nan Tianmushan pour se consacrer la pratique tibtaine du rDzogs chen ou de la Grande Perfection. Ce sanctuaire, dans lequel une rencontre extraordinaire entre le bouddhisme chinois et tibtain eut lieu vers la fin du XXe sicle, constitue le cadre de cette tude pour prsenter et comparer les points de vue et les pratiques de ces deux grandes traditions religieuses. Cette prsentation se fonde, en grande partie, sur des manuscrits recueillant les enseignements oraux donns par Gangs dkar rin po che Lama Fahai. Ces manuscrits sont un outil prcieux pour montrer comment les textes du rDzogs chen furent transmis pour la premire fois en Chine pendant les annes 1930 et 1940, et comment ils furent perus et interprts par les chinois vers la fin du sicle dernier. Cette tude se termine en dressant pour la premire fois une liste annote douvrages et de manuscrits rDzogs chen traduits du tibtain en chinois.

RDZOGS CHEN IN CHINA

IN FAHAI LAMAS (1920-1991) FOOTSTEPS FROM CHAN TO TIBETAN TANTRISM

Monica ESPOSITO*
t was a beautiful November day in 1988. One of my friends and I decided to take a bus at 9:00 a.m. from Hangzhou to Linan (Zhejiang province). We arrived at the Linan bus station after two hours and intended to continue to Yuhuangping where there was reported to be a Buddhist monastery of a so-called Fahai Lama . After a short interrogation at the office of the Peoples government (Renmin Zhengfu ), a policeman drove us to the house of the only declared Buddhist believer in Linan at that time: the wife of the Chinese medicine maker. She was delighted to meet Westerners who seemed to be Buddhist devotees. She appeared even more captivated by the strong and muscular body of my Italian friend. Turning to him, she said: You must be hungry, arent you? Lets have lunch first. We will go buy some food for the temple later. After the vegetarian lunch, which was hardly enjoyed by my well-built friend, we went to the market to buy some fruit, vegetables, and heavy bags of potatoes. I was wondering how we could reach the monastery with all this stuff. When I saw my new Chinese friendMiss Yangbuy some big pumpkins, I thought that a tractor was certainly waiting for us. But the look on the face of my friend, loaded with two huge bags on his back, seemed to indicate that he had no such hope. We began our ascent from the village of Guifangqiao around 3:30 in the afternoon. Miss Yang and I were talking in a friendly way, carrying some light bags of fruit and vegetables. My friend, under the weight of the huge bags of potatoes and pumpkins, followed some steps behind us. As we were climbing Miss Yang told me how some years ago she had met the lama, that her husband and sons disapproved of her visits to the lamas temple, and that they disliked the small Buddhist altar she had erected in the corner of the terrace at their house. But above all they did not like her religious beliefs. She turned proudly to me saying she did not feel ashamed, but people in Linan viewed unfavorably the establishment of this monastery of young nuns with an elderly lama who was said to have come from Tibet.
* I am grateful to Urs App, Anne-Marie Blondeau, Shen Weirong, Donatella Rossi, and Phyllis Brooks for their comments and suggestions.

Images of Tibet in the 19 th and 20 th Centuries Paris, EFEO, coll. tudes thmatiques (22.2), 2008, p. 473-548

474

Monica Esposito

Some of them even insinuated that the lama was teaching sexual techniques and practicing them with his young nuns. After having said this to me she whispered in my ear: I think it is a bit strange: Fahai Lama is very different from the monks I usually meet on my pilgrimages. He likes joking and often makes sexual jokes. He has magical powers he can also cure diseases! Turning back to her normal voice she added, What matters is that there is finally a Buddhist temple in our vicinity where I can go whenever I like to make offerings. She gave a cheerful look at my friend who was breathing heavily under his load. After a short rest, we continued the second part of our climb. The closer we got, the more my curiosity about such a secluded place inhabited by a lama, maybe Tibetan, and his young nuns was growing. One and a half hours later we finally reached the gentle peak of the Southern Celestial-Eye Mountains (Nan Tianmushan ). The lama was standing in the late afternoon light waiting for us. With a smile he invited us to enter the hall of the monastery under construction. Shortly afterwards, much to his regret, my Italian friend was relegated to a small building site at the foot of the monastery where some workers and male disciples of the lama were lodging. Soon I found myself seated in cross-legged on the lamas bed, wrapped in a mosquito net and listening to his teachings. I was not at all certain that I was understanding what the lama was telling me. For a moment my thoughts focused on the small knot of flesh at the crown of his head wondering if it was a sign of his practical attainment or an ordinary cyst. The room was rather dark. There was only a small table with a bench and the bed where I was sitting. After a while a nun came in and left some small bowls with rice and vegetables on a simple table. After the meal, the lama took his leave of me and I ended up in the hall where Miss Yang was busily chatting with the young nuns. She introduced me to them and said, Everything is ready. We are going to receive the initiation tonight. That is what happened and that very night I decided to extend my sojourn at Fahai Lamas monastery. The present article is based on my field research and on materials and interviews collected between 1988-1991 and 1994-1996. On the basis of these data, I will discuss the reception of Tibetan Buddhism at this Chinese monastery through the story of its founder Fahai Lama who represents, as far as I know, a unique example of integration and accommodation of the most esoteric Tibetan teachings of rDzogs chen or Great Perfection (Ch. Dayuanman ) in a Chinese monastic setting. The presentation includes the foundation story of Fahai Lamas nunnery and a description of its daily life as well as Fahai Lamas views on Chan and Tantrism with a special focus on his rDzogs chen or Great Perfection transmission.1
1 A first draft of parts of this article, in particular the biography of Fahai Lama and his teachings on thod rgal, were presented in A Sino-Tibetan Tradition in China in the Southern Celestial-Eye Mountains: A First Comparison between Great Perfection (rDzogs chen) and Taoist Techniques of Light (paper presented at the Conference on Tantra and Daoism: The Globalization of Religion and Its Experience, Boston University, April 19-22, 2002). See also Monica Esposito, Una tradizione di rDzogs-chen in Cina. Una nota sul Monastero delle Montagne dellOcchio Celeste, Asiatica Venetiana 3 (1998): 221-224.

rDzogs chen in China

475

A Short Biography of Fahai Lama

Very little is known about that lama whom I met standing in his red garments in the late afternoon light [Fig. 1]. Even the origin of his name, Fahai Lama, remains a mystery. He has not written about his life but in November 1984 he dictated some information to one of his disciples.2 All biographical data we have stem from conversations with his disciples. After his death such information was collected and published in a free booklet (printed in two thousand copies) entitled Mianhuai Fahai shangshi or In Memory of Guru Fahai. According to this booklet, Fahai Lama (1920-1991) was born in Qinghai (Tib. A mdo) into a very poor family, probably from a Tibetan mother and a Chinese father. According to some of his disciples his father was a Chinese translator of Tibetan.3 At age six he was sent to the dGe lugs pa (Ch. huangjiao ) monastery at Taersi (Tib. sKu bum) to guard sheep. When he was nine years old he took the novitiate vows under the guidance of Anjia huofo (Tib. Am skya sprul sku?).4 Around the age of thirteen he left Taersi and took the road for the south-east along with a Chinese Fig. 1: Fahai Lama at Qianfo chansi. monk called Xindao (i.e., Li Anxiang (Photo offered by Fahai Lama to the author, August 1991) , 1905-1968).5 Once he arrived in Fujian
2 This is a manuscript on the life of Huiding , Fahai Lamas Chan master (see note 6), and titled Xiandai gaoseng Huiding fashi chengjiu zhuan [Biography of the realized master Huiding, a contemporary eminent monk]. It was recorded by Xiaoyin at the dictation of Fahai Lama on November, 6, 1984. In the summer of 1991, during my last sojourn at the monastery when I asked Fahai Lama to tell me more about his life, he gave me a copy of this manuscript. The last chapter on the views of Fahai Lama on Chan and Tantrism is reproduced in Appendix 1 and partially translated in the sections below. My thanks to Rev. Folian for sharing with me the majority of Fahai Lamas manuscripts and documents. See also Appendix 2. 3 Shangshi Fahai Lama shengping jianshu [Rsum on the life of the Guru Fahai Lama], recorded by Foci jushi on the oral transmission of Dong Jingbiao , in Mianhuai Fahai shangshi [In memory of Guru Fahai] (Hong Kong, 1995): 16-17, here 16; and Jingang shangshi Fahai Lama shengqian [Life of the Tantric Guru Fahai Lama], orally transmitted by the monk Folai , revised by the monk Fodao , recorded by Folian , in Mianhuai Fahai shangshi, 18-20, here 18. 4 The name of this master is only recorded by Fori (i.e., Chen Bing ), Mianhuai Fahai shangshi [In memory of Guru Fahai], in Mianhuai Fahai shangshi, 6-15. This article was previously published in the review Fayin 103 (1993.3): 11-16 and available at http://www.plm. org.hk/qikan/fayin/gindex.htm. See also the contribution by Chen Bing on pp. 406-407. 5 The name of the monk who brought Fahai Lama to China was originally given in Fori

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he went to Gushan and joined its Buddhist Institute (Foxueyuan ) where he met the Chan master Huiding , a disciple of the famous master Xuyun (1840-1959).6 Huiding gave him the Dharma name ( faming ) Miaokong and appointed him as one of his assistant secretaries [Fig. 2].7 He was then responsible for recording Huidings commentaries on Buddhist sutras, and at the age of nineteen he followed his master to Jiangxi to spread the Dharma.8 Some years later Fahai became abbot of the Yuantongsi (in the Nanhai xinggong of Nanchang , Jiangxi province) and, with the help of lay devotees he established in Nanchang a Buddhist Association with Huiding as president and himself as vicepresident. Both of them were in charge of a review called Juewu .9 It was around that time that the bKa brgyud (Ch. baijiao ) sprul sku (Ch. huofo ) Gangs dkar rin po che (1893-1957; see Fig. 3), known in Chinese as Gongga Shangshi or Gongga Hutukutu (Khutukhtu) , came to Nanchang to lecture on Tibetan Buddhism.10 Fahai felt a profound affinity with this Tibetan master, and after
(i.e., Chen Bing, Mianhuai Fahai shangshi, 10) as Daoxing . According to Chen Bing the name Daoxing is a mistake for Xindao; see the contribution by Chen Bing on p. 407 note 79. Chen Bing also recalls that Fahai told him that he left Taersi because he was not satisfied with dGe lug pas interests (cravings) and decided to search for another path of liberation elsewhere (see Fori, Mianhuai Fahai shangshi, 10). 6 Huiding was born in the Anle prefecture (Hubei ). When he was 7 years old, he became monk. At 14 years old, he was ordained by Jingyue at the Zhanghuasi of Yichang (Hubei). Later, he went to Jiangxi at the Gaomingsi . Afterwards he reached Fujian and, at the Yongquansi of Gushan, he received Chan teachings from Xuyun (Xiandai gaoseng Huiding fashi chengjiiu zhuan, 1-27). For a biography on Xuyun see Charles Luk and Richard Hunn, Empty Cloud, the Autobiography of the Chinese Zen Master Xuyun (Longmead: Element Books 1988). According to some disciples Fahai Lama, after having realized Chans three barriers (on this term see note 143), received the seal (yinzheng ) from Huiding and Xuyun (see Fori, Mianhuai Fahai shangshi, 10). He withdrew for three years with his master Huiding at Gushan, and before leaving Fujian he devoted himself to the seven meditation practices (dachanqi ) at Mount Xuefeng . See Shangshi Fahai Lama shengping jianshu, 16. 7 Shangshi Fahai Lama shengping jianshu, 16. On the transmission of the Dharma names see Holmes Welch, Dharma scroll and the successions of abbots in Chinese monasteries, Toung pao 50 (1963): 93-149, here 136-140, and The Practice of Chinese Buddhism (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967): 279-281. According to Fori (Mianhuai Fahai shangshi, 10), the Dharma name Miaokong belongs to the Yunmen tradition and corresponds to the same generation of masters like Foyuan and Jinghui . 8 See Shangshi Fahai Lama shengping jianshu, 16. 9 Shangshi Fahai Lama shengping jianshu, 16-17 10 Gangs dkar rin po che, Karma bshad sprul chos kyi seng ge, the fifth incarnation of the sprul sku from Bo Gangs dkar monastery [Fig. 4] was a famous Tibetan master who often came to China for transmitting Tibetan teachings. According to the biography written by his disciple Mi nyag mgon po (Bo Gangs dkar sprul skui rnam thar dad pai pad dkar, Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1997), Gangs dkar rin po che came to China three times. The first time, from 1936 to 1939, he visited many places, and it seems that he passed through Nanchang before returning to his monastery in 1939. The second time was in 1946-49, and the third time in 1953-55. More on this master in Carmen Meinert, Gangs dkar rin po che between Tibet and China, in Buddhism Between Tibet and China, ed. Matthew T. Kapstein (Boston: Wisdom Publications 2008). The

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Fig. 2: Miaokong, the young Fahai Lama. (Photo offered by Fahai Lama to the author, November 1988)

Fig. 3: Gangs dkar rin po che. (Source: Yangdui , Hong Kong/ Taibei: Tantrayana Publications, 19811985, vol. 3)

a while he left Nanchang in order to visit his monastery11 on Mount Gangs dkar in the region of Mi nyag (todays Liuba district of Xikang [Tib. Khams]; see
contemporary Tibetan master, Namkhai Norbu (b. 1938) met him when he was invited to China in 1954. He heard from Gangs dkar rin po che many explanations on the sixfold yogas of Nropa, Mahmudr, the dKon mchog spyi dus, as well as Tibetan medicine; see Namkhai Norbu, The Cycle of Day and Night, trans. & ed. John M. Reynolds (New York: Station Hill Press, 1987): 95100, here 98. It is worthy of attention that Namkhai Norbu gives for Gangs dkar rin po che the dates 1903-1956. On the works transmitted by Gangs dkar rin po che in China, see Appendix 2. For a biography on Gangs dkar rin po che see also the contribution by Chen Bing on p. 400, and Chen Jifu , et al. Fujiao guangjue chanshi Xikang Gongka hutuketu benzhuan (extracts of which are available at http://fo.usard.com/Gongge.html and http://www.nuona.com/nuona/Article_Show.asp?ArticleID=187). See also note 11. 11 According to Shangshi Fahai Lama shengping jianshu (p. 16), Fahai Lama was 29 years old when he went to see Gangs dkar rin po che. According to Jingang shangshi Fahai Lama (p. 18), he was 26 years old. Fori [Chen Bing] (Mianhuai Fahai shangshi, 10) originally mentioned that it was in the 40s that Fahai Lama went to see Gangs dkar rin po che, but in his contribution to this volume (p. 337 and note 81) he asked me to revise it to 1949. This date is supported by the Chinese biography on Gangs dkar rin po che by Wang Desheng (available at http://nanshi.shixiu.net/download/). According to the biography of Huiding (Xiandai gaoseng Huiding fashi, 27; Appendix 1, [1]), Fahai said that he was at that time more or less twenty years old ( . Thus I follow the dates that seem in agreement with ) Fahai Lamas own record as well as with the life of Gangs dkar rin po che who visited China for the first time during 1936-39 (and Nanchang in 1939). See also note 10. The date 1949 may refer to the second time Fahai Lama was said to go to see Gangs dkar rin po che (see below).

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Fig. 4: Gangs dkar monastery, Mi nyag region [Khams]. (Photo by M. Esposito, September 1994)

Fig. 4).12 Fahai was introduced by Gangs dkar rin po che to bKa brgyud and rNying ma (Ch. hongjiao ) esoteric practices before withdrawing into a cave on Mount Gangs dkar.13 Very little is known about the time he spent there. In an interview I conducted in 1994 with Mi nyag mgon po, a disciple of Gangs dkar rin po che and author of his biography, he told me that he had some memories of a Chinese monk called Miaokong (i.e., Fahai Lama).14 The fact that Mi nyag mgon po remembered him under the name of Miaokong indicates that at that time he was not yet known as Fahai Lama. It is difficult to know when, how, and from whom he received this name. What is interesting is that the choice of such a name seems to point to an harmonizaIn September 1994 when Jean-Luc Achard and I visited Gangs dkar monastery in the framework of a research mission supported by CNRS European project, we realized that there were in reality two monasteries named Gangs dkar: the more ancient is located east at the summit of Mount Gangs dkar (7,556 meters) while the second one, at its foot, named in Chinese Gonggasi , was built during the Ming (1368-1643); see Zhou Xiyin et al. (eds.), Zangchuan fojiao siyuan ziliao xuanbian [Selected materials of Tibetan Buddhist monasteries] (Chengdu: Sichuansheng minzu shiwu weiyuanhui, 1989): 29. The monastery at the foot [Fig. 4] was the official center of Gangs dkar rin po ches tradition. It is in its lha khang that the mummy of Gangs dkar rin po che is still kept. According to Mi nyag mgon po, the site at the summit of Mount Gangs dkar was abandoned at the beginning of the 20th century. It was mainly used for spiritual retreats but it also served for festivals and dance performances at least until 1950. 13 Fori (Mianhuai Fahai shangshi, 12) tells that Fahai Lama used to speak freely of his past faults and delusions. Once he told him that when he was in a cave on Mount Gangs dkar, while everybody was taking only two meals for a day and did not fall asleep in the night, he was the only one who was taking three meals for a day and fall asleep in the night. 14 I am indebted to Heather Stoddard for having introduced me to Mi nyag mgon po and for her help in translating parts of this interview. See also the previous notes 10 and 12.
12

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tion of Chan and Tantrism since, as is well known, Fahai was traditionally regarded as one of the leading disciples of the Sixth Chan Patriarch Huineng,15 and Lama (Tib. bla ma, Skt. guru) stands for the spiritual master, the holder of a Tantric lineage who has the authority to transmit and initiate into the esoteric tradition of the tantra. According to Mi nyag mgon po, Miaokong did not talk a lot and was very devoted to practice. He took notes on everything Gangs dkar rin po che said. As he could not speak Tibetan, people translated for him. However, he could talk to and understand Gangs dkar rin po che because the latter could speak Chinese. For practice, Gangs dkar rin po che taught him in Chinese. He transmitted to him the Mahmudr; the yoga of the channels, energies and luminous spheres (Tib. rtsa rlung thig le); and rDzogs chen along with the transmission of the Ye shes bla ma.16 It is unknown how long Fahai Lama was able to stay at the monastery because in the seventh month of 1950 the Chinese occupying army arrived. Mi nyag mgon po was no longer there at that time and he did not know when Fahai Lama left. According to some Fahai Lamas disciples, Fahai Lama stayed at Gangs dkar around five years (from 1940s to 1945) before going to Shanghai where he worked at a medical institute located in the area of Ningbeilu and Henan zhonglu . This was the time when Chinese traditional medicine and the so-called qigong (practice/manipulation of breath-vital energy) began to be promoted by the government; Fahai Lama was known there as an expert in both qigong and acupuncture. Under the guise of a physician he could transmit Buddhist teachings during the fondation years of the Peoples Republic of China (PRC).17 At the beginning of the 50s Fahai Lama decided to return to Khams. But after arriving in Chengdu he learned that the Tibetan region had been occupied by the Red Army and that Gangs dkar rin po che had been indicted and put under house arrest. He was thus obliged to make his way back to Shanghai.18 In 1961 he withdrew into the Southern
John McRae, The Ox-Head School of Chinese Chan Buddhism: From Early Chan to the Golden Age, in Studies in Chan and Hua-yen, eds. Robert M. Gimello and Peter N. Gregory (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1983): 169-252, here 189-191. 16 More on this transmission below. For the Ye shes bla ma see also note 52 and Appendix 2, texts n 2, 15 and 18. 17 Jingang shangshi Fahai Lama shengqian, 19. Fahai Lamas medical ability seems also to have been improved thanks to therapeutic methods he received from his Tibetan master Gangs dkar rin po che (see note 10). For a presentation of qigong and its link with Chinese traditional medicine and Chinese government see David Palmer, La fivre du qigong (Paris: ditions de lcole des Hautes tudes en Sciences Sociales, 2005, now also available in English as Qigong Fever: Body Science and Utopia in China, New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), and below. It seems that when Fahai Lama withdrew to the Southern Celestial-Eye Mountains he used to cure local people and was known as doctor La (La yisheng ). See Fori, Mianhuai Fahai shangshi, 10. 18 Shangshi Fahai Lama shengping jiangshu, 16. One may assume that this refers to a short visit Fahai Lama made in 1949 with a group of Chinese monks as described by Wang Desheng (see note 11). Mi nyag mgon po in his interview seems to remember this visit as he added that Chinese monks including Miaokong (i.e., Fahai Lama) could not stay longer than 1950. At that time Gangs dkar rin po che was put under house arrest. For a concise description of events in Tibet during the Chinese Communist invasion see Melvyn C. Goldstein and
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Fig. 5: Qianfo chansi , the Thousand Buddhas Monastery. (Photo by M. Esposito, January 1989)

Celestial-Eye Mountains (Nan tianmushan ).19 During a long retreat that lasted until the end of the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), Fahai practiced in a cave on the mountain-peak named Taijidong (Great Ultimate cave) that had earlier been occupied by the Daoist Yang Yuanhe .20 During this time his Chan master Huiding was with him. It was in front of this cave that Fahai eventually decided to establish his own monastery [Fig. 5 and Figs. 6-7].

The Foundation of Qianfo chansi, the Thousand Buddhas Monastery

Fahai recalled that one day during his long retreat when he was absorbed in meditation, he had a vision of Vajrayogin (Tib. rDo rje rnal byor ma)21 who revealed to him that the Southern Celestial-Eye Mountains (Nan Tianmushan) were a sanctuary
M. Kapstein (eds.), Buddhism in Contemporary Tibet (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), in particular the Introduction by Goldstein, 1-14. 19 Xiandai gaoseng Huiding fashi, 27; see Appendix 1. In the Shangshi Fahai Lama shengping jianshu (p. 16), it is said that in 1958 Fahai Lama withdrew into the Southern CelestialEye Mountains (Nan Tianmushan), and that in 1964 he decided to settle there. 20 On the connection between Fahai Lama, the Daoist Yang Yuanhe, and the qigong, see Monica Esposito, Il qigong, la nuova scuola taoista delle cinque respirazioni (Padua: Muzzio, 1995): 70-71, and 138 note 3. 21 Vajrayogin is associated with the cycle of Hevajra and is the doublet of Vajravrh (Ch. Jingang haimu , Tib. rDor je phag mo). She has red and yellow forms. For an iconographic description of both, see Therse Malmann, Introduction liconographie du tantrisme bouddhique (Paris: Librairie dAmerique et dOrient A. Maisonneuve, 1975): 431-433. For a Chinese representation see below p. 525, Fig. 20.

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Fig. 6: Taijidong , the Great Ultimate cave. (Photo by M. Esposito, April 1996)

Fig. 7: Fahai Lama and his disciples in front of Taijidong. (Source: Mianhuai Fahai shangshi )

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empowered by her and thus particularly propitious for Great Perfection practices.22 For that reason Fahai Lama told his disciples, he mainly devoted himself to rDzogs chen during his retreat there. Furthermore he learned from Vajrayogins revelation that the site of Southern Celestial-Eye Mountains was an ideal place for womens practices related to the development of Great Perfection visions.23 When the Chinese government changed its religious affairs policy and allowed the rebuilding of temples and monasteries, the Southern Celestial-Eye Mountain range was, in spite of its Daoist background, officially recognized as a Buddhist sanctuary.24 From 1976 on, this site began to be visited by Buddhist lay devotees and monks who had heard about Fahai Lamas achievements. Since the majority of visitors happened to be nuns, Fahai Lama decided to build a nunnery in accordance with Vajrayogins prophecy and thus to transmit his teachings particularly to women. Hence, the Qianfo chansi or Thousand Buddhas Monastery was established as the first center of Sino-Tibetan practices for nuns, though Fahai Lama also planned to erect monastic buildings for monks at a later time. In fact he planned to build a large monastic community for thousands of nuns and monks with a Meditation Hall (chantang ), a Buddha Recitation Hall (nianfo tang ) and a Tantric Shrine (mizong dian ) in order to practice the three traditions of Chan, Pure Land, and Tantrism together. He also wished to provide hospitality and support for old retired people. 25 Unfortunately this big project could not be achieved. In 1991, after Fahai Lamas death, the community of nuns dispersed. The monastery is nowadays guarded by an old monk and some lay devotees who take care of the commemorative stupa built to preserve Fahai Lamas relics and hope for tourism to pick up. How did Fahai Lama organize life in his Sino-Tibetan monastery? What kind of Tibetan Tantric teachings was he conveying? How were these teachings harmonized with Chinese Buddhism?

Daily Life at the Thousand Buddhas Monastery

During my stay at Fahai Lamas monastery the nuns woke up at 3:30 in the morning. At 4:00 the morning chanting service (zaoke ) began. A very light breakfast consisting of rice congee and pickles was served in the main hall on the
Shangshi Fahai Lama shengping jianshu, 16. On these practices, see below. 24 From 1979 there was a change in government policy towards religion and on this new wave of liberation Chinese monasteries began to be restored. For a study on a Chinese monastery of dGe lugs tradition in Sichuan and the life of a nun called Longlian (1909-2006), who also passed through Chinese Cultural Revolution, see Ester Bianchi, The Iron Statue Monastery (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 2001). 25 See Fori, Mianhuai Fahai shangshi, 10-11. It seems that this refers to the project of establishing a qigong sanatorium for old retired cadres (ganbu). The Chinese government via Linan local authorities was involved in this project which took shape during the 80s and 90s within the so-called qigong fever outbreak. See also below; more on this phenomenon in D. Palmers La fivre du qigong.
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ground floor which was used as combined refectory, place of transmission of teachings and study, service hall, etc. After this first meal of the day, every nun was free to return to her room and dedicate herself to daily tasks until 9:00 a.m. The majority of nuns practiced koutou or prostrations on wooden boards in a relatively large common room at the second floor [Fig. 8]. Others sat in meditation or practiced the sixfold yoga of Nropa (Ch. liu chengjiu fa , Tib. N ro chos drug; see Fig. 9). In the main hall on the ground floor a small group of nuns gathered to practice the so-called Vajra-boxing ( jingang quan ), a simple qigong exercise. In a standing position with the feet open in line with the shoulders, they concentrated on the cinnabar field (dantian ) below the navel before raising their hands to chest height. Waving their hands forward, backward, left, and right, they visualized the heart as an opening lotus. Others in the same hall were studying or copying sacred texts. At 9:00 a.m. the recitation of texts began in the main hall, and after that, Fahai Lama taught Buddhist sutras (i.e., xianjiao or exoteric teachings) until lunch time, i.e., 11:30. After the vegetarian meal, the nuns were again free if they were not assigned to menial work that day. The afternoon was often dedicated to the study of the texts and to copying manuscripts that the lama had transmitted. Around 4:00 p.m., a second session of reciting sacred scriptures began, followed by the evening chanting service (wanke ) at 5:00. A frugal meal composed mainly of plain rice took place at 6:00 p.m. After that the nuns had a little free time before assembling in the main hall to listen to Fahai Lamas esoteric teachings

Fig. 8: Nuns practicing koutou at Qianfo chansi. (Photo by M. Esposito, August 1989)

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Fig. 9: Rev. Folian practicing the sixfold yoga of Nropa at Qianfo chansi. (Photo by M. Esposito, August 1989)

known under the generic appellation of mizong .26 These consisted of initiation ceremonies, Tantric empowerments and transmissions on Vajrayogin, commentaries on the sixfold yoga of Nropa, on Mahmudr (Ch. Dashouyin ), and finally on rDzogs chen or Great Perfection (Ch. Dayuanman ). These teachings were often scheduled between 9:00 and 11:00 p.m. but sometimes they could last until midnight. Their duration was completely dependent on Fahai Lamas disposition that day. [Fig. 10] The monastic life was thus apparently following the rules of a normal Chinese Buddhist monastery, but with two exceptions. Firstly, a strong emphasis was given to psycho-physiological practices like yoga, qigong, and koutou. Secondly, Buddhist teachings were clearly divided into xianjiao or exoteric teachings, which were taught during the day (often including Fahai Lamas favorite sutras: Lotus Sutra and Flower Adornment Sutra [Avatasaka-stra]), and mijiao or esoteric teachings taught at night. These so-called esoteric teachings mainly involved, as mentioned above, Tibetan Tantric teachings. For nuns, monks and lays devotees at Qianfo chansi, Tantrism
26 Chinese masters refer to all kinds of Tibetan practices under the appellation of mizong. This term refers both to Tantric or esoteric Buddhist teachings of the Far-East and to the specific Esoteric Teaching (mijiao) which was flourishing at the Tang court in a climate far from Tibetan influence. See Michel Strickmann, Mantras et mandarins (Paris: Gallimard, 1996): 32, 70, and Tachikawa Musashi and Yoritomi Motohiro (eds.), Chgoku mikky [Chinese esoteric Buddhism] (Tokyo: Shunkansha, 1999). See also the contributions by Chen Bing and Luo Tongbing. For a critical view on this term, see the Appendix 1 entitled On Esoteric Buddhism, in Robert Sharf, Coming to Terms with Chinese Buddhism (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2002): 263-278.

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Fig. 10: Fahai Lamas teaching session at Qianfo chansi. (Photo by M. Esposito, November 1988)

was synonymous with Tibetan esoteric practices. Generally mizong referred to practices focusing on visualization, on the circulation of qi and its subtle channels like, for instance, the yoga of Nropa, the koutou, but also the qigong exercise of the Vajraboxing.27 At the summit a more complex and esoteric system, known to them as Dayuanman (rDzogs chen), was taught by Fahai Lama only on special occasions and was regarded as the core of his Tibetan Tantric tradition. Before presenting Fahai Lamas transmission of rDzogs chen, which was unique to Qianfo chansi, it is important to discuss how Fahai Lama sought to reconcile Tantrism and the esoteric teachings he received from his Tibetan master Gangs dkar rin po che with Chan and Mahayana Buddhism in general, and how he explained this to his Chinese community. Being first of all a disciple of the Chinese Chan master Huiding, the challenge of harmonizing Chan and Tantrism was part of his experience. The only written trace of Fahai Lamas view of this problem is in a fragmentary biography dedicated to his master Huiding and entitled Xiandai gaoseng Huiding fashi chengjiu zhuan (Biography of the realized master Huiding, a
27 It seems that this view of amalgamating Tibetan Buddhism under the generic term of mizongview which is still very common in todays China and Taiwanwas not shared by all Chinese Buddhist masters. According to Franoise Wang-Toutain (Quand les matres chinois sveillent au bouddhisme tibtain, Bulletin de lcole franaise dExtrme-Orient 87.2, 2000: 707-727, here 725), when Qing Buddhist masters like Dayong, Fazun, Nenghai and their friends began to show interest in Tibetan Buddhism (in particular dGe lugs pa), they regarded it not only from the point of view of esoteric practices but also as a philosophical system which had conserved the original Indian teaching. On these dGe lugs pa Chinese masters see also the contributions by Franoise Wang-Toutain, Chen Bing, Luo Tongbing, and Onoda Shunz.

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contemporary eminent monk). It was recorded by his disciple Xiaoyin at the dictation of Fahai Lama on November, 6, 1984. As Chinese Buddhist master of 20th-century China, Fahai Lama explains in very simple words what, according to him, the essence of Tantric teachings consists of. Due to its importance, I summarize in the following sections the content of this document in form of a free translation of some of its passages related to this topic and included in its last chapter 5. The original Chinese manuscript has been reproduced in Appendix 1. Paragraphs numbers have been inserted in square brackets to facilitate orientation in the original Chinese text.28

How to Reconcile Chan with Tantrism29

Let us go back [1] to 1961 when Fahai Lama, already back in China from the Tibetan regions, withdrew to Yuhuangping, into the Great Ultimate cave (Taijidong) of the Southern Celestial-Eye Mountains (Nan Tianmushan) with his Chan master Huiding. One day Fahai Lama, knowing that his master Huiding could not yet understand why, after having received Chan teachings from him, he still wanted to go to Tibet and study Tantrism with Gangs dkar rin po che, said to Huiding: Why did you, after Chan realization, want to listen to Huayan teachings? 30 Huiding did not answer but for Fahai Lama it was clear that Huiding did not regard mizong as a Buddhist teaching worth studying. Huiding was familiar with the path of accumulation of merits in Mahayana Buddhism but he knew little about the esoteric path. For that reason Fahai Lama tried to explain to him that, though Chan and Tantrism were different in their views and practices, both were worthy of study. [2] Chan focuses on mind: the mind is the Buddha and there is no Buddha beyond the mind. This is why Chan is defined as enlightening the mind to see your original nature (mingxin jianxing ), and seeing your nature to become Buddha ( jianxing chengfo ). By contrast, the esoteric path emphasizes the importance of the body as the medium to realize the truth and can be thus defined by becoming Buddha in this body ( jishen chengfo ).31 If Mahayana-ordained monks and nuns can devote themselves to practice only once they cut off the source of delusion and Chan meditation can be seen like the means to cut off such sourceslike removing a stone which does not allow the grass to growTantrism make use of delusions and see them as the marvelous activity of nirvana. The body is the abode of all truth and it is there that the mind resides too. To understand this, one has to know and experience the body and its psycho-physiological structure.
Xiandai gaoseng Huiding fashi, 27-36. On this material see also note 2 and Appendix 1. For this section see Appendix 1, [1-8]. 30 This refers to an episode in the life of Huiding. He was asked by master Xuyun why after having obtained the enlightenment he still wanted to listen to the Huayan jing or Flower Adornment Sutra (Avatasaka-stra). Huiding answered Xuyun that the reason was that one should continue to study Buddhism (Xiandai gaoseng Huiding fashi, 19-20). 31 The core of the esoteric path is in fact underlined by this expression that forms the title of the important work by Kkai , the Sokushin-jbutsu-gi . See the annotated translation of this work by Hisao Inagaki, Kkais Principle of Attaining Buddhahood with the Present Body (Kyoto: Ryukoku University, 1975).
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Fahai Lama introduced his master Huiding to [4] the system of the seventytwo thousand channels,32 [5] the circulation of prana or qi in Chinese, and [6] the role of white and red bindu (Ch. mingdian , luminous spheres).33 If Chan via its meditation works on the mind to cut off the source of delusion, [8] Tantrism via its yogic techniques works on channels, prana, and bindu (Ch. mai , qi , mingdian , Tib. rtsa, rlung, thig le) because they are the source of delusion as vehicles of consciousness. [5] Channels, prana, and bindu make possible everything from the movement of the limbs to the movement of the mind.34 [7] Tranquil and agitated minds are manifestations of these three. Channels, prana and bindu are at the source of human suffering in this world and of the manifestation of samsara with its six realms; but at the same time, if they are cultivated they produce bodhicitta, the enlightened mind. They are the source of delusion and the source of liberation. [4] Among the channels, the most important is the central channelCh. zhongmai ) that runs from the genitals to the crown of the head. Parallel to it there are the left (Ch. zuomai ) and right channels (Ch. youmai ) which wrap around it creating constrictions. At these points of constriction there is also a network of smaller channels that prevent the prana or qi from circulating smoothly. It is then important to open the channels and make the qi circulate smoothly without obstructions because in [8] Tantrism one has to cultivate both the path of no interruption (Ch. wujian dao , Tib. bar chad med [pai] lam) and the path of liberation (Ch. jietuo dao , Tib. rnam grol lam).35 This was the first explanation of Tantrism that Fahai Lama conveyed to his master Huiding but it did not seem to produce any effects on him nor stimulate any curiosity in him.

In general, Hindu and Buddhist tantras agree as to the total number of the channels, i.e., seventy-two thousand, but there are also other systems and numbers. See for instance, S.B. Dasgupta, An Introduction to Tantric Buddhism (Calcutta: University of Calcutta, 1950): 169-174, and Tara Michal, Nadi, in Dictionnaire de lsotrisme, ed. Jean Servier (Paris: Presse Universitaire de France, 1998): 907-911. 33 The red bindu refer to blood and belong to the right channel; they have the function of heating the body. The white bindu consist of saliva and body fluids; they reside in the left channel and have the function of producing spiritual bliss. When they enter the central channel they can bring perfection (chengjiu ). See Xiandai gaoseng Huiding fashi, 28, Appendix 1, [6]. 34 The text goes into more detail explaining the five basic breaths (wugen benqi ) and the five motility breaths (wuzhi fenqi ). See Xiandai gaoseng Huiding fashi, 28-29, Appendix 1. The aim of Fahai Lama was to make Huiding understand the Tantric concept of body-mind in general terms (Xiandai gaoseng Huiding fashi, 28, Appendix 1, [5]). A specific system of visionary anatomy will be presented below in the context of the Great Perfection or rDzogs chen transmission. 35 See Xiandai gaoseng Huiding fashi, 29, Appendix 1, [8]. The path of liberation ( jietuo dao) is one of the graduated paths of practice which appears in various Yogcra texts. By following upon the instantaneous or uninterrupted path (wujian dao) one gains, after the path of initiation of practices, the determination to destroy the afflictions and one is instantly liberated from the latter; see Charles Muller (ed.), Digital Dictionary of Buddhism, at http://www.buddhism-dict.net.

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From Mantra Recitation to Tantric Initiation36

[9] Master Huiding, who had for decades never changed his Chan affiliation, did not show much understanding of Tantrism and thought that Tantrism was just something related to the recitation of mantras. [10] Fahai Lama told Huiding that Tantrism consisted of something more than reciting mantras and included a variety of principles and doctrines. Having heard this, Huiding asked Fahai Lama to explain them to him. Fahai Lama felt quite uncomfortable about such a request. How could it be possible that Huiding, who had a full understanding of Chan, still did not know that esoteric teachings, as the innermost spiritual experience beyond verbalization and conceptualization could not be explained; and could be transmitted only via initiation? When Fahai told Huiding this, the latter reacted by saying: Please forgive me. Go ahead with your Tantric studies and I with my Chan practice. We still have many things to do together. [11] Although Huiding was apparently satisfied with this, Fahai Lama felt that Huiding still had doubts; he could not yet understand why his own disciple Fahai Lama continued to study Tantrism and why he continued to pursue something that was not orthodox. At the same time, Huiding probably also felt a kind of pity for his disciple who, after having realized Chan, abandoned it to study Tantrism. In contrast, from Fahai Lamas viewpoint, there was no contradiction in his choice: it was clear to him that both Chan and Tantrism were necessary, and he felt that the moment was nigh to make Huiding understand it once and for all. [12] Two days later Fahai knocked at the door of Huiding with a new strategy in mind. Do you want to listen to Tantrist teachings or not?he asked Huiding. It does not matter if I want or not because I should be initiated in order to listen; or can you explain it to me simply?Huiding replied. This time Fahai said straightforwardly: As I am your disciple, thanks to making offerings [to the protectors], I can explain some Tantric principles to you. This is one of the precepts of Tantrism. Delighted to hear this, Huiding urged Fahai Lama to do what he proposed. [13] Thus Fahai Lama transmitted to Huiding the method of the recitation and visualization of the sixteen syllable mantra of Vairocana. He told Huiding how to make the syllables circulate in the body from the navel, the point where the three important channels join, and then up to the chest, the throat and the space between the eyes. And to repeat this 1,000 times. Huiding practiced it for seven days and very soon experienced the forgetting of subject and object, the emptiness of the body: all sounds and all things around him became the sound of Vairocanas mantra. [14] Astonished by such quick results he went to see Fahai Lama and said to him: Do you have something else to teach me? This time Fahai Lama felt embarrassed and unprepared and said to him: I transmitted to you a little by making offerings, but I cannot continue without initiation.
36 This section summarizes the content of Xiandai gaoseng Huiding fashi, 29-32, Appendix 1, [9-17].

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To Fahai Lamas surprise Huiding spontaneously answered: Please confer the initiation to me. 37 [17] That evening, in the guise of Gangs dkar rin po che, Fahai Lama conferred the initiation onto his Chan master Huiding. From that time on he transmitted Tantric teachings to his master Huiding every day.

Entering the Path of Liberation: Tantric Commitments, the Three Powers and their Resonance38
[18] First of all, in order to obtain realization, one has to observe Tantric commitments, which can be summarized simply as: 1. After the initiation, one has to practice according to the received teachings; 2. One must not break ones commitments (samaya) and must believe in ones own guru;39 if one has doubts, one has to repent and clarify them; 3. One has to realize ones nature and understand what Tantrism and its esoteric teachings mean, what the practices are, and that one can realize them. This third point is the most important. [20] Huiding practiced every day according to these precepts in the hall of Qianfo chansi that was being built while he received Fahai Lamas Tantric teachings. After having experimented the so-called path of no interruption (wujian dao), Huiding was taught about the path of liberation ( jietuo dao). When one enters this path one comes to be in resonance with three kinds of powers: the power of the innate nature of the universe ( fajie zixing li ), the mysterious and majestic power of the divine mantras (mimi shenzhou weishen li ), and the empowerment of all Buddhas and Bodhisattvas (zhufo pusa de jiabei li ). [21] The power of the innate nature of the universe is the power of the spontaneous nature of Samantabhadra which is present in everybody, though some realize this and others not. In ordinary beings who do not recognize this their consciousness is obscured as in a dream. In this state one is under the power of doubts, ignorance, attachment, and anger that in turn give birth to delusion, suffering, confusion, and evil actions. In contrast, those who realize the power of this nature are no longer confused and can use the supreme, perfect wisdom of emptiness, the perfection of insight (boruo boluomixin ), and the mind of cognition-insight (zhihui xin ) to transform delusion into enlightenment. The cognition-zhi has the function of observing; and insight-hui has the function of making decisions. Thus the power of cognition-insight can clearly distinguish good from evil, cut off the evil and cultivate the good, transform the contaminated and corrupted seeds into uncontaminated and luminous seeds, and transform the ordinary into the saintly.
This episode may recall the agreement of the Buddhist reformist monk Taixu (18901947) to be initiated by the Panchen Lama as a sign of recognizing Tantrism as a self-standing teaching with its own rules and precepts. On this see the contribution by Luo Tongbing in this volume (p. 456). 38 For this section, see Xiandai gaoseng Huiding fashi, 32-36, Appendix 1, [18-28]. 39 The initiation or guanding includes the transmission of Tantric commitments or precepts (Skt. samaya ila, Ch. sanmeiye jie ). On the content of these esoteric precepts in Kkais tradition, see Ryichi Ab, The Weaving of Mantra (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999): 43-44, 53-55.
37

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[22] The mysterious and majestic power of the divine mantras is the power of transforming discursiveness into wisdom. Heretics can recite mantras; but even though mantras belong to the power of the innate nature of the universe, they do not have the power of transforming discursiveness into wisdom. On the contrary, when Buddhist disciples recite the mantras received by their gurus, wisdom condenses into light, and through daily recitation, they can cut off all karmic traces of evil and attain enlightenment.40 [23] The empowerment of all Buddhas and Bodhisattvas is the power of compassion. Buddhas and Bodhisattvas empower all beings with an enlightened view and wisdom so that when they recite mantras via the yoga practice they can receive an immmensurable empowerment and be in resonance (ganying li ) with all their activities of body, mind, and speech. With the support of all Bodhisattvas, the mysterious and majestic power can manifest itself and can change into the power of the innate nature of the universe. [24] By the actualization of these three powers the so-called phenomenon of Buddha entering me and I entering Buddha (Ch. ruwo woru , Jap. nyga gany) manifests.41 The three secrets (Ch. sanmi , i.e., body, speech, and mind) of the Tathgata enter me and my three activities (sanye ) of body, speech and mind enter the Tathgata. The experience of such correspondence can be experienced by the practice of visualization of radiant letters of different colors according to the corresponding chakras or wheels. [25] After this explanation, Fahai Lama finally transmitted to Huiding the method of visualization and recitation of the four seed-syllables (Skt. bjas) in the four wheels related to the four elements. [26] He continued explaining Tantrism to Huiding for a whole month. Huiding practiced every day what Fahai Lama transmitted to him; he opened the channels and experienced different states in the four wheels (navel, chest, throat, and space between the eyes). The luminous and colored syllables circulated fast and without interruption in the wheels while his body was no more there, except for the sound of his recitation. [27] After having realized the meaning of this esoteric path Huiding continued to progress in his practice. Then he experienced a brand-new state: He had just entered in absorption when he heard a very clear whoosh! The sound was disIt is interesting to compare Fahai Lamas explanations with Taixus view about the power of mantras described by Luo Tongbing in this volume (pp. 446-448). 41 According to Yoshito S. Hakeda (Kkai Major Works, New York: Columbia University Press, 1972, 98), this is the essence of Kkais esoteric Buddhist meditation which consists in imitating. This imitation is technically called the practice of entering self into Self so that the Self enters into the self (nyga gany). The self is the individual existence and the Self, Mahvairocana. The climax is reached when the subject, while performing the acts of imitating, loses the awareness that he is imitatingthe subject is transformed into the object, and the separation between the subject and object disappears. See also the opinion by Minoru Kiyota (Shingon Buddhism: Theory and Practice, Los Angeles: Buddhist Book International, 1978, 136-137) who regards it as the symbolical interpretation of the Mahayana theory of nirvana and samsara systematized by Kkai in the theory of instant BuddhahoodI-in-Buddha and Buddha-in-me.
40

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tinct and wonderful. At the same time a bright moon appeared in front of his chest. The white light pierced him and at the same time the sound grew faint. The rays changed into a strand that reached his pupils and went up to the Tuita heavens (doushuo tian ) and the inner palace of Maitreya. From that time on, whenever he meditated he visited Maitreya, offered homage to him, and sent offerings of food and perfumes in the form of a beautiful goddess (tiannu ). [28] Such visionary states lasted one month until the entire body of Huiding was permeated with divine nectar (Ch. ganlu shui , Skt. amta), a result of his having received the initiation from all the assemblies of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas in this pure land. After that, Fahai transmitted the sdhana of the White Tr and, finally, the Great Perfection (rDzogs chen) teachings to Huiding.

The Chinese rDzogs chen Transmission of Fahai Lama

The biography of Huiding stops just when rDzogs chen teachings begin. The passages translated above are a simple presentation of Fahai Lamas views on esoteric teachings. As we know, even today the definition of Tantrism and its teachings is still a source of disagreement not only among Buddhists but also among scholars.42 Against the widespread opinion among Chinese Buddhists that Tantrism (including Tibetan Tantric Buddhism) is a heretical path, Fahai Lama explained via well-known formulas that it is a vehicle of enlightenment at the same level as Chan, and that it has its own doctrine and precepts. In reviewing the few doctrinal points he presented to his master Huiding, Fahai Lama relied on Japanese esoteric Buddhist terminology mixed with his own interpretation of Tibetan esoteric teachings.43 In contrast with Chan, Fahai Lamas emphasis lies on the body (the system of channels, prana or qi circulation) and techniques related to visualization, divine blessings, communion with deities, recitation of mantras, etc. While summarizing esoteric precepts for Huiding, Fahai Lama explained that understanding the nature of mind and the meaning of esoteric teachings and their practice is the most important thing in the transmission of Tantric commitments. Understanding is not just reasoning and analyzing, but
42 The difficulty the Chinese Buddhist community had in accepting Tantrism after a wave of Tibet enchantment is well testified, for instance, in the life of the monk Taixu and the changes in his views on esoteric Buddhism, and in particular on Tibetan Buddhism, during his career as a Buddhist reformer; see the contribution by Luo Tongbing in this volume. Today China is still dealing with this problem, a problem which has clear connotations of Tibetan and Chinese identity; see the contribution by Chen Bing in the first volume, in particular the section titled Difficulties and Problems of the Reception of Tantrism in the PRC. More on how Tibetan Buddhism is today perceived and assimilated in Taiwan and Hong Kong can be found in the contributions by Yao Lixiang and Henry Shiu in this volume. See also the negative view on Tibetan Buddhism by Japanese scholars like Yamaguchi and Matsumoto as described by Fukuda Yichi in the first volume. 43 On the problem of reliance on Japanese esoteric Buddhist terminology in the earlier Chinese translations of Tibetan Buddhist texts, see also Gray Tuttle, Translating Buddhism from Tibetan to Chinese in early 20th Century China (1931-1951), in Buddhism Between Tibet and China, ed. M. Kapstein (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2008).

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requires transmission. Tantric initiation stands at the center: the confrontation of the innate nature of Samantabhadra and its resulting power of resonancethe experience of non-duality which animates visionary activity. It is only after such a full experience that the Chan master Huiding, having been regenerated by the blissful visions of his Maitreya, is seen as ready to receive rDzogs chen instruction. According to Fahai Lama the transmission of rDzogs chen forms the core of the highest and ultimate Tantric vehicle. On the other hand, in his attempt at reconciling Tantrism and Chan, he also claimed that the supreme esoteric rDzogs chen can be aligned with the overcoming of the last barrier in Chan.44 Realizing non-duality is at the center of both Chan and Tantrism, but their practice and achievements are different and depend on the disposition and nature of every disciple. The opportunity to study both traditions was unique to Fahai Lama and his Chinese community, but this was not possible without compromises and adjustments. A clear difficulty for Fahai Lama was to teach his nuns Tibetan doctrines that seemed far beyond the poor Chinese Buddhist education they received before entering Qianfo chansi. Tibet was still remote and exotic for those disciples who could write and read only in Chinese. It was a real challenge for Fahai Lama to elaborate, under the political and religious pressure of the Chinese government and official Buddhist associations, a non-sectarian discourse integrating Tibetan and Chinese teachings and to render Tibetan concepts and practices views more accessible to Chinese understanding.45 This involved for him the practical necessity of translating and explaining texts of an unfamiliar tradition with terms and vocabulary familiar to the Chinese. One cannot ignore that rDzogs chen was a brand-new discovery in early 20th-century China; rDzogs chen texts were translated for the first time from Tibetan into Chinese during the 1930s and 1940s. As we are going to see, terminology was not yet established and often varies depending on the particular translator. This reminds us of a similar process in
44 On the meaning of the last barrier in Chan see below, note 143. On the comparison between Chan and rDzogs chen see below. See also the contribution by Chen Bing in the first volume (p. 413). It is interesting to notice that there are different views on the relation between Chan and rDzogs chen in Tibetan studies. See for instance the view of Kenneth K. Tanaka and Raymond E. Robertson (A Chan Texts from Tun-huang: Implications for Chan Influence on Tibetan Buddhism, in Tibetan Buddhism Reason and Revelation, eds. Steven D. Goodman and Ronald M. Davidson, Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992, 5778) supported by Jean-Luc Achard (Lessence perle du secret, Turnout: Brpols, 1999, 62-64), and the view of Samten G. Karmay (The Great Perfection (rDzogs chen): A Philosophical and Meditative Teaching of Tibetan Buddhism, Leiden: Brill, 1988) supported by David Germano (Architecture and Absence in the Secret Tantric History of the Great Perfection (rdzogs chen), Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 17.2, 1994: 203-335, here 216217). With regard to rDzogs chen and Tantrism, Germano emphasizes in his study the strong relation of rDzogs chen with the Tantric tradition while Achard tries to dissociate rDzogs chen from the Tantric vehicles. 45 On other accommodating views about Tibetan doctrines and Chinese culture see the contributions by Chen Bing and Wang-Toutain in the first volume. It is interesting to notice how the reformist monk Taixu tried to assimilate Tibetan Buddhist teachings in his dream of reforming Chinese Buddhism, as shown in the contribution of Luo Tongbing in this volume and below.

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China when the first Buddhist sutras were translated; but in Fahai Lamas case the difficulties were smaller as the scope was limited to the rDzogs chen tradition.46 rDzogs chen is a Tibetan term corresponding to the Sanskrit Mahsandhi and is usually translated as Great Perfection. In Chinese it has been translated as Dayuanman . This expression refers to the teaching, which is seen as complete and perfect in itself, but more particularly it characterizes the individuals inherent Buddhanature, which is synonymous with the nature of the mind. It is the primordial state of the individual, pure from the beginning and spontaneously self-perfected. In the following, I will outline Fahai Lamas rDzogs chen explanations as recorded in his Chinese manuscripts, which are here presented and translated for the first time.47 Although they are rather technical, these Chinese materials allow a preliminary survey of Chinese Great Perfection terminology. As they are the fruit of oral communications they are a precious tool for showing how such Tibetan teachings were understood and portrayed in recent times in China proper.48 Since such materials have never been presented in English, I will include a fair amount here (pp. 496-519). Readers less interested in the specific content of Fahai Lamas teachings in his transmitted texts, can turn to the final section (pp. 519-526). I have chosen to discuss terminological issues mostly in the notes in order to leave more space to the presentation and content description of these new materials. A more strict comparison between Tibetan rDzogs chen texts and Chinese translations still needs to be done and this presentation is only a first step. The transmission of Fahai Lama focuses on yang ti (yangdi). Yang ti is the Tibetan term for one of the three divisions of the Great Perfection Section of Esoteric Precepts or Section of Secret Instructions (Tib. man ngag sde, Ch. koujue bu ), i.e., A ti (Ch. adi /), sPyi ti (Ch. jiedi ) and Yang ti.49 This subdivision is
46 On the role played by Chinese translations of Tibetan works see also Tuttle, Translating Buddhism from Tibetan to Chinese in early 20th Century China. 47 See the list of Chinese rDzogs chen texts in Appendix 2. 48 For the assimilation of dGe lugs teachings in China see F. Wang-Toutain, Quand les matres chinois sveillent au bouddhisme tibtain; E. Bianchi, The Iron Statue Monastery and her study titled The Chinese lama Nenghai (1886-1967), Doctrinal Tradition and Teaching Strategies of a Gelukpa Master in Republican China, in Buddhism Between Tibet and China, ed. M. Kapstein (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2008). 49 For a historical study on the Great Perfection in Tibet see Samten Karmay, The Great Perfection (rDzogs chen). On the systematization of the Great Perfection into three sections (sems sde, klong sde and man ngag sde) and the history of their transmission see George Roerich, The Blue Annals (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1979): 167-203; Eva Dargyay, The Rise of Esoteric Buddhism in Tibet (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1979): 16-59; and Tulku Thondup, Buddha Mind (Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion, 1989): 47-88. On the different classification systems of the Section of Esoteric Precepts see J.-L. Achard, Lessence perle du secret, 54-61 and 55, note 6. See also D. Germano, The Funerary Transformation of the Great Perfection (Rdzogs chen), Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 1 (2005): 1-54. For a clear presentation of the rDzog chen view and its teachings by a contemporaneous master see the works by Namkhai Norbu and in particular The Crystal and the Way of Light: Sutra, Tantra, and Dzogchen, ed. John Shane (New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1986). For a presentation of the Great Perfection view in Bon po tradition see Donatella Rossi, The Philosophical View of the Great Perfection in the Tibetan Bon

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also used in the cycle of transmissions conferred by Gangs dkar rin po che and then adopted by Fahai Lama. The Tibetan term yang ti is translated in different ways into Chinese: yangdi or yangdui (following the Tibetan phonetics), xinsui (lit. the marrow of heart, the innermost heart), or xinzhongxin (the heart of the heart/quintessence). At the same time yang ti is often confused in Chinese with the term snying thig (Ch. ningdi , ningti , or xinyao , heart essence, quintessence) and yang tig.50 The oral Yang ti transmission that Fahai Lama received from Gangs dkar rin po che is mainly based on three Tibetan texts: (1) Ye shes bla ma by Jigs med gling pa (1729/30-1798) included in his Klong chen snying thig; (2) the Yang ti transmission according to Gangs dkar rin po ches oral instructions (among which figures that of the Yang ti nag po); and (3) the Karma snying thig by the third Karma pa Rang byung rdo rje (1284-1334) included in the Bi ma snying thig.51 This transmission has been recorded in the Dayuanman guanding jianglu quanji (Complete collection of the explicative commentaries on Great Perfection initiations) with some explications in Fahai Lamas own hand under the title Dayuanman guanReligion (Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion, 1999) and for its practices see Lopon Tenzin Namdak, Heart Drops of Dharmakaya Dzogchen Practice of the Bn Tradition (Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion, 1993). 50 More on the history and content of the snying thig system in D. Germano, Architecture and Absence in the Secret Tantric History of the Great Perfection (rdzogs chen), 267-ff; and Herbert Guenther, Meditation Differently, Phenomenological-psychological Aspects of Tibetan Buddhist (Mahmudr and sNying-thig) Practices from Original Tibetan Sources (Delhi: Motilal Barnasidass, 1992). For a brief introduction to this system see also the contribution by Antonio Terrone in this volume, especially on p. 772 note 54. 51 On the Klong chen snying thig see Steven Goodman, The Klong-Chen snying-thig: An Eighteenth Century Tibetan Revelation (PhD diss., University of Saskatchewan, 1983), and Rigdzin Jigs-med gling-pa and the kLong-Chen sNying-thig, in Tibetan Buddhism: Reasons and Revelation, eds. S. Goodman and R. Davidson (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1992): 133-146. See also Sam van Schaik, Approaching the Great Perfection: Simultaneous and Gradual Approaches to Dzogchen Practice in Jigme Lingpas Longchen Nyingtig (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2004). On the structure of the Bi ma snying thig see Achard, Lessence perle, 94-96. According to Achard (Lessence perle, 65 note 13) the Kar ma snying thig has been included in the Bi ma snying thig under the title Nyams len lag khrigs mai khrid ngo mtshar can. See also Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman xinsui tanao [Exploration of the quintessence of the Tibetan Tantric Great Perfection] (Beijing: Meitan gongye, 1993): 12-13. As for the transmission of the Yang ti nag po, Fahai Lama received the transmission from Gangs dkar rin po che according to the Tibetan text rDzogs chen yang ti nag po gser gyi gcig pai khrid yig mdor bsdud pa od gsal lam jug by Kong sprul Yon tan rgya mtsho (1813-1899), a standard exegesis of the cycle revealed by Dung mtsho ras pa under the Chinese title Dayuanman zuisheng xinzhongxin yindao leyao [Instructions on the quintessential teachings of the Great Perfection yang ti], as well as from rDzogs pa chen po yang ti nag po mun khrid bklags pas don grub by Kun bzang nges don dbang po (fl. 1798), under the Chinese title Dayuanman fajie xinzhongxin heiguan yindao wei du jike chengjiu shiye [Instructions on the retreat in darkness of yang ti in the domain of the Great Perfection, the simple reading of which allows accomplishment of ones pursuit], among which figures Dung mtsho ras pass Yang ti nag poi shog dril skor gsum. See also Dayuanman zuisheng xinzhongxin yangdui kemu [Yang ti instructions on the quintessential teachings of the Great Perfection], and Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangyi [Commentary on the Great Perfection yang ti]. More on these texts in Appendix 2.

rDzogs chen in China ding yiji quanji Fahai Lama (Complete collection of expli-

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cative notes on Great Perfection initiations by Fahai Lama) [Fig. 11]. This text, from now on abbreviated as Dayuanman guanding, is one of the main sources in this article for the presentation of Fahai Lamas transmission of rDzogs chen. As this text constantly refers to the Ye shes bla ma under the abbreviated Chinese title of Shenghui or Victorious Wisdom (for Dayuanman shenghui benjue xinyao xiuzheng cidi ), I will use the Chinese translation of this well-known Tibetan text for additional explanations, along with other related Chinese translations and recorded notes on tape and video.52 According to the traditional man ngag sde (Ch. koubu ) division adopted in Fig. 11: Dayuanman guanding yiji quanji rDzogs chen, the Great Perfection practicFahai lama [Complete collection of the exes are divided into:53 plicative commentaries on Great (1) The extraordinary or special preliPerfection initiations]. (Photo by minaries (Ch. bugong jiaxing , tebie M. Esposito, April 1996) jiaxing , jiaxing or qianxing , Tib. khyad par gyi sngon gro or simply sngon gro)54 better known under the Tibetan expression khor das ru shan dbye ba or Disjunction of samsara and nirvana (Ch. xiuxian liao lunhui niepan );55 and
52 It is not a surprise that the Ye shes bla ma, one of the most favored works among present day practitioners, is also highly esteemed by the Chinese. As far as I know there are at least two Chinese translations of this text: Dayuanman guangda xinyao benjue cidi (Wu Jialiang ed., Dayuanman , Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987, 368-487), and Dayuanman shenghui benjue xinyao xiuzheng cidi , abbr. Dayuan shenghui (Fahai Lamas manuscript also found in Wu Jialiang ed., Dayuanman, 542-672). See Appendix 2 below. For a short presentation of the structure of the Ye shes bla ma see S. van Schaik, Approaching the Great Perfection: Simultaneous and Gradual Approaches to Dzogchen Practice in Jigme Lingpas Longchen Nyingtig, 311-312. Rev. Folian, the closest disciple of Fahai Lama, recorded Fahai Lamas teachings and gave them to me at the end of the rDzogs chen instruction sessions while I recorded some teachings on my video-camera. 53 See Tulku Thondup, Buddha Mind, 67-76. 54 According to the order and the terminology given in Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangyi, and Dayuanman guanding, two texts that were transmitted by Gangs dkar rin po che to Fahai Lama. For other terminologies and explanations of preliminaries and their terminology see Appendix 2 (n 14-15), and note 55. 55 The Chinese term jiaxing translates both the Tibetan sbyor ba (yoga, union, practice, application) and sbyor lam (Ch. jiaxing dao , path of union or accumulation). It is used here for sngon gro (preliminaries). In the Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangyi, the expression

496 (2) khregs chod or Instantaneous Breakthrough or Cut off (3) thod rgal or Instantaneous Transcending or Going Beyond

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Leaving aside the preliminaries, I will now focus on the explanations given by Fahai Lama on khregs chod and thod rgal. Before beginning these instructions, Fahai Lama handed to his disciples the Chinese translation of dGa rab rdo rjes testament Tshig gsum gnad brdeg or Three lines that hit on the key points (Ch. Jisong niede ) to be studied and copied down.56 After that, he gave a general introduction to khregs chod by comparing it with Chan for the emphasis given to the confrontation with the nature of mindthe original face, and to thod rgal by putting it in relation with the practices on qi.

The Instantaneous Breakthrough View

Fahai Lamas instructions on khregs chod begin with an explanation of the meaning of the Tibetan word, which is rendered in Chinese texts as dunduan , liduan , or more often left in Chinese phonetics as qieque , cheque , zhique . According to the Dayuanman guanding (13b), Fahai Lama explains:
The meaning of qieque [khregs chod] is instantaneous cut-off (dunduan ) also called desire for enlightenment. For those who have realized it, the body returns to emptiness, becoming invisible.

For Fahai Lama the abyssal space of the body-mind characterizes khregs chod while the experience of the transformation of the flesh-body into rainbow light as described in the same text (13b) refers to thod rgal:
The meaning of tuoga [thod rgal] is instantaneous transcending (dunchao ). For those who have realized it, the flesh body is transformed into rainbow light, becoming an indestructible diamond body.
extraordinary preliminaries (bugong jiaxing ) refers to (a) the cultivation and actualization of samsara and nirvana; (b) Main Practice (Ch. zhengxing , Tib. dngos gzhi) which includes khregs chod and thod rgal. In Dayuanman guanding the expression of special preliminaries (tebie jiaxing ) refers to: (a) the preliminaries of cultivation and realization of samsara and nirvana (xiu xianliao shengsi niepan jiaxing ); (b) the cultivation of body, speech, and mind according to the instruction of the luminous essence of the nature of mind (yi zixin mingti yindao xiu shen kou yi jiaxing ); (c) the method of cultivating ease (xiu anxi fa ). For the expression qianxing , which is closer to the Tibetan term sngon gro, and for other texts transmitted by Gangs dkar rin po che, see also Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman, 131-161; and Yogi Chen, The Essential Teachings of the Adi Buddha Part I & 2, Chenian Booklets no. 85 (http://yogichen.org/chenian/bk84.html) & 85 (http://yogichen.org/chenian/bk85.html). For the preliminary practices and their related texts see Appendix 2 (n 14-15). 56 On this text see Appendix 2 (n 3).

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In order to introduce the meaning of khregs chod and thod rgal in the context of the Great Perfection, Fahai Lama on the basis of the Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangyi (Commentary on the Great Perfection yang ti, 11a) says:
The quintessence of the Great Perfection lies in its view [Ch. jian, Tib. lta ba] and meditation [Ch. xiu, Tib. sgom pa].57 In its specific terminology, primordially purity [Ch. benjing, Tib. ka dag] khregs chod is the view, spontaneously accomplishment [Ch. renyun, Tib. lhun grub] thod rgal is the meditation.

Leaving for later the meditative path of thod rgal, Fahai Lama emphasizes the importance of understanding first of all the view of khregs chod and its Chinese rendering as dunduan or liduan . While the term dun in dunduan (or li in liduan for like , liji ) sudden, instantaneous has already been well explored and often contrasted with the term jian gradual,58 the term duan to break, to cut off, deserves our attention:59
It is like cutting down a tree; once its root is cut, there is no more need to prune its branches.
60

After this cutting of the source of all delusions, the immensity of the space of mind opens up. The opening up of this instantaneous breakthrough view points directly to the experience of the nature of mind which, in the words of Gangs dkar rin po che, is:
Tranquil like water without waves and firm like a mountain, the mind is naturally at ease in a broad and calm space where not even the tiniest deluded thought arises. If the practicioner does not think of past or future merits or demerits whatsoever, he will achieve the realization.
61 The Chinese term xiu translates the various meaning of sgom pa as practice, training, cultivation (in meditation). 58 Paul Demiville, Le miroir spirituel, Sinologica, 1.2 (1947): 112-137. For an interesting study of this term in Chinese and Western sources see Urs App, Dun: A Chinese Concept as a Key to Mysticism in East and West, The Eastern Buddhist 26. 2 (1993): 31-72. 59 In Chinese translation the meaning of the Tibetan term khregs (old spelling for mkhregs pa) hard, solid, stiff does not seem to be taken in consideration. Instead, one finds the emphasis on the instant, the instant of a thought, the immediacy (Tib. khregs gir as thad kar straightforwardly, directly, with immediacy) in which the act of cutting through (Tib. chod, Ch. duan) takes place. For an analysis of this term in Tibetan sources and Western translations see D. Germano, Poetic thought, the intelligent Universe, and the mystery of self: The Tantric synthesis of rDzogs Chen in fourteenth century Tibet (PhD diss., The University of Wisconsin, 1992): 842-844. 60 Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangyi in Fahai Lamas manuscript, 63b. See also a slightly modified version of this passage quoted in Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman, 60. 61 Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangyi in Fahai Lamas manuscript, 63a-b. See also Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman, 60.
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This instantaneous breakthrough view has the power to confront the practitioner with the nature of mind, i.e., Samantabhadras wisdom which is beyond grasping, controlling, or following any thoughts; it is the power of leaving everything as it is. Gangs dkar rin po che explains that the thoughts which arise in the mind are merely like the reflections in a mirror, while the mirror itself having the capacity of reflecting is like the nature of mind:
Every thought is essential (the awareness-mirror of the luminous essence of the mind [i.e., rig pa]) because in its genuine essence thought is nothing other than meditation (the twin streams of amatha and vipayan). If the practitioner during his meditation reflects every thought as a mirror, he cannot be distracted even for an instant. The wisdom of original awareness [Ch. benjue zhihui, Tib. rig pai ye shes, lit. wisdom of rig pa] is primordially complete without need of grasping; it is spontaneously luminous and all-pervading. There is nothing which can be obtained through contemplation, can be brought through practice and can be seen through conceptualization and discrimination. That is the wisdom of Samantabhadra62 which is originally pure; that is the quintessence of cheque practice [khregs chod].
63

The Confrontation with the Clear Essence of Mind

Fahai Lama emphasizes that seeing the reality just as it is is like seeing a crystal clear sky, its limitless spatiality. This can be possible by removing the dark layers of obscuration and being confronted with the nature of mind, which is beyond time and conditioned existence. The function of the guru or lama is to introduce his disciples to the nature of mind. According to the words of his master Gangs dkar rin po che:
To perceive this nature which in its essence is non-duality of clarity and emptiness [Ch. mingkong buer, Tib. stong gsal dbyer med] is my original mind, subject-object at once, without past, present of future and without space, dimension, shape or color; just as with the empty sky all phenomena appear spontaneously due to the skys nature of emptiness.
64

Gangs dkar rin po che explains in his instructions on the Yang ti nag po (Dayuanman zuisheng xinzhongxin yindao leyao):
On the role played by Samantabhadra in rDzogs chen see M. Kapstein, Samantabhadra and Rudra: Innate Enlightenment and Radical Evil in Tibetan Rnying-ma-pa Buddhism, in Discourse and Practice, eds. Frank E. Reynolds and David Tracy (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992): 51-82. 63 Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman, 60. 64 Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman, 61.
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The perfection of dharmakya, ultimate thusness, tathgatagarbha, [] the unique sphere [Ch. weiyi mingdian, Tib. thig le nyag gcig], dharmakya, wisdom, empty nature, [] originally awakened wisdom, primordially purity, etc.: so many names but they all refer to the dharmakya free from the games of the discursive mind. Being luminous like a mirror and without attachment characterizes the sambhogakya. Manifesting everything and being originally without cessation is called nirmanakya. This is so because essence [Ch. benti, Tib. ngo bo], nature [Ch. zixing, Tib. rang bzhin], and energy [Ch. beixin, Tib. thugs rje, lit. compassion]65 are without differentiation. In one instant one can recognize the original face (benmian) 66 of mind and penetrate everything in samsara and nirvana.
[] [] 67

499

This points to an important difference between the view of rDzogs chen and the view of other Buddhist vehicles. The three bodies here mentioned are fully manifest from the very beginning as the essence, nature and energy of the mind, although man fails to recognize this due to accumulated obscuring layers of emotion and discursiviness. In order to remove these concealing factors and be confronted with the nature of mindthe aim of the instantaneous breakthrough view 68 Fahai Lama introduces four key-points to his disciples. These four key-points are presented according to the instructions given by Gangs dkar rin po che on the basis of the Ye shes bla ma.69 These are four modes of imperturbable rest or calm abiding (Ch. sizhong anzhu , Tib. cog bzhag bzhi)70 which teach how to leave things as they are without trying to modify and correct the arising thoughts. They apply to:
On these key terms of essence, nature, and energy in rDzogs chen referring to the triune nature of the basis or ground (Tib. gzhi, Ch. genben ), see Namkhai Norbu, The Cycle of Day and Night, 67-68 and below note 93. It is interesting to note that the Chinese term beixin (lit. compassion) can be replaced by the term qi (Tib. rlung) in order to focus on its dynamic aspect of energy. This aspect is normally characterized in rDzogs chen texts as all-pervading (Ch. pubian , Tib. kun khyab). 66 On this term, abbreviation for benlai mianmu , and indicating the nature of mind see below. 67 Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman, 62. 68 As it is said in Dayuanman guanding on p. 65b: 69 This is based on the commentary given by Gangs dkar rin po che on the quotation of the Tantra of the Clear Lamp (Tib. sGron ma snang byed, Ch. Mingdeng ji ). See the Chinese translation of the Ye shes bla ma under the title Dayuan shenghui (Fahai Lamas manuscript, 30a), and Tulku Thondup, Buddha Mind, 70-71. 70 In Chinese texts, there are various expressions for referring to Tibetan cog bzhag bzhi: sizhong anzhu , sizhong xiang , siliang , and sixiang yaoze . The closest to the Tibetan meaning is sizhong anzhu (Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangshou lu [Recorded instructions on the Great Perfection yang ti], in Qiu Ling ed., Zangmi dayuanman, 146). One also finds general terms like sizhong xiang (four aspects/four kinds of aspects for Tibetan rnam pa bzhi; see Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangyi, 18b), siliang (four measures; see Dayuan shenghui, 30), sixiang yaoze (four important regulations; see Dayuanman guanding, 72b).
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1. view (Ch. jian , Tib. lta ba): to be stable like the king of a mountain (Ch. ru shanwang anzhu , Tib. ri bo cog bzhag);71 2. meditation (Ch. ding xiu , Tib. sgom pa): to be calm like an ocean or without waves (Ch. ru dahai anzhu , Tib. rgya mtsho cog bzhag);72 3. conduct (Ch. xing , Tib. spyod pa): to follow the oral precepts [for the body, speech, and mind] leaving everything as it is (Ch. koujue shang anzhu , Tib. man ngag cog bzhag).73 Body, speech and mind are clear and pure like the sky, and they remain spontaneously accomplished and imperturbable in relation to allmanifest or sensory appearances (Ch. renyun zai faxing zhong anzhu , or zai faxing shang anzhu , Tib. snang ba cog bzhag);74 4. fruit or fruition (Ch. guo or zheng , Tib. bras bu): the presence of the mind in an unmodified and uncorrected state (Ch. wuzhengzhi anzhu , Tib. ma bcos cog bzhag),75 also called the spontaneous accomplished rest of awareness (Ch. zixin renyun er anzhu, , Tib. rig pai cog bzhag)76 in which wisdom manifests itself as unity of clarity and emptiness (Ch. mingkong buer zhi zhihui , Tib. gsal stong gi ye shes).77
71 In some Chinese texts there is reference to a king or lord which is not found in the Tibetan expression ri bo (mountain) cog bzhag. See, for instance, the Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangshou lu (Qiu Ling ed., Zangmi dayuanman): 146. Following Dayuan shenghui, Dayuanman guanding on p. 72b uses the expression jianliang rushan (the measure of the view like a mountain) but adds in its explanations that one should have a high and broad, wide open, and naturally straightforward distant view without limits like the king or lord of Mount Sumeru (). The Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangyi, 18b: qixiang rushan buneng dongyao (its aspect [i.e., the view aspect] is like an immobile mountain). 72 Dayuan shenghui, 30, Dayuanman guanding, 73a, Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangyi, 19a, and Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangshou lu (Qiu Ling ed., Zangmi dayuanman): 146. 73 See Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangshou lu (Qiu Ling ed., Zangmi dayuanman): 146. Following the Dayuan shenghui on p. 31 (the measure for the code of conduct is to be in accord with the oral instructions of the spontaneous accomplishment of body, speech, and mind ), the Dayuanman guanding comments by saying that for the conduct one does not have to abandon in any instant the oral instructions of the guru and keep the sa. maya vow commitments 74 These explanations are based on the passage of the Dayuanman guanding which on p. 73a goes as follows: Cutting off all attachments makes the three doorsbody, speech, and mindpermanently pure and clear like the sky; they rest spontaneously accomplished in the middle of all-manifest phenomena . For the expression zai faxing shang anzhu (calm abiding or imperturbable rest in the all-manifest phenomena), see Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangshou lu (Qiu Ling ed., Zangmi dayuanman): 146. See also Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangyi, 19a, which simply says: Its [i.e., the conduct] aspect is to be clear and pure like the sky . 75 Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangshou lu (Qiu Ling ed., Zangmi dayuanman): 146. 76 Dayuanman guanding, 73a. Here the expression zixin (mind itself or mind as such; Tib. sems nyid) stands for the nature of mind (Tib. sems kyi rang bzhin) in its luminous and natural aspect as zixin mingti (luminous essence of mind as such/nature of mind). An expression close to rig pa, and more precisely to the Tibetan expression rig pa nang gsal (the inner luminosity of the awareness or rig pa), cf. also note 81. 77 Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangshou lu (Qiu Ling ed., Zangmi dayuanman): 146-147. See also Dayuanman guanding, 73a-74a, and Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangyi, 19a.

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According to the Yang ti instructions as explained by Fahai Lama, this is applied to three kinds of rest (Ch. sanzhong anzhu , Tib. cog bzhag gsum) of body, eyes, and mind:
Immobile and tranquil like Mount Sumeru the body should rest in the vajra lotus position; like an ocean without waves the eyes should remain fixed on the sky; and the mind should rest at ease and without moving, freed from the discrimination and delusion of past, present, and future, and without any correction or modification.
78

According to the oral instructions that Gangs dkar rin po che transmitted to Fahai Lama there are two supplementary methods for khregs chod: 1) The transmission of the impermanent A (Ch. wusheng azi koujue ), referring to the practice of the Five seals (Tib. gzer lnga),79 and 2) the practice of the Three skies (Ch. san xukong, Tib. nam mkha gsum) based on the oral transmission of the Karma pa.80 The practice of three skies consists of looking at the sky with the mind focused on the eyes and the eyes on the sky in such a way that the three skies are all united letting the luminous essence of mind (Ch. mingti , Tib. rig pa nang gsal) manifest itself.81 The three skies are: 1. the secret sky (Ch. mi xukong , Tib. gsang bai nam mkha), i.e., the mind; 2. the internal sky (Ch. nei xukong , Tib. nang gi nam mkha), i.e., the Crystal Duct (see below pp. 509-511); 3. the external sky (Ch. wai xukong , Tib. phyii nam mkha), i.e., the clear sky (Ch. wuyun qingkong , Tib. nam mkha stong pa).
78 Dayuanman guanding, 74a. See also Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangshou lu (Qiu Ling ed., Zangmi dayuanman): 149-150. 79 This practice consists in breathing in by conducting the breath down to the navel, retaining it, and expiring while visualizing the syllable A in the heart of blue color for the element space; two syllables A of green color in the head for the element wind; three syllables A of white color in the heart for the element water; four syllables A of red color in the throat for the element fire; and five syllables A of yellow color in the navel for the element earth. The aim is to transform the five elements into the five wisdoms (Ch. wuzhi , Tib. ye shes lnga) that are the five aspects of primordial awareness. This method is explained in detail and supplementary oral instructions are given in order to avoid mistakes in its practice. See Dayuanman guanding, 74a-76b, Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangyi, 14b-17b. See also Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangshou lu (Qiu Ling, ed., Zangmi dayuanman): 147-148. 80 It is worthy of note that Gangs dkar rin po che also received bKa brgyud teachings directly from the fifteenth Karma pa mKha khyab rdo rje (1871-1922), including Vajrayogin, the sixfold yoga of Nropa, and Mahmudra. More on this in C. Meinert, Gangs dkar rin po che between Tibet and China. 81 Dayuanman guanding, 76b-77a, Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangyi, 17b-18b, Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangshou lu (Qiu Ling ed., Zangmi dayuanman): 149-150. On the practice of the three skies see Tulku Urgyen Rinpoche, Space, in Quintessential Dzogchen, trans. & eds. Erik Pema Kunsang and Marcia Binder Schmidt (Boudhanath: Ranjung Yeshe Publications, 2006): 190-196. On the term rig pa nang gsal see also note 76.

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Unlike the practice of fixating on an object of meditation, the practitioner has to integrate his attention into the space of the sky. After focusing his attention on the eyes and on a point in space, he relaxes and allows his awareness to integrate with the sky. Both khregs chod and thod rgal methods emphasize the immediate access to the essence of mind: the former concentrates on its emptiness and spatiality and the latter on its luminosity or power of radiance. In contrast with khregs chod, in the explanations given to thod rgal, one finds descriptions of a complex visionary system of channels, lamps, and a gradually unfolding series of luminous visions. In the following sections devoted to thod rgal I will summarize on the basis of Fahai Lamas instructions, the visionary anatomy on which thod rgal is based. Through it, the Great Perfection practitioner appears to be able to see the luminous essence of reality manifest in front of his eyes and experience, via the path of four visions, the dissolution of matter into light. The goal of such practice is the final dissolution of the body aggregates into the so-called rainbow body. This progressive dissolution is illustrated by a number of drawings which, in the following sections, are mainly reproduced from The Collected Rediscovered Teachings (gter ma) of Gter-chen Mchog-gyur-gli-pa. Only few original Chinese drawings from Fahai Lamas manuscripts can be reproduced.82

The Immediate Path of Going Beyond

The meaning of thod rgal is rendered in Chinese texts by the expression dunchao
where chao means to transcend, go beyond, leap over, and dun immedi-

ate, sudden. The term chao is often found in Chan and Daoist alchemical literature in expressions like chaofan (transcending the ordinary), chaofan yuesheng (transcending the ordinary and going beyond the holy), chaofan rusheng (transcending the ordinary and entering the holy).83 According to Dayuanman guanding (78b), Fahai Lama explains:
82 The Collected Rediscovered Teachings (gter ma) of Gter-chen Mchog-gyur-gli-pa. Reproduced from a set of the Rtsi-rke blockprints and unpublished manuscripts from the library of the late Mchog-gli sprul-sku, vol. 30 (New Delhi, 1977). I am indebted to David Germano for having sent me a copy of this. In the section below I will also reproduce some drawings found in Chinese texts. Unfortunately, the original drawings included in the Chinese manuscripts I received from Fahai Lama were accidentally destroyed by J.-L. Achard with print and notes materials related to Chinese rDzogs chen. This happened in 1998 when I was in Japan after having placed these materials in Achards temporary custody. Thanks to the help of Rev. Folian, I was able to recuperate some of the manuscripts with their drawings but only in their Xerox form. On these manuscripts see Appendix 2. 83 For the expressions chaofan, chaofan yuesheng, and chaofan rusheng, see Zengaku daijiten [Comprehensive dictionary of Zen studies] (Tokyo: Taishkan Shoten, 1985): 868a, s.v. Chanyi qinggui , chap. 8 and 3. In Daoist alchemy the expression chaofan rusheng is found, for instance, in the Song Daoist Encyclopedia Yunji qiqian (72.1b/7, 72.8b/8 in http://www.zinbun.kyoto-u.ac.jp/~dokisha/sakuin.html). See also the Dadan zhizhi (cf. Hu Fuchen ed., Zhonghua daojiao dacidian [Comprehensive dictionary of Chinese Daoism], Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue, 1995, 1263), a Yuan work attributed to Qiu Chuji (1148-1227), a key-figure of Quanzhen Daoism. Qiu was later

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The meaning of tuoga [Tib. thod rgal] is instantaneous going beyond as it allows the immediate liberation of man from the turning wheel [of transmigration, Ch. lunhui] and transcending the ordinary and entering the holy (chaofan rusheng). It is the supreme method (wushang famen) for ordinary persons to achieve buddhahood in the present body ( jishen chengfo).

503

While the goal of this ultimate method is here qualified with the well-known Tantric or esoteric Buddhist (mizong) formula of jishen chengfo (achieving buddhahood in the present body),84 the specific term for it thod rgalis original. Its meaning (instantaneous going beyond) takes shape within what may be referred as a progression beyond duality trend: it defines itself by affirming superiority not only with regard to other Tantric vehiclesMahyoga, Anuyogabut also inside the very section man ngag sde to which it belongs.85 It seems to echo the movement upward (xiangshang ) or going beyond that has also been seen at the core of Chan teachings through denial, rejection and negation of normative Mahayana Buddhist doctrines and practices.86 In the context of thod rgal the movement of going beyond duality takes place within normative Tantric vehicles and their teachings. It is not only characterized by the new expression thod rgal (translated into Chinese as dunchao ) referring to an ultimate and immediate going beyond or crossing an insuperable peak (chaoding wushang ),87 but also and above all by an ultimate
recognized as Founding Patriarch of the Longmen tradition to which the Daoist Yang Yuanhe, the occupant of the Taijidong before Fahai Lama, belongs. The expression is also used in Daoist Longmen texts for characterizing the goal of the inner alchemical path (neidan ). Along the same line, the Daoist canon of the Qing dynasty entitled Daozang jiyao [Essentials of the Daoist Canon] (Taibei: Xinwenfeng, 1982, vol. 1, 11) characterizes the inner alchemical path as being capable of transcending the ordinary and entering the holy (neidan keyi chaofan rusheng). 84 On this terms see also note 31. 85 See the discussion concerning the superiority of thod rgal over khregs chod as presented in the Ye shes bla ma (the Seven Superiorities of thod rgal over khregs chod according to the Chinese translation Dayuan shenghui; Fahai Lamas manuscript, 32-33). It is also important to note that rDzogs chen is presented as a distinct vehicle, the Atiyoga (Tib. rdzogs pa chen po shin tu rnal byor) or vehicle of the supreme yoga after Mahyoga (Tib. rnal byor chen po) and Anuyoga (Tib. rjes su rnal byor), and seen as the pinnacle of all other Tantric vehicles and traditions. See Tulku Thondup, Buddha Mind, 89-122, and S. van Schaik, Approaching the Great Perfection, 3-19. 86 Iriya Yoshitaka , Unmon no zensono kj to iu koto [The Chan of Yunmen: its so-called movement upward], in Iriya Yoshitaka, Jiko to chetsu [Self and transcendence] (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1986): 78-86 quoted in Urs App, Facets of the Life and Teaching of Chan master Yunmen Wenyan (PhD diss., Temple University, 1989): 166. In Mahayana thought the theme of ascent is contrasted with that of descent; see Gadjin M. Nagao (Mdhyamika and Yogcra, Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991, 201-207) who sees going beyond as a characteristic of Mahayana in general. For its application in Chan, see U. App, Master Yunmen (New York: Kodansha, 1994): 89 note 1, 157 note 1, and 190 note 5. 87 This expression is used in Dayuan shenghui (Fahai Lamas manuscript, 12; Wu Jialiang ed., Dayuanman, 554) where it is said: The meaning of thod rgal is to cross a peak, it points

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visionary experience which is seen as the pinnacle of all other Tantric vehicles.88 According to the Dayuanman guanding (78b), Fahai Lama explains:
This method mainly consists of contemplating the light (kanguang). Its purpose is to make the Lamp of originally awakened Wisdom [Ch. benjue zhiguang] inherent in mind as such [Ch. zixin, Tib. sems nyid]89 manifest in space thanks to the support of five other kinds of lamps [Ch. guangming, Tib. sgron ma]90 in order to see ones own original face [benzi mianmu, i.e., the nature of mind] and round out the merits of the Fruit [guode, i.e., the merits of nirvana]91 of the Three Bodies. This is what one can attain by following this method of cultivation. This [method] can rectify [the erroneous view of regarding] the heart-mind (xin) [as separate from] wisdom (zhihui), making them converge into one in order to let the primordial unity of the essence (ti) of heart-mind and wisdom appear in its originally accomplished light (cheng jiu benming).92 In their essence (tixing) they are also originally one with breath-vital energy (qi) as they are all manifestations of Reality [Ch. faxing, Tib. chos nyid].93 However, as the ordinary person is subject to conceptualization, they (heart-mind and wisdom) cannot be one but are split into two. The heart-mind and wisdom cannot appear [as they are]
that its method is incomparable, the crossing of an insuperable peak . 88 See note 85. 89 On this term see note 76. 90 See the discussion of the lamps below. The text refers to two systems of four and six lamps; see also below note 118. 91 The term guode indicates the four transcendental realities in nirvana, i.e., eternity, bliss, autonomy and purity, the four pramit of knowledge presented in the Nirva-stra; see William E. Soothill and Lewis Hodous, A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., Ltd, 1937): 264 and 349. 92 The term benming or yuanming (original light) refers to the original light or potential enlightenment that is reputedly in all beings, and is synonym with benjue (original enlightenment/primordial or innate awareness; see note 95). See W. E. Soothill and L. Hodous, A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, 189. The term benming is here coupled with chengjiu, which in Chinese translations of Tibetan rDzogs chen texts corresponds to the Tibetan term grub pa (accomplished); see Dayuanman san zijietuo lun [Trilogy of the natural freedom in the Great Perfection] (Jilong: Dazang wenhua, 1995): 288. This is the Chinese translation by Fahu of Klong chen rab byamss Rang grol skor sum; see Appendix 2 (n 30). More on the translation of benjue as rig pa in Fang Lixiu , Dayuanman fa (Taibei: Huiju, 2003): 94-98. 93 The Chinese term faxing stands for chos nyid, the real condition of existence from which all phenomena (Ch. fa, Tib. chos) arise. It translates the Sanskrit word dharmat. Dharma (Tib. chos, Ch. fa) means whatever exist and t (Tib. nyid, Ch. xing) means in its own condition. All things which arise have their own condition or nature (rang-bzhin). This level of manifestation of the energy of all phenomena is called the Dharmat. See Namkhai Norbu, The Cycle of Day and Night, 68. The Chinese passage seems to refer to the threefold way of experimenting the unity of the basis or ground (Ch. genben , Tib. gzhi) as essence (Ch. ti or tixing , Tib. ngo bo), nature (Ch. xing or zixing , Tib. rang bzhin) and energy (Ch. dabei or beixin , Tib. thugs rje). Since in Chinese translations these three terms can be found in their long or abbreviated form, the choice of translation is sometimes difficult. See also note 65.

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to unfold their great efficacy (dayong).94 The method of tuoga [thod rgal] can make ordinary persons understand the cause of the transmigration in the six realms since it thoroughly understand the inherent principle.

505

Although Chinese terminology for translating Tibetan concepts is clearly inherited from Chinese Buddhism, one can discern some key terms specific to the rDzogs chen system. The term benjue (original enlightenment), for instance, in the expression benjue zhiguang , is one of the Chinese terms for translating the Tibetan term rig pa or its quality of self-existing/innate (rang byung) awareness;95 it is borrowed from the sixth century Chinese apocryphon Dasheng qixin lun (Awakening of Faith in the Mahayana, T. 1666 & 1667), and other texts.96 In rDzogs
The term dayong , great efficacy, great functioning or marvelous function was adopted in Buddhist texts to refer to the skillful means at the disposal of buddhas and bodhisattvas. It is originally a term used in Zhuangzi, referring to the Great Use of useless things, such as gnarled trees and crippled people. It is commonly found in Chan records referring to the liberating powers of skilful means possessed by the greatly enlightened masters whose every small action is guided by attunement to the essence (ti ). See R. Sharf, Coming to Terms with Chinese Buddhism, 207-208; and C. Muller (ed.), Digital Dictionary of Buddhism. 95 The Tibetan term rig pa (awareness) is translated in Chinese in different ways. On this, see notes 76, 92, 96, 125. For its meaning of self-existing wisdom or innate awareness (rang byung ye shes) or lamp of self-existing wisdom (shes rab rang byung gi sgron ma) see also Achard, Lessence perle du secret, 113, 140, 142, and note 97 below. 96 The Dasheng qixin lun is a text attributed to Avagoa but in reality a Chinese apocryphon. It is also one of the major sources on which Shingon is based (Kiyota, Shingon Buddhism Theory and Practice, 65). See also Renwang jing (T. 245, 246, vol. 8, 825-834), and Jingang sanmei jing (T. 273, vol. 9, 365-373), two Chinese apocryphal texts quoted by Paul L. Swanson, Zen is not Buddhism Recent Japanese critiques of Buddha-nature, Numen 40 (1993): 115-149, here 117. The term benjue (original enlightenment) is contrasted with the term shijue (initial awakening). The former is the enlightenment as ones Buddha-nature found amidst defilement, while the latter is the enlightenment realized when the defilement is removed. Nagao, Mdhyamika and Yogcra, 251 note 16. Suzuki in his translation of the Dasheng qixin lun talks of enlightenment a priori and enlightenment a posteriori. (Daisetsu Suzuki and Dwight Goddard, The Awakening of Faith in the Mahayana and its Commentary, The Principle and Practice of Mahayana Buddhism, Taipei: SMC Publishing Inc, 1990): 62. The existence of an original enlightenment implies that there is non-enlightenment: beings are inherently enlightened but they fail to recognize it. This is illustrated in the Jingang sanmei jing or Vajrasamdhi-stra parable of the deluded man who carries gold coins in his hand without knowing (see the translation of this passage in Robert Buswell, The Formation of Chan ideology in China and Korea, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989): 207. A revised version of this parable is often quoted in explanations on the rDzogs chen view; see for example, Tenzin Wangyal, Wonders of the Natural MindThe Essence of Dzogchen in the Native Bon Tradition of Tibet (New York: Station Hill, 1993). This idea of original or inherent enlightenment had a
94

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chen texts it is coupled with zhihui (wisdom; Tib. shes rab). Being regarded as innate source of light, it is in Chinese technically referred to as Lamp of originally awakened Wisdom (Ch. benjue zhiguang , Tib. shes rab rang byung gi sgron ma), or more literally Wisdom-Lamp of Original Enlightnement. It is associated with the flesh-heart or physical heart, its original sanctuary.97 As innate luminosity, this lamp with the support of five (or three) other lamps, has the power to show ones original face and round off the nirvanic merits of the Three Bodies. Although in this Chinese translation one finds terms connected with Chan like ones own original face, the great efficacy or marvelous function (dayong ), or with the notion of Fruit (guode ) stemming from Nirva Stras four pramit of knowledge, it is important to remark that these same terms come to have a specific meaning in rDzogs chen texts. Such meanings cannot be separated from the visionary experience to which they refer. As we are going to see, the interplay of mirroring lamps, rainbows, and luminous spheres, which all constitute the subtle warp of ones original body with its luminous vessels, are the marvelous function for breaking through the ordinary flesh-body. Going back to the source, to the instant when matter is not yet solidified by the erroneous grasping of subject-object, forms the core of thod rgal visionary practices whose fruit reveals itself thanks to this irreversible return to the innate luminous source.98 This ultimate going back signifies the dissolution of the ordinary bodys aggregates into light and the liberation of the fleshly body into the radiancy of the so-called rainbow body (Ch. hongshen , Tib. ja lus). This constitutes the ultimate fruit in rDzogs chen. But how does this dissolution of matter into rainbow light take place, and what are the methods capable of producing such a feat?

The Phantasmagoric World of Duality: Qi and Deluded Mind

The initial method of thod rgal consists in pacifying and harmonizing mind and qi (Ch. qixin antiao zhi fa ) in order to attain perfect immobility. This is the condition for the manifestation of the original body beyond duality, the appearance of its innate luminous essence under the form of luminous channels, spheres, lamps, etc. The term used here for translating Tibetan rlung is qi. This term, very
great influence on the development of East Asian Buddhism. In China, for instance, it played a role in the Huayan, Chan and Tiantai traditions while in Japan it became an almost universal assumption in the Buddhist tradition under the name of Hongaku shis ; see P. Swanson, Zen is not Buddhism, and Jacqueline I. Stone, Original Enlightenment and the Transformation of Medieval Japanese Buddhism (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1999). 97 The problem noted for the triune terms (notes 65 and 93) also applies to the term zhi because it can be the abbreviated form for zhihui or insight (shes rab) or simply indicate zhi , i.e., knowledge or wisdom (ye shes). Benjue zhi (guang) () thus stands for both shes rab rang byung (gyi sgron ma) and rang byung ye shes. On the meaning of these terms see Samten Karmay, The Great Perfection, 107 note 4, and 115-116 note 42, and Achard, Lessence perle, 113 and 116-117. 98 On the notion of fruit in rDzogs chen texts see Achard, Lessence perle, 142-155.

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familiar to the Chinese, includes a variety of meanings like air, breath, vital energy, pneuma, etc. When Fahai Lama was transmitting these teachings at Qianfo chansi, China was experiencing a revival of all sorts of psycho-physiologic techniques welcomed by Chinese authorities under the term of qigong , practice or manipulation of qi. Within this frame Fahai Lama, who was already known as an expert of Chinese medicine and qigong, felt quite free to teach Tibetan esoteric practices under the label of practices on qi. 99 In these texts, as Fahai Lama explains, qi has a more specific meaning: the chaotic circulation of qi or breath-vital energy can create the phantasmagoric world of solidified matter and simultaneously, once harmonized, be the vehicle for breaking through the real world of light. To quote the Dayuanman guanding (78b):
The reason ordinary beings transmigrate in the six realms is that genuine mind (zhenxin) is being enticed ( yinyou) by qi and becomes deluded mind (wangxin).

However, qi is not responsible for this seduction: its chaotic flow spontaneously arises from the separation of One into Two and happens every time man fails to recognize the inherent unity of the genuine mind (zhenxin).100 From this fundamental misunderstanding, the phantasmagoric-solidified world appears. It is created from the chaotic progress of the crippled genuine mind (zhenxin ru bozou zhe ) and the breath-vital energy (qi) of the body that is like a blind untamed horse (shen zhong zhi qi ru mang liema ).101 The genuine mind thus appears as deluded, erring like a crippled man (wangxin ru wuzou zhi ren ); and breath-vital energy, being no more harmonized, moves like a loose horse (qi ru machi ) and is transformed in the karmic energy of the turning wheel of transmigrations.102 How does this take place?
Breath-vital energy (qi) originally dwells in the lungs; the deluded mind is like a crippled man, and the breath-vital energy is like a blind horse. From the heart to the lungs there is a connecting vessel (maiguan), thin like a wheat stalk. In its empty center resides breath-vital energy. This means that the so-called breath-vital energy is what dwells in this center. From this vessel (maiguan) additional and countless fine vessels branch off. They pervade the lungs and all the doors of perceptions which are body, eyes, ears, nose, and tongue; they flow in the whole body. When the deluded mind (wangxin)
More on this below. It is interesting to compare the division taking place on the basis of the genuine mind (zhenxin) itself, to the creative division of the world. In Daoist cosmology, this division constitutes the fundamental background of Daoist alchemy; see Isabelle Robinet, Un, deux, trois: Les diffrentes modalits de lUn et sa dynamique, Cahiers dExtrme-Asie 8 (1995): 175-220. 101 This is a famous quotation from Ye shes bla ma presented in the Chinese translation, Dayuan shenghui (Fahai Lamas manuscript, 33). 102 I have summirized it on the basis of the explanations given by Fahai Lama in Dayuanman guanding, 78b-79b.
100 99

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is attracted by [the chaotic flow of] breath-vital energy, it moves along with it. In turn, [the chaotic flow of] breath-vital energy is only emitted (suoshi) by the deluded mind; both of them rely on each other, and through the vessels they flee in disorder throughout the body. The place the mind (xin) aims at is where breath-vital energy rushes: it keeps running to the six organs (liugen) that relate to the six objects (liuchen), and the six delusions (liu fannao) and three poisonsdesire, anger, ignorancearise. This is the reason why there is transmigration in the six realms (lunhui liudao) and samsara without any chance of escaping. This is the reason why ordinary persons plunge into the six realms.
103

This passage explains why duality arises, and its continuation describes how to transcend it by understanding thoroughly the origin and cause of this delusion, and by recognizing the luminous essence of mind. The key lies in the term dingzhu which means to fix the abode of the deluded mind (wangxin). I am not going to dwell on these thod rgal techniques, but it is important to note that, as Fahai Lama explains, the notion of immobility (an immobility without effort) is applied, for example, to the body posture, to the way of breathing (leaving the mouth slightly open), to the gaze with fixed eyes, etc.104 This kind of fixation is also alluded to by the Chinese term ding s meaning of nail (a kind of pinning down), which is literally applied to all the doors of communication between the inner (microcosmos) and outer body (macrocosmos) in the thod rgal practical precepts.105 According to the Dayuanman guanding (79a), Fahai Lama explains:
Ordinary persons become buddhas by being able to let the genuine mind (zhenxin) not move and peacefully rest (anzhu) inside the flesh-heart (routuan xin) without being diverted by the breath-vital energy and without giving rise to any deluded thoughts. As the genuine mind can stay unmoved, the Lamp of originally awakened Wisdom (zhihui guangming), which is originally inside the genuine mind, can become manifest. As a result of this, the realm of the Three Bodies (sanshen zhi jing jie) appears. The application of tuoga [thod rgal] practice according to its precepts (xiuchi)106 begins the cultiDayuanman guanding, 79a. The term dingzhu means guding de zhuchu ; see Hanyu dacidian [Large dictionary of Chinese language] 12 vols. (Shanghai: Hanyu dacidian, 1993): vol. 3, 1362. 105 On this notion see also Lopon Tenzin Namdak, Heart Drops of Dharmakaya, 86-90 and 108-110. 106 I refer to the first meaning of xiuchi as chijie xiuxing . This expression includes the meaning of xiushen shoudao (cultivate ones moral character and hold to the Path), or baoyang (take care of ones health); see Hanyu dacidian, vol. 1, 1374.
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vation from the breath-vital energy in the heart of the basis [Ch. genben, Tib. gzhi].107 Applying oneself hard on the breath-vital energy in the heart, one is able to fix the abode (dingzhu) of the deluded mind and prevent the deluded breath-vital energy from moving in disorder while leading back to the genuine mind ( fangui yu zhenxin). This causes the Lamp of Wisdom (zhiguang), which is originally inside the genuine mind, to follow the correct track (zheng gui) along the breath-vital energy vessel (qimai), and to clearly manifest. This is what makes tuoga [thod rgal] unsurpassed (shusheng).

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Visionary Anatomy: Looking through the Crystal Duct

Having understood that the dualistic world solidified in our flesh-body is a creation of the deluded mind (wangxin) and originates from the amalgamation of breath-vital energy and genuine mind, the question remains: where does the genuine mind dwell and how can it show itself? Quoting the Jinzhu jing or Tantra of the Golden Pearls (Tib. gSer phreng), Fahai Lama on the basis of the Dayuanman guanding (82b) explains thus:
From the Jewel Palace of the Heart (xin baogong) to the Ocean of the Eyes [yanhai, i.e., the pupils] there is a connecting vessel which is called in Tibetan Kati. It is opalescent, transparent, and soft. Empty in its interior (neikong), it is not engendered by the mothers red blood and the fathers white semen ( fumu hongbai jingxue), which some people call sun and moon. It is great wisdom (da zhihui), the dharmakya ( fashen) that freely traverses it (tong yu ci): this is the principle on which the tuoga [thod rgal] method is based.

Fahai Lama then explains this passage as follows (Dayuanman guanding, 83a):
From the heart to the eyes there is a connecting vessel-path (maidao). It is the most secret duct ( ji mimi guan) like crystal whose name is Kati. This is why it was pointed out before that this is the principle on which tuoga [thod rgal] is based.

107

On this term, see notes 65 and 93.

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This Crystal Duct is a vessel-path linking the heart to the eyes and is qualified as li , a principle absolutely free from any error since it is not soiled by the fathers semen and the mothers menstrual blood (i.e., the coarse body developed from the embryo).108 This principle expresses itself through a fourfold dynamic incorporated in the so-called Vessel of the Far-reaching Water Lamp (Ch. yuantong shui guang , Tib. rgyang zhags chui sgron ma) in which the breath-vital energy of wisdom (Ch. zhiqi , Tib. ye shes kyi rlung) circulates.109 From the point of view of the incorporation of this dynamic, the Far-reaching Water Lamp is
a vessel that from the navel wheel passes through the heart and opens into the eyes. From the back of the brain it divides into two branches which look like wild ox horns (below the brain it becomes a single root).
[] ( 110 )

The smooth and luminous tip of this horn-like branch is the pupil; it is like the light on the surface of clear water allowing light to move and reflecting objects; this is why it is called Vessel of the Far-reaching Water Lamp . 111 It is at the same time a synonym of the Crystal Duct, the principle which links the four following vessels (Ch. qimai ): (1) KatiThe Great Golden Vessel (Ch. gadijiadi da jinmai , Tib. ka ti gser gyi rtsa chen) located inside the central channel and linking this channel to the center of the heart; (2) The White Silk Thread Vessel (Ch. baisixian mai , Tib. dar dkar skud pa) enclosed in the Kati Vessel and going through the Brahm Cavity (Ch. fanxue , Tib. tshang bu). This is the path for the practice of transferring consciousness (Ch. powa , kaiding fa , Tib. pho ba); (3) The Subtly Coiled Vessel (Ch. xixuan mai , Tib. phra la dril ba) located inside the four wheels of navel, heart, throat, and sinciput; (4) The Crystal Duct Vessel (Ch. jingguan mai , Tib. shel sbug can), a synonym of the Vessel of the Far-reaching Water Lamp, is the channel which links the heart to the eyes and supports the manifestations of countless luminous spheres and bright strands (Ch. wushu mingdian lianxi guangming ).112
108 The term li (principle) cannot be understood without its coupled term zhi (wisdom), a fundamental notion that stands at the basis of Chinese esoteric path as well; see Yoritomi Motohiro , Chgoku mikky no shis teki tokushitsu [Characteristics in the thought of Chinese Tantrism], in Chgoku mikky, eds. Tachikawa Musashi and Yoritomi Motohiro, 113-140. 109 On this lamp see D. Germano, Poetic Thought, 104-105, and J.-L. Achard, Lessence perle, 140-142. Its name alludes to the eye which is fluid in nature; like a lasso, it reaches out to things far away; and like a lamp, it illuminates, see Karma Chagm, Naked Awareness (with commentary by Gyatrul Rinpoche, trans. Alan Wallace, Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion, 2000): 165. 110 Dayuanman guanding, 82b-83a. It explains the passage of the Ye shes bla ma; see Dayuan shenghui, (Fahai Lamas manuscript, 34-35). 111 Dayuanman guanding, 83a. 112 Here the Chinese expression lianxi guangming refers to jingang lian , vajra or ad-

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These four vessels can be seen as a fourfold path developed from the wheel of the heart in which the breath-vital energy of wisdom dwells and from which it can reach the eye, the door of its manifestation. Known as luminous subtle vessels (Ch. guangming fengmai or guangming mai , Tib. od rtsa),113 these four channels form part of a specific system. In the Great Perfection texts they are added to the already adopted Tantric system of four wheels or chakras (Ch. silun , Tib. khor lo bzhi) and three channels or nadi (Ch. sanmai , Tib. rtsa gsum). As Fahai Lama emphasizes, in the Great Perfection system of luminous vessels, only the central channel comes to play an important role in connection with the wheel of the heart. Furthermore, it is important to mention that Dayuanman guanding also presents an eightfold path of channels which can be regarded as a supplementary eight branches of the central channel.

The Lamps, Source and Expression of the Luminous Vision of Wisdom

The Vessel of the Far-reaching Water Lamp, synonym of the Crystal Duct, is regarded as the principle of incorporation of the four vessels and at the same time as the principle of the lamps itselfthe eyesthe source of vision.114 This power is released through the support of other supplementary lamps and, in this sense, represents the principle of released dynamism, that is, the door through which the breath-vital energy of wisdom appears as pure light. Following the Dayuanman guanding, Fahai Lama explains that while the ordinary view coming from the element water is unable to see the realm of the Three Bodies, the view released by the Vessel of the Far-reaching Water Lamp can see it. This realm appears in the form of four kinds of auspicious lamps which, according to their order of manifestation in the front of the practitioners eyes, are: (1) The Far-reaching Water Lamp (Ch. yuantong shuiguang , Tib. rgyang zhangs chui sgron ma):
(it is in the center of the eyes, i.e., the pupils, where the all-pervading four elements are born); it is the door through which one can see far into empty space by joining the Lamp of the White and Soft Vessel [Ch. bairuo maiguang, Tib. dkar jam rtsai sgron ma] with the Vessel of Wisdom.
amantine strands (Tib. rdo rje lu gu rgyud; see below Fig. 14-16). Chinese texts present some differences with Tibetan sources; cf. Achard, Lessence perle, 131. 113 The system of four vessels is well explained in the fifth chapter of the Chinese translation of Klong chen pas Tshig don mdzod entitled Juyi baozang lun [The treasury of words and meanings] (Fahai Lamas manuscript, 49b-65a). For a study on these four luminous vessels on the basis of Tibetan sources, see Germano, Poetic thought, 90-94, and Achard, Lessence perle, 129-131. For a study based on Chinese translations see Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman, 68-70. 114 For studies on the lamps based on Tibetan sources see H. Guenther, Meditation Differently (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1992): 73-94; Lopon Tenzin Namdak, Heart Drops of Dharmakaya, 191-94; Jamgn Kongtrul Lodr Tay, Myriad Worlds (New York: Snow Lion Publications, 1995): 216-219; Germano, Poetic thought, 95-108; Achard, Lessence perle, 140-142; and Karma Chagm, Naked Awareness, 160-178.

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() ( ) 115

It is also said that:

The Far-reaching Water Lamp is the Lamp of the White and Soft Vessel which, passing through the doors of both eyes, projects itself (shexiang) to the limit of space. Because it gets in touch with the external world and sees far away into the sky, it is the main gate of exit and entry(churu zhi menhu)116 of the Lamp of Wisdom (zhihui guang).
117

In this sense, the Far-reaching Water Lamp includes a threefold meaning referring to (a) the eyes, organs of vision; (b) the Vessel linking the heart to the eyes (here mentioned under the name of the Lamp of the White and Soft Vessel [Ch. bairou guang, Tib. dkar jam rtsai sgron ma]); (c) the Lamp of Wisdom (Ch. zhihui guang, Tib. shes rab [rang byung] gi sgron ma) as the door (or as path in the form of the Vessel of Wisdom) through which the breath-vital energy of wisdom appears as pure light.118 (2) The Lamp of the Absolute Space of the non-duality of amatha and vipayan (dinghui wuer zhi faxing guang ),119 also called the Lamp of Pure Space (Ch. jie qingjing guang , Tib. dag pa dyings kyi sgron ma or dbyings rnam dag gi sgron ma).
Dayuanman guanding, 81b. The expression yuanjian can indicate the capacity to see far in space but also to foresee, having a foresight or vision of the sky as it appears in its pristine purity. 116 In the well-known Secret of the Golden Flower, a fundamental alchemical text in the Daoist Longmen tradition, the same expression is used for indicating the Celestial Eye (tianmu), or Celestial Heart, the main gate of exit and entry where the three luminous ones [sun, moon and polar star] converge. See M. Esposito, Longmen Taoism in Qing China, Journal of Chinese Religions 29 (2001): 191-231, here 206-207. 117 Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman, 72. 118 In the explanations given by Fahai Lama, the system of the four lamps and six lamps are combined together according to the instructions found in the Dayuanman guanding (79a84a). These explanations are based on the Ye shes bla ma and on chap. 6 of the Tshig don mdzod. Although the Dayuanman guanding mentions five lamps, it lists six lamps (Tib. sgron ma drug). As mentioned above, two supplementary lampsthe Lamp of the Flesh-Heart (Ch. routuan xin guang, Tib. tsitta shai sgron ma) and the White and Soft Vessel Lamp (Ch. bairou mai guang, Tib. dkar jam rtsai sgron ma) are examined as discrete parts of the all-encompassing Far-reaching Water Lamp. It is thus important to note that the Far-reaching Water Lamp has the role of mediator between the incorporation of the lamps associated with the Vessel (i.e., the Lamp of the Flesh-Heart, the Lamp of the White and Soft Vessel, and the Far-reaching Water Lamp as the connecting door of this Vessel itself), and the Lamps associated with Space. It is the intermediary between the microcosmic cavities and the macrocosmic hollow where the luminous essence of Wisdom (i.e., the Lamp of originally awakened Self-existing Wisdom) appears as pure light supported by the Lamp of Pure Space and the Lamp of the Empty Luminous Spheres. For a Chinese presentation of the system of six lamps see Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman, 71-74. 119 The Chinese term faxing stands for dharmat (Tib. chos nyid) the essential nature of phenomena, which is emptiness also known as the absolute space; see Karma Chagm,
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Fig. 12: The Lamp of the Pure Space. (Source: Dayuanman guanding )

It is what is seen in the exterior field [of vision] (waijing): the blue lamp of the cloudless clear sky, which is the domain of support [of luminous visions] (according to the oral comment it is the domain of support where the Lamp of originally awakened Wisdom [Ch. benjue zhiguang, Tib. shes rab rang byung gi sgron ma] appears).
120

As we can see in Fig. 12, the visions developed through thod rgal practice have a circle as their frame, a kind of luminous halo marking the field of vision.121 Fahai Lama in the Dayuanman guanding (81b) draws a picture on its form and adds that it cannot be seen by the ordinary eye.122 On this lamp it is also said that:
The Lamp of Pure Space develops after the Far-reaching Water Lamp has come in contact with the external world (waijie) as the domain which allows the manifestation of the Lamp of Wisdom. Like a cloudless bright sky, it is supported by the emptiness of the heart-mind through which the Lamp of originally awakened Wisdom appears.
123

(3) The Lamp of Empty Spheres (Ch. yuankong guang ) which appears like the eye of a peacock feather (ru kongqueling yan ) is also called the Lamp of Luminous Empty Spheres (Ch. mingdian kongguang , Tib. thig le stong pai sgron ma). It represents the luminous manifestation of wisdom in its spherical and
Naked Awareness, 300 and previous note 93. 120 Dayuanman guanding, 81b. 121 See also the explanations by Lopon Tenzin Namdak, Heart Drops of Dharmakaya, 91 and note 19, and Karma Chagm, Naked Awareness, 158. 122 On the distinction between the normal or ordinary channel of the eye and the vessel of the eye which is opened thanks to thod rgal methods, see Lopon Tenzin Namdak, Heart Drops of Dharmakaya, 85 note 13. 123 Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman, 72.

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five-colored form. In fact, Fahai Lama on the basis of the Dayuanman guanding (81b) explains that this lamp is the Lamp of originally awakened Wisdom which appears inside the Lamp of Pure Space . It is also said that it appears like the concentric ripples arising from casting a stone into water [Fig. 13].124

Fig. 13: The Lamp of Empty Spheres. (Source: The Collected Rediscovered Teachings)

(4) The Lamp of originally awakened Wisdom (Ch. benjue zhiguang or benjue zhihui zhi guang , Tib. shes rab rang byung gi sgron ma), represents the luminous essence, i.e., rig pa (mingti ).125 It is regarded as the original essence (yuanti ) of the Lamp of the Empty Luminous Spheres, which is hidden in the flesh-heart and endowed with the three qualities of emptiness, brightness, and energy. 126 Thanks to the support of the Lamp of the Empty Luminous Spheres, the Lamp of originally awakened Wisdom progressively manifests itself in four stages of visions.127 Regarding the definition of the Lamp of originally awakened Wisdom Fahai Lama explains as follows (Dayuanman guanding, 81b-82a):
The Lamp of originally awakened Wisdom (benjue zhiguang) is endowed with three special qualities: primordially empty essence (tixing), bright nature (zixing), and all-pervading energy (dabei). Empty essence(tixing kong) means that it is primordially empty like the body of a lamp. Bright nature (zixing ming) means that it is luminous like the radiance of a lamp. All-pervading energy (dabei pubian) means that it is like the light of the lamp illuminating all around.128 It is empty in its essence (ti), bright in its aspect (xiang), and energetic in its action (yong).129
Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman, 72. See also below in the context of the first vision. As mentioned above (note 76), the Chinese term mingti is another expression for rig pa but, unlike benjue or zhihui, it puts stress on the visionary experience of being confronted to the luminous essence of the mind, its power of radiance. 126 Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman, 72. 127 Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangyi, 42b-43a, and Dayuanman xinzhongxin jianglu (Qiu Ling ed., Zangmi dayuanman): 153. 128 The Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangyi, 20b, gives the same passage but with important modifications that go as follows: Bright nature (zixing ming) means that it is visible in the domain of manifestation like the light of a lamp. All-pervading energy (dabei pubian) means that it has the effect of sending out the clear light of Five-fold wisdom in the heart. It is like under
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Thanks to these four lamps, reality appears in its visionary aspect as a circular or mandalic form which is the realm of the Three Bodies. In fact, these lamps are said to produce visions of mandalas and the forms of divinities.130 Fahai Lama adds according to the Dayuanman guanding (83a-b):
All animate beings have these four lamps without any defect. Although the power of sight of eyes uses little energy, it has nonetheless a great capacity of seeing objects from the smallest to the biggest dimension. This is due to the fact that it uses the efficacious power of breath-vital energy (qi). [] After being cultivated, it can be transformed into the energy of the clear light (guangming zhi qi). Thus, it can make every domain formed by the four elements appear. Yet the whole world is sublimated into the domain of the Lamp of the Empty Spheres and appears from inside to outside. This is why these four kinds of lamps can be seen. After having seen these four lamps, one must resorb them and become one into the dharmat ( faxing).131
[]

The Four Visions

Thanks to thod rgal practices which require specific postures with appropriate gazes while contemplating the light of sun, moon, or lamps, the luminous essence of wisdom is said to appear in front of the eyes of the practitioner.132 At the beginning, colored vapors will manifest, some more luminous, some more transparent or without colors, and they will increase in form and structure in the following four stages of visions (xianxian ):133
the light of a lamp that one can distinguish what one is doing. It is also said that it is empty in its essence (ti), bright in its aspect (xiang), and energetic in its action (yong)
. This passage is given in the explanation of the system of the six lamps and is related to the first Lamp of the Flesh-Heart (Ch. routuan xinguang , Tib. tsitta shai

sgron ma). 129 For the meaning of compassion as energy in Great Perfection texts, see above note 65, and Achard, Lessence perle, 104-105, 111 note 41, 42. 130 Lopon Tenzin Namdak, Heart Drops of Dharmakaya, 91 131 This is based on the quotation of the Chinese translation of the Ye shes bla ma (cf. Dayuan shenghui, Fahai Lamas manuscript, 35, and Wu Jialiang, ed., Dayuanman, 589). 132 On these precepts of practice see Lopon Tenzin Namdak, Heart Drops of Dharmakaya, 86-90. 133 The presentation of the four visions is mainly based on Dayuanman guanding, 90b92b; Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangyi, 44b-45a; and Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman, 75-83.

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(1) The Vision of Self-Manifesting Reality (Ch. xianjian faxing xianxian , Tib. chos nyid mngon sum gyi snang ba).134 This vision appears in the blue halo of the Lamp of Pure Space like a rainbow light or like the eye of a peacock feather (i.e., the Lamp of Empty Luminous Spheres of five colors). At the beginning it is as small as a fish eye, but with practice it increases to the size of a thumb or an index finger. Its form resembles the concentric ripples arising when one casts a pebble into a pool, small and large. They are often composed of three circles that merge into one. They tend to exhibit the pattern of threads, fine-meshed nets (xianwen ), luminous spheres or sparkles (Ch. mingdian , Tib. thig le), and adamantine strands (Ch. jingang lian , Tib. rdo rje lu gu rgyud). The latter are the most important because they represent the direct experience of the nature of mind in terms of luminous essence (Ch. mingti, Tib. rig pa), strands which link to the manifested appearance of the nature of mind (cilian ji xi zixin zhi xianxiang ).135 They are like two or four knots tied into a horses tail (mawei jiejie ), like a string of pearls, like a garland of flowers, etc. [Figs. 14-16]. The vision of adamantine strands characterizes this first vision, the first manifestation of Reality. (2) The Vision of Increased Experiences (Ch. jueshou zengchang xianxian , 136 Tib. nyams snang gong phel gyi snang ba).137 It appears under the form of fivecolored luminous spheres which are horizontally and vertically distributed, every one containing different forms like lotus flowers, tassel-shaped ornaments (yingluo ), precious pagodas (baota ), conches, spear-points, and so on [Fig. 17]. Their form undergoes infinite changes and progressively increases to the size of a bowl or a mirror, wheel or shield. These visions shoot straight upward from the eyebrow within luminous spheres (Ch. mingdian, Tib. thig le) or outside them and also go to the side, and sometimes even appear as a triangle. 138
It is important to note that the Chinese term for vision is xianxian , literally manifestation, what appears or reveals (xian) just in front (xian), which is the Chinese translation of the Tibetan term snang ba. For its Tibetan meaning see H. Guenther, Meditation Differently, 73-74 and 79. For other studies based on Tibetan sources, see H. Guenther, Meditation Differently, 73-94; Lopon Tenzin Namdak, Heart Drops of Dharmakaya, Achard, Lessence perle, 121-129 and Karma Chagm, Naked Awareness, 160-178. 134 In the Chinese translation of the Ye shes bla ma this vision is translated as faxing mingwu (Dayuan shenghui, in Fahai Lamas manuscript, 46, and Wu Jialiang ed., Dayuanman, 608). 135 Dayuanman guanding, 91a. On the meaning of the adamantine strands see also Achard, Lessence perle, 111-112, 172-173, and Karma Chagm Naked Awareness, 160-161. 136 The Chinese Buddhist term jueshou meaning perception, apprehension, experience, stands for the Tibetan term nyams snang, experiences (and displays), visionary/meditative experiences, experiential vision. 137 In the Chinese translation of the Ye shes bla ma this vision is translated as wujing rijin (Dayuan shenghui, in Fahai Lamas manuscript, 46, and Wu Jialiang ed., Dayuanman, 608). 138 In Bon po Great Perfection they are described as: All the stars and planets are shining brightly on his breast (Lopon Tenzin Namdak, Heart Drops of Dharmakaya, 98). For instance, according to the Zhang zhung snyang rgyud: When the visions come as a semicircle and white you should gaze upward and as hard as possible. When the colours are above and to the right and red you should look down. When the visions come in square shapes yellow in colour,

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Fig. 14: Adamantine strands. (Source: Dayuanman guanding )

Fig. 15: Adamantine strands like a string of pearls. (Source: The Collected Rediscovered Teachings)

Fig. 16: Adamantine strands like knots tied into a horses tail. (Source: The Collected Rediscovered Teachings)

Fig. 17: The Vision of Increased Experiences. (Source: The Collected Rediscovered Teachings)

the gaze is to the right. When they are round and green then look to the left. If the shapes are triangular and the colors are blue the eyes should gaze straight ahead. See Lopon Tenzin Namdak, Heart Drops of Dharmakaya, 98.

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As one practices, the visions take on certain structures, and at the center of the luminous spheres various images of divinities may appear. At first, only a headdress or bust may appear, or only a hand or a foot; but later, the whole figure manifests [Fig. 18]. While at the outset a certain divinity may appear without consort and without ornaments, with practice it will become more elaborate and appear with a consort. The manifestation of forms of deities characterizes this second vision.

Fig. 18: The manifestation of forms of deities. (Source: The Collected Rediscovered Teachings)

(3) The Vision of Reaching Culmination of the Luminous Essence [i.e., rig pa; awareness] (Ch. mingti jinyi xianxian , Tib. rig pa tshad phebs kyi snang ba).139 In this stage everything that appears is luminous and pervaded with rainbow light. The luminous spheres merge into a single sphere at whose center five luminous spheres appear. Inside them, the five Buddha families (wufang fo ) appear in complete form and in union with their consorts. At this stage one also sees pure lands, Buddhas palaces, nets of adamantine strands, precious and encircled mandalas, etc. The manifestation of the Buddhas palaces, pure lands, and the five families with their consort characterize this third vision. At this stage, the practitioner does not need the exterior support of the light of the sun, moon, or lamps anymore because the manifestations appear at any moment and under any condition.140 All that is seen is of rainbow light color. It is also stressed that at this stage the practitioner develops extraordinary powers or siddhi.141 As Fahai Lama explains, the manifestation of these powers that is comparable to the thaumaturgical powers of Daoist immortals and Buddhas is a natural result, the fruit of a natural process which does not imply any research or effort by the practitioner.
In the Chinese translation of the Ye shes bla ma this vision is translated as zixin jinzhi (Dayuan shenghui, in Fahai Lamas manuscript, 46, and in Wu Jialiang, ed., Dayuanman,
140 Lopon Tenzin Namdak, in Heart Drops of Dharmakaya (101-102) quotes that the visions mix with the external vision. All the normal visions in life are seen as the Buddha realms and the five Buddha families. You can see coming from your chest the five-coloured rays connecting you to these divinities. 141 These thaumaturgical powers are not so different from those mentioned in Indian Tantric literature (see David Gordon White, The Alchemical Body, Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1996) and Chinese texts concerning the power of the Immortals or Transcendent beings; see below. 139

608).

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(4) The Vision of Exhausting Reality (Ch. qiongjin faxing xianxian , Tib. chos nyid zad pai snang ba).142 The preceding visions of the luminous dynamism of wisdom come to an end. The luminous spheres of Buddhas, their palaces, pure lands and so on merge down into the nature of mind. This absorption is compared with the image of the black moon which, though it does not appear in the sky, still is there. This dissolution of all phenomena characterizes this last vision: as all visions come to an end, they merge back into Reality or dharmat, and the body dissolves into rainbow light.

Reception of rDzogs chen and Qigong Fever in the Peoples Republic of China
In his explanations, Fahai Lama liked to compare this last vision to breaking through the ultimate barrier of Chan, the solid barrier (laoguan ) which cannot be overcome without abandoning discursive thought.143 But what is stricking in the analysis of Chinese sources and in Fahai Lamas explanations is the peculiarity of these practices, their terminology, and the results that differ from what is described in Chan or Buddhist Mahayana texts in general. From Fahai Lamas viewpoint Chan and rDzogs chen are united on the basis of the ultimate experience of breaking through duality, while the irreversible secret manifestations (buzhuan mimi xianxiang ) of thod rgal practice are put in relation with the attainments described in Daoist texts dealing with the search for immortality. According to the Chinese translation of the Ye shes bla ma (Dayuanman shenghui, 56), Fahai Lama presents these attainments as follows:
The body is light like cotton, its skin color is replenished, the face is without wrinkles, the hair is not white or getting longer, and the finger and toe nails do not grow anymore. In the body there appears the image of the five Buddha families, some in form of their emblems (samaya) or mantra-syllables. The apperance of some becomes youthful, their white hairs return to black color, their missing teeth grow again, and so on, and the body is light and calm without any disease. [] As the mind is constantly in a state of meditative concentration (chanding), clothing and food are not necessary anymore, every sance of meditative concentration will last months or years and the flow of breathvital energy (qi) will be under your control.

142 In the Chinese translation of the Ye shes bla ma this vision is translated as zhufa jinru faxing (Dayuan shenghui, in Fahai Lamas manuscript, 46, and Wu Jialiang ed., Dayuanman, 608). 143 The three barriers (sanguan) in Chan represent three strategic passes corresponding to three stages of practice: initial, intermediary and ultimate. In the initial barrier one sees ones nature being confronted with the nature of mind. In the intermediary barrier one gets liberated from attachment to the nature of existence and non existence. In the ultimate barrier one is capable of reaching the non duality of absorption (amatha) and contemplation (vipayan), the domain without any hindrance of being and non-being . See Foguangshan dictionary (electronic version): 4813. On the meaning of laoguan , see Zengaku daijiten, 1311d.

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[] 144

This colorful description by Fahai Lama recalls the Chinese portrayals of Immortals whose skin is pure like ice and snow, who do not partake of the five grains but inhale wind and drink dew.145 When he said this, Fahai Lama surely remembered that he himself had been interested in Daoist techniques of immortality while living in the Taijidong, the cave in the Southern Celestial-Eye Mountains previously inhabited by the Daoist Yang Yuanhe.146 During his life, Fahai Lama also had the opportunity of studying Daoist techniques, and he was interested to see how these techniques were similar to Tantric methods and their results with regard to the body, qi circulation, and its manipulation. According to Fahai Lama this was also comparable with modern qigong practices whose purpose matches the description given in the above passage from the Ye shes bla ma: As the mind is constantly in a state of meditative concentration, the flow of breath-vital energy (qi) will be under your control. Furthermore, Daoism and its techniques of immortality that are comparable to modern qigong practices also have another positive side: they can be seen as skillful means leading to Buddhist conversions. According to Fahai Lama, some of his own disciples joined him after being initiated into Daoist techniques. Even famous Buddhist monks like Taixu (1890-1947) confessed that they entered the sangha longing for the supernatural powers of the immortals and Buddhas without sharply differentiating between Daoist and Buddhist attainments.147 When Fahai Lama in his monastery harmonized Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism and explained the common points shared by rDzogs chen and Chan, Tantrism and Chan, and Tantrism, qigong, and Daoist techniques of immortality, a lively debate was taking place outside the monasteries about the role of religion and its esoteric techniques in modern Chinese society. Buddhism, Tantrism, Daoism, Neo-confucianism, and all sorts of esoteric and religious traditions were presented by the areligious Chinese communist government and by famous scientists like Qian Xuesen as expression of a larger Chinese tradition of qi culture.148 During the 1980s and 90s, Chinese qi culture and its results that were to some extent similar to the traditional
See also Dayuan shenghui (Wu Jialiang ed., Dayuanman): 627. This expression qi keren yi yunyong as Fahai Lama explains here below, echoes the art of controlling or manipulating the qi, common to Daoism, Tantrism and the techniques of modern qigong. 145 Quotation from the Daoist classic of Zhuangzi (chap. 1). 146 See note 20. 147 Yinshun , Taixu dashi nianpu [Chronological biography of the venerable master Taixu] (Taibei, 1973): 24, quoted in Don Pittman, Toward a Modern Chinese Buddhism, 65-66. For Taixus discourse on qigong, Daoism, and its techniques of immortality that are to some degree comparable to Fahai Lamas approach, see the contribution by Luo Tongbing on p. 458. On the basis of evidence from the early Gaoseng zhuan collections one can argue that such a lack of differentiation had not been unusual since the early days of Buddhism in China. 148 On the discourse of Qian Xuesen about the defense of the qigong and its scientific propaganda see D. Palmer, La fivre du qigong, 121-124.
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Daoist image of immortals and their feats became part of a pseudoscientific discourse on qigong. Extracted from its philosophical and religious background, qi techniques were regarded as the basis of a new Chinese science. Scientific measurements of qi, via sophisticated instruments and machinery, were carried in various institutions, hospitals, and famous universities like Qinghua in Beijing. Regarded as qigong masters, Tibetan lamas and many other religious specialists including Fahai Lama demonstrated their abilities in front of scientific teams. In 1988 Fahai Lama, who was already known since the 50s as an expert of Chinese acupuncture and qigong, was invited as a master of qigong to the capital. 149 From February 26 to March 1, Fahai Lama and Tibetan lamas along with hundreds of admirers of Tibetan Tantric practices (mostly Gangs dkar rin po ches disciples) gathered at the Badachu Hotel (Badachu fandian ) in Beijing to take part in the founding symposium of the Tibetan Tantric Qigong Society of the Chinese Qigong Research Association (Zhongguo Qigong Yanjiuhui Zangmi Qigonghui ). On this occasion more than thirty contributions reportedly focused on the so-called Tibetan Tantric Qigong (Zangmi Qigong ), presenting it as worthy of study and research not only because it has a precise doctrine and rigorous practical stages but because of its undeniable meaning for the development of latent abilities (qianneng) in the body and the exploration of the secret of psychosomatic science. 150 Fahai Lama was invited to present his esoteric teachings as one of the multiple facets of qigong practice whose results were discussed in Chinese official press, reviews, scientific journals, and books. At the time so-called paranormal or latent abilities (teyi gongneng , qianneng ) gathered a great deal of media attention.151 Through the amalgamation of traditional and modern esoteric tech149 The life of Fahai Lama reflects the various phases of the development of qigong in PRC. During the 40s and 50s when qigong began to be systematized within therapeutic institutions as a branch of Chinese traditional medicine with governmental support, Fahai Lama found a way to make his living in Shanghai and continue to transmit his religious teachings under the guise of a physician and qigong therapist (see above p. 479). At that time different traditional methods of breathing, meditation and gymnastics began to be assimilated in the socalled qigong. Qigong and Chinese traditional medicine and acupuncture all were seen as focusing on qigong preventive methods for curing diseases. For the phase of the 1980s and 90s and the involvement of Fahai Lama see here below. For a study of the different phases of qigong from 1949 to 1999 see the study by D. Palmer, La fivre du qigong.

150 See Zangmi qigong yanjiuhui diyijie xueshu jiaoliuhui zai Jing zhaokai [The first academic ex-

change of the Association of Research of the Tibetan Tantric Qigong held in Bejing] Qigong 9 (1988.5): 237. My thanks to Luo Tongbing for sending me a copy of this page. On the meaning of qianneng see note 151. 151 I refer to the so-called teyi gongneng (paranormal abilities) or qianneng (latent abilities such as clairvoyance, levitation, X-ray vision, etc.) as powers which were believed to be granted thanks to qigong practice. For more on this and the government scientific support for their development, see the number 27.1 of Chinese Sociology & Anthropology edited in 1994 by Zhu Xiaoyang and Benjamin Penny. It is entirely devoted to The Qigong Boom (in particular pp. 35-47). See also M. Esposito, Il qigong, 46-49, 149-154, and D. Palmer, La fivre du qigong, 115-157.

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niques with a variety of breathing gymnastic and meditative exercises new forms of qigong came to be practiced by millions of Chinese not only in public parks but also in work units.152 During this explosive expansion of the practice of qigong after the 1980s, known as qigong fever (qigong re ), Tibetan Buddhism experienced a revival.153 Under the label of qigong, Chinese religious practices and various cults came again to the surface and benefited from an apparent freedom in the Peoples Republic of China (PRC). Publication of religious texts was once again allowed, and a great number of secret and sacred texts were published in PRC and Taiwan under the cover of qigong.154 Religious teachings and esoteric techniques that were apparently forgotten inside the recently reopened monasteries became an object of study and public discussion and were put at the disposal of Chinese masses as benefits of science. Monasteries including Fahai Lamas Qianfo chansi, became official sites of pilgrimage for qigong masters in search of powerful techniques. During this wave of Chinese scientific promotion of qigong, the doctrinal and religious context of these techniques was secondary. As we have seen, inside the Qianfo chansi monastery Tibetan Tantric teachings were assimilated within qi techniques under the generic heading of mizong. Fahai Lamas efforts were mostly directed towards harmonizing Tibetan doctrines and beliefs with Chinese Buddhism
M. Esposito, Il qigong, and D. Palmer, La fivre du qigong. See also Nancy N. Chen, Urban spaces and experiences of qigong, in Urban Spaces in Contemporary China, eds. Deborah S. Davis, Richard Kraus, Barry Naughton, and Elizabeth J. Perry (Cambridge: Woodrow Wilson Center Press/Cambridge University Press, 1995): 347-361, here 349. 153 According to Chinese government estimations in 1990, the number of qigong practitioners was about five percent of the total population (about 60 million persons); more recent estimates raises the number to nearly two hundred million. See Elizabeth J. Perry and Ellen V. Fuller, Chinas Long March to Democracy, World Policy Journal (Fall 1991): 663-685, quoted in Nancy N. Chen, Urban spaces and experiences of qigong, 347. As Chen Bing emphasizes in his article in the first volume on p. 410, the qigong fever phenomenon formed a bridge to the earlier enthusiasm for Tibetan Buddhism. 154 Apart from Tibetan texts on rDzogs chen and Tibetan Tantric techniques edited by Qiu Ling (see Appendix 2 and Chen Bings article in the first volume), the Tibetan work attributed to Marpa on the sixfold yoga of Nropa translated by Yu Wangzhi and Wan Guo was published under the title Zangchuan mizong qigong: Naluoba liuchengjiu fa : [Tibetan Tantric Qigong: The sixfold yoga of Nropa] (Taibei: Baitong tushu, 1998). See also Selected Works on Ancient Tibetan Qigong, eight articles by Tibetan authors, edited by Duoshi (December 1990), quoted by Heather Stoddard, Tibetan Publications and National Identity, in Resistance and Reform in Tibet, eds. Robert Barnett and Shirin Akiner (Bloomington: Indiana University, 1994): 121-156, here 148. A collection of Tantric techniques was published by Zangmi Qigong Kexue Yanjiuhui Zangmi Qigong Yanjiuhui [Qigong of Tibetan Tantra Research Institute of the China Qigong Science Institute] (ed.), Zangmi qigong [Qigong Deep-breathing Exercises of Tibetan Tantra] (Beijing: Qiushi Publishing House, 1989) including: A General Account of Buddhist Qigong, The Origin and Development of Qigong of Tibetan Tantra, Studies on Qigong of Tibetan Tantra, and Practicing Methods of Qigong of Tibetan Tantra. In the same vein, Tibetan tantras were also republished in Tibet like Bairozana, Qigong of Tibetan Tantra, annotated by Nam-mkha i norbu (Beijing: Nationalities Publishing House, 1993). See the website of China Tibet Information Center at http://www.tibetinfor.com.cn/english/zt/bibliotheca/..%5Cbibliotheca/20040200452 195449.htm.
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or Chinese traditions in general. Although, as noticed above, Fahai Lama presents Tantrism as a teaching at the same level as Chan, from the viewpoints of doctrine and practical organization of his monastery, Chinese Buddhism remains at the center. Thus it is not surprising that Fahai Lama compared Tibetan rDzogs chen with Chinese Chan and Daoism and that other Tibetan lamas ended up calling Chan great Tantrism (da mizong ) or asserting that there is no difference between the merit one gets from reciting the name of Amitbha and that from reciting Tantric mantras.155 These efforts to develop a non-sectarian rhetoric of assimilation between esoteric and exoteric traditions and between Tibetan and Chinese Buddhism should be seen in the perspective of the 19th-20th century movement of Tantric revival for establishing a Chinese esoteric tradition or a Chinese Tantrism. 156 Fahai Lamas transmission was clearly part of this trend, as was his dream to build a Meditation Hall, a Buddha Recitation Hall, and a Tantric Shrine for practicing Chan, Pure Land and Tantrism together. Although his strategy differed from that of the Chinese monk Taixus dream of reforming Chinese Buddhism, Fahai Lama ended up similarly combining Tibetan Tantrism with qigong and the Daoist study of immortality.157 Confronted with Chinese followers but also with official Chinese Buddhist associations, Fahai Lama, like many other Tibetan or Chinese masters, had to find a legitimate space for his religious discourse within the limits allowed by the Chinese government and its office of religious affairs. At time one legitimate area in PRC was certainly qigong. The project of building a qigong sanatorium for retired cadres in Fahai Lamas triune religious complex should be also regarded in this light.158 It is difficult to know at which level religious experts were involved in qigong propaganda and how conscious they were about the use of their religious beliefs to fan the flames of the qigong fever. The results of such a religious and political strategy and its abrupt stop with the Falun Gong persecution still await study. From Fahai Lamas side, what can be observed is that his Tibetan identity was so much sinicized that he had forgotten how to speak Tibetan anymore. His qigong expertise certainly had its effects on his practical life. Compared to leaders in other monastic institutions in China in his time, Fahai Lama was quite free to organize his activities,
155 This association between Chan, Pure Land, and Tantrism stems back to Nor lha rin po che (1865-1936), a well-known Tibetan lama associated with Gangs dkar rin po che, and quoted by Chen Bing in the first volume (Jingang shangshi Nuona hutuketu fayu kaishi lu [Notes on Dharma instructions given by the Tantric Guru Nor lha Khutukhtu], Part. 2, available at http://www.jingtu.org/dd/zsfj/nazs/nafyks2.htm). More on this can be found in the section The Sinicization of Esoteric Buddhism and the Emergence of Chinese Tantrism in Chen Bings contribution in the first volume. 156 On this issue see the contributions by Chen Bing and Luo Tongbing. See also the studies by H. Welch, The Buddhist Revival in China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968): 160-179, and Gotelind Mller, Buddhismus und Moderne: Ouyang Jingwu, Taixu und das Ringen um ein zeitgemsses Selbstverstndnis im chinesischen Buddhismus des frhen 20. Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1993): 122-129. 157 On Taixus view, see the contribution by Luo Tongbing in this volume, especially pp. 459-460. 158 On this project, see above note 25.

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to receive offerings, and even to lodge foreigners, things that were still forbidden in China in the middle of the 1980s. From the viewpoint of the common people, however, Fahai Lamas monastery (although recognized by Chinese government as a qigong site of pilgrimage and part of the official Qigong Tantric Association) still seemed somewhat suspicious. Chinese Buddhist monks and nuns with their shaved heads were regarded as aliens by people indoctrinated during the Cultural Revolution; but Tibetan lamas seemed even stranger. The effort to assimilate Tantrism in the public space of Chinese qigong therapy and to recognize Tibetan Tantric methods as part of the official Chinese Qigong associations had only limited effects on the Linan community. As the promotion of qigong practice took place, critical factions inside and outside the government were also active in emphasizing the negative side effects due to the qigong practice.159 As we can imagine, sexual ghosts and black magic were associated with Tibetan qigong.160 While Fahai Lamas Chan master Huiding in the 1950s regarded Tantrism as a heretical technique of magical mantras, the Linan community in the middle of the 1980s was projecting its sexual ghosts and black magic on Fahai Lamas monastery. The words of Miss Yang softly whispered in my ears while climbing the Southern Celestial-Eye Mountains are part of these historical Tibetan side effects. I still remember her concerned face when she put me on guard against the monastery we were visiting because sex and magical powers supposedly haunted the lama and his nuns. As far as I observed during my stay at Fahai Lamas monastery, the sexual techniques that Fahai Lama supposedly practiced with his nuns were limited to the visualization of a less dressed deity as Vajrayogin instead of the long-robed Guanyin [Figs. 19-20]. To judge by appearances the long-robed Guanyin was still the most common object of veneration among the nuns at Qianfo chansi. Dressed in ordinary Chinese Buddhist monastic robes these nuns performed the daily chores and morning and evening services common to all Chinese Buddhist monasteries. The buildings of Qianfo chansi, its main hall with its statues and wall paintings, and its religious objects were all thoroughly Chinese in style. What differentiated the Qianfo chansi from other Chinese monasteries was the great emphasis that Fahai Lama in his

More on this in the third part of Palmers La fivre du qigong titled The political crisis. Along with the promotion of qigong by the state as a unique Chinese tradition, the formation of new social networks led by charismatic qigong leaders presented a latent danger. Categories of official versus false qigong were then created, and boundaries of normality were established via the creation of a medical disorder called qigong deviation. In this way practitioners devoted to superstitious activities could be taken into custody and the surveillance of public parks could be strengthened for health reasons. See Nancy N. Chen, Urban spaces and experiences of qigong, 359. See also a similar dynamic presented in Chen Bings contribution (vol. 1, p. 421), in which the highest number of negative side effects are inevitably attributed to the practice of Tibetan Buddhism. 160 On the negative image of Tibetan Buddhism and lamas in Chinese history and their sexualization as well as mystification, see the contribution by Shen Weirong and Wang Liping in this volume. See also the debates arising today in the PRC in a similar context of establishing boundaries between the normality of Chinese Buddhism and the deviation of Tibetan Buddhism in the contribution by Chen Bing.

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Tibetan-style robe put on the study of esoteric traditions and practices that were welcomed because they apparently matched the governmental qigong standards. Apart from that the nuns occasionally enjoyed in their monastic space secret initiation ceremonies and the unique rDzogs chen transmissions by their lama after sunset.

Fig. 19: Guanyin. (Picture given to the author by Rev. Folian at Qianfo chansi, January 1989)

Fig. 20: Vajrayogin. (Picture given to the author by Rev. Folian at Qianfo chansi, January 1989)

,.
In the eyes of Fahai Lamas community, rDzogs chen represented the pinnacle of all Tibetan Tantric vehicles. At the same time this did not prevent Fahai Lamas community from regarding rDzogs chen teachings as one of the multifaceted expressions of the PRCs Tantric Qigong and from comparing its visions and its ultimate fruitthe rainbow bodywith one of the many achievements obtained through the development of latent abilities via qigong practice.161 If such rhetoric was accepted, at least apparently, in Fahai Lamas monastery, how did the general public react to it? How were the publications of this kind of esoteric Tibetan tradition seen by the general public?

The result of this assimilation can be also seen in Western publications that reproduce this Chinese rhetoric. See for instance Virginia Newton, Healing Energy: Master Zi Sheng Wang & Tibetan Buddhist Qigong (San Francisco: China Books and Periodicals, 2000).

161

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In 1996 I had the opportunity to put this question to Wu Jialiang , the Taiwanese editor of the Dayuanman (i.e., rDzogs chen) collection in Chinese.162 He told me that when, during the 80s and 90s, rDzogs chen texts were sold in Chinese bookstores as qigong books they were regarded by the general public as rather complex and difficult to understand and were used in the narrow context of therapeutic qigong techniques. Though they were presented as healing techniques using yoga or qigong they were too far removed from the range of Chinese comprehension to be widely used. The Taiwanese felt more inclined to devotional practices rather than the study and practice of such overly technical teachings.163 In fact, the rDzogs chen materials that I presented here for the first time according to Fahai Lamas transmission belong to the specific section known as man ngag sde (Ch. koubu ). This section is very technical because it focuses, as its name indicates, on oral instructions traditionally reserved to very few initiates. To my knowledge it was this kind of teaching, by and large related to Gangs dkar rin po ches transmission, that was translated into Chinese during the 1930s and 40s. As I showed in this contribution, Chinese materials reveal a terminological and doctrinal richness that is in dire need of being studied. Their use of metaphors and terminology from different traditions mirrors, to some extent, the first Chinese translations of Indian Buddhist texts. Yet the history of Chinese rDzogs chen translations is not yet written and the results of this assimilation and terminological adaptation is still ongoing in the new PRC empire. Thanks to the recorded transmissions of Gangs dkar rin po che, Fahai Lama, and other Tibetan and Chinese figures of the last century, the study of rDzogs chen in China has become possible. The so-called qigong fever phenomenon has also contributed, for better or worse, by leading to the first publication of Chinese esoteric scriptures on rDzogs chen in mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. It is on this wave of qigong fervor that, on an autumn day of 1988 I found myself riding to Linan in the company of my well-built Italian friend, a fan of martial arts, in search of the monastery of a certain Fahai Lama whose name will remain forever a mystery.

On this collection and its content, see Appendix 2. This inclination from the side of Taiwanese people to devotional practices and initiation ceremonies instead of individual practices is confirmed by the study by Yao Lixiang in this volume. See also a similar attitude in the reception of Tibetan Buddhism in Hong Kong by Henry Shiu in this volume.
163

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Appendix 1
XIANDAI GAOSENG HUIDING FASHI CHENGJIU ZHUAN

[Biography of the realized master Huiding, a contemporary eminent monk]*

* Recorded by Xiaoyin according to the oral explanations given by Fahai Lama on November, 6, 1984. My thanks to Ikehira Noriko for having checked and revised my Chinese transcription and translation.

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[1] ? [2] [3] ? [4] [5] ; [6] [7] [8] [9] [10] [?], [11] ? [12] ? [13]

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[14] [15] ? [16] [17] [18] [19] [20] [21] [22] [23] [24]

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[25] Skt. bija (Skt. bjas),

(Skt. bjas), (Skt. bjas), (Skt. bjas),

[26] [27] , [28] [? ] [? ]

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Appendix 2
RDZOGS CHEN LITERATURE IN CHINESE*

This Appendix contains the first presentation of Chinese materials on rDzogs chen. It is divided into two parts: A. Manuscript materials in possession of Fahai Lama; B. Printed materials mainly published in Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman [The Great Perfection], 2 vols. (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987),1 Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman xinsui tanao [Exploration of the quintessence of the Tibetan Tantric Great Perfection] (Beijing: Meitan gongye, 1993), and Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman fa xuanji [Selected works on the Tibetan Tantric Great Perfection] (Beijing: Beijing gongye daxue, 1993). This list cannot be regarded as exhaustive; but I hope it will open the path to further research in this domain. The presentation of the texts described in this Appendix is based on the following model:
x. Number attributed to the text followed by the title in pinyin, Chinese characters, and translated title according to Chinese in brackets. Tibetan title Transliteration of the Tibetan title whenever it exists or has been identified. Author Name and dates of the authors whenever they are known. Name and dates of the author of the Chinese commented and transmitted version, followed by the author/translator of the Chinese version whenever they are known. Collection bibliographical references to the text, either in printed or manuscript form. References Studies in Western languages and Chinese including translations, partial or complete, and presentations of the texts in question. * A preliminary draft was made in the framework of the Italo-French European Project entitled Dottrine e applicazioni nel buddismo tibetano e cinese: ricerche sulla terminologia dottrinale e tecnica degli scritti rDzogs-chen (Grande Perfezione), in vista di unanalisi ermeneutica necessaria alla comprensione delloggetto della ricerca. Thanks to the collaboration with Jean-Luc Achard and the agreement of Alfredo Cadonna and Anne-Marie Blondeau, this project opened the way to the first collaboration between the University Ca Foscari of Venice (Italy) and the cole Pratique des Hautes tudes (Paris). Under the guidance of Anne-Marie Blondeau it was integrated in the research project of CNRS-URA 1229 (Langues et cultures de laire tibtaine) before being directed by Anne Chayet. It was interrupted in 1998. On this project see Monica Esposito, Journey to the Temple of Celestial-Eye, in The Spirit of Enterprise, the 1993 Rolex Awards, ed. David W. Reed (Bern: Buri, 1993): 275-277, and Una tradizione di rDzogschen in Cina. Una Nota sul Monastero delle Montagne dellOcchio Celeste, Asiatica Venetiana 3 (1998): 221-224. I am grateful to the late Fahai Lama and his disciple Rev. Folian for their transmission of manuscript materials and teachings on rDzogs chen. I am also indebted to JeanLuc Achard for his help in identifying some of these manuscripts, and to Anne-Marie Blondeau, Donatella Rossi, Stphane Arguillre, and Okuyama Naoji for their comments and suggestions. 1 The edition in two volumes whose full title is DayuanmanPuxianwang rulai dayuanman xinyao zongji [The Great PerfectionAnthology of the quintessential rDzogs chen teachings of Samantabhadra], was among the materials accidentally destroyed by Jean-Luc Achard (see p. 502 note 82). The edition I used for Part B of this Appendix includes only one volume and is stored at the Taiwan National Library (Guojia tushuguan ). For a few more texts included in the two-volume edition see also note 15 below.

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A. MANUSCRIPTS OF FAHAI LAMA

1. Juyi baozang lun [The treasury of words and meanings]

Tibetan title Tshig don mdzod Author Klong chen rab byams (Dri med od zer, Ch. Wugou guang , 1308-1364). The name of the translator is not mentioned. Collection Fahai Lamas manuscript into two volumes (1.1a-82b; 2.83a-189a). References David Germano, Poetic thought, the intelligent Universe, and the mystery of self: The Tantric synthesis of rDzogs Chen in fourteenth century Tibet (PhD diss., The University of Wisconsin, 1992).

This text is divided into two parts (shang, xia) and, according to the Tibetan structure, includes eleven Adamantine chapters. It was regarded by Fahai Lama as his spiritual testament. In the manuscript there is no mention of the translator. A printed edition titled Ciyi baozang lun [The treasury of words and meanings] has been published in 1998 (Taibei: Xilinyuan liaoyi wenhua) with the explanations and commentaries of Jigs med Kun bzang tshe phrin rin po che (Ch. Jimei gunsang dianzhen renboqie ).2 2. Dayuanman shenghui benjue xinyao xiuzheng cidi [The victorious wisdom of the Great Perfection: Graduated stages on the Heart Essence cultivation and realization of the primordial awareness], abbr. Dayuan shenghui or Shenghui
Tibetan title rDzogs pa chen po klong chen snying thig gi gdod mai mgon poi lam gyi rim pai khrid yig ye shes bla ma Author Jigs med gling pa (mKhyen brtse od zer, Ch. Zhibei guang zunzhe , 1729/30-1798). Translated into Chinese and commented by the Sa skya Khutukhtu Kun bzang tshe phrin (Ch. Jingang shangshi Sajia Hutuketu Gensang zecheng ). Collection Fahai Lamas manuscript, 1-100. Also in Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 542-672, see below B no 15 & 18. References Steven Goodman, The Klong-Chen snying-thig: An Eighteenth Century Tibetan Revelation (PhD diss., University of Saskatchewan, 1983); Steven Goodman, Rig-dzin Jigs-med gling-pa and the kLong-Chen sNying-thig, in Tibetan Buddhism: Reasons and Revelation, eds. Steven Goodman and Ronald Davidson (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1992): 133-146; Tulku Thondup, The Tantric Tradition of the Nyingmapa (Marion, MA: Buddhayana, 1984); Sam van Schaik, Approaching the Great Perfection: Simultaneous and Gradual Approaches to Dzogchen Practice in Jigme Lingpas Longchen Nyingtig (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2004).

On this text see below B no 15 & 18.

2 I did not have access to this printed translation and ignore if it corresponds to that of Fahai Lama. I assume that the Chinese characters used in Taiwan for transliterating the name of the Tibetan master refer to the more common Chinese characters used in PRC for the Sa skya Khutukhtu Kun bzang tshe phrin (Ch. Sajia Hutuketu Gensang zecheng ). More on this master and his transmission below.

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3. Chuiji san yaojue shengfa jie [Explanations on the supreme method of striking the essence in three secret stanzas]
Tibetan title mKhas pa shr rgyal po khyad chos grel pa Author dPal sprul rin po che (O rgyan Jigs med chos kyi dbang po, Ch. Dashan jiegong dezhu dashi , 1808-1887). Transmitted by Gangs dkar rin po che (1893-1957). Translated by Ven. Mankong , and revised by Zhang Miaoding . Collection Fahai Lamas manuscript, 1-33. Cf. Fang Lixiu , Dayuanman fa (Taibei: Huiju, 2003): 399-402. References Jean-Luc Achard, Les testaments de Vajradhara et des porteurs-de-science (Paris: Les deux Ocans, 1995); Peltrul Rinpoche, Le Docte et Glorieux Roi, trans. Jean-Luc Achard (Paris: Les deux Ocans, 1997); Chkyi Nyima Rinpoche, Three Words, in Quintessential Dzogchen, trans. & eds. Erik Pema Kunsang and Marcia Binder Schmidt (Boudhanath: Ranjung Yeshe Publications, 2006): 185-189; Fang Lixiu , Dayuanman fa.

The root-text of this commentary on the dGa rab rdo rjes testament Tshig gsum gnad brdeg (Ch. Jisong niede ) [Three lines that hit on the key points] by dPal sprul rin po che has been published by Fang Lixiu, Dayuanman fa (399-402), with other materials including a copy of the Tibetan text (347-352). The Tibetan text has been translated from Tibetan into French by Jean-Luc Achard (Les testaments de Vajradhara et des porteurs-de-science). Fahai Lamas manuscript is based on the translation made by Ven. Mankong who was one of the main translators of Gangs dkar rin po che. This manuscript was given to Fahai Lamas disciples as the first text of rDzogs chen at the beginning of rDzogs chen instructions at Qianfo chansi (Nan Tianmushan, Zhejiang). 4. Dayuanman zuisheng xinzhongxin yangdui kemu [Yang ti instructions on the quintessential teachings of the Great Perfection]
Tibetan title rDzogs chen yang ti nag po gser gyi bru gcig pai khrid yig mdor bsdus pa od gsal lam jug Author Collection References Kong sprul Yon tan rgya mtsho (1813-1899). Transmitted by Gangs dkar rin po che (1893-1957). Fahai Lamas manuscript. Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987); see below B no 23. Dayuanman zuisheng xinzhongxin yindao leyao [Instructions on the quintessential teachings of the Great Perfection yang ti] (Qiu Ling ed., Zangmi dayuanman xinsui tanao , Beijing: Meitan gongye, 1993): 23, 98-161.

On this text see below A no 5-6, and B no 23, 28. 5. Dayuanman xinzhongxin zhouye yujia [Great Perfection yang ti yoga of day and night]
Tibetan title Author Transmitted by Gangs dkar rin po che (1893-1957). Collection Fahai Lamas manuscript, 1a-18b. References

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This text is based on the oral transmissions by Gangs dkar rin po che on the basis of Kong sprul Yon tan rgya mtshos rDzogs chen yang ti nag po gser gyi bru gcig pai khrid yig mdor bsdus pa od gsal lam jug. See also A no 4 & 6, and below B no 23, 28. 6. Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangyi [Commentary on the Great Perfection yang ti]
Tibetan title Author Transmitted by Gangs dkar rin po che (1893-1957). Collection Fahai Lamas manuscript, 1a-92a. See also below B no 23 & 28. References Dayuanman fajie xinzhongxin heiguan yindao fa [Instructions on the retreat in darkness of yang ti in the domain of the Great Perfection] (Qiu Ling ed., Zangmi dayuanman xinsui tanao , Beijing: Meitan gongye, 1993): 27, 162-172.

This text is based on the oral explanations given by Gangs dkar rin po che on the so-called Atiyoga (A ti yo ga), i.e., rDzogs chen, among which figure his teachings on the rDzogs chen yang ti nag po by Dung mtsho ras pa (Ch. Congzun luohai , 15th cent.). See below B no 23 & 28. 7. Dayuanman guanding jianglu quanji [Complete collection of recorded explanations on Great Perfection initiations]
Tibetan title Author Transmitted by Gangs dkar rin po che (1893-1957), edited by Fahai Lama (1920-1991) under the title Dayuanman guanding yiji quanji Fahai Lama [Complete collection of explicative notes on Great Perfection initiations by Fahai Lama]. See Fig. 11 on p. 495. Collection Fahai Lamas manuscript. Cf. Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (see B no 18-19, 23 & 28). References Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangshou lu [Recorded instructions on the Great Perfection yang ti] (Qiu Ling ed., Zangmi dayuanman xinsui tanao , Beijing: Meitan gongye, 1993): 23-24, 131-161; Yogi Chen, The Essential Teaching of Adi-Buddha: Part I & II, Chenian Booklets no 84 (http://yogichen.org/cw/cw32/bk084.html) & 85 (http://yogichen.org/cw/cw32/bk085.html).

This text is based on the oral Yang ti transmission of Gangs dkar rin po che, which is mainly based on three Tibetan texts: (1) Ye shes bla ma by Jigs med gling pa (1729/30-1791) included in his Klong chen snying thig (see here no 2, and below B no 15 & 18); (2) the so-called yang ti transmission according to Gangs dkar rin po ches oral instructions including the transmission on the Yang ti nag po (see here no 4-6, and below B no 19, 23, 28); and (3) the Karma snying thig by the third Karma pa Rang byung rdo rje (1284-1334); see B no 23.

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8. Dayuanman de yiyi he neirong [Content and significance of the Great Perfection]

Tibetan Title Author Commented and revised by Vajrcarya Guru Ciwei (Ch. Jingang Asheli Ciwei Shangshi ). Recorded by Guo Yuanxing (19201989). Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 1-34 References

This first text of the Dayuanman collection edited by Wu Jialiang is a Chinese composition based on Tibetan materials which are quoted at the end among which figure three works by Klong chen rab byams (Dri med od zer, Ch. Wugou guang , 1308-1363): the Chos dbyings mdzod (Ch. Fajie zanglun [The treasury of the Dharma Realm]), Theg mchog mdzod (Ch. Shengcheng zanglun [The treasury of the supreme vehicle]), Grub mtha mdzod (Ch. Zongpai zanglun [The treasury of spiritual traditions]). The works by Sum pa mkhan po Ye shes dpal byor (Ch. Songba ), and Amoghavajra (Ch. Bukong ) are also quoted. The text itself is divided into three parts: 1. Transmission of rDzogs chen teachings in the rNying ma pa tradition according to the scheme of the nine vehicles and presentation of rDzogs chen as divided into Mind Series (sems sde), Space Series (klong sde), and Precepts Series (man ngag sde); 2. Contents and theory of the Precepts Series, and particularly of the snying thig and the history of its transmission; 3. Diffusion of rDzogs chen in Tibet. 9. Puxianwang rulai qidao nengxian ziran zhi genben yuanwen [The root stanzas of the aspiration of Samantabhadra for the manifestation of natural wisdom]
Tibetan Title Kun tu bzang po smon lam stobs po che Author For the gter ma version, Rig dzin rGod ldem (1337-1408/9). The name of the Chinese translator is not mentioned. Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 35-38. References The Dzogchen Ponlop Rinpoche, Penetrating Wisdom: The Aspiration of Samantabhadra (Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion, 2006); Lama Yeshe Gyamtso & The Dzogchen Ponlop Rinpoche (trans.), The Aspiration of Samantabhadra (http:// www.nalandabodhi.org/samantabhadra.html); Bhakha Tulku and Steven Goodman (trans.), The Prayer of Kuntuzangpo, in Quintessential Dzogchen, trans. & eds. Erik Pema Kunsang and Marcia Binder Schmidt (Boudhanath: Ranjung Yeshe Publications, 2006): 79-84.

This text, which is largely known throughout the Tibetan Buddhist world, exists in two Chinese translations (no 9 & 10), based on the Tibetan text Kun tu bzang po smon lam stobs po che extracted from a larger tantra whose full title is rDzogs pa chen po

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kun tu bzang po dgongs pa zang thal du bstan pai bshad rgyud. This explanatory tantra comments on the root text of the dGongs pa zang thal cycle. See also below text no 10. 10. Puxianwang rulai dali yuansong [The prayer of the powerful aspiration of Samantabhadra]
Tibetan Title Kun tu bzang po smon lam stobs po che Author Transmitted by Nor lha Khutukhtu (1865-1936) (Ch. Nuona Hutuketu ). Translated into Chinese by Lianhua Zhengjue (i.e., Wu Jialiang) Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 39-42. References The Dzogchen Ponlop Rinpoche, Penetrating Wisdom: The Aspiration of Samantabhadra (Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion, 2006); Lama Yeshe Gyamtso & The Dzogchen Ponlop Rinpoche (trans.), The Aspiration of Samantabhadra (http:// www.nalandabodhi.org/samantabhadra.html); Bhakha Tulku and Steven Goodman (trans.), The Prayer of Kuntuzangpo, in Quintessential Dzogchen, trans. & eds. Erik Pema Kunsang and Marcia Binder Schmidt (Boudhanath: Ranjung Yeshe Publications, 2006): 79-84.

This is a Chinese translation of the commentary by Nor lha Khutukhtu on the Tibetan text (also see no 9 & 11). 11. Adaerma rulai wushang yuanman dali yuan shesong koushou mijue [Secret instructions on the oral transmission of the prayer according to the powerful aspiration of absorption of the paramount perfection of Samantabhadra]
Tibetan Title Author Transmitted by Nor lha Khutukhtu [mGar ra bla ma] Phrin las rgya mtsho (1865-1936) (Ch. Puyou fashi Nuona Hutuketu Bukong hai ). Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 43-73. References The Dzogchen Ponlop Rinpoche, Penetrating Wisdom: The Aspiration of Samantabhadra (Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion, 2006); Lama Yeshe Gyamtso & The Dzogchen Ponlop Rinpoche (transl), The Aspiration of Samantabhadra (http:// www.nalandabodhi.org/samantabhadra.html); Bhakha Tulku and Steven Goodman (trans.), The Prayer of Kuntuzangpo, in Quintessential Dzogchen, trans. & eds. Erik Pema Kunsang and Marcia Binder Schmidt (Boudhanath: Ranjung Yeshe Publications, 2006): 79-84.

This text is a detailed commentary of the Aspiration of Samantabhadra, explained by Nor lha Khutukhtu under the Chinese title Puyou fashi (also mentioned in Chinese sources as Puyou chanshi ), Universal Protector Master, a title Nor lha received from the Nanjings central government when in 1930 he was appointed member of the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs.3 The ChiFor a short presentation on Nor lha rin po che see the contribution by Chen Bing in the first volume on pp. 399-400.
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nese style of this text suggests that it is a translation from Tibetan. It uses a traditional pattern consisting in first quoting the root-stanzas of the text, then summarizing their true meaning, and finally describing the main practices to be conducted according to the hidden content of the verses. Thus the whole original prayer can be divided into eight or nine parts, depending on the inclusion of the first preliminary paragraphs in this list. All practices refer to methods of Tantric visualization. 12. Dayuanman zhihui jueding benlai qingjing jietuo jian [The view of freedom and primordial purity determining the wisdom of the Great Perfection]
Tibetan Title Ye shes rang grol (?) Author Attr. Padmasambhava. The name of the Chinese translator is not mentioned. Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 75-82. References Lianshi Dayuanman jiaoshou gouti [Sizing Padmasambhavas transmission of the Great Perfection] (Qiu Ling ed., Zangmi dayuanman xinsui tanao , Beijing: Meitan gongye, 1993): 28-29, and 173-235.

The Chinese title is followed by the abbreviated title in Chinese Sanskrit phonetics Zhana amage nama , Tibetan phonetics Yixi langzhuo , i.e., Ye shes rang grol, and Chinese translation as Zhihui faer jietuo [Natural freedom of wisdom]. The text is divided into 280 verses of seven characters. It is allegedly the transmission given by Padmasambhava to Ye shes mtsho rgyal. In the two volume-edition of Wu Jialiang there is the same text followed by a commentary of Chen Jianmin (better known as Yogi Chen, 1906-1987; see below note 15). 13. Dachengdao qingjing jimie chanding guangming dayuanman fayao shilun [The pure great chariot, commentary to restingat-ease through the luminous meditation according to the principles of the Great Perfection]
Tibetan Title rDzogs pa chen po bSam gtan ngal gsoi grel pa shing rta rnam dag Author Klong chen rab byams (Ch. Longqing ranjiang ba , 1308-1364). Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 84-162. References Herbert V. Guenther, Kindly Bent to Ease Us (Berkeley: Dharma Publication, 1976); Tulku Thondup, Buddha Mind (Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion, 1989): 156-157; Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman xinsui tanao (Beijing: Meitan gongye, 1993): 28.

There is no mention of the master who transmitted this Tibetan text in China nor of its translator but this translation was probably based on the transmission given by the Sa skya Kun bzang tshe phrin.4 This text has also been translated into
See also the contribution by Chen Bing in the first volume on p. 401. For the translation in Chinese by Liu Liqian of the rDzogs chen sgyu ma ngal gsoi grel pa shing rta bzang po as Dayuanman xuhuan xiuxi miaoche shu see the Appendix of Henry Shiu in this volume on p. 570.
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Chinese as Dayuanman chanding xiuxi qingjing jie (see Qiu Ling , ed., Zangmi dayuanman xinsui tanao , Beijing: Meitan gongye, 1993, 28). 14. Dayuanman guangda xinyao qianxing cidi fa [Gradual instructions on the preliminaries to the Heart Essence of the Vast Expanse of the Great Perfection]
Tibetan title rDzogs pa chen po klong chen snying thig gi sngon gro Author Jigs med gling pa (1729/30-1798). Transmitted and commented by the 19th Klong chen snying thig Vajra Guru Sa skya Khutukhtu Kun bzang tshe phrin rin po che (Ch. Longqqing lingti pai di shijiu dai Jingang shangshi Sajia Gensang zecheng renboqing ). Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 163-368. References Steven Goodman, The Klong-Chen snying-thig: An Eighteenth Century Tibetan Revelation (PhD diss., University of Saskatchewan, 1983): 130-133; Patrul Rinpoche, The words of my perfect teacher, translated by the Padmakara Translation Group, with a foreword by the Dalai Lama and Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche (Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 1998); Tulku Thondup (trans.), The Dzog-chen Preliminary Practice of the Innermost Essence, ed. Brian C. Beresford (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1989); Khetsun Sangpo, Tantric Practice in Nying-ma, trans. & ed. Jeffrey Hopkins, co-ed. Anne C. Klein (Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion, 1996);5 Sam van Schaik, Approaching the Great Perfection: Simultaneous and Gradual Approaches to Dzogchen Practice in Jigme Lingpas Longchen Nyingtig (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2004): 94-96; Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman xinsui tanao (Beijing: Meitan gongye, 1993): 19-22, 24-25.

This Chinese version of the preliminary instructions to the Klong chen snying thig has been transmitted by the Sa skya sprul sku Kun bzang tshe phrin, a disciple of Gangs dkar rin po che (1893-1957) heading the Sa skya monastery Khams gsum grwa, which is located next to Gangs dkar rin po ches own monastery.6 The Chinese text includes the instructions on the ordinary preliminaries (Tib. thun mong sngon gro, Ch. waigong jiaxing , or gong jiaxing ) based on the rDzogs pa chen po klong chen snying thig gi thun mong gi sngon gro khrid kyi lag len las debs lugs and its

A first translation based on the transmission given by Khetsun Sangpo (mKhas btsun bzang po, b. 1921) on dPal sprul rin po ches Kun bzang bla mai zhal lung was done by Jeffrey Hopkins in 1982. This version was also translated into Chinese as Geizun sanbo renboqie [mKhas btsun bzang po rin po che], Dayuanman Longqin xinsui xiuxing fa [Great Perfection preliminaries to the Klong chen snying thig] (Taibei, Xindianshi: Om Ah Hung , 1998). See also Bachu renpoqie [dPal sprul rin po che], Xinzhi shijiao (Zhonghe: Shuixing wenhua, 2003), which is another translation of dPal sprul rin po ches Kun bzang bla mai zhal lung, according to the transmission of Anzhang zhuba huofo (A dzom brug pa sprul sku, 1842-1924), translated and annotated by Zhuoge duojie (mDzod dge rdo rje). 6 On this monastery and its location see above pp. 403-404 [Fig. 4] and note 12.

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six main sections, and the extraordinary preliminaries (Tib. thun mong ma yin pai sngon gro, Ch. bugong nei jiaxing or bugong jiaxing ) according to the rDzogs pa chen po klong chen snying thig gi thun mong ma yin pai sngon groi khrid yig dran pa nyer gzhag. These explanations are based on the later commentary of dPal sprul rin po che (Ch. Bazu renboqing , alias Jigs med chos kyi dbang po, 1808-1887)s Kun bzang bla mai zhal lung; see Patrul Rinpoche, The words of my perfect teacher, and Khetsun Sangpo, Tantric Practice in Nying-ma.7 15. Dayuanman guangda xinyao benjue dao cidi [Gradual path to the primordial awareness according to the Heart Essence of the Vast Expanse of the Great Perfection]
Tibetan title: rDzogs pa chen po klong chen snying thig gi gdod mai mgon poi lam gyi rim pai khrid yig ye shes bla ma Author: 13th Klong chen snying thig master [Jigs med gling pa] mKhyen brtse od zer (Ch. Longqqing lingtipai dishisan dai Zhibei guang zunzhe ). Transmitted and explained by Kun bzang tshe phrin rin po che (Ch. Gensang zecheng renboqing ). Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 368-487. Cf. B no 18 & A no 2. References Sam van Schaik, Approaching the Great Perfection: Simultaneous and Gradual Approaches to Dzogchen Practice in Jigme Lingpas Longchen Nyingtig (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2004): 313-317; Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman xinsui tanao (Beijing: Meitan gongye, 1993): 19-22, 24-25.

Jigs med gling pas Ye shes bla ma is one of the favored works among present day practioners. There are at least two Chinese translations (no 15 & 18). This text contains the teachings of Kun bzang tshe phrin rin po che on the Ye shes bla mas preliminaries (Tib. sngon gro, Ch. jiaxing ), the main practice (Tib. dngos gzhi, Ch. zhengxing ) of khregs chod (Ch. quque ) and thod rgal (Ch. tuoga ),8 and the bar do (Ch. zhongyin ) instructions for the disciples of mediocre (Tib. dbang po bring, Ch. zhonggen ) and inferior capacities (Tib. dbang po tha ma, Ch. xiagen ). It also includes the translation of the colophon.

There are also two other Chinese translations: 1) Dayuanman guangda xinyao qianxing cidi jiangyi [Graduated explanations on the preliminaries to the Heart Essence of the Vast Expanse of the Great Perfection], translated by Yanding et al., in the collection Zangmi xiufa midian [Secret compendium of Tibetan Tantric practices], 5 vols. (Beijing: Huaxia, 1995): vol. 4 (it has also been published in Zhongguo shaoshu minzu guji jicheng , Chengdu: Sichuan minzu, 2002); 2) Dayuanman Lonqin xinti qianxing daowen [Instructions on the Great Perfection preliminaries to the Klong chen snying thig], by Genzao and translated by Guo Yuanxing (Taibei: Micheng, 1981). There is also a compilation by Xu Qinting entitled Dayuanman Longchen xinsui [rDzogs chen klong chen snying thig] (Zhongli: Shenghuan tushu, 1998). As I could not consult it I ignore its content. 8 For other transliterations of these two terms and their meaning see above pp. 496-497 and 502-504.

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16. Dayuanman guangda xinyao qianxing niansong nengxian bianzhi miaodao yigui [Recitation of the preliminaries to the Heart Essence of the Vast Expanse of the Great Perfection, illuminating the auspicious path of omniscience]
Tibetan title: rDzogs pa chen po klong chen snying thig gi sngon groi ngag don rnam mkhyen lam bzang gsal byed Author: Jigs med gling pa (1729/30-1798). Transmitted by Kun bzang tshe phrin rin po che (Ch. Gensang zecheng renboqing ). Translated and edited by Yanding fashi . Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 488-515. References Tulku Thondup, The Dzog-chen preliminary practice of the innermost essence: The Long-chen nying-thig ngon-dro with original Tibetan root text, composed by Jig-me ling-pa (1729-1798), translated with commentary by Tulku Thondup, edited by Brian C. Beresford (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works & Archives, 1989, first published 1982); Khetsun Sangpo, Tantric Practice in Nying-ma, trans. & ed. Jeffrey Hopkins, co-ed. Anne C. Klein (Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion, 1996): 197-214; Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman xinsui tanao (Beijing: Meitan gongye, 1993): 26.

The Tibetan text has been translated and commented by Tulku Thondub. There also is a translation by Jeffrey Hopkins according to Khetsun Sangpos explanations. The Chinese text translated here and edited by Yanding fashi is based on the explanations given by the Sa skya sprul sku Kun bzang tshe phrin. It exists two other Chinese translations: 1) Dayuanman shenhui xinsui qianxing niansong yigui xianshi bianzhi miaodao , translated by Ven. Ruji in the Nyingmapa Series (Hong Kong: Vajrayana Buddhism Association);9 2) Dayuanman Longqing ningti bianzhi miaodao qianxing niansong yigui [Prayer of the preliminary practice the excellent path of omniscience of Dzog-pa chen-po Long Chen Nying-Thig] facing Chinese and Tibetan text (Gaoxiong: Gaoxiongshi Ningma Longning Jiucheng Foxuehui, 2003). 17. Dayuanman guangda xinyao zongshe chiming neixiu fa yigui [Liturgical commentary of the inner sadhana of the Vidyadhara assemblage to the Heart Essence of the Vast Expanse of the Great Perfection]
Tibetan title Klong chen snying thig nang sgrub rig dzin dus pa Author Jigs med gling pa (1729/30-1798). Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 516-541. References Sam van Schaik, Approaching the Great Perfection: Simultaneous and Gradual Approaches to Dzogchen Practice in Jigme Lingpas Longchen Nyingtig (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2004): 94-96.

Although no person in charge of tranmission or translation is mentioned, this explanation on the graduated set of guruyoga texts seems to belong to the Sa skya
9

See the Appendix to the contribution by Henry Shiu in this volume on p. 574.

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sprul sku Kun bzang tshe phrin rin po che. It seems to be the work of the translator and editor Yanding fashi. 18. Dayuanman shenghui benjue xinyao xiuzheng cidi [The victorious wisdom of the Great Perfection: Graduated cultivation and realization of the Heart Essence of the primordial awareness], abbr. Dayuan shenghui [The victorious wisdom of the Great Perfection]
Tibetan title rDzogs pa chen po klong chen snying thig gi gdod mai mgon poi lam gyi rim pai khrid yig ye shes bla ma Author 13th Klong chen snying thig Patriarch [Jigs med gling pa] mKhyen brtse od zer (Ch. Longqqing lingtipai dishisan dai zu Zhibei guang zunzhe ). Transmitted and explained by the 19th Klong chen snying thig Vajraguru Sa skya Kun bzang tshe phrin (Ch. Longqqing lingtipai dishijiu dai Jingang shangshi Sajia Gensang zecheng ). Translated by Liu Liqian (1910-?).10 Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 542-672. Also in the manuscript version by Fahai Lama (A no 2) References Steven Goodman, The Klong-Chen snying-thig: An Eighteenth Century Tibetan Revelation (PhD diss., University of Saskatchewan, 1983), Steven Goodman, Rig-dzin Jigs-med gling-pa and the kLong-Chen sNying-thig, in Tibetan Buddhism: Reasons and Revelation, eds. Steven Goodman and Ronald Davidson (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1992): 133-146; Tulku Thondup, The Tantric Tradition of the Nyingmapa (Marion, MA: Buddhayana, 1984); Sam van Schaik, Approaching the Great Perfection: Simultaneous and Gradual Approaches to Dzogchen Practice in Jigme Lingpas Longchen Nyingtig (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2004); Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman xinsui tanao (Beijing: Meitan gongye, 1993): 19-21, 25, and Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman fa xuanji (Beijing: Beijing gongye daxue, 1993): 108-129.

This text seems to be a closer translation of the Tibetan Ye shes bla ma explained by the 19th Klong chen snying thig master, Kun bzang tshe phrin rin po che, than the previous text (no 15). It begins with a short history of the three highest vehicles (Mahyoga, Anuyoga, Atiyoga) and ends with the Atiyoga lineages of transmission. The same text is found in the manuscript of Fahai Lama (A no 2). 19. Dayuanman guanding ji xiuchi fangfa jiangjie jilu [Recorded explanations on the methods of practice and initiations of the Great Perfection]
Tibetan title Author Orally transmitted by Gangs dkar rin po che, Karma bshad sprul chos kyi seng ge (1893-1957) (Ch. Fujiao Guangjue Chanshi Gongga Hutuketu Fashizi The name of the translator is not indicated in Wu Jialiangs edition. Conversely, the name Liu Liqian appears in Dayuan shenghui published by Miaojixiang , 1977, and republished as Dayuan shenghui benjue xinyao xiuzheng cidi in Liu Liqian zangxue zhuyi wenji , vol. 11 (Beijing: Minzu, 2000). See also Dayuan shenghui benjue xinyao xiuzheng cidi (Chengdu: Sichuan minzu, 2002).
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). Translated into Chinese by Hu Yalong . Recorded transmission by Ciwei Jingang Shangshi . Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 673-745. Cf. Fahai Lamas manuscript (A no 7). Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangshou lu [Recorded instructions on the Great Perfection yang ti] (Qiu Ling ed., Zangmi dayuanman xinsui tanao , Beijing: Meitan gongye, 1993): 23-24, 131-161; Yogi Chen, The Essential Teaching of Adi-Buddha: Part I & II, Chenian Booklets no 84 (http://yogichen.org/cw/cw32/bk084.html) & 85 (http://yogichen.org/cw/ cw32/bk085.html).

Collection References

This text is based on the transmission given in 1948 by Gangs dkar rin po che at the Nuona Jingshe of Nanjing. Under the Chinese title Fujiao Guangjue Chanshi (given to him by the republican government in 1947) Gangs dkar rin po che conferred rDzogs chen teachings to his Chinese disciples for four days. The first day included a general presentation of the snying thig transmissions of the Bi ma snying thig, Kar ma snying thig, mKha gro snying thig, Klong chen snying thig and a short presentation of the first of four initiations (Ch. si guanding , Tib. dbang bzhi). The second day was devoted to the explanations of the other three initiations, ending with the Initiation to the Dynamism of Awareness (Tib. rig pai rtsal dbang) that is mentioned in Chinese as rDzogs chen initiation (Dayuanman guanding ). The third day began with the practice of the preliminaries, ordinary and extraordinary. The fourth day focused on the practice of khregs chod with the gzer lnga and the practice of the three skies of Karma pa, and thod rgal.11 The practice of thod rgal is divided into two parts: the yoga of the day (bai yujia ) and the yoga of the night (hei yujia ). See also A no 7, and B no 20 & 23. 20. Dayuanman guanding ji xiuchi fangfa jiangjie jilu [Recorded explanations on the Great Perfection methods of practice and initiations]. Also titled Kunming Miaogaosi dayuanman fa guanding [Great Perfection initiations at the Miaogao monastery of Kunming]
Tibetan title Author Transmitted by Gangs dkar rin po che, Karma bshad sprul chos kyi seng ge (1893-1957) (Ch. Jingang Shangshi Fujiao Guangjue Chanshi Gongga Hutuketu ). Recorded by Jianfu .12 Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 746-802. Cf. Fahai Lamas manuscript (A no 7) References Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangshou lu [Recorded instructions on the Great Perfection yang ti] (Qiu Ling ed., Zangmi dayuanman xinsui tanao Beijing: Meitan gongye, 1993): 23-24, 131-161; Yogi Chen, The Essential Teaching of Adi-Buddha: Part I & II, Chenian Booklets no 84 (http://yogichen.org/cw/cw32/bk084.html) & 85 (http://yogichen.org/cw/cw32/bk085.html). On this see above pp. 501-502. This is also confirmed in Huang Yingjie , Minguo mizong nianjian [Yearbook of esoteric Buddhism in republican China] (Taibei: Quanfo wenhua, 1992): 138 note 516.
12 11

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This text is the Chinese transcription of the oral transmissions given in Tibetan by Gangs dkar rin po che in 1948 at the Miaogaosi of Kunming (Yunnan). The content is very close to the text above (no 19), but the instructions on the main practice (Ch. zhengxing , Tib. dngos gzhi), i.e., khregs chod and thod rgal, which is addressed to the disciples of superior capacities, is here presented according to 1. Ye shes bla ma (Ch. Dayuan shenghui ); 2. the Yang ti (Ch. Yangdi ; see no 23); and 3. the Oral Instructions of Karma pa (Ch. koujue ; see no 23). The first encounter between Gangs dkar rin po ches tradition and the Western world was certainly the English summary (based on the Chinese version) of this transmission published by Yogi Chen (1906-1987) in his Chenian Booklets n 84 & 85 under the title The Essential Teachings of Adi-Buddha (Part 1 and 2). 21. Dayuanman xinzhi yuantong wuai yaomen [Essential methods on the perfectly penetrating and unobstructed wisdom-mind according to the Great Perfection]
Tibetan title Author Orally transmitted by Wu Runjiang (1906-1979). Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.) Dayuanman, 803-820. References

As the Chinese titles of Wu Runjiang show in the heading of the text: Xikang Nuona Hutuketu fasi Da Chiming Jingang shangshi Lianhua Jingangzang zunzhe Banzhida , i.e., Mh-vidydhara Vajraguru Honorable Padmavajragarbha Paita, Heir of Nor lha Khutukhtu from Khams, Wu Runjiang presents himself as disciple of Nor lha Khutukhtu (1865-1936).13 Wu Runjiangs teaching focus on the confrontation to the nature of mind, its power of emitting light thanks to techniques of visualization, recitation and absorption.

As the sixth patriarch of Nor lha rin po ches lineage, Wu Runjiang (1906 1979) established the Wujindeng Xuehui (Association of the Endless Lamp) and published the journal Wujindeng [Endless Lamp], which has recently been taken over by Guru Huang Zhengnan . In 1960, as one of the first Chinese to teach Tibetan Tantrism, Wu was invited to the United States and Canada to transmit his teachings. His disciples in New York established the Nuona Ashram (Nuona Jingshe ). See the contribution by Yao Lixiang in this volume, and Chen Bing and Deng Zimei , Ershi shiji Zhongguo fojiao [Chinese Buddhism in the 20th century] (Taibei: Xiandai Chan, 2003): 439. Among Wu Runjiangs disciples in Taiwan are Qian Zhimin , his wife Huang Huihua , and Liang Naichong , a professor at the Institute of Research in Physics of the University of Qinghua in Taiwan . He gathered a group of scientists for the study of Buddhism and established the Yuanjue Wenjiao Jijinhui (Foundation for Culture and Education of Perfect Illumination) and published the periodical Foxue yu kexue (Buddhism and Science). My thanks to Chen Bing for this information.

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22. Dayuanman zuisheng bao zongji jianxiu yigui [Liturgical explanations on the simplified meditation according to the sublime treasury of the Great Perfection]
Tibetan title Author Transmitted by Gangs dkar rin po che (18931957) (Ch. Fujiao Guangjue Chanshi Gongga Shangshi ). Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 821-833. References

This teaching consists in the sdhana-based ritual of visualization and recitation of O h, in the recitation of the mantra of Padmasambhava (Ch. Lianhua zhou ) combined with the visualization of his wrathful form (Ch. fennu Lianshizhe , Tib. Guru Drag po), and his ki (Ch. Lianshi shizi kongxing , Tib. Seng ge gdong can ma). 23. Dayuanman zuisheng xinzhongxin yindao leyao [Instructions on the quintessential teachings of the rDzogs chen yang ti]. Original title: Yi heiwu shang jinzi xianchu dayuanman zuisheng xinzhongxin yindao leyao ming quru guangming dao [Entering the path of the clear lightEssential instructions on the golden syllable of the Black Quintessence (yang ti nag po) of the Great Perfection]
Tibetan title rDzogs chen yang ti nag po gser gyi gcig pai khrid yig mdor bsdus pa od gsal lam jug Author Kong sprul Yon tan rgya mtsho (alias Jam mgon Kong sprul blo gros mtha yas, 1813-1899). Transmitted by Gangs dkar rin po che (18931957) (Ch. Jingang shangshi Gongga ). Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 834-921. Manuscript by Fahai Lama (A no 4). References Dayuanman zuisheng xinzhongxin yindao leyao [Instructions on the quintessential teachings of the Great Perfection yang ti] (Qiu Ling ed., Zangmi dayuanman xinsui tanao , Beijing: Meitan gongye, 1993): 23, 62, 98-130, and Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangshou lu [Recorded instructions on the Great Perfection yang ti] (Qiu Ling ed., Zangmi dayuanman xinsui tanao , Beijing: Meitan gongye, 1993): 23-24, 131-161; Yogi Chen, The Essential Teaching of Adi-Buddha: Part I & II, Chenian Booklets no 84 (http://yogichen.org/cw/cw32/bk084.html) & 85 (http://yogichen.org/cw/ cw32/bk085.html).

This text was first transmitted at Shashi (todays Jingzhou , Hubei) in 1938 by Gangs dkar rin po che, and then in Chongqing and Chengdu (Sichuan), according to the Tibetan text written by one of the foremost figures of the ris med movement at dPal spungs monastery (Ch. Babangsi ), Kong sprul Yon tan rgya mtsho (mentioned at the end of the Chinese text with his Bodhisattva vow name Padma gar dbang Blo gros mtha yas, Ch. Lianhua youxi zizai zhihui wubian dashi ). Compiled for his Rin chen gter mdzod, Kong spruls text is a standard exegesis of the cycle revealed by Dung mtsho ras pa (Ch. Dongcuo reba

rDzogs chen in China

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, also called Congzun luohai , 15th cent.). The Chinese text is also known under its abbreviated title Quru guangming dao jinzi jing or simply Yangdui or Yangdi (Chinese phonetic for yang ti).14 In the manuscript version

of Fahai Lama (A no 4) it is titled Dayuanman zuisheng xinzhongxin yangdui kemu. Like Fahai Lamas manuscript version, this text in Wu Jialiangs edition has in addition the oral instructions of the third Karma pa Rang byung rdo rje (Ch. Rangjiang diji , 1284-1339), which includes the practice of the three skies (Ch. Yangdi san xukong xiangying ), and the Song of the Great Perfection from the Kar ma snying thig (Ch. Kama ningti dayuanman she song ). 24. Dayuanman pushi yaomen [The Great Perfection method of spreading (salvation)]
Tibetan title Author Orally transmitted by Wu Runjiang (1906-1979). Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 922-956. References

The text contains an annotated transmission of the purificatory practice of the six realms in the Nor lha Khutukhtus tradition offering a detailed explanation on the visualisation of its six syllables. The adept in accord with the aspiration of Samantabhadra devotes her/his practice to saving all beings from the six life forms and the three realms of samsara. 25. Dayuanman pushi yaomen [Great Perfection Heart Essence of the highest revered one)
Tibetan title Author Orally transmitted by Gangs dkar rin po che (1893-1957) (Ch. Jingang shangshi Gongga ). Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 957-962. References

This is an explanation based on a Tibetan version of the guruyoga practice along with a visualized recitation of 100 characters and respective mantras.

A text simply titled Yangdui has also been published in the collection Jingangcheng quanji , vol. 3 (Taibei: Misheng, 1985); see the Appendix by Henry Shiu in this volume on p. 570. It has been translated by Lau Yui-chi (Liu Ruizhi , 1914-1997). It corresponds to the text with the same original title Yi heiwu shang jinzi xianchu dayuanman zuisheng xinzhongxin yindao leyao ming quru guangming dao . My thanks to Henry Shiu for having sent me a copy of this text. The same text has been also published in Wu Xinru , Dayuanman jingcui (Zhongguo zangxue chubanshe, 2005 (http://big5.phoenixtv.com:82/gate/big5/www. phoenixtv.com/phoenixtv/ 72343471507111936/20050610/565202.shtml).

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26. Xiu Puxianwang rulai lunhui niepan zijietuo zuigao fangbian [Practicing Samantabhadras highest method of samsara and nirvana self-liberation]
Tibetan title Author Transmitted by Gangs dkar rin po che. Recorded by Chen Jianmin (i.e., Yogi Chen, 1906-1987). Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 963-968. References Yogi Chen, Adi-Buddha Samadhi, Chennian Booklets, 117 (http://yogichen. org/chenian/bk117.html)

It is an explanation about the visualization of Samantabhadra and Samantabhadr in their blue and white form respectively. The meaning of their different postures and emblems is given according to the traditional qualities belonging to the nature of mind. Natural state is symbolized by the syllable A in their hearts encircled by the five colored lights. 27. Nuona Jingang shangshi koushou jingang song qifen [Distinctive explanations of the prayer of Vajrasattva in the oral transmission of the Vajra Master Nor lha]
Tibetan title Author Published on the basis of Ouyang Hanbings manuscript. Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 969-979. References

This text explains Vajrasattva meditation in the tradition of Nor lha rin po che as divided into 10 items: 1. Hommage; 2. Extraordinary meaning of Vajrasattava recitation; 3. Refuge; 4. Developing bodhicitta; 5. The nature of mind; 6. The syllable h; 7. Vajrasattva; 8. All characteristics; 9. Visualization of the syllable and breath; 10. The immensity of the mind-space . It includes a postface dated 1956. 28. Dayuanman fajie xinzhongxin heiguan yindao weidu jike chengjiu shiye [Instructions on the retreat in darkness of yang ti in the domain of the Great Perfection, the simple reading of which allows accomplishment of ones pursuit]
Tibetan title rDzogs pa chen po Yang ti nag po mun khrid bklags pas don grub Author Kun bzang nges don dbang po (fl. 1798). Transmitted by Gangs dkar rin po che (1893-1957) (Ch. Jingang shangshi Gongga ). Recorded by Chen Jianmin (i.e., Yogi Chen, 1906-1987). Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 979-995. Cf. Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangyi (Part Hei yujia, 72a-90b in Fahai Lamas manuscript, A no 6). References Dayuanman fajie xinzhongxin heiguan yindao fa [Instructions on the retreat in darkness of yang ti in the domain of the Great Perfection] (Qiu Ling ed., Zangmi dayuanman xinsui tanao , Beijing: Meitan gongye, 1993): 27, 162-172; and Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman fa xuanji (Beijing: Beijing gongye daxue, 1993): 154-156.

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According to Qiu Ling (Zangmi dayuanman xinsui, 27 and 162), Gangs dkar rin po che transmitted the method of the retreat in a dark-chamber to Chen Jianmin (i.e., Yogi Chen) in 1937 when he was in Lushan (Jiangxi). Yogi Chen is said to be the only Chinese holder of the Yang ti nag po transmission. He wrote down Gangs dkar rin po ches teachings and composed his Chinese version recorded in Qiu Ling (Zangmi dayuanman xinsui, 162-169), which is less complete than the text reproduced here in Wu Jialiangs edition. The latter seems to be a closer translation of the Tibetan text. It includes an appendix (pp. 993-995) entitled Dayuanman xinzhongxin heiguan guanxiang cidi [Stages of visualization for the dark-retreat of the yang ti of the Great Perfection] whose title seems to correspond to Dung mtsho ras pas rDzogs pa chen po yang ti nag poi ngo sprod dmigs pai rim pa char sgo; but in reality it refers to his Yang ti nag poi shog dril skor gsum presented in Chinese as Sanjuan jing [The three scrolls], or according to Chinese Tibetan spelling Suzou gesong (Shog dril skor gsum). Parts of the same text are also found in the Chinese manuscript of Fahai Lama entitled Dayuanman xinzhongxin jiangyi under the part Hei Yujia (72a-90b, A no 6), which resumes Gangs dkar rin po ches teachings on the retreat in darkness (mun mtshams). It is also included in Qiu Ling (Zangmi dayuanman xinsui, 170-172 and Zangmi dayuanman fa, 156-160). Both versions recorded in Qiu Ling give more practical details and are close to the manuscript version of Fahai Lama (A no 6).
29. Dayuanman fajie xinzhongxin heiguan yindao jiushi [Nine explanations on the instructions for the retreat in darkness of yang ti in the Tibetan title Author Chen Jianmin (i.e, Yogi Chen, 1906-1987) Collection Wu Jialiang (ed.), Dayuanman (Taibei: Zhengjian xuehui, 1987): 996-1015.15
15 The one volume of Wu Jialiangs edition kept at the Taiwan National Library ends with two texts related to Vajrasattva recitation and mandala offering, respectively titled Dayuanman shiwan zhou jingang huikai fajue [Oral instruction of ten thousand time recitation of the method of the diamond armor of the Great Perfection], attributed to rDo rje gling pa (Ch. Duojie linba , 1346-1405), and transmitted by Gangs dkar rin po che (pp. 1016-1022), and Dayuanman jiao shenshen xinyao sanbao zongji Lianshi hui hongfa [Mandala offering to Master Padmasambhava according to the Three Jewels of the deepest quintessence of the Great Perfection teachings] (pp. 1023-1033), which may correspond to the Tibetan text rDzogs pa chen po yang zab dkon mchog spyi dus by Ja tshon snying po (1585-1656). The second volume of Wu Jialiangs edition includes more texts, among which the Dayuanman xuhuan xiuxi miaoche shu (i.e., Klong chen pas rDzogs pa chen po sgyu ma ngal gsoi grel pa shing rta bzang po), transmitted by Kun bzang tshe phrin (vol. 2, 1033-1050); the Xiaodasheng xiukong ji misheng dashouyin, dayuanman, chanzong bianwei [The cultivation of nyat in Hinayana and Mahayana and their slight differences with Chan and the Tantric vehicles of Mahmudr and rDzogs chen] by Chen Jianmin (vol. 2, 1051-1070), which has been translated in Yogi Chen, Chennian Booklet (old no 57), and C.M. Chen, Buddhist Meditation, Systematic and Practical (Kalimpong: Mani Printing, 1967. It is also partially available at http://yogichen.org/efiles/bmtoc.html). See also Chen Jianmin

domain of the Great Perfection]

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References

Monica Esposito
Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman xinsui tanao (Beijing: Meitan gongye, 1993): 27; Dayuanman fajie xinzhongxin heiguan yindao jiushi [Nine explanations on the instructions for the retreat in darkness of yang ti in the domain of the Great Perfection] (Qiu Ling ed., Zangmi dayuanman fa xuanji , Beijing: Beijing gongye daxue, 1993): 161-170.

This text was written by Chen Jianmin, alias Yogi Chen, after he practiced the retreat in darkness in India in 1956. It is divided in nine explanations summing up Yogi Chens personal experience according to Gangs dkar rin po ches transmission. 30. Dayuanman san zijietuo lun [Trilogy of natural freedom of the Great Perfection]
Tibetan title rDzogs pa chen po Rang grol skor gsum Author Klong chen rab byams (Ch. Longqin raojiang ba zushi ). Translated by Fahu . Collection Dayuanman san zijietuo lun (Qilong: Dazang wenhua, 1995). References Tulku Thondup, Buddha Mind (Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion, 1989): 157, 316-354, 355-374; Herbert Guenther, The Natural Freedom of Mind (in Crystal Mirror 4, ed. Tarthang Tulku, Berkeley: Dharma Publication, 1975): 113-146.

This features Chinese and Tibetan texts. The Chinese text is an annotated translation by Fahu . It includes the 1. Sems nyid rang grol (Ch. Dayuanman xinxing zijietuo ); 2. Chos nyid rang grol (Ch. Dayuanman faxing zijietuo ); 3. mNyam nyid rang grol (Ch. Dayuanman pingdengxing zijietuo ). It also presents a short introduction to the meaning and contents of rDzogs chen with a traditional explanation of the nine vehicles.

, Qugongzhai quanji [Collected Works of the Bent-Arm Studio], 6 vols. (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue, 2002): vol. 1. Finally, the Lianshi dayuanman jiaoshou gouti [Sizing Padmasambhavas transmission of the Great Perfection] (vol. 2, 1071-1079). The latter is a commentary on the Ye shes rang grol by Yogi Chen. On this text, see also Qiu Ling (ed.), Zangmi dayuanman xinsui, 28-29, 173-235 (B no 12).

Tibetan Buddhism in Hong Kong: The Polarity of Two Trends of Practice 111is paper offers an overview of the historical development of Tibetan Buddhism in Hong Kong, as well as tbe contrast between two distinct groups of practitioners. Ihe transmission of Tibetan Buddhism to Hong Kong began in the 1950s; yet to date no study has explored tbe basic question of why people in Hong Kong pursue this form of Buddhism in preference to tbeir own traditional Buddhist practice. Because Hong Kong never served as an asylum for Tibetan refugees, even when it was still a British colony, the Tibetan population in Hong Kong has remained small. Until the 1970s many Tibetan lamas visited Hong Kong only for very short periods of time in order to hold empowerment services. Tibetan lamas thus seemed mysterious and even "super-natural" to Hong Kong residents. The fascination witb Tibetan Buddhism, therefore, often focused on tbe hope for material blessings or imagined mystical experiences, rather than the doctrinal teachings and systematic meditative practices concerning the Buddhist notion of liberation. Later, Tibetan masters fi'om all four major orders of Tibetan Buddhism did make frequent, prolonged visits to Hong Kong to transmit practices and teachings in a more systematic fashion. In addition, Buddhist practitioners have also benefited from tbe legacy of mGar ra bla rna (i.e., Nuona Hutuketu ,*Jl~Q'l'1i!\l5l:1i!\l) and Gangs dkar rin po che, and have published an impressive number of works, including scholarly studies and Chinese translations of Tibetan works.

Le bouddhisme tibetain a Hong Kong: polarite de deux tendances de la pratique Cet article propose de parcourir Ie developpement historique du bouddhisme tibetain a Hong Kong, et de montrer Ie contraste entre deux groupes distincts de pratiquants. La transmission du bouddhisme tibetain it Hong Kong a conunence dans les annees 1950. Neanmoins, aucune etude n'a explore la question fondamendale de la raison pour laquelle Ie peuple de Hong Kong prefere suivre cette forme du bouddhisme plutot que sa propre pratique traditionoelle du bouddhisme. Parce que Hong Kong n'ajamais servi d'asile aux refilgies tibetains, meme it l'epoque de la colonie britannique, la population tibetaine est demeuree restreinte. Par consequent, jusqu'aux annees 1970 de nombreux lamas tibetains visiterent Hong Kong pour Ime conrte duree seulement, afin de prodiguer des rites d'initiation. La distance des communications rendaient les lamas tibetains mysterieux, voire sumaturels aux yeux des residents de Hong Kong. La fascination pour Ie bouddhisme tibetain, mit ainsi souvent l'accent sur l'espoir de benedictions materielles ou des experiences mystiques imaginees, plutOt que sur les enseignements doctrinaux et les pratiques meditatives systematiques qui concement la notion bouddhique de liberation. Neanmoins, differents maitres tibetains des quatre grandes ecoles du bouddhisme tibetain f!Tent en sorte de transmettre les pratiques et les enseignements d'une fa,on plus systematique lors de visites frequentes et prolongees aHong Kong. De plus, les pratiquants bouddhiques ont beneficie de la tradition developpee par mGar ra bla rna (i.e., Nuona Hutuketli" ,*Jl~Q'l'1i!\l5l:1i!\l) et Gangs dkar lID po che, et ont publie un grand nom' re de livres incluant des etudes academiques et des traductions chinoises d'ceuvres tibetaines.

TIBETAN BUDDillSM IN HONG KONG

THE POLARITY OF TWO TRENDS OF PRACTICE

Henry C. H. SHIU
hile concern about political turmoil in Tibet, after the Chinese occupation in 1950, has played an important role in stimulating interest in the practice of Tibetan Buddhism in America,! Hong Kong people, noted for their political indifference, were attracted to Tibetan Buddhism purely fr~m the religious perspective. Hong Kong was a British colony for over a century. Mter its reversion to the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1997, Hong Kong was given specific status as a Special Administrative Region (SAR) governed by the concept of "one country, two systems" that was developed by the Premier at that time, Deng Xiaoping. Under this dispensation Hong Kong reverted to China ("one country"), but with a proviso that allows the inhabitants of Hong Kong to govern Hong Kong and assures that there will be no change to its capitalist-based social system for at least fifty years ("two systems"). Under Hong Kong's mini-constitution; the Basic Law, the people of Hong Kong are guaranteed religious freedom; furthermore, the Bill of Rights Ordinance prohibits religious discrimination. In other words, Hong Kong continued to enjoy complete autonomy of religious practice, even afrer its reversion to the sovereignty of the People's Republic of China. The judiciary in Hong Kong is independent, and the Basic Law is vested in the High Court of Hong Kong with the power of final adjudication. However, it is also stated in the Basic Law that the Standing Committee of the PRC's National People's Congress has the power of final interpretation of the Basic Law, though this power of final interpretation has been rarely called upon. The Basic Law also provides for academic freedom, and in practice the government generally respects that freedom. Consequently, on university campuses there is independent research, as well as a wide range of opinions and lively debate, and no restriction on the use of the Illternet. Eleven years after Hong Kong's reversion to
! Richard Hughes Seager, on p. 113 of his study, Buddhism in America (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), mentions three interrelated forces influencing the transmission and adaptation of Tibetan Buddhism to America: 1) the campaign for a free Tibet supported by celebrities; 2) the concerted effort to preserve Tibetan religious texts; and 3) the establishment of an extensive network of practice centers by Tibetan lamas and their students.

Images o[Tibet in the 19" and 20" Cenet.,.ies Paris, EFEO, coll. Etudes thematiques (22.2), 2008, p. 551-577

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the PRC, there have not been any reports of religious imprisonment or detention, or incidents of forced religious conversion. The situation is different in China proper where the PRC still exerts tight control over Tibetan Buddhism in general, chiefly because of its links with the Dalai Lama. For example, in 2001 thousands of monks and nuns were ordered to leave the gSer rta Tibetan Buddhist Institute, also known as the Bla rung sgar monastic encampment, located in the dKar mdzes Autonomous Tibetan Prefecture of Sichuan province. Foreign observers believed the action resulted from heightened interest in the ever-increasing size of the monastery and the attraction of the charismatic leader, mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs (1933-2004).2 It is said that the PRC government demanded that the Institute's clergy population of more than 10,000 be reduced to 1,500. In the same year, another Tibetan Buddhist institution, Ya chen sgar Nlonastery in Sichuan, also faced a similar crackdown when the Chinese authorities expelled most of its students. Although mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs and his thousands of ordained followers were allowed to return to their monastery the following year, tightened control over religious institutions was apparent. Hong Kong as a Special Administrative Region enjoys complete religious freedom. There are large Buddhist monasteries in Hong Kong, such as the Pao Lin Monastery (Baoliansi 'lli'li'if), to which tens of thousands of followers adhere; these disciples have never been questioned or controlled by the Hong Kong government. Furthermore, it is not legally required that religious groups register with the Hong Kong government. Even the spiritual/political movement widely known as the Falun Gong yt~JiUJjJ is allowed to practice freely and hold public demonstrations against PRC policies. Criticism of the Falun Gong in Hong Kong can often be heard; however, this criticism has been raised not by the representatives of the PRC but by some Hong Kong Buddhist leaders (and one evangelical Christian leader) who warn of the dangers of cultic practices. As well as the Falun Gong, there are other groups officially banned by the PRC as "evil cults" (such as the Taiwan-based Guanyin Method or Guanyin Famen IDl,{fytF5, the Zhonggong 'fJ)], the Xianggong WJ}], etc.) that are legally registered in Hong Kong. The PRC pursues the "one country, two systems" policy in order to reunite Hong Kong and Macao with the Chinese mainland, and is using them as examples to encourage Taiwan's return,' For more on mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs and the monastic encampment (chos sgm') established by him, see David Germano, "Re-membering the Dismembered Body of Tibet: Contemporary Tibetan Visionary iYlovements in the People'S Republic of China," in Buddhism in Contemp0l'my Tibet: Religious Revival and Cultural Identity, eds. Melvyn C. Goldstein and Matthew T. Kapstein (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998): 53-94, and the contribution by Antonio Terrane in the present volume. , It is for this reason that the current Dalai Lama publicly expresses an int'rest in the "one country, two systems" policy and declares a wish to follow such a system as a "middle way" for Tibet. The Tibetan Government-in-Exile has also urged China to apply this policy to Tibet. According to Padma 'byung gnas, a speaker for the Tibetan parliament-in-exile, the exile government envisages a situation where Tibet, like Hong Kong and iYIacao, could be considered as part of China but ruled according to a different system of government. The PRC government, however, has not responded favorably to this proposaL

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Under the Basic Law the PRC government cannot exert direct control over tl:te practice of religion in Hong Kong; nevertheless, pressure from the PRC government is clearly apparent. There are two PRe-owned newspapers in Hong Kong, the Wenhui bao ::ll:Ilill and the Dagong bao ::k01l, through which criticism by the PRC government of political issues (and occasionally religious practice) in Hong Kong is frequently expressed. Furthermore, during President Jiang Zemin's visit in May 2001, the Hong Kong government refused permission for approximately.one hundred foreign-based Falun Gong practitioners to enter Hong Kong, although the local Falun Gong practitioners were permitted to demonstrate unhindered. Falun Gong representatives claim that "Hong Kong practitioners remained generally undeterred by these developments, but state that the number of practitioners in Hong Kong has dropped from approximately 1,000 to approximately 500 since the PRC government began its mainland crackdown in mid-1999.'>4 This pressure from the PRC government is also manifested in the fact that the Dalai Lama has never visited Hong Kong: China has indicated clearly that the Dalai Lama is a political exile engaged in splitting China in the name of religion, and hence it opposes the Dalai Lama's visit to any country that has established diplomatic relations with China, let alone a part of the PRC itself. A similar situation was seen in 1999, when the PRC government banned the proposed visit by Pope John Paul to Hong Kong during his Asian tour that year. Problems between the Vatican and the PRC include the fact that the former recognized Taiwan as an independent state in the 1950s, while the latter insists that bishops in China should be elected locally rather than appointed by the Vatican. The Hong Kong government, caught between the Beijing government and the 250,000 Hong Kong Catholics, finally yielded to PRC pressure and barred the proposed visit of the Pope. These, however, are rare instances when Hong Kong appeared to succumb to PRC pressure in dealing with religious matters. Generally speaking, Hong Kong has indeed been governed by a different social system according to its own miniconstitution, the Basic Law, which ensures that Hong Kong residents have freedom of speech, of the press, of publication, as well as freedom of religious belief-the freedom to preach and to participate in religious activities in public. Hong Kong is an unusual place in many respects. In the eyes of the award-winning broadcaster and writer,Jonathan Dimbleby, Hong Kong brags shamelessly. In all Asia it lays claim to the boldest tycoons, the best-educated and most industrious workers, the mosdmportant financial center, the most innovative trading houses, the highest living standards, the most billionaires, the most spendthrift gamblers, the largest gold market, the largest diamond market, the busiest port, the most crowded skies, the most exciting skyscrapers, the widest range of luxury shops, the most expen4 Quoted from the 2001 Human Rights Reports, entided "Country Reports on Human Rights Practices," submitted to the Congress by the U.S. Department of State and released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor on March 4, 2002. Reports on the human rights practices in Hong Kong is available at: http://www.usconsulate.org.hklushkl hr/Z002l03 040 1.htm

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sive apartments, the lowest taxes, the most efficient civil service and the least corrupt police force .... If this city state has any culture, it is that of the marketplace-a free-far-all world where the pursuit of profit is unashamed and the possession of wealth is admired, not envied. 5 Whilst this description may be extravagant, it is true that the majority of Hong Kong people are more preoccupied with a materialistic pursuit of wealth than with spiritual transformation. It is not surprising that in such a city state, characterized by a busy lifestyle and materialism, religious practices are often oriented towards secular aims rather than a spiritual one, and the practitioners are more concerned about their immediate living standards than the well-being of their spirit. To many Hong Kong people, Tibetan Buddhism is a "magical" tradition that will answer their prayers for worldly needs. In recent years, this mystic tradition has attracted Hong Kong citizens even more when it has been coupled with the local celebrities' high-profile participation in the centers of various traditions of Tibetan Buddhism in Hong Kong. For example, in the early 1990s when the famous pop singer, Anita JVlui, was initiated by Shamar Rinpoche (Zhwa dmar pa, b. 1953), one of the four main regents of the Karma bKa' brgyud sect, it was widely covered in the local newspapers. The eulogy that Shamar Rinpoche delivered at her funeral in 2004, after her death from cancer at the age of 40, also captured the attention of the Hong Kong people. Another well-known diva, Faye Wong, has also become actively involved in Buddhism under the guidance of her spiritual teacher, bla rna Thub bstan bzod pa rin po che, better lmown as Lama Zopa, of the Cham Tse Ling Mahayana Buddhist Association. To raise funds for the association, a double CD of Buddhist music, entitled "Loving Kindness & Wisdom," has been released: one of the CDs contains an "Invocation to Maitreya," recorded with the chanting of Lama Zopa and background singing by Faye vVong. Among other celebrities in Hong Kong who publicly acknowledge their close affinity with Tibetan Buddhist practice, the martial artist and movie star, Jet Li, who was received by Tenga Rinpoche (bsTan dga' rin po che, b. 1933) of the bKa' brgyud tradition, has engaged in public dialogues with famed Buddhist monks, sharing his insights about the practice of Tibetan Buddhism. Transcripts of these dialogues have been published and sell very well. Like Richard Gere and Keanu Reeves in America, these celebrity Buddhists in Hong Kong have inspired the admiration of the people of Hong Kong for Tibetan Buddhism. To a certain extent, the celebrities who have embraced Tibetan Buddhism have also transformed its image into that of an elitist practice. 6 The mysteries of the
5 Jonathan Dimbleby, The Last Govenzo1' Cbris Patten & tbe Handove1' of Hong Kong (Toronto: Doubleday Canada Limited, 1997): xiii. . 6 Jan Nattier suggests that American Buddhism may be classified into th:"e general categories: J) "elite Buddhism," characterized by the elite groups who constitute its practitioners and finance its importation; 2) "evangelical Buddhism," where one finds active missionary orientation On the part of Eastern Buddhists; and 3) "ethnic Buddhism," which was imported as part of their "cultural baggage" by Asian Buddhists. See Jan Nattier, "Visible and Invisible: The Politics of Representation in Buddhist America," Thcycle 5.1 (Fan 1995):

Tibetan Buddhism in Hong Kong

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sprul sku (usually translated into Chinese as huofo ml~, "living Buddha"), the rin po che, and the ritualized "secret" initiation ceremonies which are very different from the initiation process in Chinese Buddhism, all contribute in Hong Kong to an extremist attitude of fascination with and awe at this "fashionable" spiritual practice. But this has only happened since the late eighties and the nineties, decades when Hollywood was also mesmerized by Tibetan Buddhism and manifested this fascination with movies such as Seven Yean in Tibet and Kzmdun, as well as popcont movies with a quasi-Buddhist theme such as Bulletp7"oofMonk. Before this transition into a "fashionable" spiritual practice, Tibetan Buddhism was frequently seen by the citizens of Hong Kong as a cultic practice; the mainstream Buddhist practice has been the Pure Land and Chan traditions, while the philosophical studies have focused on the Tiantai and Huayan schools.' Serious students of Buddhist studies have been fascinated by the sophisticated Huayan philosophies as well as the less philosophically complicated Chan teachings, which were both considered as "authentic" Buddhist teachings. On the other hand, Chinese literati have traditionally regarded Tibetan Buddhist lamas in a very negative way: they have been seen as engaging in nothing but sorcery and sexual Tantric practices that led the emperors and royal families of the Yuan dynasty to indulge in luxury and secular desires, which eventually contributed to the rapid downfall of the dynasty. 8 The demonic image of the Tibetan lamas grew up as a result of the cultural gap between China and Tibet, and the nationalist pride of Chinese literati in their own Confucian teachings and Chinese Buddhist practices. Such a corrupted image of the monks belonging to the Tibetan Buddhist sects has been etched deeply into the minds of the Chinese for centuries, down to modern times. Evidence of this can be seen in the negative depiction of Mongol and Tibetan monks in Chinese literature even to the present day. In general, among all genres of fiction, martial arts novels enjoy the greatest success in Hong Kong, especially those written by Louis Cha, whose novels have been very popular in Taiwan, and mainland China;' many of
42-9. While there is little doubt that Buddhism in Hong Kong is very different from Buddhism in America, and that the same categorization of Buddhism should not be applied to Hong Kong Buddhism, Tibetan Buddhism as popularized by celebrities in Hong Kong seems to fitinto Nattier's description of "elite Buddhism" in America. , Leading Chinese philosophers, such as Mou Zongsan 4'-*'= and Tang Junyi J\1f;s~!l:, have lectured for many years in Hong Kong and have taught Buddhist philosophies, but their studies remain focused on Chinese Buddhism. See Shen vVeirong, "Magic Power, Sorcery, and Evil Spirits: The Image of Tibetan lVlonks in Chinese Literature during the Yuan Dynasty," in Tbe Relationsbip between Religion
and State (ebos srid zung 'b7'e!) in Traditional Tibet, P1"oeeedings of a Seminar beld in Lumbini, Nepal, Mareb 2000, ed. Christoph Cueppers (Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2004):189-228. A previous Chinese version of this article is also available in Hanxue )lanjiu 1l!t*~Jf9t [Chinese Studies] 21.2 (2003): 219-247. See also the contribution by Shen

Weirong and Wang Liping in the first volume. 9 Simon Elegant wrote, "Louis Cha doesn't know how many books he's sold. Not to the nearest 10 million, anyway. The 72-year-old Hong Kong writer and journalist isn't being coy, though. It's just that he's been able to sell legitimate versions of his hugely popular martial-arts novels in his main market-China-only for the last two years .... Cha does

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these novels also have been made into movies and TV series that have also become highly successful. 10 When Tibetan or Mongol monks appear in these novels and films they are always depicted as the villains, sometimes with ambitions to capture the Shaolin Temple where, in addition to the famous martial arts exercises, traditional Chan Buddhism is practiced. Commercial movies that feature martial arts or ghost stories sometimes depict Tibetan Buddhism even more negatively as a cult of black magic and sorcery. As a result of this dichotomy, the majority of Hong Kong people perceive Tibetan Buddhism from two extremes: on the one hand they see the tradition as powerful and flock to the Tibetan lamas for blessings, or on the other hand they treat the tradition with disdain. What distinguishes these attitudes towards Tibetan Buddhism in Hong Kong from the attitudes found in other metropolitan cities, such as New York City, is that there was, until recently, no proper education about Tibetan Buddhism in universities and colleges: of the eight universities in Hong Kong, none had ever offered any program on Buddhist studies or on Tibetan studies until September 2000 when a Centre for Buddhist Studies was established at the University of Hong Kong, where two courses on Tibetan Buddhism and two courses on Tibetan language are offered at the master's level.ll Furthermore, there are no publication houses like Wisdom Publications or Shambhala Publications in America that are dedicated to making Tibetan Buddhist works available to those who do not read Tibetan. Basic knowledge and a proper understanding of Tibetan Buddhism in Hong Kong remains very restricted, not owing to political suppression or a lack of religious freedom, but to a prevailing negative image of Tibetan lamas and a lack of educational opportunities. With the paucity of understanding and the seemingly impenetrable cultural gap, the general attitude in Hong Kong towards Tibetan Buddhism vacillates between revulsion and attraction.
know that in 1984, when his books could fmally be published in China after being banned for many years as ideologically unsound, he was told by the director of China's Bureau of Publications that' an estimated 40 million pirated copies of his 15 novels were circulating in the country.... Add to that number the one million legitimate copies that have sold every year for the last decade in Hong Kong and Taiwan. Then assume-not unreasonablythat he has matched his pre-1984 sales in China over the last 12 years, and the total begins to approach 100 million." See Simon Elegant, "The Storyteller: What Makes Louis Cha's Martial Arts Novels So Wildly Popular in Asia?" Far Eastern Economic Review (Sept. 5, 1996): 38-44. English version of a few works of Louis Cha are available. See, for example, John Minford (trans.), The Deer and the Cauldron (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003) and Graham Earnshaw, Rachel May, and John Minford (trans.), The Book and the SW01'd (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). 10 For a comparable example from within the PRC, see the contribution by Shen Weirong and Wang Liping in the first volume. 11 Of the other seven universities in Hong Kong, the City University of Hong Kong, the Hong Kong Polytechnic University, and the Open University of Hong KOI1g offer no courses on Buddhist studies, while the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, the Hong Kong Baptist University, Lingnan University, and the Chinese Uuiversity of Hong Kong only offer occasional courses such as "Zen Buddhism and Chinese literature," but no systematic program on, Buddhist studies is to be found. None of these seven uuiversities offer any courses on Tibetan Buddhism.

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557

This does not mean, however, that there is no one undertaking serious studies or practice of Tibetan Buddhism in Hong Kong; it is simply that this other pole of Tibetan Buddhist practitioners is in the minority. The discussion that follows on the works of a few Chinese vajriicmya of Tibetan Buddhism in Hong Kong will show that their work is truly impressive.

Tbe Eady

Ti~mJS7nission

of Tibetan Buddbis77Z to Hong Kong and its Subsequent Development

According to current statistics the population of Hong Kong is approximately 6.8 million, of which approximately 43 percent participate in some form of religious practice. Buddhists and Daoists are said to comprise 90 percent of the religious practitioners, while only 5 percent of the population are Protestant Christians, 4 percent Roman Catholic, and 1 percent Muslim; furthermore, there are also a small number of Hindus, Sikhs, and Jews living in Hong Kong. l2 However, it is not known what percentage of Hong Kong Buddhists practice the Tibetan form of Buddhism; the percentage is believed to be small as the majority of the Buddhists in Hong Kong follow Chinese Buddhist practices, mainly Pure Land and Tiantai. The first Tibetan tradition transmitted to Hong Kong was the rNying rna schooL The rNying rna pa vaj1~iicmJ'a mGar ra bla rna 'Phrin las rgya mtsho '(18651936YJ taught at Mount Lu in Jiangxi province where he began teaching Chinese disciples. 'When he passed away in 1936, he was succeeded by the bKa' brgyud sp1'ul sku Gangs dkar rin po che (1893-1957), whose disciples include Liu Liqian ~~,l['f, who was one of the translators of Tibetan Buddhist texts in the early nineteenth century,"Professor ,Nang Yao .:E-*, of the Central Minority Institute (Zhongyang Minzu Xueyuan CP:9<:I~I';)j-*~Ilft), Mi nyag mg~n po who wrote the only biography of Gangs dkar rin po che,!4 Lama Kun bzang who was the head of the Sa skya monastery, Master Qu "Venliu ftil)[i\, and Guru Lau Yui-chi (Liu Ruizhi ~~~RZ), all of them playing an important role in the transmission of Tibetan Buddhism to China during the republican eraY To these disciples of mGar ra bla rna, Gangs dkar rin po
12 Figures according to the section on Hong Kong in "The International Religious Freedom Report," released by the u.s. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor in October 2001. !l mGar ra bla rna is better known as Nor lha bla rna (Ch. Nuona Shangshi OItJl~..t.~iji), and sometimes as Nuona Hutuketu OItJl~Pl'i151:!il (Nuona Khutukhtu) to the Chinese community. He was born in the Chab mdo area, and was the brother of the grandmother of ",khan po bSod nams stobs rgyal rin po che, now residing in Toronto at the Riwoche Tibetan Buddhist Temple. On this master see also the contribution by Chen Bing in the first volume on pp. 399-400. 14 Mi nyag mgon po, 'Bo Gangs dkar spml sku'i mao" that dad pa'i pad dkm~ (Beijing: Mi rigsdpe skrun khang, 1997). See also the contributions by Chen Bing and Monica Esposito. 15 Among Gangs dkar rin po che's disciples, one should also include here Garma C. C. Chang (Zhang Chengji 5Ri1l'), whose name may be more familiar to 'Westerners. Chang taught in New School for Society of Research in New York, the University of Nebraska, and Pennsylvania State University. His English publications inClude Tbe Buddhist Teacbing of Totality: Tbe Philasap")' of Hwa Yen Buddbis77Z (University Park: Pennsylvania State University

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Henry C. H. Shiu

che taught the rNying rna teachings, which include Klong chen rab 'byains's Seven Treasures (mDzod bdzm), the Three Cycles of Natural Ease (Ngal gso skor gSZl11z), and other classical rNying rna teachings. Most of these teachings have been translated into Chinese and are collected in the Instructions on the Quintessential Teachings of the rDzogs chen yang ti (Dayzumman zuisheng xinzhongxin yindao li/eyao ;k~$:i:Mj,c,<p'C''11
l;Jm;;~).16

In 1953 the Vajrayana Esoteric Society was the first Tibetan Buddhist center in Hong Kong to be founded by Lau Yui-chi, who had rec:eived empowerment and teachings from Gangs dkar rin po che the year before in ChinaP The society was established primarily to invite Gangs dkar rin po che to teach in Hong Kong; however, he passed away before he reached Hong Kong. For the next five years, Lau continued practicing the teachings he learned from Gangs dkar rin po che and mGar ra bla rna, and, in 1958, he received financial support from a few wealthy businessmen in Hong Kongto go to Kalimpong to visit H.H. Dudjom Rinpoche (bDud 'joms rin po che 'Jigs bral ye shes rdo rje, 1904-1987). It was there that Lau was taught the practices of the rNying rna "transmitted precepts" (bka' mal in the Tantric treatise, Stirring up the Hell: the Instruction Text Illuminating the Profound Path (Na rak dong sprugs kyi khrid yig zab lam snang byed), together with John Blofeld, Sangharakshita, John Driver, and a Chinese monk named Wu Qian '11Hl.1s Lau later received further
Press, 1971), The Hundred Thousand Songs of Milarepa: The Life-Story and Teaching of the Greatest Poet-Saint Ever to Appear in the History ofBuddhism (Boston: Shambhala Publications, 1962), and edited A Treasury of Mahayana SzUras: Selections from the Mahiiratnakuta Szttra (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1983). On this master see also the contributions by Chen Bing on p. 407 and Yao Lixiang on pp. 584-585. 16 Published in Wu Jialiang !R*~ (ed.), Dayuanl1zan-Puxianwang rolai dayuanman xinyao zongji ::k1Blii%' : tf'J:.:E:!m*::k~ii%'Ic.'JgiW~ [Tlie Great Perfection':Anthology of the quintessential rDzogs chen teachings of Samantabhadral (Taibei: Da zhidu chubanshe, 1987): vol. 2, 824-921. On this work see also the Appendix 2 in the contribution by Monica Esposito in this volume, and particularly on p. 544, text no. 23. 17 Lau Yui-chi, born in 1914, was first initiated into the Japanese Shingon when he was still in his teens, and was also taught by bla ma rDo rje 'gyur pa, mkhan po Rin chen, Thub bstan nyi ma, Panchen Lama, and Master Qu Wenliu (Tibetan name: rDo rje'i chos kyi bzang po), a senior disciple of Gangs dkar rin po che and mGar ra bla mao The following information on the Vajrayana Esoteric Society is compiled from the Jingangchengjikan ~[!iJ~ **f~ [V,yrayana Quarter(j'], vol. 1 to 12 (1979 to 1982). 18 John Blofeld observes of his learning of the Na rak dong sprugs practice with Dudjom Rinpoche at Kalimpong that, "The sadhana described in considerable detail below is one performed to free sentient beings from rebirth in the various sub-human states of existence. Irs full title is 'The Essence of the Profound Meaning, Being the Undiffuse Mudra of He Who Annihilates Avic~i'. It is a rNying rna pa sadhana containing the gist of a must longer and more widely known sadhana, the Mayajala or Web of Brahman-which means the Realm of Illusion.... The translation from the Tibetan is closely based on one made by JC.ill Driver, my fellow-initiate or 'Vajra-brother' whose fluent Tibetan made it possible for the rest of the initiates (an English and a Chinese monk, a Chinese layman, and myself) to follow the Guru's exposition easily."-John Blofeld, The Way of Power: A Practical Guide to the Tantric Mysticism of Tibet (London: Allen and Unwin, 1970): 202. The "English monk" mentioned here refers to Sangharakshita, the "Chinese monk" to vVu Qian, and the "Chinese layman" to Lau Yui-chi.

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teachings from the "transmitted precepts" and the "hidden treasures" (gter ma) transmissions, and was also taught practices from the Natural Libemted Vision of t1;e Peaceful and FVrathful Deities (Zbi kh1"0 dgongs pa rang grol). The name bSod nams chos kyi rgyal mtshan was then conferred on him and he received the blessings and permission from Dudjom Rinpoche to teach the rNying rna teachings. On his return to Hong Kong, Lau gave an additional name to the Vajrayana Esoteric Society: the Dudjom Ashram. In 1966 a simplified form of gtzm! mo fire practice was specially permitted by Dudjom Rinpoche to be taught publicly to those who had not received any empowerment. According to the Vajrayana Esoteric Society, over ten thousand people have learned and benefited from this practice since 1970 and, as a result, many of the practitioners were said to have improved their health. Guru Lau began learning Tibetan at the age of sixty, and subsequently translated a few Tibetan works into Chinese, including the Exposition of tbe Precious
Garland of tbe Stages of the Secret iVlantra Patb (gSang sngags lam 6m 1"in eben phreng ba'i lag kh1"id bdud l"tsi tbigs pa), attributed to Padmasambhava, Dudjom Rinpoche's work on the history of the rNying rna tradition entitled the Thundel" from the Gnat . Conquering Battle-Drum of Devendm (gYullas rgyal ba'i rnga bo cbe'i sgl;a dbyangs),19 and dKon mchog 'jigs med dbang po's P1"ecious Gadand of tbe Doctrinal Systems (Gl"ub mtba'i l"in chen phnng ba), as well as more than eighty rNying rna siidhana.

These translations are published into a voluminous series of works, which is entitled
Jingangcheng quanji ~jOjU*iE* or Tbe Emil"e Collection of the Works Published by tbe Vajrayana Esotel"ic Society, along with about twenty other important Tibetan works

that had been previously translated in China, including Liu Liqian's translation of Klong chen rab 'byams's Natzwal Ease in the Abso1"ption (bSam gtan ngal gsa) and Natural Ease in tbe IllusolJI Nat/we (Gyu ma ngal gsa), as well as Yen. Fazun's translation of Tsong lcha pa's Great Treatise on tbe Stages of the Path to Enligbtenment (Lam 1"im eben mol. This series represents the first time that Tibetan Buddhist works were made available to the people of Hong Kong.20 Since 1975, Guru Lau has gone on to establish four more branches of the Vajrayana Esoteric Society in Taiwan and a fifth branch in lVIacao. In the mid-1960s, Master Tam Shek-wing (Tan Xiyong ~~7j() joined the Vajrayana Esoteric Society in Hong Kong. Tam had first learned the rNying rna and bKa' brgyud practice, laid down by Gangs dkar rin po che and mGar ra bla rna, from Master Qu vVenliu in Taiwan where Tam visited frequently on business trips. Because Tam was living in Hong Kong, he was ordered by lVIaster Qu to contact Guru Lau, who was a senior disciple of Master Qu. Since then, Tam has participated actively in the Vajrayana Esoteric Society. The year 1972 marked the first visit of Dudjom Rinpoche to Hong Kong. Nine thangkas, among other precious religious artifacts, were bestowed upon the Vajrayana Esoteric Society by Dudjom Rinpoche on this occasion. These nine thangkas are of utmost importance to the society, and are now on display in the
19 An English translation by Gyurme Dorje and Matthew T. Kapstein can be found in Book Two of The Nyingma Sebaal ufTibetan Buddhism (Boston: vVisdom Publications, 1991). 20 See here Appendix.

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Henry C. H. Shiu

society's recently established Great Perfection Temple (Dayuanman niiao jc~~ I'M) in Tainan (southern Taiwan).zl In 1980, the Society also welcomed the visit of the sixteenth rGyal ba Karma pa Rang byung rig pa'i rdo rje, together with the four regents Ta'i si tu, Zhwa dmar pa (Shamar Rinpoche), rGyal tshab, and 'Jam mgon Kong sprul, and empowerments of Mi la ras pa and Karma Pakshi were given by rGyal ba Karma pa at the Society'S headquarter in Hong Kong. Dudjom Rinpoche visited Hong Kong on three more occasions: in 1974, 1981, and 1984, when he usually stayed for an extended period to teach Lau and Tam personally, most of the time through English -speaking translators including Sangs rgyas mKba' 'gro and the son of Dudjom Rinpoche, gZhan phan zla ba nor bu rin po che. During his 1974 visit, Dudjom Rinpoche decided to give systematic Great Perfection (rdzogs chen) teachings to Tam, on whom the vajriicmya title was conferred; the name rDo rje 'jigs bral was also conferred by Dudjom Rinpoche in the same year. In 1984, Dudjom Rinpoche gave a prophecy (vyiikamna) to Master Tam and ordered him to spread the rNying rna teachings in the vVest. Master Tam then closed down his business in Hong Kong and went to Hawaii for the next six years for retreats and intensive meditation. During this time Tam formed his own group, the Vajrayana Buddhism Association. Not only did he organize a group of twelve scholars from Hong Kong and China to publish a series entitled the Fojia jinglun daodu congsbu 1!11l*~!Htul,J~JUlHf or Reading Guides to Buddbist Scriptures, comprising scholarly introductions to Buddhist sutras and sastras intended to serve as university and college textbooks,22 but he also edited another series entitled the Ningmapai congsbu 1fl',\!j~IiUiif or Nyingmapa Series, a translation into Chinese of some of the most important works of the tradition, intended to promote the study of the rNying rna school.'3 In 1993 his intensive practices produced the desired spiritual accom21 The central figures of the nine thangleas are: 1) and 2) are different manifestations of Padma 'byung gnas; 3) mTsho sleyes rdo rje; 4) Blo Idan mchog sred; 5) Padma rgyal po; 6) Shakya seng ge; 7) Nyi rna 'od zer; 8) Seng ge sgra sgrog; 9) Khro bo gu ru padma. 22 The twenty-six works of Buddhist scriptures collected in this scholarly introduction of the Reading Guides to Buddhist Scz'iptw'es (Fojia jinglun daodu eongshu f:Ilh\R#!i1~;ii;liiillli!!' it) include: the Sa7!zyuktiigamaszltra, Vasumitra's Samayabbedopamcanaeakra, Vasubandhu's KarmasiddbiprakaraFa, the Sal?zdhinirmoeanaszltra, the shorter Sukhiivativyzlhaszltra, Vasubandhu's Tri7!zfikakiiZ'i/'ii, Vasubandhu's Vimfatikakiirikii, A Comparative Study of the A,tasiihasrikiipz'ajzziipiiramitii and the Abhisamayiilm?zkiira, the Vaj,'aeebedil,iiszltz'a, the PmjzziipiiTamitii-brdaya, Nagarjuna's 1Ylzllamadbyamakakiiz'ikii, the Lmikiivatiil'aszltm, the Saddha777ZapzquJaz'ikaszttm, the Dafabbiimika, the 1Ylahiipariniz"Vii1zasiitra, the Vimalakiztinizdefa, Tsong kha pa's Lam rim ebzmg ba, mKhas grub rje's rGyud sde spyi'i mam paz' gzbag pa rgyas pal' brjod, Klong chen rab 'byams's Cbos bzbi rin po cbe'i phreng ba, and Sarp.karasvamin's Hetuvidyiin),iiyapmvefa. See also here Appendix. ZJ Publications in the Nyingmapa Series (Ningmapai congsbu lWJ:\iliiKiiit) include: 1) Klong chen rab 'byams's zDzogs pa eben po sems nyid ngal gso together with its meditativr guidance, the z'Dzogs pa eben po sen,s nyid ngal gso'i gnas gSlmz dge ba gszmz gyi don /,hz'id byang clmb lam bzang; 2) studies and a new Chinese translation of the Ratnagotmvibbiiga; 3) An Antbology of tbe Nine Yiinas Teaebings of the Nyingma Scbool; 4) PZ'eli17zinazy Practices of the Klong eben snying tbig; 5) studies and a Chinese translation of bDud 'joms gling pa's sNang sbyang; 6) a Chinese translation of the preliminary practices of the bDud 'jams gter gsar; 7) studies and a Chinese

Tibetan Buddbism in Hong Kong

561

plishments. He then moved to Toronto and continued to work with Buddhist and Tibetan scholars in Canada, Japan, China, America, and Germany. A third series i~ now being published in both Taiwan and China, entitled the Da zbongguan xilie A "f1m*:l7U (Great Madhyamaka series), which includes studies and Chinese translation of the Sutra of tbe Supreme Continuum of Great Vehicle (Uttaratantra, i.e., the Ratnagotravibbaga), the Dbara(zf of Entering into Non-Conceptuality (Avikalpapmvefadbara(li), the DiSC1~i77Zination of Pbenomena and Reality (Dharmadbm77Zatiivibbaga), the Exposition of tbe NIind of Enligbtenment (Bodbicittavivara(la, attributed to Nagarjuna), Mi phain rgya mtsho's Lion's Rom~: Essential Exposition of tbe Tatbagatagarbba (bDe gsbegs S7Zying po stong tbun eben 77to seng ge'i nga 1'0) and Lion's ROa1~ P1'oclaiming Emptiness-of-otbers (gZban stong Has len seng ge'i nga ro), the Torcb for tbe Eye of Meditation (bSam gtan mig sgron), the Indian commentaries on the Hea1~t SUN'a, and other works that provide a strong doctrinal foundation for rNying rna practice. Besides these three series of publications, Tam has translated a great number of rNying rna pa meditation manuals for his disciples; he also heads a team of Chinese scholars engaged in the translation of the entire cycles of the Glorious Vajrasattva Nlind Accomplisbment (dPal rdo rye sems dpa' tbugs kyi sgTub pal, the Natural Libemted Vision of tbe Peaceful and vVratbful Deities (Zbi klJ1~o dgongs pa rang grot),24 the Hem't Essence of ICe btsun (lCe btsun snying tbig), as well as translating selected works from the HeaTt Essence of Vimalamitra (Bima snying tbig) and so forth. Because of the profound meditative nature of the meditation manuals and the HeaTt Essence (snying tbig) works, most of these translated materials are not for publication and are used only within the association. In China, pioneers such as Dharma Master Dayong A ~ (1893-1929), Ven. Fazun t:;~ (1902-1980), and Lama Ouyang vVuwei ~flWmi'lt (1914-1991) began to use the Tibetan language to study Tibetan Buddhism during the early years of the Republic of China. Together with these earlier Chinese translations of Tibetan Buddhist texts, such as Guo Yuaming's f~:7I;J! (1920-1989) translation of Klong chen pa's Treaszl1'e of tbe Ultimate Nature (gNas lug mdzod), the rNying rna siidbana translated into Chinese under the order and transmission of Gangs dkar rin po che and mGar ra bla rna, and Ven. Fazun's many translations of the dGe lugs pa texts, the practitioners in Hong Kong indeed have a sizable number of Tibetan Buddhist texts available in the Chinese language.

translation of the Dha1'77wdha1'77tatiivibbiiga with Vasubandhu's commentary; 8) the Six Bardos Teachings from the Zhi kh1'o dgongs pa Tang g1'ol, discovered by Karma gling pa; 9) studies and a Chinese translation of Mi pham rgya mtsho's commentary on the Dha17nadha1'1natiivibbiiga; 10) a new Chinese translation of the Tibetan Book of the Dead; 11) studies and a Chinese translation of the gSang ba'i mying po; 12) a Chinese translation of Mi pham rgya mtsho's commentary on the gSang ba'i mying po, the 'Od gsal snying po; 13) studies and a Chinese translation of Mi pham rgya mtsho's Nges shes 1'in po che'i sg1'on me. For a complete list of their titles in Chinese and Tibetan see also here Appendix. 24 The Chinese translation is based on the following edition: ti khm dg01is pa rari grol gyi chos Sk01-; A Collection ofti Khr'o Texts Revealed by Gter-ston Ka1'71za-gli1i-pa 7vitb Liturgical H7a1'ks by Ni-zla-'od-zer and Rgya-1'tI-ba Nant-mkha'-cbos-kyi-1Kya-ntts!Jo. Reproduced from a manuscript collection from the library of Dudjom Rinpoche, vol. 1 to 3, 1975-76.

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Henry C. H. Shiu

The Vajrayana Buddhism Association and the Vajrayana Esoteric Society maintain a close relationship. Both the Vajrayana Esoteric Society and the Vajrayana Buddhism Association see that translation and publication are of the greatest importance for the continued transmission of Tibetan Buddhist teachings. The two organizations also offer classes in the Tibetan language and encourage their followers to read the Tibetan texts in the original; they also produce many of the most important translated texts for Chinese practitioners of Tibetan Buddhism, and inspire a new generation of young people pursuing academic studies in Tibetan Buddhism elsewhere. Considering the fact that, unlike mainland China and America, the universities in Hong Kong do not offer any programs of studies in Tibetan Buddhism or Tibetan language, the efforts by these two organizations in making Tibetan Buddhist texts available for Chinese practitioners and in sponsoring scholars to study these texts are truly impressive. Students who began their academic studies of Tibetan Buddhism with Master Tarn Shek-wing are now teaching in major universities in Hong Kong, Canada, and Japan. Furthermore, the Vajrayana Buddhism Association has also established a Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Studies Foundation that is sponsoring a new series of academic publications in English, Monogmph Se1'ies in Sino-Tibetan Studies, published jointly with Renmin University of China and China Tibetology Publishing House. Guru Lau passed away on May 17, 1997, at the age of eighty-four. With the passing of Guru Lau a schism appeared within the Vajrayana Esoteric Society. On the one hand, Sunny Lai (conferred with the name Chos dbyings 'od gsal in 1974 when he received his iiciirya title from Dudjom Rinpoche) was recognized by H.E. gZhan phan zla ba nor bu rin po che, son of Dudjom Rinpoche, as the successor of Guru Lau. Sunny Lai was also entrusted with spreading the teachings bDud 'jams gteT gsaT or New Ihasures of Dudjom to the Chinese community.25 Under the leadership of Guru Sunny Lai, the Vajrayana Esoteric Society continues the teachings of Guru Lau, and it maintains a powerful relationship with gZhan phan zla ba nor bu rin po che and with his mother, gSang yum Kusho Rig 'dzin dbang mo. The society recognized bsTan 'dzin ye shes rdo rje as the incarnation of Dudjom Rinpoche. However, on the other hand, another disciple ofLau Yui-chi, David Kin Keung Chan (Chen Jianqiang ~t1l!51ll, Tibetan name: Ye shes mtha' yas), claimed to have been requested twice in private by Guru Lau to uphold the lineage of the bDud 'jams gte1' gSa7~ In 1998, with the authorization of Chadral Sangye Dorje (Bya bral Sangs

25 The gter ma ("treasure") literature is usually associated with the rNying rna tradition, which believes these gte1' ma texts to have been concealed by Padmasambhava, as either "earth treasures" (sa gter) or "mind treasures" (dgongs gte1-). On the study of the gter ma transmission, see 'Jigs med bstan pa'i nyi rna, A B1'ief and Lucid Explanation of tbe Transmission

of Treasu1'es: Tbe Ocean of vVimder (Las 'phro gte7' bJ'gyud kyi ma7JZ bshad 1Zyung g.' il ngo mtshm' rgya mtsbo), published by rDo grub chen rin po che, 1974; Tulku Thondup Rinpoche, Hidden Teachings of Tibet (Boston: vVisdom Publications, 1986). Dudjom Rinpoche was one of the "treasure discoverers" (gte1' stan). His discoveries, compiled as the New Treasures of Dudjom (,Dud jams gter gsar), is considered by the rNying rna tradition as teachings transmitted

directly from Padmasambhava to Dudjom Rinpoche, hence a short and direct lineage .

.,..-

Tibetan Buddhism in Hong Kong

563

rgyas rdo rje, one of the principal disciples of Dudjom Rinpoche), Chan claimed to be the successor of Lau Yui-chi's lineage,26 and founded the Dudjom Buddhist Association in Hong Kong, officially splitting with the Vajrayana Esoteric Society on the transmission of the bDud 'jams gter gSa7' teachings, The Dudjom Buddhist Association recognizes Yang srid rin po che Padma 'od zer as the incarnation of Dudjom Rinpoche, There are claimed to be two possible reincarnations of Dudjom Rinpoche III, On the one hand, bsTan 'dzin ye shes rdo rje has been officially recognized by His Holiness the Dalai Lama. The enthronement ofbDud 'joms bsTan 'dzin ye shes rdo rje took place in 1993 at 0 rgyan mDo snangs Chos gling sgom pa in Boudhanath, Nepal; the ceremony was conducted by Dzarong Trulshik Rinpoche (rDza rong 'Khrul zhig rin po che), 0 rgyan sprul sku rin p6 che performed the ceremony of initiating His Holiness' education, Guru Lau and Master Tam were also invited to the enthronement ceremony. Other Tibetan masters who recognized bsTan 'dzin ye shes rdo rje also include lCags mdud sprul sku rin po che (1930-2002) and Rig 'dzin nam mkha' rgya mtsho rin po che. On the other hand, Yang srid rin po che Padma 'od zer is recognized as the authentic reincarnation of Dudjom Rinpoche che by rDzong gsar 'Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse rin po che III, H.H. sMin gling khri chen rin po ehe, H.B. Penor Rinpoche (the present head of the rNying rna school), H,H. Sa skya Khri 'dzin rin po che (Sakya Trizin, b. 1945), Zhe chen rab 'byams rin po che, Kab. thog Si tu rin po che and Chadral Sangye Dorje. The father of Yang srid rin po che is sprul sku 'Jigs med chos kyi nyi rna rin po che, the son of 'Phrin las nor bu rin po che (the eldest son of Dudjom Rinpoche). Both of these claimed incarnations have attracted supporters in Hong Kong; however, the Vajrayana Esoteric Society under Lai and David Chan's Dudjom Buddhist Association remain at loggerheads, Master Tam chooses to abstain from taking sides in this issue and focuses entirely on his publication projects, Other centers from the four major Tibetan Buddhist traditions can also be found in Hong Kong, though most of them were established only in the late eighties and early nineties when the practice of Tibetan Buddhism became "fashionable" in the West. The following overview of some of the well-established Tibetan Buddhist centers is based on fieldwork research in Hong Kong from 2004 to 2005,

26 Chadral Sangye Dorje's "Letter of Authorization" is posted on the website of the Dudjom Buddhist Association (http://www.dudjomba.org.hklissuelienglish/eLhtml). with an English translation of the letter given as follows: Yeshe Thaye was the immediate disciple of both Kyabje Dudjom Rinpoche and the Chinese Master Choleyi Gyaltsan (Guru Lau), Before Guru Lau passed away, he gave him the testament of upholding the lineage of his teachings, as it is known to all senior Dharma friends. This time, for the preservation and development of Vajrayana teachings, and for world peace, he founded the Dudjom Buddhist Association in Hong Kong. I am certain that he is the most capable person in running this centre, as well as in preserving and propagating the teachings. I request all Dharma friends to fully support his activities, vVritten by Chadral Sangye Dorje, at my retreat place "Yudruk Gang,"

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Hem), C. H. Shiu

The 7~Nying ma Lineages in Hong Kong

The three organizations discussed above-the Vajrayana Esoteric Society, the Vajrayana Buddhism Association, and the Dudjom Buddhist Association-all follow the lineage of Dudjom Rinpoche who was affiliated to the sMin grol gling Monastery located at Tranang in Central Tibet." However, in 1990, H.H. sKyabs rje sGrub dbang padma nor bu rin po che, the eleventh throne-holder of the dPal yul lineage of the rNying rna school, established the Penor Rinpoche Charity Foundation Limited (also known as the Palyul Centre) in Hong Kong. This center is affiliated with the rNam grol gling Monastery in India. The current resident teacher at the center is Ven. Chos grags rin po che, who is assisted by two monks and a lay Tibetan-English translator. No formal contacts have been initiated between the Palyul Centre and the other three rNying rna centers. Major activities of the Palyul Centre in Hong Kong lie mostly in the group practice of the Medicine Buddha and Green Tara, as well as in the regulation practices on the tenth and twenty-fifth day of the lunar calendar. Scriptural teachings, however, are rare. In addition, there is also the H.H. Kathok Dukdrak Rinpoche Charity Foundation, established in Hong Kong in 2001. This foundation currently has no resident teacher and is focused mostly on raising funds to build hospitals, stupas, orphanages and monasteries in Tibet.

The Saskya Tradition in Hong Kong

Of the four major Tibetan Buddhist traditions in Hong Kong, the Sa skya school has the smallest number of followers. The Sa skya Centre in Hong Kong was established by H.E. Ngag dbang Thub bstan legs bshad rgya mtsho, the most senior Sa skya lama living today and the head of the Sharpa branch of the Sa skya tradition. His Eminence is widely recognized as a great scholar of the Sa skya tradition; his disciples include the Dalai Lama, and Sakya Trizin, who has occasionally taught in Hong Kong. The center in Hong Kong is named after the Green Tara, and is affiliated with other Sa skya centers established by Thub bstan legs bshad rgya mtsho in Taiwan, Australia, and New Zealand.

The bKa' b7'gyud Tradition in Hong Kong

There are severai bKa' brgyud centers in Hong Kong. The Karma Kagyu (HK) Buddhist Society was founded in 1982 by H.H. the sixteenth rGyal ba Karma pa after his first visit to Hong Kong in the previous year. This center's schedule is filled with visiting lamas, empowerments and piija gatherings. Renowned bT(a' brgyud teachers from Tibet, Nepal, India, and China come to the center to give empow27 bsTan pa'i sgroi med, HistoTY oj'siVIin-g"oi-gling iVionast"J' (Beijing: China Tibetology Publishing House, 1992).

Tibetan Buddhism in Hong Kong

565

erments, blessings, and, on, occasion, teachings. Visiting teachers of this society include, among others, Ta'i si tu rin po che, IHo Kun bzang rin po che, Sangs rgy~s mNyan pa rin po che, and 'Bo dkar rin po che. Activities include sngon 'gro practices, the Green Tara practice, the Red sPyan ras gzigspractice, the Amitabha practice, and so forth. These group practices are led by resident lamas. However, as busy as the center is, the activities focus mostly on group meditation and the resident lamas do not offer'regular classes on doctrinal studies. Another Karma bKa' brgyud center is the Jangchub Phuntsok Ling Buddhist Centre, established in 1997, with bla rna RID chen rdo rje as the resident teacher. It is closely connected with the Karma Kagyu (HK) Buddhist Society, sometimes having joint ceremonies, and they both recognize 0 rgyan 'Phrin las rdo rje as the seventeenth rGyal ba Karma pa. The Bodhipath Karma Kagyu Buddhist Centre of Hong Kong was founded by and operates under Zhwa drnar pa, with mkhan po bsTan 'dzin and bla rna 'Jam dpal as the two resident teachers. The Centre, however, recognizes mTha' yas rdo rje, as opposed to 0 rgyan 'Phrin las rdo rje, as the seventeenth Karm;pa. ' The sixteenth rGyal ba Karma pa passed away in 1981. Towards the latter part of his life he had many disciples from Hong Kong and often traveled there to give instruction. However, two sprul sku of the seventeenth Karma pa were found: 0 rgyan 'phrin las was discovered by Karma bKa' brgyud regent Ta'i si tu rin po che, while rival regent Zhwa drnar pa proclaimed mTha' yas rdo rje to the Karma pa throne. In 1992 Ta'i si tu claimed that he possessed a letter purportedly written by the sixteenth Karma pa, which contained directions on where to find his next reincarnation. However, Zhwa dmar pa has declared the letter to be a fake. Although 0 rgyan 'phrin las has been accepted by the Dalai Lama as the seventeenth rGyal ba Karma pa, Zhwa drnar pa maintains that none of the past Karma pas have been recognized by the Dalai Lama and it is strictly a matter that concerns Karma bKa' brgyud tradition. He later found mTha' yas rdo rje, enthroned in 1994, as the reincarnation of the sixteenth Karma pa. Zhwa drnar pa's found was supported by dGe 'dun rin po che, a respected senior master who was asked by the sixteenth Karma pa to spread the Dharma in Europe. These two sides have been sharply opposed to one another, and the schism is also reflected among the bKa' brgyud disciples in Hong Kong. Both Ta'i si tu and Zhwa drnar pa frequently visit their respective Hong Kong centers: There are also many foundations established to raise funds for various purposes relating to Tibetan Buddhism, and some of these are directly linked to Tibetan Buddhist centers, such as the Norbu Charitable Foundation, itself a Karma bKa' brgyud center under the spiritual authority of 0 rgyan 'Phrin las rdo rje, the contested seventeenth Karma pa. The foundation was established by bla ma Nor bu ras pa, with the aim of raising almost 220,000 Euros to establish a main temple in France, as well as a Karmapa Administration Fund to provide funding for the financial support for the four children of the secretary of 0 rgyan 'Phrin las rdo rje, the purchase of a collection of Tibetan Buddhist scriptures and the building of a library, plus other incidental expenses such as traveling expenses for ordained members, and so on.

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Hemy C. H. Sbiu

The dGe lugs Tradition in Hong Kong

On the dGe lugs side, the most successful organization in Hong Kong is a branch of the Foundation for the Preservation of the Mahayana Tradition (FPMT), the Mahayana Buddhist Association (Cham Tse Ling), established in 1989. The FPMT was originally founded in 1975 by Thubten Yeshe (Thub bstan ye shes, 1935-1984) and his disciple Lama Zopa. Thubten Yeshe received his teachings from many great masters of the dGe lugs tradition, including sKyabs rje Gling rin po che and rDo rje byang rin po che. Lama Zopa, on the other hand, is recognized as the incarnation of an important lama of the rNying rna tradition and, as a result, he has received teachings from both the rNying rna and the dGe lugs traditions. Lama Zopa is fluent in English, and most of the followers within the Cham Tse Ling are English-speakers, with the majority aged between thirty and fifty years old. Lama Zopa does not reside in Hong Kong, and the resident teacher of the Cham Tse Ling is Pemba-Ia. At the request of Lama Zopa, he came to Hong Kong and dedicates himself full-time to the center and to teaching. Like Lama Zopa, Pemba-Ia speaks fluent English and conducts regular classes in English with translation into Cantonese. There are piija practices every Saturday as well as regular meditation classes and discussion sessions. The sadbana are printed elegantly in Tibetan with an accompanying English translation. The chants and practices are usually recited in Tibetan, which may supply an authentic flavor for the practitioners. When Lama Zopa visits Hong Kong, the center also conducts retreat sessions led by Lama Zopa himself. Although this center's teachings are primarily based on the dGe lugs tradition, they are unique in using Tantric teachings from both Padmasambhava and the lineage of rJe Tsong kha pa. Besides the Cham Tse Ling, there is also the Buddhist International Alliance (BIA), which aims at spreading the teachings of de Tsong kha pa and his lineage. The Hong Kong branch of the BIA was founded in 1995 by H.E. Khejok Rinpoche (Khyab jo rin po che), who is the abbot of the Da tsang Monastery in eastern Tibet. The BIA is also dedicated to raising funds to help with the restoration of Buddhist monasteries in Tibet, and to providing free medical care and education for its members in both India and Tibet. Of greater interest is the Vajradhara Buddhist Meditation Centre. This center in Hong Kong is affiliated with the international organization known as the New Kadampa Tradition (NKT). This organization was founded by dge bshes dGe legs rgya mtsho, commonly known as Geshela, who is the disciple of sKyabs rje Khri rin po che. His followers believe that Geshel~ is the emanation of Tsong Ima pa. He is very inwardly directed and now spends most of his time meditating, seldom leaving his headquarters in the UK. The New Kadampa Tradition distances itself completely from the spiritual authority of the Dalai Lama. Geshela's teachings place strong emphasis on strengthening the fundamental sutra teachings, while the higher Tantric practices of the Vajrayogini, the Six Yogas ofNaropa, and Nlabii77tzld,'a are also taught in detail. The Vajradhara Buddhist Meditation Centre offers training programs in both doctrine and meditation, separated into English-speaking

Tibetan Bllddbis17Z in Hong Kong

567

and Chinese-speaking classes with a similar structure to that of the Cham Tse Ling. Classes are designate to accommodate people with different levels of interest. There is also a teacher training program, designed for those people who wish to be trained as authentic Dharma teachers. The resident teacher of the Hong Kong center, Ven. dGe bzang mthong lam, is an ordained monk who speaks both English and Cantonese. He was born in Hong Kong but lived in England from his teen years and studied architecture at Leeds University. He has been Geshela's disciple for ten years; at the request of Geshela, he moved back to Hong Kong in 2002 and has dedicated himself full-time to spreading the Dharma. The majority of his students are between twenty-five and forty-five years old and understand English. Although the books used in instruction are primarily in English, some of them have been translated into Chinese. The center is maintained and administered by volunteers and is very active; both teacher and students are extremely diligent and devoted. In the main, the group is fairly westernized.

vVith such a small Tibetan population in Hong Kong, those who attend the empowerments or teachings at the various Tibetan Buddhist centers in Hong Kong are mostly local Chinese; Tibetans are rarely seen in these gatherings. In Hong Kong, where the traditional Chinese Buddhist practices have been established as the "orthodox" tradition of Buddhism, it is not uncommon to s~ethe older generation of Buddhists discarding Theravada Buddhism as subordinate to Mahayana Buddhism, disdaining Tibetan Buddhism as merely a form of degenerated Tantric practice, and treating Japanese and Korean Buddhisms as offshoots of Chinese Buddhism. Hence, unlike the image of Tibetan Buddhism in the West, in Hong Kong it is generally perceived as an ethnic religion, or a religion that reflects the identity or ethnicity of a people. Over the last two decades, as Tibetan Buddhism has enjoyed popularity in the West, serious interest in Tibetan Buddhist practice has also been rising in Hong Kong. However, the majority of Hong Kong people are much more interested in ideas such as the accumulation of spiritUal merit through charity work or donations, and for these people Tibetan Buddhism remains a devotional practice. As is always the case, religious practice without understanding of the doctrines behind can easily lapse into devotional and worshipping rituals for improving mundane conditions. It should be noted that, in addition to devotional practice, the tradition of liberating animals in the Tibetan Buddhist centers in Hong Kong is also commonly performed. Such a practice, believed by the majority of followers to be meritorious for good health and longevity, has strong roots in both Chinese and Tibetan Buddhist traditions. Some Tibetan Buddhist centers in Hong Kong, such as the Cham Tse Ling, perform the practice regularly. The original practice was intended to liberate animals that were captured for food by hunters. Although motivated by the Buddhist notion of compassion, it is ironic that, as the practice has become ritualized and with the participation of more people, usually it is not captive animals that are released, but free animals captured specifically for ritual purposes. Prayers

568

Henry C. H. Shiu

and mantras are often chanted before they are liberated; it is believed that through chanting the negative karma of these captured animals is purified-which justifies the act of capturing them. The fact is that sometimes the animals die from the packed environment in which they are imprisoned. 28 There is also little concern for the potential ecological catastrophe that might result from the introduction of invasive species, as the animals in these rituals often are, to the ocean or forests.'9 In Hong Kong, there is no law that prohibits the transferring of non-native species to a new environment, unlike, for example, the case in Canada where such an act is illegal. Howev~r, the practice of prayer animal release has become one of the few practices that draws the participation of Buddhists from both the Chinese and Tibetan traditions in Hong Kong because it does not require special initiation or empowerment and is a practice that Chinese Buddhists are familiar with. One could reason that the lack of general interest in doctrinal teachings and systematic meditative practices of Tibetan Vajrayana results partly from the slow development of academic study of Tibetan Buddhism in Hong Kong and partly from the prevailing negative impression of Tibetan Buddhism held by many of the people of Hong Kong. The limited resources at local universities have forced some of the Buddhist organizations, such as Vajrayana Esoteric Society and Vajrayana Buddhism Association, to assume the role of offering instructional programs in Tibetan Buddhist studies. The results, of course, cannot be compared to the well-developed graduate programs in Tibetan studies at, for example, some universities in Japan or America. To this end, serious rNying rna and dGe lugs practitioners are the most fortunate, as these two traditions possess the greatest number of traditional Tibetan texts in Chinese translation, through the dedicated work of Liu Liqian, Guo Yuanxing, Yen. Fazun,'O Guru Lau Yui-chi, and 1VIaster Tam Shek-wing. It is apparent that strengthening education in the Tibetan language and Tibetan Buddhist history and theories at the universities is of vital importance for the future of Tibetan Buddhism in Hong Kong; however, it is equally important that the Tibetan Buddhist temples have more qualified resident teachers giving systematic teachings of the tradition's wide range of doctrines and practices.
28 Duncan Rynken vVilliams, "Animal Liberation, Death, and the State: Rites to Release Animals in Medieval Japan," in Buddhism and Ecology, eds. Duncan Rynken Williams and Mary Evelyn Tucker (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997): 149-164. 29 "Invasive species are plant and animal species that have been established in an area where they did not previously occur naturally... Alien species take a staggering toll on the global economy, with the U.S. alone losing 40 billion a year because of their presence." S. NlcGrath, "Attack of the Alien Invaders," in National Geographic, .March 2005. )0 Ven. Fazun has translated mainly the works of the dGe lugs tradition, but he has also translated other important Buddhist works that were never available in Chinese before him, such as the Abbismnayiila7fZkiini (Xianguan zhuangyan lun IJilfi:l!!lfj{ifilii) and the Dha1'11tadbarmatiivibbiiga (Bianfa faxing Ittn tlf!itH1ifilii). It is also thought that Fazun had completed the Chinese translation of Klong chen pa's Seven Treasures (Tib. mDzod bdun, Ch. Qibao zanglztn -t<!Iii(ifilii), though to date these translated works still have not been found. On the life and translated works of Fazun, see Shi Huimin ~!!!;l!l~, "A Brief History of the Ven. Fa-Zun (!JllL): A Modern Chinese Translator of Tibetan Buddhism," Bukkyo bzmka {LlS((Jt1t 30 (1993.5):25-30.

Tibetan Buddhism iiz H

The Trans

(Hong Kong/l
Chinese title: Tibetan title: Author: Translator: Chinese title:
Put, the,

Lm Blo
Fa)

Da

lltr:
Pe Tibetan title: Author: Translator: Chinese title: Author: Translator: Chinese title:
tion~ on the Great nel UJ.
.Ll.lU.;J..I. ...... LLJ

rI
bz 0 G
IJ

tJ
'1

Tibetan title: Author: Translator: Chinese title: Tibetan title: Author: Translator:

Na rak dong spntgs kyi kb1-id yig zab lam snang byed Dharmasri (1654-17l7?) Lau Yui-chi (Liu Ruizhi ~U~x.:".., 1914-1997)
Mizhoudao cidi baoman sId
WJ{'.i!tlj(~Il'!lI'J]* [Exposition of the Precious garland of the stages of the Mantrayanal gSang sngags lam 1-im 1-in chen 'pbreng ba'i lag kbz-id bdud z-tsi tbigs pa attr. Padma 'byung gnas (8 th century) Lau Yui-chi (Liu Ruizhi ~U~x.:".., 1914-1997)

There exists a complete English translation in three volumes by the Larurim Chenmo Translation Committee, with Joshua vv.c. Cutler as the editor-in-chief and Guy Newland as the editor: Tbe Great Ti'eatise on tbe Stages of tbe Patb to Enligbtenment (Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion Publications, 2000, 2002, and 2004). Z There is an English translation of the work: Padmahra Translation Group (trans.) Pat"'tl Rinpocbe: Tbe Words of My Perfect Teacbel" [Revised Edition] (Boston: Shambhala Publications, 1998). J This work includes a compilation of eighty-three ritual texts from the Lam 'bms tradition of the Sa skya pa and the Mahamudra tradition of the bKa' brgyud pa.

570 Chinese title: Tibetan title: Author: Translator: Chinese title: Tibetan title:' Author: Translator: Chinese title:

Hem) C. H. Shizt
Wainei zongyi liielun 5'rpr*~~ili [Precious garland of the doctrinal systems] G17tb mtha'i rin chen 'ph,<eng ba 4 dKon mchog 'jigs med dbang po (1728-1791) Lau Yui-chi (Liu Ruizhi %'1tl~.lI.z., 1914-1997) Xizang gudai Jojiao sId il!i~iI{-1;;l?1l~5: [History of Buddhism in ancient Tibet] gYztllas rgyal ba'i rnga bo che'i sgra dbyangs 5 'Jigs bral ye shes rdo rje (bDud 'joms rin po che, 1904-1988) Lau Yui-chi (Liu Ruizhi %'1tl~z., 1914-1997) Dayuamnan xu/wan XiIlxi miaoche shu :k~Ii\"~Kj{*,\il,:W)1fi.~ [Exposition of the auspicious chariot of the natural ease in the illusory nature] rDzogs pa chen po sgyu ma ngal gso'i 'grel pa shing na bzang po Dri med 'od zer (Klong chen rab 'byams, 1308-1364) Liu Liqian ~tl.lz:T (1910-?) Yangdui lqJ:it [Quintessence] Yangti 6 Dri med 'od zer (Klong chen rab 'byams, 1308-1364) Lau Yui-chi (Liu Ruizhi ~tl~z., 1914-1997)

Tibetan title: Author: Translator: Chinese title: Tibetan title: Author: Translator:

Works Included in the Reading Guides to Buddhist Scriptures (Fojiajinglun daodu congshu fJIl*~~fu~~jUi~)
(Hong Kong: Publications Holdings Limited and Vajrayana Buddhism Association, 1993-1997) Chinese title: Sanskrit title: Translator: Chinese .title: Sanskrit title: Author: Translator:
Za ahanjing 1i'<~~iiJll#!!f Sa1JZyztktiigamasiitra Unknown Yibu zonglun lun ,~'iHiIl*~ili [Treatise of the doctrines of various sects] Samayabhedoparacanakra Vasumitra (1" century) Xuanzang (600?-664)

11:*

4 There exists two English translations: 1) Herbert V. Guenther (trans.), Buddhist Philosoph), in Themy and Practice (Baltimore: Penguin Book Inc., 1971); 2) Geshe Lhundup Sopa and Jeffrey Hopkins (trans.), Practice and Tbeory of Tibetan Buddbism (New York: Grove Press, 1976). 5 The original Tibetan title, in English translation, is Thunder from tbe Great Conquering Battle-D",,,; of Devendm. An English translation of the work is found in Gyurme Dorje and Matthew T. Kapstein (trans.), Tbe Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 1991): 43-379. 6 On this text see the contribution by Monica Esposito in this volume and her Appendix 2 (text no. 23).

Tibetan Buddbism in Hong Kong

Chinese title: Sanskrit title: Author: Translator: Chinese title: Sanskrit title: Translator: Chinese title: Sanskrit title: Translator: Chinese title: Sanskrit title: Author: Translator: Chinese title: Sanskrit title: Author: Translator: Chinese title: Chinese title: Sanskrit title: Translator: Chinese title: Sanskrit title: Translator:

571

Dashellg chellgye lun jc*AA*~ilii [Treatise on the formation of Karma in the Mahayana tradition] Kar77tasiddbiprakm-a1Ja 7 Vasubandhu (4,h century) Xuanzang

1;"*

lie shenmi jing I!~i!fi'!f~~ [Sutra that unravels the profound secret] Sm?ZdbiniT'17ZocanaSZltra 8 Xuanzang

1;"*

Amitllo jing ~iiJ5illWL,~ [Sutra of Amitabha] Sukhiivatfv)'zZbaszZtra 9 Kumarajiva (344-413) Weishi sanshi song ~!Mat:::+"Jj [Thirty verses of Consciousness-only] Tri7Jzfiktiktirikti 10 Vasubandhu (4,h century) Xuanzang

1;"*

Weishi ershi Iun Vi'l!zfatiktirika 11 Vasubandhu Xuanzang

~lll1!li=+~ilii

[Twenty verses of Consciousness-only]

1;"*

Xiaopin bore jinglul1 duidll IJ\"'I,Il!l:~,*~~ltt~JI [Comparative study of the A,tasabastikaprajfiapara77tita and the Abbisama),almJZktim] ]ingangjing 3l[:lJIJ~!f [Diamond Sutra] Vajraccbediktiprajiiaparamita 12 Kumarajiva
Xinjing i~\~&. [Heart sutra]

Prajiiaparamitabrda)'a" Xuanzang

1;"*

It exists in an English translation by Leo M. Pruden (trans.), M1'11wsiddhipl'akanI1w: Tbe Treatise on Action by Vasubandbu, edited and translated into French by Etienne Lamotte (Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1988). 8 There is a complete English translation from Tibetan by John Powers, Wisdom of tbe Buddba: tbe Sm!zdbini1'llzocana Szttra (Berkeley: Dharma Publishing, 1995). 9 An English translation from both Sanskrit and Chinese versions can be found in Luis O. Gomez, Tbe Land of Bliss: Tbe Paradise of tbe Buddba of NleaSll1'eiess Ligbt (Honolulu: University ofHawai'i Press, 1996). 10 A few English translations of the work is available. See, of COUl'se, Stefan Anacker, Seven Win'ks of Vasubandhu: Tbe Buddbist Psycbological Docto1' (Delhi: Moti!al Banarsidass, 1984): 181-190. 11 Stefan Anacker, Seven FVo1'ks of Vasllbandbu, 157-180. l2 There are a number of English translations of this scripture. Red Pine offers an English translation of both Sanskrit and Kumarajiva's Chinese versions in The Diamond Sutm: Tbe Pe7fiCti071 o[Wisdom (New York: Counterpoint, 2001). 13 For an English translation from both Sanskrit and Xuanzang's Chinese versions, see Red Pine, Tbe Hem-t Sutm (Emeryville: Shoemaker & Hoard, 2004)

572
Chinese title: Sanskrit title: Author: Translator: Chinese title: Sanskrit title: Translator: Chinese title: Sanskrit title: Translator: Chinese title: Sanskrit title: Translator; Chinese title: Sanskrit title: Translator: Chinese title: Sanskrit title: Translator: Chinese title: Sanskrit title: Author: Translator:

Henry C. H Sbiu Zhonglun <Flit [Treatise of the middle stanzas] MiZlamadbyamakakarika 14 Nagarjuna (3 th century) Kumarajlva Lengqie jing ;!!!i11m!.\il1: [Sutra of the descent to Lanka] LmikavatarasiZtra 15 GllI).abhadra (394-468) Fahuajing 1t";}fk!.\il1: [Lotus sutra] Saddbarmapu'(tt;!arfkaszitra 16 Kumarajlva Shidijing +:Ifu#& [Sutra of the ten stages] Dafabbzimika Slladharma (fl. 785-789) Dahan niepan jing ::k:!lliY!!!li!:!.\il1: [Sutra of the great, complete nirvana] Mabaparinirva,zasiitra l7 Dharmalqena (385-433) Weimojiejing ,~i~~~& [Sutra ofVJmalakirti] Vimalakfrtinirdefa 18 Kumarajlva (344-413) Putidao cidi We/un 'l:f~iH{j.:jjl;m~lit [Brief exposition of the sequential path to enlightenment] Lam rim cbung ba Blo bzang gra(l"s pa'i dpal (Tsong kha pa, 1357-1419) Fazun i'i;;# (1902-1980)

14 The work has been translated from Sanskrit to English by Frederick Streng, Kenneth K. Inada, Mervyn Sprung, David J. Kalupahana, Jay L. Garfield, and Nancy McCagney; KumarajIva's Chinese version, with Pingala's commentary, is translated into English by Brian Bocking, Nagarjzma in China: A Translation of the Middle Treatise (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 1995). 15 There exists a complete English translation by D.T. Suzuki, The Laizkifuatiira Szltra (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1932). 16 For an English translation of this scripture from KumarajIva's Chinese version, see Leon Hurvitz, ScriptU1e of the Lotus Blossom of the Fine Dharnza: The Lotus Sut,.a (New York: Columbia Vniversity Press, 1976). 17 There is a partial English translation by Tony Page, Buddha-Self: The "Secret" Teachings of the Buddha in the Mahaparinirvana Sutra, vol. 1 and vol. 2 (London: Nirvana Publications, 2003). 18 It exists an English translation from Tibetan by Robert Thurman, The Holy Teaching ofVintatakirti: A Mahiiytma Scripture (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1976); there is also an English translation from KumarajIva's Chinese version of the scripture by Burton Watson, The Vimalakirti Siitra: From the Chinese Version by Kumiirajiva (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997).

Tibetan Buddhism in Hong Kong

Chinese title: Tibetan title: Author: Translator: Chinese title: Sanskrit title: Author: Translator: Chinese title: Sanskrit title: Author: Translator:

. 573

MLY:ubu zong jianli gllangshi 1'il'#Ji.iif~J\I!J9tJL~~ [Extensive survey on the general classification of the Tantric systemj19

rGyud sde spyi'i rnam par gzhagpa rgyas par brjod

mKhas grub rje (1385-1438) Tam Shek-wing (Tan Xiyong ~~7j<.)

Sifa baoman

\l!I~jfit

[Precious garland of the four dharmas]

Chos bzhi rin po ebe'i 'pbreng ba20

Dri med 'od zer (Klong chen rab 'byams, 1308-1364) Tam Shek-wing (Tan Xiyong ~~7j()

Yinming ru zhengli lun lZiIaAA.iEr:lIl~ [Buddhist logic: Entering into the correct reasoning]

Hetltvidyiinyiiyapravefa
Sankarasvlimin Xuanzang 1r~ (600?-664)

The Translated Works Published in the Nyingmapa Series (Ningmapai congshll i'~~.i!f) (Hong Kong: Vajrayana Buddhism Association, 1996-2002)
Chinese Title: Hllanhua wang mimizang xu ]{t,m'i'lI1'il'il(J,f( [The illusory net: Tantra of the secret essence]21 Sanskrit Title: Gubyagarbhmantra Tibetan Title: gSang ba mying po Translator: Shen Weirong tt1t~ Chinese Title: Dayuanman xinxing xiuxi :;k:1mi'ilil,t,,'t1{*,Ill, [The Great Perfection: Ease in the natural state of mind] Tibetan Title: rDzogs pa eben po sems nyid ngal gso22 Author: Dri med 'od zer (Klong chen rab 'byams, 1308-1364) Translator: Tam Shek-wing (Tan Xiyong ~~:ik) Chinese Title:

Dayuanman xinxing XillXi: sanzhu sanshan daoyin puti miaodao :;k:1m i'ilil,t,"t1{*,Ill.--=:::-r=:~$511l'~)i! [The essential instruction of the auspicious path of enlightenment on the three abodes and the three virmes of the Great Perfection: Ease in the namral state of mind]

Tibetan Title: rDzogs pa chen po sems nyid ngal gso'i gnas gSltm dge ba gSltm gyi dOn

khrid byang ebub lam bzang

rsrub ryes Fundamentals ofthe Buddhist tantras: Rgyud sde spyihi rnam par gzhag pa rgyas pm" bryod
(The Hague: Mouton, 1968). 20 It e"'dsts an English translation by Alexander Berzin and Matthew Kapstein, The Fou,"-

19 It exists an English translation by Ferdinand Lessing and Alex Wayman as Mkhas

Tbe11zed P,"eciotts Gadand, with Commentary by Dudjom Rinpoehe and Beru Khyentze Rinpoehe
(Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1979). 21 Foreword by Dr. Peter Schwieger. . " There exists an English translation by Herbert Guenther, Kindly Bent to Ease Us, vol. 1 (Berkeley: Dharma Publishing, 1975).

574
Author: Translator: Chinese Title:

Hem), C. H Shiu
Dri med 'od zer (Klong chen rab 'byams, 1308-1364) Tam Shek-wing (Tan Xiyong ,\3iJ~7j()
DaYllanman shenhlli xinSlli qianxing niansong yiglli xianshi bianzhi miaodao jcliii1Si*'!~>L.'lI',jiltr1T;ik-~iligJJL-~7f,jjn\'tJii!l: [Meditative manual of the preliminary practice of the Great Perfection Heart Essence of Vast Expanse: illuminating the auspicious path of omniscience]2)

Tibetan Title: Klang eben S7Zying tbig gi sngon 'gTo'i ngag 'don Tnanz mkbyen lam bzang gsal byed 24 Author: mKhyen brtse'i dbang po (1820-1892) Translator: Shi Ruji ~ii':!lQ'15' Chinese Title: Bianfa faxing funshi t!'i;ltit,t1~ilifii' [Commentary on the discrimination of phenomena and realityl's Tibetan Title: Cbos dang cbos nyid mam paT 'byed pa'i tbig le'zw byas pa Vasubandhu Author: Translator: Tam Shek-wing (Tan Xiyong ~Jl!,l7j() Chinese Title:
Bianfa faxing tunshi bianbie benz"i xianxian mitit't"HiMii'"il'!*liJl'il [Commentary on the discrimination of phenomena and reality: Distinguishing the manifestations of the primordial wisdom]26

t!mu*

Tibetan Title: Cbos dang cbos nyid mam pm' 'byed pa'i tsbig le'uT byas pa'i 'gTeI pa ye sbes snang ba rnam 'byed Author: Mi pham rgya mtsho (1846-1912) Translator: Henry C. H. Shiu (Shao Songxiong jj~~~!t;t) Chinese Title: Tibetan Title: Author: Translator:
Jueding baodeng 19<:i'EJ1I':I'ill' [Precious lamp of certainty]"

Nges sbes rin po cbe'i sgron me 28 Mi pham rgya mtsho (1846-1912) Tam Shek-wing (Tan Xiyong ~Jl!,l7j()

Chinese Title: Huanhua wang mimizang xus"i guangming zang :1;J1-Ufilf,0WiI:!.ii Jfii'-7t E jJiI: [Commentary on the illusory net, the Tantra of secret essence: The essence of clear light]29 Tibetan Title: bKa' brgyad nzam bsbad dang spyi don 'ad gsal S7Zying po yang dag g17,tb pa'i tsbig 'grel bcas Foreword by A 'dzom 'grub pa (1842-1924), 24 The Chinese translation is based on the version made by mKhyen brtse'i dbang po who added some modifications on guruyoga practices, See also the English translation made by Tulku Thondup, Tbe Dzogcben: Imlermost Essence Preiimina1), Practice (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1982), See also Appendix 2 (text no, 16) of the contribution by Monica Esposito in this volume, 25 Foreword by Raymond Robertson, " Foreword by Raymond Robertson. 27 Foreword by John 'Whitney Pettit, 28 A detailed study and English translation of this work is made by John vVhitney Pettit, iVlipbam's Beacon of Certainty: Illuminating tbe Vi,," of Dzogcben (Boston: vVisdom Publications,
23

1999),

29 Foreword by Franz-Karl Ehrhard,

Tibetan Buddbism in Hong Kong Author: Translator: Mi pham rgya mtsho (1846-1912) Shen vVeirong iti~j~

575

Chinese Title: Jifen miyi zijietllo till zhongyoll jijietllo daoyin :Bi.;B':jf~~~~JI.-t; 'Pll~~~ilij I [Natural liberation of peaceful and wrathful deities: Guidance of the liberation in the six bardos]JO Tibetan Title: Zhi kbTO dgongs pa l'ang gTO!Jl Author: Karma gling pa (b. 1326) Translator: Tarn Shek-wing (Tan Xiyong ~~7j() Chinese Title: Zhongyoll dawen jietllo 'Pll*f:l,iln~JI. [Liberation through the great hearing in the bardo state]32 Tibetan Title: BaT do thos gl'O! eben moB Author: Karma gling pa (b. 1326) Translator: Xu Mingyin ~ta}jli~ Chinese Title: Xianzlzeng zixing daYllan111an benlai mianl1lu jiaosholt IViedlt jodao IJj\~l[tt*~11fi*31tjj[fl;j!jt'it-~f~f1li@ [Teaching on realizing the true face of the inherent nature of the Great Perfection: Buddhahood without meditation]34 Tibetan Title: Rang bzbin Tdzogs pa eben po'i mng zhal mngon du byed pa'i dgams pa ma bsgom sangs ,'gyaslS Author: bDud 'joms gling pa (1835-1904) Translator: William Alvin Hui (Xu Xi'en ~t~~,) Chinese Title: Dllnzhu xinbaozang qianxing zansong ~jJ;jc*JTJlfilili\1lutftJ:~Jj [Preliminary practice of the new treasure of Dudjom]36 TibetanTitle: bDud 'jams gteT gsaT sngon 'gro'i ngag 'don bsdus pa 37 Author: 'Jigs bral ye shes rdo rje (bDud 'joms rin po che, 1904-1988) Tarn Shek-wing (Tan Xiyong ~~7j() Translator: Chinese Title: Mizholl jillyi jiaoja anti jianllln xianxian shanshllO xiyan jf5'EW~~ ;j!j:it:;,!>:j'[l'.iiMis-!#UJj\~~5ti='t [A brief analysis of the teachings of secret mantra in the early Nyingma tradition: Revealing the feast of eloquent description]38
Foreword by Tulku Thondup. An English translation is made by B. Alan Wallace, Natural Libel-ation: Padntasantbbava's Teachings on tbe S~~ Bardos (Boston: vVisdom Publications, 1998). l2 Foreword by Tam Shek-wing. lJ See chapter two of Donald S. Lopez, Jr.'s Pl-isoners of Sbangri-La (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1999) for a study and criticism of the various English translations of the work. 34 Forewords by Tulku Thondup and INang Yao. l5 There exists an English translation by Richard Barron, Buddbabood vVithout lvIeditation: A Visional), Account Known as Refining Appm'ent Pbenomena (Nang-jang) Uunction City: Padma Publishing, 1994). J6 Foreword by Sunny Lai. 37 An English translation is published by Yeshe Melong in New York, as Tbe helimin(7), Practice oftbe New Treaszt1'e ofDudjo"" in 1992. 38 Forewords by Khenpo Sonam Tobgyal Rinpoche and TuUm Thondup.
lO

II

576

Hem)1 C. H. Shizt

Tibetan Title: gSang sngags snga 'gyur rnying ma pa'i bstan pa'i rnam gzhag mdo tsam b7jod pa legs bshad snang ba'i dga' ston J9 Author: 'Jigs bral ye shes rdo rje (bDud 'joms rin po che, 1904-1988) Translator: William Alvin Hui (Xu Xien ~f~}~,)

The Translated Works Published in the Great il'ladhyamaka Series (Da Zhol1ggual1 xilie :;k:'i='fmh\3iV) (Taibei: Quanfa Publications, 2004-ongaing)
Chinese Title: Zhonggllan kOlljlle 'i='fmfJ~ [Quintessential instruction of the Madhyamaka] Tibetan Title: dBu ma'i man ngag ces bya ba Diparpkarasrijnana (902-1054) Author: Translator: Henry CH. Shiu (Shao Songxiong ll~2iU1E) Chinese Title: Tibetan Title: Author: Translator:
Fajie zan t~~~ [Praise of the ultimate reality] Chos kyi dbyings su bstod pa Nagarjuna Tam Shek-wing (Tan Xiyong ~~7j()

Chinese Title: Ru lengqie jing Am'fnQ~& [Sutra of the descent to Lanka]40 Sanskrit Title: Lmikiivatiiraszttra Tam Shek-wing (Tan Xiyong ~~7j() Translator: Chinese Title: Fenbie baoxing daslzeng wus!umgxu lun 3J'J1UJiftE;k:*f!\\..t*J!~ [Treatise of the delineation of the precious lineage: the supreme continllum of the Great Vehiclet Sanskrit Title: Ratnagot7'avibhiiga-mahiiyiinottm'atmztra-fiistra 42 Translator: Tam Shek-wing (Tan Xiyong ~~7j() Chinese Title: Shengrll wujenbie zongchi !Af!\\3J\.)JUfi~tf [Dharanis of entering into non-Conceptuality] Tibetan Title: 'Phags pa rnam par' mi 7'tOg par 'jug pa zhes bya ba'i gzzmgs Translator: Shen Weirong ttm~ Chinese Title: Sheng bore boluomiduo xinjing guangslii !Jl9:;,5'iWliill;>L.,#&}jl(~ll' [Detailed explanation of the noble heart of the perfection of wisdomsutra]
39 An English translation of the work is found in Gyurme Dorje and Matthew T. Kapstein (trans.), The Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism (Boston: vVisdom Publications, 1991): 401-973. 40 A new Chinese translation of the sutra based on the Sanskrit manuscript edited by Nanja Bun'yii (The Lmikiivatiim Sztt7-a, Kyoto: Otani University Press, 1923). 41 Foreword by Takasaki Jikido. A new Chinese translation of the work baseci on the Sanskrit manuscript edited by E.H. Johnston (Ratnagotmvibhiiga-mahiiyiinottamtantra-siistra, Patna: The Bihar Research Society, 1950). 42 It exists an English translation from Sanskrit by Takasaki, A Study on the Ratnagot7'a-

vibhiiga (Uttamtantm), Being a Ii'eatise on the Tathiigatagarbha ThemJI of NIahiiyiina Buddhism

(Serie Orientale 33, Rome, 1966).

Tibetan Buddhism in Hong Kong

577

Tibetan Title: 'Phags pa sbes rab kyi pha 1'01 txt phyin pa'i mying po l'gya Chel' bshad pa4l Vimalamitra (8 th_9 th century) . Author: Tam Shek-wing (Tan Xiyong ~~jJ<.) Translator: Chinese Title: Bore xinjing zhll Jlll:~'L'~tt [Commentary on the Heart of the perfection of wisdom sutra] Tibetan Title: Shes rab mying po'i rnam par bshad pa 44 Dipa!p.karasrijnana (902-1054) Author: Tam Shek-wing (Tan Xiyong ~~7j<.) Translator: Chinese title: Tibetan title: Author: Translator: Chinese title: Tibetan title: Author: Translator: Chinese title: Tibetan title: Author: Translator: Chinese title: Tibetan title: Author: Translator:
Xinjing rnizholl shi 'L,,~1f%~ [Commentary on the Heart sutra as mantra]

Sher mying 'grel pa mangs SIt 'grel pa 45 Sris1!p.ha (8 th _9 th century) Tam Shek-wing (Tan Xiyong ~~7j<.)
Bore boillornidllo xinjing shi Jlll:~~!.ii'il$'L'~~ [Commentary on the Heart of the perfection of wisdom sutra] , Shes l'ab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa'i myingpo zhes bya ba'i 'grel pa 46 Kamalasila (fl. 713-763) Henry C.H. Shiu (Shao Songxiong i!~~Ii4E) ShizillOli gllangshllo rlilaizang jjiTII!L)j;~JzO*lt1i: [Lion's roar: Essential exposition of the Tathagatagarbha]

bDe gsbegs mying po stong tbun cben l1to seng ge'i nga ro Mi pham rgya mtsho (1846-1912) Tam Shek-wing (Tan Xiyong ~~7i<.)
Shiziholl kaixll takong ~!~TIlJLOO[lf1tB3': [Lion's roar proclaiming emptiness-of-others]

gZban stong khas len seng ge'i nga ro47 Mi pham rgya mtsho Henry C.H. Shiu (Shao Songxiong i!~~t1E)

43 An English translation of the .work can be found in Donald S. Lopez, Jr., Elaborations on Emptiness: Uses ofthe Heart Sxttra (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1996); 47-70. 44 Lopez, Elaborations on Emptiness, 70-77. 45 Lopez, Elabomtions on Emptiness, 109-115. 46 Lopez, Elaborations on Emptiness, 105-109.
47 An English translation of the work can be found in the Appendix section of John Whitney Pettit's Mipham's Beacon of Certainty, 415-427.

The Development and Evolution of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan Since the early 1980s, interest in Tibetan Buddhism has grown rapidly in Taiwan, a phenomenon that has drawn increasing attention from religious studies specialists. The new wave of interest in Buddhism, encouraged by new religious organizations after martial law was lifted, prob-

ably related to the individual's need for spiritual nourishment against a background of great social change in Taiwan. However, due to political and economic factors, as well as the characteristics of Tibetan Buddhism itself, the development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan has been unique. TIlis article analyzes this development mainly from historical and socio-religious perspectives. To begin with, historical documents and sources concerning the development of Tibetan Buddhism during the 1980s, before the advent of Tibetan monks, are introduced. Next, the history after the 1980s will be analyzed on the basis of author's field work in Tibetan Buddhist centers from 1988 to 2001, including interviews with key persons at these centers who were influential in their development. TIle analysis of the interviewees' responses about their religious experiences, as well

as their views on Dhmma teachers and their disciples, will further shed light upon the nature of and the factors affecting the reception of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan.

Le deveioppement et I'evolution dn bouddhisme tibetain a Taiwan Depnis Ies annees 1980, I'interet pour Ie bouddhisme tibetain s'est considerablement develop-

pe a Taiwan, phenoffifme qui a attire l'attention croissante des specialistes des etudes religieuses.
La nouvelle vague de l'interet pour Ie bouddhisme, encourage par des organisations de nouvelles religions apres I'abrogation de la loi martiale, se conjugua au besoin des individus pour un enrichissement spirituel face

aun contexte de grands changements sociaux a Taiwan. Toutefois, a

cause de facteurs politiques et economiques, ainsi que des caracteristiques du bouddhisme tibetain Iui-meme, Ie developpement du bouddhisme tibetain aTaiwan demeure un cas unique. Cet article analyse ce developpement, principalement dans une perspective historique et socio-religieuse. Sont present"s, tout d'abord, les documents et Ies sources historiques concernant Ie developpement du bouddhisme tibetain pendant Ies annees 80, avant I'arrivee de moines tibetains. L'histoire apres Ies annees 80 est ensuite analysee apartir d'un travail de terrain de l'auteur dans des centres bouddhiques tibetains de 1988 a2001, incluant des interviews avec des personnes-cles de ces centres qui eurent une forte influence sur ce developpement. Enfin, I'analyse des reponses des
personnes interrogees sur leurs experiences religienses, ainsi que sur leur point de vue concernant

Ies maitres du Dharma et leurs disciples apporte des eclaircissements relatifs dhisme tibetain a Taiwan et aux facteurs ayantjone sur sa reception.

aIa nature du boud-

THE DEVELOPMENT AND EVOLUTION OF TIBETAN BUDDHISM IN TAIWAN

YAO

Lixiang*

n the 1990s, Tibetan Buddhism constituted a colorful presence in Taiwan, which added diversity to the Taiwanese religious environment and gave rise to a new wave of enthusiasm for Buddhism. Whilst this rapid rise in interest started in the late 1980s and has continued to the present time, its beginnings can be traced back to the late 1960s when Tibetan Buddhism began to receive more serious attention in the West. However, besides being influenced by the enthusiasm for Tibetan Buddhism in the West, some scholars believe that this increased interest was the natural result of the lifting of martial law, for it stands to reason that after a period of stagnation, due to political pressures during the martial law period, religious institutions would once again flourish.' Among many newly emerging religions, Tibetan Buddhism was one of the few that attracted a great deal of attention. The bourgeoning development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan was further consolidated by the two visits made by the fourteenth Dalai Lama and other Tibetan Buddhist leaders to Taiwan, all of which were unprecedented, spectacular events. The development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan did not in fact begin in the 1980s, but dates back as early as 1949, when the Nationalist Party, or Guomindang, retreated to Taiwan from the mainland of China. At that time only two Mongolian

In this article, the translator LiuJingguo lIItli!i!l:OOlI (College of Foreign Languages and Literature, Fudan University 11.!l.:k'lt, Shanghai, People's Republic of China) has used the Tibetan phonetics furnished by the author. Wylie transcription has been added at the first occurrence of a Tibetan term (in parentheses) by the editor, except for common terms like lama, rinpoche, etc. An appendix of names and titles of Tibetan masters, including phonetic spelling (with pinyin and Chinese characters) and Wylie transcription has been added by the editor at the end of the article. If the Taiwanese phonetic system has been used for the names of people better known under that system, pinyin transcription and Chinese characters have been then put in parentheses. [editor's note] , Many specialists in religious studies hold that since martial law was lifted in 1987, the Taiwanese people have enjoyed complete freedom in religious belief. The rapid changes of political and economic structures have also helped various newly emerging religions to prosper. On this topic see the forthcoming collected articles on the research project "Studies of Taiwan's Newly Emerging Religions and Related Problems," led by Chiu Hei-yuan (Qu Haiyuan Cilifi1!i) at the Department of Sociology of the Academia Sinica.

Images of Tibet in the 19 th a1ld 20 th Ce1ltm7es Paris, EFEO, call. Etudes themariques (22.2), 2008, p. 579-609

580

Yao Li:ciang

Buddhist leaders came to Taiwan together with the Guomindang, joining the few lay Buddhists already teaching there who had previously followed Tibetan or Mongolian lamas on the mainland. But this early development was rather slow and cannot be compared with the rapid growth of the 1980s, after the arrival of native Tibetan lamas, which constituted a major turning point in the development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan. The Guomindang, under external and domestic political pressure to change its policies, gradually loosened its control over religious activities, giving rise to a much more favorable environment for Tibetan Buddhism. The coming of Tibetan monks marked the beginning of the second phase of the development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan. Its rapid growth and wide spread can be illustrated by some statistics. According to the count made by the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs (Mengzang Weiyuanhui ~~~~~),2 up to the year 2000 the number of officially registered Tibetan Buddhist communities was about a hundred and fifty, and in the year 2000 alone there were 1,923 applications from Tibetan monks wishing to come to Taiwan with the assistance of the commission. It is estimated that about five hundred Tibetan monks visited Taiwan in the year 2000, and up to a hundred and twenty Tibetan monks had permanent Taiwanese residence cards until that year. Although there were estimated to be between five and six hundred thousand followers of Tibetan Buddhism, it is difficult to count accurately because of the overlapping calculations of various Buddhist centers and the mobility of the devotees. Therefore, the number of active practitioners might only be said to number between one and two hundred thousand. These figures can give only an inkling of the growth of people's enthusiasm for Tibetan Buddhism in just a short period of twenty years, but they cannot illustrate what lies in and behind such enthusiasm. This requires further investigation. In this article I will analyze the development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan from historical and socioreligious perspectives, based on a series of investigations conducted by myself from 1997 to 200U I will begin with an overview of documents and materials that illustrate the early development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan, followed by the introduction and analysis of present-day Buddhist centers. Based on some preliminary investigations, I will present the results of interviews conducted with thirty-seven people who were all influential to varying degrees in the development of Tibetan Buddhist centers; the interviewees include six Tibetan lamas, a Han Chinese guru, and thirty Taiwanese followers. An analysis of their various religious experiences will help us to better understand the key issues in the development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan.

See Chen Youxin ~jlLx.jfJi, "Zangchuan fojiao zai Taiwan" ffiiZ1ij:I:lllii'!riJi"-i [Tibetan Buddhism.in Taiwan], in Rensbi zangclJUan fojiao ~.lll1ilffiiZj\1}1j~~ [Understanding Tibetan Buddhism], ed. Zheng Zhenhuang !l!~~:t~ (Taibei: Huiju, 2001): 47-59, and "A statistic liagram of Tibetan monks' Visa Applications" done by the Commission for lVIongolian and Tibetan Affairs and published on the website: http://www.mtac.gov.tw J This research was part of a project included in the Academia Sinica's research program titled "Studies of Taiwan's Newly Emerging Religions and Related Problems," which began in 1997 and ended in 2001 under the guidance of Chiu Hei-yuan (see note 1).

The Development and Evolution of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan

581

First, however, it is essential that we briefly review the historic development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan~, which can be broadly divided into two phases: the preliminary phase prior to 1980, which saw the slow yet steady introduction of Tibetan Buddhism; and the secondary phase after 1980, during which Tibetan Buddhism expanded rapidly~ There are four major schools of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan: Nyingma $I,\!j (rNying mal, Sakya lifJm! (Sa skya), Kagyii pi~ (bKa' brgyud), and Gelug fiI-:@ (dGe lugs). From historical documents and collected materials, the principle teachers of each of these schools, their major centers, and their preaching methods, can be clearly traced from 1949 (when the Guomindang retreated to Taiwan from the mainland) up to the early 1980s. Then, based on a review of Tibetan Buddhist centers and interviews with key persons at those centers in 2000, we will be able to understand how lamas or rinpoches from these four schools came to Taiwan to disseminate Buddhism, how Tibetan Buddhist centers were established, and what events the centers organized after 1980. Lastly, I will look further into some issues concerning the development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan resulting from in-depth interviews with some key promoters of Tibetan Buddhist centers and outstanding religious figures who were instrumental in the development of Tibetan Buddhism, and to my own observations of ordinary Buddhists. Issues to be covered include the main reasons by which ordinary followers came into contact with Tibetan Buddhism, impressions of Dharma teachers and disciples, the selection of rinpoches, communication with rinpoches, the manner and matter of preaching, the problems oflamas in Taiwan, the followers' mental dispositions and ways of working with Tibetan Buddhism, their knowledge and views of Tibetan Buddhism, and so on. Through the above analysis, I hope to sum up some of major characteristics of the reception of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan and the various factors-political, economic, institutional and psychologicalwhich affect and influence these characteristics.

Eady Development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan

The relationship between Taiwan and Tibet, in the words of a Taiwanese Tibetologist, is "far from the authorities, yet near to the people.'>'! "Far" refers to the distance shaped by alienating political factors, "neat" refers to the close relationship that Taiwan and Tibet share in the domain of religious culture. Although there are some similarities between Taiwan and Tibet, the delay in the arrival of Mongolian and Tibetan lamas in Taiwan was due mainly to complex political reasons. When the Guomindang came into power in mainland China, Tibet and the Guomindang were politically at odds with each other at that time. When the Guomindang retreated to Taiwan after 1949 they still claimed sovereign power over the

vVang Junzhong I1~'I', "Taiwan yu Xizang ji zai Taiwan de zangchuan fojiao yanjiu" [Taiwan and Tibet: A study of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan], Si)'zt)'a7z '\!H~ 37.2 (1999): 69-102, here 72.
iJii!fJ!ilim~B:1:EiJi'ii'Bj~j~1lil~li}f7L

582

Yao Li.r:iang

politics of Mongolia and Tibet, through the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs. Later, this office, as a symbol of political subordination, was accused by the Tibetan government-in-exile of having been a source of division within Tibetan society. At the same time, Tibetan officials were negotiating wirh the new Communist Party in mainland China over the "peaceful liberation" of Tibet. This sensitive situation made the Tibetan government-in-exile fearful about the political position of Taiwan and caused them to adopt a cautionary attitude in their relations with the Taiwanese government. The Tibetan government-in-exile even went so far as to issue orders to prohibit Tibetans from exchanging visits with Taiwanese officials, which remained in place until 1988. As a result, only two tullat (spTul sku) of Mongolian Buddhism-the SEVENTH CHANGKYA LOZANG PALDEN TENPE DRONlvIE l\I,!;UiJUI'l'ff,*;gcm (lCang skya Khutukhtu, BIo bzang dpalldan bstan pa'i sgron me, 1891-1958) and the FIFTH KAGYUR ifl?lcf;ffl1L (bKa' 'gyur Khutukhtu, 1914-1978)-went to Taiwan together with the Guomindang government. Furthermore, the few Tibetans who came to Taiwan for some time thereafter were mainly people of the Khampa nationality who were not under the leadership of the Dalai Lama, and most of them were invited by the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs or employed by various organizations. In the early 1980s, when the Tibetan lamas invited by some Han Chinese gurus came to Taiwan to preach Buddhism, the Nyingma school, which was quite detached from politics, and the Kagyii school created the antecedents, followed later by the Sakya and Gelug schools. Because only a small number of lVIongolian and Tibetan lamas came to Taiwan during these years, they were not very interested in proselytizing activities. The people preaching Buddhism at that time were mainly Han Chinese lay Buddhists who had previously followed Tibetan or Mongolian lamas of the Nyingma and Kagyu schools while living on the mainland. Due to a lack of communication, there had been a deep misunderstanding between Taiwan and the Tibetan government-in-exile until 1988, when Li Denghui succeeded as the eighth president of the Republic of China (R.O.c.), and consequently the political situation underwent a significant change in Taiwan. After this change, all of the four principle Tibetan schools developed formally in Taiwan. A detailed description of the development of these four schools follows. (1) The Gelug school In the preliminary phase, four gurus of the Gelug school came to Taiwan: the seventh Changkya in 1949; the fifth Kagyur also in 1949; GELEK RINPOCHE ttJli~ii tf1=r&JJJ (dGe legs rin po che, b. 1924) in 1961; and CHOPHEL]IGivrE ;eJfE.5,B~ (Chos 'phel 'jigs med, 1914-1991) in 1952. The Changkya and Kagyur each served as chairman of the China Buddhist Association. The Changkya passed away in 1957, so his influence over the Taiwanese followers of Tibetan Buddhism was limited. Th ~ fifth Kagyur and Gelek Rinpoche also established centers to teach Buddhism, which attracted some followers, but they seldom preached publicly. Chophel ]igme, also known as Professor OUYANG vVUWEI ~~;il\Ii-llt (1914-1991), was a Han Chinese who was tonsured at Drepung Monastery fg~*~ (,Bras spungs) and who preached Ti-

The Development and Evolution of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan

583

betan Buddhism widely in academic circles, both publicly and privately, from 1976 to 1991. More than half of the later scholars engaged in the study of Tibetan Buddhism were his disciples. s He never, however, taught Tantrism publicly. Hence his influence upon ordinary followers was not particularly significant, but his contribution to the study of Tibetan Buddhism and the introduction of the doctrines of other schools of Buddhism was remarkable. (2) The Sakya school MrGYUR RrNPOCHE ~:9Ic1=jt/[tJJ (Mi 'gyur rin po che, b. 1935), who came to Taiwan in 1959, was the only person teaching the Sakya doctrines during those early years. Later he became a member of the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs and taught at various universities and Buddhist societies. 'Whilst he did some public preaching at that time, he did not become widely known until 1997, ft!H~:t) was eswhen the Baimashan Bodhi Hall (Baimashan Puti Jiangtang E! ,\F,j W tablished. 6 Two other gurus at the Baimashan Bodhi Hall were Gelek Rinpoche and GOSOK RrNPOCHE :l!':liJ'!Cjt/[tJ] (sGo sog rin po che, b. 1948), both of whom were of the Gelug school, which resulted in the Baimashan Bodhi Hall being sponsored by two schools in its later development. (3) The Nyingma school At first, the people advocating this school were allIay Buddhists who had previously followed NUONA RINPOCHE i*Jl~1=jt/[t)] (Nor lha rin po che, 1865-1936) of the Nyingma school and GONGI(AR RINPOCHE j):j'pt/Cjt/[t)] (Gangs dkar rin po che, 1893-1957) of the Kagyti schooP The earliest such advocate was Guru Qu YINGGUANG JiliRJtJtLBill (1883-1973) who, after coming to Taiwan in 1952, devoted hims.elf to disseminating Tantrism. In 1971 he set up the Vajrayana Temple, a famous meeting place for Tantric neophytes in northern Taiwan. After Guru Qu Yingguang passed away in 1973, several disciples inherited his lineage, some of whom had also been followers of Tibetan lamas, and they continue to occasionally invite Tibetan lamas to Taiwan to preach. Furthermore, Guru vVu RUNJIANG ~jf,!J1ILBfjj (1909-1979) came to preach Tantrism in Taiwan on seven occasions after 1958. His disciple, QIAl'J ZHI1VlIN ~~iW:, founded the Nuona Ashram (NuonaJingshe i*Jl~l%'%) in Taiwan in 1975 and later did a lot of work in social and cultural welfare. Having a large following, the Nuona Ashram developed steadily and its influence spread extensively. Its development, though, was independent and there was little communication with outside lamas, which was characteristic of many of the centers established by Han Chinese gurus at that time.
vVang Junzhong, "Taiwan yu Xizang ji zai Taiwan de zangchuan fojiao yanjiu," 78-86. The Baimashan Bodhi Hall (at the Baimasi ~L%i~ or vVhite Horse Monastery) was set up in 1997 and is the largest monastery of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan. The building is suggestive of a blending of Tibetan, Indian, and Chinese architectural styles. It conducts regular transmissions of Buddhist teachings and many other cultural events. 7 On these two Tibetan masters see the contribution by Chen Bing in the first volume on pp. 399-401. On Gangs dbr rin po che see also the contribution by Monica Esposito in this volume.
5
6

584

Yao Lixiang

Guru HAN TORNG (Han Tong shangshi nf8Jl:SiP) was another fig";re preaching Buddhism in Taiwan. He received the iicii7J 1a distance initiation (jluanguan )jill) from H. H. Dudjom Rinpoche .l'J::f*f=ilittiJ (bDud 'joms rin po che ['Jigs bral ye shes rdo rje], 1904-1988) in Hong Kong in 1972. 8 He set up the Lotus Ashram (Lianhua Jingshe Ji1't:ffl~) and became very popular in Taiwan with a wide following. Guru LAU Ym-CHI (Liu Ruizhi %lutJl;;;::" 1914-1997), who established the Vajrayana Esoteric Society (Jingangcheng Xuehui :iiw.JU*~~) in Hong Kong and Taiwan, went to India to learn Buddhism from H. H. Dudjom Rinpoche in 1959 and later received initiation from three Mongolian and Tibetan lamas who had earlier come to Taiwan. In 1975 he began to learn Tibetan from Professor Ouyang vVuwei in order to translate some major scriptures of the Nyingma school into Chinese. He also established four societies at different times to disseminate Tantric teachings. In 1975 he started the Vajmyana QUa1'tedy (Jingangchengjikan :iiw.JU**fU) and in 1981 he set up a publishing house to print a series of important works from different Tibetan Buddhist schools. Guru Lau played an important role in the early development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan.' (4) The Kagyii school Guru SHEN SHUWEN ifi1iJtl:SiP, also known as Venerable Gongkar (Gongga !aoren j!l'PJj~A, 1903-1997), who once made a three-year retreat on Gongkar Mountain and was a disciple of Gongkar Rinpoche, came to Taiwan in 1958 to disseminate Tantrism. She set up the Gongkar Ashram (Gongga Jingshe j!l'Pi:ffl~) first in Northern Taiwan and then in Southern Taiwan. Having a fairly large following, she was deeply respected in Taiwanese Buddhist circles. In 1980, at the age of seventyeight, she went to the United States and was tonsured by the sixteenth Gyalwa Karmapa [Rangjung Rikpe Dorje] ~+7\'tE!:*"it:=E.Pi~r;JE (rGyal ba Karma pa [Rang byung rig pa'i rdo rje], 1924-1981). Afterwards, she was very committed to inviting lamas of the Kagyii school to come to Taiwan to teach Buddhism, and the Gongkar Ashram became one of the principle centers for bringing Tibetan lamas to Taiwan in the early 1980s. Professor Garma C. C. CHANG (Zhang Chengji 5&i1l'~, 1920-1988), who is wellknown in the vVest, 'also followed Gongkar Rinpoche for many years. He taught Buddhism at several American universities and was a very influential figure in Chinese Buddhist circles. As early as 1957 he toured Taiwan to give lectures and was highly esteemed in Taiwanese Buddhist circles. In 1973 he became president of the Taiwan Buddhist Translation Institute (Yijingyuan *lI'#.ifIl1G), a branch of the AmeriSome gurus hold that initiation is not merely a ceremony, but a special communion between master and disciples. "Distance initiation" U1uanguan ~~i) refers to an initiation made without the presence of a master. See Lau Yui-chi (Liu Ruizhi 'iiuililtz), "Jinghuashuiyue shiyunian-wei Jingangcheng Xuehui chengli shiliu zhounian er zuo" l(l1rt.t7J(Jl+Ii*"F--""i;: [iJuJ1l;"i"Wi)i)i;1z:+i\:i1!!fFililfl' [Ten-odd years of flowers reflected in a mirror and the moon cast in the water, paper written to celebrate the sixteenth anniversary of the Vajrayana Esoteric

SocietyJ,Jingangcbengjikan ~l'Ju**fU [Vajra)'ana QUa1'te1'l)'J 2 (1980): 6-7. 9 On this master and the establishment of the Vajrayana Esoteric Society see the contribution by Henry Shiu in this volume on pp. 557-558.

The Development and Evolution ofTibetan Buddhism in Taiwan

585

can Buddhist Society (Meiguo Fojiaohui ~1I1!11l~1W). He also taught Mahamud:ra (dashoztyin :k,fp),o while in Taiwan. His books on Buddhism enjoyed high regard from Taiwanese scholars, the most popular being the Biography ofMilarepa (Mileriba zunzhe zhuan W1l!JBE.#*~). Yogi CHEN CHIEN-MING (Chen Jianmin ilt1li!R., 1906-1987) was a practitioner of all four Tibetan Buddhist schools and was also well versed in the Mahayana sutras. He made a retreat in India for over twenty years and devoted his whole life to practicing and disseminating Buddhism. He came to Taiwan many times to give lectures in the early 1980s, but his major contribution to practitioners of Tibetan Buddhism came through his books, most of which were published together in 1975 as Yogi Chen's Collected Wiwks (Qugongzhai congshzt iI!l}lMi!'~ff).u Yogi Chen's criticisms of traditional Buddhism, and particularly his publication of "Maithuna or Two-inOne" (shuangxiu Jamen !l!1!i-$r,) on the Tantric practice of sexual yoga, created a great deal of controversy, which actually helped to arouse greater interest in Tantrism, thus contributing to the flourishing of Tibetan Buddhism in the late 1970s and the early 1980s. In fact, all the Han Chinese gurus who preached Tibetan Buddhism in the early phase had previously followed Tibetan lamas in mainland China. After coming to Taiwan, they were all engaged in setting up Buddhist centers with the assistance of their disciples. In the late 1970s they began to contact e..wed Tibetan lamas and played a pivotal role in inviting them to Taiwan. However, after these early Han gurus passed away their Buddhist centers began to face new problems: some could no longer continue because of internal political struggles or conflicts over lineage; some lost their followers, who joined other Buddhist societies established later on; some operated as before but depended heavily on the support of Tibetan lamas. All these facts foreshadowed a new phase in the development of Tibetan Buddhism inTaiwan.

Analysis ofthe Development ofTibetan Buddhism since the 1980s

The early development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan, as outlined above, was steady but slow. However, it began to enjoy a burgeoning growth at the beginning of the 1980s. Initially, for political reasons, there were few native Tibetan lamas in Taiwan, and those preaching Tibetan Buddhism, whether they were Mongolian or Tibetan lamas, or Han Chinese lay Buddhists, had a close relationship with the Guomindang. In the 1970s, the Tibetan government-in-exile did not yet permit Tibetans, especially Buddhist leaders connected with Taiwanese officials, to visit the so10 The term mahiimud1"it (Great Seal) originally refers to the ultimate truth. It also means the techniques of attaining ultimate awakening. It is the highest esoteric teaching of Tantric doctrines and is the essence of the doctrines of the Kagyii school. 11 Chen Chien-Ming (Chen Jianmin 1it1J!~), Qugongzhai congshu !II!!lt1f;l!H!f [Collected works of Bent-Arm Studio] (Taibei: Huiju, 1975). In 1983 the books were collected in the Xiandai foxue daxi l:llJI:1~,!J!:k~ [Series of modern Buddhism] edited by Lan Jifn 'J!1"*", and published by the Maitreya Press. On this master see also the contribution by Chen Bing in the first volume on p. 406

586

YaoLL-ciang

called "Taiwan of Nlahayana Buddhism." Conversely, some practitioners of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan had to go as far as Hong Kong or other countries to practice Tantrism.I' As soon as martial law was lifted, Tibetan lamas could freely come to Taiwan, and there was more and more public preaching. Under such circumstances, it was quite natural that a new wave of enthusiasm for Tibetan Buddhism should arise, but this new wave must be viewed within the context of the social environment. In the early phase, Pure Land was the mainstream school of Taiwanese Buddhism, and ordinary people did not understand Tantrism well. In fact, there was somewhat of a bias against it, so the Han Chinese lay Buddhists who preached Buddhism, because they all defined themselves as practitioners ofTantrism, found it difficult to attract a wide following. This situation, however, changed in the 1980s. On the one hand, with the opening up of religious societies, things formerly treated as secret gradually became public; on the other, advertisements and books about Tantrism mushroomed, arousing a lot of interestY In other words, a favorable social environment developed, in which the acceptance of Tibetan Buddhism-known for its mystical rites and ceremonies and the supposed magical powers of its gurus-was made comparatively easier. Of the many exiled Tibetan lamas who have come to Taiwan since the 1980s, the earliest and largest in number were of the Kagyii school, followed by those of the Nyingma and Sakya schools. The Gelug gurus came later, mainly due to the conservative attitude of the Dalai Lama's government-in-exile toward Taiwan. Because the gurus of Han nationality in the preliminary phase were mostly of the Kagyii and Nyingma schools, it follows that the earliest Tibetan lamas who were invited were mainly from these two schools. Let us now turn to a brief introduction of the major gurus who came to Taiwan to preach Tibetan Buddhism, as well as some local Dharma teachers; this is followed by a description of the development of Buddhist centers.

(1) The Kagyii school Of the four schools of Tibetan Buddhism, the Kagyii school was the earliest and the fastest to develop in Taiwan after 1980, and by the end of 2000 it had over forty Buddhist centers throughout Taiwan. Of the many lamas of this school who came to Taiwan, the most famous were Thrangu Rinpoche J:lUllC~Ei:tJJ (Iilira 'gu rin po che, b. 1933), Shamarpa ~J;I:E (Zhwa dmar pa, b. 1952), Kalu Rinpoche -t-1i:f=iEi:tJJ (Ka ru rin po che, 1904-1989), Tenga Rinpoche :7I:: P iCiEi:tJJ (bsTan dga' rin po che, b.

12 Because Dudjom Rinpoche could not come to Taiwan, when he and the sixteenth Gyalwa Karmapa, Rangjung Rikpe Dorje went to Hong Kong to preach Buddhism, members of the Vajrayana Esoteric Society went to Hong Kong to pay homage to Dudjom Rinpoche and the Gyalwa Karmapa. See Jingangchengjikan ~[ij~**flj [Vajmyana Quarte7Iy] 7 (1981): 1-4; 10 (1982): 8-10; 38 (1989): 5-19. See also the cotribution by Henry Shiu on p. 560. B Huang Yingjie jf!(:IR;i!i!, "Yingxiang mizong bianqian de shehui yinsu" ;l!J1lii';*~ill'a~ tilrl2il~ [Social factors affecting the evolution of Tantrism] in Huang Yingjie, Nlinguo mizong nianjian ~1l.Iii';*'Fjlli [Yearbook of Tantrism in republican China] (Taibei: Quanfo wenhua, 1992): 293-299. The publication ofTantric books was also fueled by the outbreak of qigong fever. On this see the contributions by Chen Bing and NIonica Esposito.

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587

1933), Sangye Nyenpa Rinpoche ~~:E.1=l!i'zt'J (Sangs rgyas snyan pa rin po che, b.. 1964), Trungram Gyaltrul Rinpoche *iiJ!~1=l!i'zt'J (Drung ram rgyal sprul rin po che, b. 1968), Tai Situ Rinpoche *-~lt1=l!i'zt'J (Ta'i si tu rin po che, b. 1954), Jamgon Kongtrul Rinpoche ~:it,*~1=l!i'z{:J] (,Jam mgon Kong sprul rin po che, 19541992), and Gyaltsap Rinpoche 3~1=l!i'z{:J] (rGyal tshab rin po che, b. 1954). The first important' lama to visit Taiwan was Thrangu Rinpoche of the Karma Kagyii school in 1980. 14 Then when Shamarpa came to Taiwan in 1984, he asked Sang Sang Rinpoche ~~f=~J![{:J] (bZang bzang rin po che, b. 1959) to stay permanently in Taiwan to teach Buddhism. This established a precedent for the long-term residence of rinpoches in Taiwan, and suggests that the Kagyli school began planning for its development in Taiwan from the early 1980s. Of all the visits made, by the lamas of the Kagyii school, the one that attracted most attention was the first visit by KALu RINPOCHE (who inherited the lineage from Shangpa Kagyli 'l!i'E.Pi~ [Shang pa bKa' brgyud]), at the invitation of his disciples in 1982. Although Kalu Rinpoche was already well respected in the West, he was relatively unknown in Taiwan. During this visit, he met with yen. Chanyun ,ti~, who was renowned for his strict observance of the precepts and was held in great esteem in Taiwanese Buddhist institutes and societies. Their meeting not only helped to eliminate some of the biases toward Tantrism, but was indirectly conducive to the development of Tibetan Buddhism in TaiwanY When Kalu Rinpoche made his last visit to Taiwan in 1988, he donated all the money he received from his preaching in Taiwan to the Kagyii Drodun Kunchab Center (Tib. bKa' brgyud 'gro 'dun kun khyab, Ch. Gaju Zuodun Gunqia Fojiao Lisheng Zhongxin Pi~~tlt~i%f5Il ~5fU1:CP'~~, which had been established by his disciples. Many of his disciples were deeply touched by his actions, and when Kalu Rinpoche passed away the following year they established a retreat center to guide believers and offer regular classes as a continuation of Kalu Rinpoche's proselytizing activities. This retreat center, belonging to the Kagyii Drodun Kunchab Center, is a salient example of Tibetan Buddhism taking root and growing steadily in Taiwan.16 In 1981, and again in i982, Gyalwa Karmapa sent rinpoches and lamas to Taiwan to attend the inauguration of the Gongkar Ashram's newly built halls, established by Guru Shen Shuwen. During their visits, they also performed initiations and preached on varioUs occasions. In 1982, the Gongkar Ashram (and its branch in Southern Taiwan) changed its name to the Karma Triyana Dharmachakra Center (Ch. Kama Sansheng Falun Zhongxin PiJl.1j'::::*i':Miflicp,~,)y Since then the center has invited many rinpoehes of the Kagyii school to Taiwan to preach Buddhism.

Huang Yingjie, "Yinxiang rnizong bianqian de shehui yinsu," 270. Huang Yingjie, "Yinxiang rnizong biariqian de shehui yinsu," 277. 16 See the Editorial Group of Kagyii Drodun Kunchab-Dhachang Dharma News: "Women yitong zouguo zhe shinian" :flI;irl-JllJ~~+"P [The ten years we spent together], Lisheng-Daxiangsifa.~"n jfU!E-~'llf'i'fit;m\ 31 (1998): 1-2. 17 See the Editing and Translation Group' of the Karma Threefold Vehicle Center: Gama Sansheng Falun Zhongxin bianyizu ~ll!j,::=:~t;;i/Hli'F,c.,!;;i;~#Jl (ed.), Gongga jingsbe jiunshi ~~;fi\'~f!ij51:. [Survey history of Gongkar Ashram] (Taibei: Gongkar Ashram, 1982).
14 l5

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The Southern Taiwan branch has been run by Tibetan lamas, which was 'considered a turning point in the development of Tibetan Buddhism ih Taiwan. vVhen Guru Shen passed away in 1997, although there were some slight disputes among her disciples they did not influence the future of the center, which was already provided with . a solid foundation. The center is still in operation. Another religious cent~r of the Kagyii school, the Karma Kagyii Monastery (Ch. Gama Gajusi 1Iti:E,~lItim'i'Y), was set up in 1986 by LOPON TENZIN RINPOCHE r! *f=Yli!lW (Slob dpon bsTan 'dzin rin po che, b. 1960), a Taiwanese-born reincarnated lama, who is also working towards the indigenization of Tantrism. Besides teaching Tantrism, the center is engaged in various charitable works. It has also adopted different ways of teaching Buddhism for the purpose of enculturating Tantrism: Apart from the usual religious assemblies for transmitting Tibetan Buddhist teachings and initiations, it also organizes activities similar to those found in mainstream Taiwanese Buddhist monasteries, such as pilgrimages to mountain temples, lectures for university or college students, summer camps for children, Buddhist seminars, and so forth. Among Buddhist centers of the Kagyii school, the Trungram Buddhist Society (Ch. Zongnan Foxuehui *ii1?1l~1f), established by ThUNGRAM GYALTRUL RINPOCHE has been unique in its approach. Taking into account the varying lifestyles of its members, Trungram Gyaltrul Rinpoche designed meditation schedules of varying levels. In addition to regular activities for all members, there are other activities held at irregular intervals to appeal to young people, such as contests in reciting sutras, contests in prostration, and internet lessons, which make the organization especially lively and active. He also asked the retreat teacher KHENCHEN RINPOCHE :frIi\''f1=Yli!ltJ] (mKhan chen rin po che, also known as Tinley Paljor Rinpoche Il7"UE. Af=Yli!lW ['Phrin las dpal sbyor rin po cheJ, b. 1930), who is a very conscientious and caring teacher, loved and respected by all the students, to stay long-term in Taiwan. The Kagyii school used to have many subsects, of which five are still in existence: Karma Kagyii 1ltiJ;~IIti~ (Karma bKa' brgyud), Drikung Kagyii .!l:~IIti~ (,Bri gung bKa' brgyud), Taklung Kagyii it~lIti~ (sTag lung bKa' brgyud), Drukpa Kagyii it E.1Iti~ ('Brug pa bKa' brgyud) and Shangpa Kagyii WE.IIti~ (Shang pa bKa' brgyud). Of these five, Karma Kagyii was the most organized and developed the fastest because of the reputation of Gyalwa Karmapa and the large number of gurus. Mter the sixteenth Gyalwa Karmapa passed away in 1981, however, there was disagreement among the four living Buddhas as to the verification of Gyalwa Karmapa's reincarnation. As a result of the appearance of two seventeenth generation Gyalwa Karmapas, supported by different rinpoches, the Buddhist centers Of the Karma Kagyii subsect fell into disarray. In 1999 THAYE DOR]E RrNPOCHE *![~${;(!1=Yli!ltJ] (mTha' yas rdo rje rin po che, b. 1983) visited Taiwan to organize the "Peaceful Millennium Dharma Assembly" (Ping'an chao),ue qianxinian fohlti f*Jmn'fttifi't1f), which again gave rise to the reincarnation dispute over the dual Gyalwa Karmapas. The two gr,upsone supporting Urgyen Trinley Dorje Rinpoche }i\j;~Il7"U${;(!f=Yli!lW (U rgyan 'Phrin las rdo rje rin po che, b. 1985), who was certified by the Dalai Lama and the Karma Kagyii regent Tai Situ Rinpoche, and the other supporting Thaye Dorje Rinpoche, who was certified by Shamarpa-fell out with each other. It is generally believed that

The Developme1it and Evolution o/Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan

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the disputes between these two groups were not only caused by misunderstandings among the four living Buddhas and some rinpoches of the Kagyii school, but also by complicated political and economic factors. IS Other Kagyii subsects also sent rinpoches to Taiwan to preach their doctrines. At the end of 1985, H. H. DRUKCHEN RINPOCHE it-f'1=ilitJ] CBrug chen rin po che, b. 1963), of the Drukpa Kagyii subsect, visited Taiwan and set up a Buddhist center with the assistance of some of his disciples. The Drikung Kagyii subsect, however, did not send rinpoches to Taiwan until 1988. In 1989 H. H. DRIKUNG CHETSANG RrNPOCHE JtJl'lfft'ltf=ilitJ] CBri gung Che tshang rin po che, b. 1946) visited Taiwan for the first time. Shortly afterwards, he set up a Buddhist center and delegated LAMCHEN GYALPO RINPOCHE Wl~;!JQ;fp1=ilitJ] (Lam chen rgyal po rin po che, b. 1939) to settle in Taiwan in order to disseminate Tibetan Buddhism. At first the center went well, but later it met with personnel problems and financial difficulties and had to change location from time to time, all of which hindered its development. In 1998 H. H. Chetsang Rinpoche decided to buy land to use as their permanent site, re-planning the direction in which the center should develop. Later he sent lamas who had long experience of retreats to live in the center and guide the members. This done, the Drigung Kagyii subsect began to develop steadily in Taiwah. Meanwhile Lamchen Rinpoche set up another Buddhist center with the help of his disciples. 19

(2) The Nyingma school Of all the lamas of the Nyingma school who came to Taiwan in the 1980s, Dudjom Rinpoche, the leader of the school, and JAiVIPAL LODRo RINPOCHE JW?Bl)i'lll'f=ili tJJ ('Jam dpal blo gros rin po che; 1930-1987), of the Palyiil S.:rr: (dPal yul) lineage, attracted most attention. Dudjom Rinpoche was Guru Han Torng's and Guru Lau Yui-chi's teacher. In 1984 he visited Taiwan for the first time to perform the inauguration ceremony for the new Buddha hall of the Vajrayana Esoteric Society. During his visit he gave 'blessings and granted initiations to many followers who had been waiting for him for many years, which greatly strengthened their faith and helped the Vajrayana Esoteric Society to expand its influence in the 1980s. Before Guru Han Torng passed away, however, the Lotus Ashram came to a standstill because of internal conflicts dating from the early 1980s. Some of its members set up a new center in cooperation with some Tibetan lamas. Similar cooperation between Tibetan lamas and Han Chinese gurus, with the latter being in charge, can also be found in the Buddhist center established by Guru Qu Yingguang. Guru Qu's disciple, Guru LIN XIANGHUANG #t.f:~, had previously been a disciple ofJampal Lodro Rinpoche, and the other disciple, Guru ZHANG MINGWEI ,*llJ3ff, was also a follower ofDilgo Khyentse Rinpoche lJj*~'f!f1=

IS On this issue see also the contribution by Henry Shiu in this volume showing that this schism is also reflected among Tibetan practitioners in Hong Kong. 19 Zhang Fucheng s~:jlli);X;, "Zangchuan fojiao zai Tai fazhan jianjie" iil:1$1!Il~:tEi,!}liUi if' [A short history of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan], Faguangyztekan l't::l'tJlfiJ 141 (2001): 2-3.

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rEtW (Dil mgo mKhyen brtse rin po che, 1910-1991), so the center preaches mainly the doctrines of the Nyingma school. Jampal Lodro Rinpoche, whose first visit to Taiwan was in 1983, set up the Palyiil Jangchub Dargyeling Center (Tib. dPal yul byang chub dar rgyas gling, Ch. Baiyu Fofa Zhongxin Sz11fli'!'P,L.') in 1986 with the assistance of his disciples and some benefactors. There were at that time about ten Tibetan lamas living in the center who were highly respected by the members of this center. Unfortunately, Jampal Lodro Rinpoche fell ill from constant overwork and passed away the following year, which was a great blow to the newly established center, and led to political intrigue among the Tibetan lamas. In 1988 H. H. PEMA NORBU RlNPOCHE Jl,lli~;(jJ1=:iEtW (Padma nor bu rin po che, b. 1932), who was the leader of the Palyiillineage, came to Taiwan and took over the center, after which he set up several other centers, maldng the Palyiillineage the most prosperous of the Nyingma school. Actually, many rinpoches of the Nyingma school have come to Taiwan, including Urgyen Rinpoche ,1iilj~1=:iEtW (U rgyan rin po che, 1920-1996), Dzatriil Rinpoche *L "*1=:iEtW (rDza sprul rin po che, b. 1959), Gyatrul Rinpoche ~1}]1=rEtt)] (rGya sprul rin po che, b. 1924), and Khenpo Gyurme Samdup :I;I!;(jJ1tiljr,!*~ (mKhan po 'Gyur medbsam 'grub), to name just a few. Some of them have even obtained permanent Taiwanese residence cards. Probably because it has a long history and a complicated internal lineage, the Nyingma school is not very tightly organized and its lamas live in scattered communities. Many of its centers or factions, such as the Mindrol Ling Monastery 4Wt,,*;f;;I:~ (sMin grol gling) established by H. H. Dudjom Rinpoche, the Shechen 1!i~ (Shes chen) lineage of Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche, Kathok I!$~B (Kal;J. thog), and Dzogchen .&iT (rDzogs chen), are small and self-governing, having a relatively short history, which contrasts sharply with the Palyiil Jangchub Darjeling Center. Some of the centers, however, have great potential for development, particularly when their eminent founding rinpoches can speak directly with their disciples in Chinese; for example, WOSER LiUVIA {l~IJiiJP,.iff ('Od zer bla rna) of the Kathok Buddhist Institute (Ch. Gatuo Foxueyuan I!$Wt{1fl"'~) established in 1988, THUBTEN NORBU RrNPOCHE 1iI~~;(jJC:iEtW (Thub bstan nor bu rin po che, b. 1965) of the Larung Teksum Choling Buddhist Institute (Tib. La rong theg gsum chos gling, Ch. Larong Sancheng Falin Foxueyuan IJiiJ~=:JI~i'!;f;;I:{1fl"'1f), KARNIA RINPOCHE pIJ;~C :iEtW (Karma rin po che, b. 1967), and PENIA WANGCHEN RlNPOCHE ~J;~fIlJlt1=:iEtW (Padma dbang chenrin po che, b. 1973), who came to Taiwan in 1995. The members of the Larung Teksum Choling Buddhist Institute, under the guidance of Thubten Norbu Rinpoche, have devoted themselves to translating and publishing Buddhist scriptures in an effort to adjust the balance between the muchneglected doctrinal teachings and the unduly emphasized preaching and initiations in Taiwan. Lama Woser is fluent in Chinese and has translated many Tibetan prayers into Chinese, especially for the many older followers who cann ,t read Tibetan. Lama Woser's work of enculturing Tibetan Buddhism is another form of preaching Buddhism. Karma Rinpoche could also teach Tibetan Buddhism in fluent Chinese. He first visited Taiwan.in 1995, after which he decided to settle in Taiwan and devote him-

The Development and Evolution of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan

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self to teaching Buddhism in a systematic way. In so doing, he enjoyed high regard from Taiwanese scholars. Within a few years of arriving in Taiwan he had set up several Buddhist centers in succession, all of which provide long-term instruction in Tantrism. Karma Rinpoche also attends Dharma assemblies and other cultural events initiated by the government. He delivers his public lectures in a modern, accessible fashion, drawing examples from real life, a style seldom found in other Tibetan lamas in Taiwan.20 Young and talented, Pema vVangchen Rinpoche, who also came to Taiwan in 1995, has expressed a desire to stay in Taiwan permanently and develop Tibetan Buddhist organizations. vVith the assistance of his disciples, a retreat center was established four years after his arrival, in which he taught in a variety of retreat formats. Apart from teaching, he has also been engaged in writing and translating scriptures. He is another rinpoche fully devoted to the dissemination of Tibetan Buddhism." Among the organizations servicing the Han Chinese lay Buddhists, Nuona Ashram has enjoyed the most stable development and is also the most independent. But because it has incorporated some of the doctrines of Pure Land into its own teachings, its leaders do not invite gurus of other schools to preach there. The two gurus at the Nuona Ashram, Qian Zhimin i~~i>J& and Zhu Huihua *ll!( have been living in Taiwan for over twenty years and have a large following. They have so far set up seven branches across Taiwan. In addition to regular Dharma assemblies, they are also engaged in many social welfare programs, such as social aid, education funds, expiation services, a national prayer center to help the dying, and so forth. As a matter of fact, because its doctrines are easy to understand and. follow, Nuona Ashram has a pattern of development similar to that of Chinese-style monasteries. Furthermore, with the permanent residence of the two gurus and their fluent Chinese, Nuona Ashram has enjoyed a high retention rate among its followers and a more steady development than other Tibetan Buddhist centers." (3) The Sakya school The development of the Sakya school in Taiwan was to a great extent congruent with the development of their Buddhist centers founded by celebrated rinpoches of the school. However, the rinpoches of these different centers seldom work together, except on very special occasions such as the visit by H. H. SAKYA TRIZIN iiiJm!1I1 i!\,!:ttOE (Sa skya Khri 'dzin rin po che, b. 1945) to Taiwan. Most of the time, they focus on the affairs of their own lineage and do not have close contact with one another. Rinpoches of the Sakya school who have come to Taiwan include Dezhung
See the website on Zbongbua minguo Gatuo sbifang zunsbeng foxue!;ui cPt'\';[l';Ip"t+:n http://www.kathok.org.tw/. Zl See the website on Gawo Renzben qianbao foxuebui ~~tf=J;0:T1!1!'fJll'l'i', http://www. rigzin-chenpo.org/. 21 The two gurus, Zhu Huihua *lj!; and Qian Zhimin ~'iI'1ifiz, passed away successively in 2004 at the Nuona Ashram. The center is still in operation but it is hard to know how the successors will keep morale of its large following and what the future development of the center will be. See Nuona Huazang jingsbe jianjie lilril~iY:1'i'i*~Jj1r [A brief introduction to the Nuona Huazang Ashram] (Taibei: Nuona Huazang Ashram, 1991).
20

~IllHlil'l'i',

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Rinpoche lltlf=~&trJ (sDe gzhung rin po che [Kun dga' bstan pa'i nyima], 19061987),21 Dagchen Rinpoche ;@~j(f=Si:tJJ (bDag chen rin po che, b. 1929), Dzongsar Khyentse Rinpoche *iifH.Xl'!l'f=~&i:JJ (rDzong gsar mKhyen brtse rin po che, b. 1961), Khenpo Appey Rinpoche :li\!:::fiJ~i!Jffilf=~&i:JJ (mKhan po A pad yon tan bzang po, b. 1927), Khenpo Jamyang Sherab Rinpoche :li\!:::fiJJilfmiZ!ft;jtf=~&i:JJ (mKhan po 'Jam dbyangs shes rab rin po che), Tharig Rinpoche :I'ii'.lz:{=~&'trJ (Khra rigs rin po che, 1923-1998) Luding Khen Rinpoche t;jtJW:li\!:f=~&trJ (Klu sdings khen rin po che), H. H. Chogye Trichen Rinpoche nfu'!;1~.X{=;,&:trJ (bCo brgyad khri chen [Thub bstan legs bshad rgya mtsho] rin po che, 1920-2007), Khenpo Kunga Wangchuk :i'i\!:::fiJ'l'l'P!ilfftk (mKhan po Kun dga' dbang phyug rin po che, b. 1920), and Phende Rinpoche :iblill{=~&i:JJ ([Ngor e warn] Phan bde rin po che, b. 1932). Generally speaking, the Sakya school has a very rigorous way of transmitting teachings, and its rinpoches regard personal cultivation and practice as of first importance, with the result that none of the young rinpoches (except Dzongsar Khyentse Rinpoche) have done any preaching abroad. This is the main reason why rinpoches of the Sakya school who have come to Taiwan are mostly senior, respected teachers. Dagchen Rinpoche, for instance, visited Taiwan in 1983 for the first time and made several visits thereafter, but not until June of 1987 did he perform his first Hevajra initiation (Xijingang guanding %3i:fOOl~ii!iUw), which permitted only twenty-five attendees, an indication that the Sakya school is very conservative in its transmission of teachings. Dzongsar Khyentse Rinpoche came to Taiwan at the end of 1984. His early activities consisted mainly of lectures. His eloquence won him great popularity among Taiwanese Buddhists and his criticism of heterodox Tanuic teachings in Taiwan had a great influence on the development of Buddhism in Taiwan. The Sakya school, however, did not develop as fast as the Kagyii or Nyingma schools. In 1985, Jamyang Gongkar Lama JW-m'l'l'pi~~iJ!Il' (,Jam dbyangs gangs dkar bla rna), who received the first MA in Buddhism from the Sakya Buddhist Institute (Ch. Sajia Foxueyuan iii:i!l!!1iJ1l~~), came to Taiwan to set up a branch institute, but the plan fell through and two years later he returned to Nepal and went into a retreat. 24 In 1986, H. H. Sakya Trizin sent Khenpo Appey Rinpoche, president of the Sakya Buddhist Institute, to Taiwan. His disciples established Buddhist centers in the north and middle of Taiwan to support him, but he did not stay long in Taiwan and rarely returned. Hence his influence is very limited. Of all the Buddhist centers of the Sakya school, the one founded by Phende Rinpoche and Luding Khen Rinpoche of the Ngor branch IIjjtB5i:~JK (Ngor pa) was the most active in preaching Buddhism. Before coming to Taiwan, Phende Rinpoche lived most of the time in France. From 1989 he began to stay in Taiwan for some time each year. He also set up several Buddhist societies and retreat centers and compiled scriptures of Tibetan Tantrism. As Phende Rinpoche stayed in Taiwan for a fixed duration each year, he could map out a detailed blueprint for the development of the N gor branch and had time to teach his disciples through retreats

1)

24

On this master see also the contribution by Donald Lopez in the first volume on p. 193. See Huang Yingjie, NlingZlo mizong nianjian, 273

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and other practices, and so the Buddhist centers founded by him developed steadily. Luding Khen Rinpoche also transmitted his teachings in vVestern countries before coming to Taiwan. During his first visit to Taiwan in 1992, he taught the profound Sakya Tantric synthesis of "the path and the fruit" (Tib. lam 'bms, Ch. daoguo :@:lI'i:)'s continuously for forty days, a rare opportunity for those who attended to gain a true understanding of the essence of Sakya doctrines. Broadly speaking, the Sakya school provides more formal education with less preaching. Towards the end of the 1990s, several rinpoches visited Taiwan; among them was Khenpo Kunga vVangchuk Rinpoche, president of Dzongsar Institute (Tib. rDzong gsar, Ch. Zongsa Foxueyuan *li'I~~Jl%), who set a precedent by expounding on a Buddhist scripture from beginning to end. Although he was nearly eighty years of age, he insisted on giving lessons in Taiwan to earn donations for the Dzongsar Buddhist Institute. His disciples were deeply touched by his compassion, selflessness and down-to-earth way of preaching, which set a good example for all the Buddhists in Taiwan. By the beginning of 2000, both H. H. Sakya Trizin and H. H. Chogye Trichen Rinpoche of the Tshar branch ~E'. (Tshar pa) had visited Taiwan. Their preaching activities in Taiwan were jointly arranged by all the Buddhist centers of the Sakya schoo!. In early 1999 H. H. Chogye Trichen Rinpoche performed the Kiilacakm ceremony in Taipei, attracting an unprecedented large audience of more than four thousand people. Shortly afterwards, H. H. Sakya Trizin's preaching activities also attracted over one thousand people at a time. The two rinpoches' visits brought the various Buddhist centers of the Sakya school closer together and gave a fresh impetus to its development in Taiwan. (4) The Gelug school Although it is a prominent school of Tibetan Buddhism, for political reasons Gelug lamas seldom came to Taiwan until about twenty years ago; as a result, it lagged behind the other schools in terms of development in Taiwan. After martial law was lifted in 1987, however, Tibetan lamas living in India and Nepal began to arrive. In 1987, the Dalai Lama gave his consent to THUBTEN ZOPA RINPOCHE (;$.!zi'&: E'.1=i!Stt:J] (Thub bstan bzod pa rin po che, b. 1946), better known as Lama Zopa, the spiritual leader of the Foundation for the Preservation of the Mahayana Tradition (FPMT; Ch. Huchi Dasheng Famai Lianhehui iiitif:.*J1~it;~*Jf;fi11'1f), to visit Taiwan to teach Buddhism. Before his visit, Lama Zopa sent his disciple Yen. Yicheng ~ jjX; to Taiwan in 1988, to set up a Buddhist center as an affiliate of the FPMT, and he himself visited Taiwan for the first time at the end of 1988. The FPMT in Taiwan now has four centers in large cities, a publishing house, and a liaison office for the Maitreya Project (Mile dafo gongyuan jihua 5rll1l'JJ*f~0[j'j]lititi), headquartered in Bodhgaya (India). It is the largest Gelug organization in Taiwan.

25 lam ,-togs po'i 'bms bu is the most important doctrine and practical system of the Sakya school. Its most important philosophic point of view is that samsara and nirvana are one and the same.

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Other organizations of the Gelug school were set up during or after the 1990s. The Tsongkhapa Buddhist Society (Ch. Zongkaba Foxueyuan *~E.{!IIl~-wt), for instance, was founded in 1990 by Mongolian lamas. Its present abbot is KHENPO NGAGWANG NYANDAK RINPOCHE :l;\HjJ~MtE2-;jt1=~tJ] (mKhan po Ngag dbang snyan grags rin po che), who has invited lamas from Sera Monastery 13tt~ (Se raJ in India to stay in the society to teach Buddhism. Since its establishment, the society has provided many lectures but has not performed many initiations. It also organizes Dharma assemblies, including both conventional ones and some following local customs, at the suggestion of its adherents. 26 The Gelug school has developed steadily but rather slowly, owing to its emphasis on doctrine and its rigorous attitude towards preaching. For the past several years, however, it has provided Chinese lessons to Tibetans, and its Buddhist centers in Taiwan have won a reputation for their well-designed and well-taught courses. All this shows that the Gelug school pays great attention to its future development in Taiwan. Apart from the preaching by Tibetan lamas, the Baimashan Bodhi Hall, established in 1994, has fully adapted itself to the needs of the society and, due primarily to the efficient management of Gosok Rinpoche, Migyur Rinpoche, and Gelek Rinpoche, shows promise for the future. When the Dalai Lama visited Taiwan, despite his tight schedule, he managed to visit the Baimashan Bodhi Hall and preached a sermon there, which was a great encouragement for this unique monastery of Tibetan Buddhism. The development of the Gelug school in Taiwan has depended heavily on two of its more local establishments, of which the Fuzhi Buddhist Association (Fuzhi Xuehui ~Iii~~-wt), founded by Ven. Richang 131t, has been the more influential. By the end of 2000, this well-ordered and united organization had six to seven thousand lay Buddhist members, who were engaged primarily in the study of Tsongkhapa's The Great Treatise an the Stages of the Path to Enlightenment (Tib. Lam rim chen mo, Ch. Putidao cidi gztanglun '!'l'tG!d]tiJzm&{imu). Apart from Buddhist studies, the association also devotes itself to many other worldly ep.deavors, such as improving the environment and promoting organic agriculture. It is, according to the Taiwanese Tibetologist Ven. Rushi PU:P, an example of Taiwanese humanistic Buddhism grafted from Tibetan Buddhism.'7 The other establishment is the Dharma Aspects Organization (Faxiangshan #;: ~tl.J), whose approach to Tibetan Buddhist studies and preaching is on the whole quite similar to those of the Fuzhi Buddhist Association, but is more traditional. Its
16 Khenpo Ngagwang Nyandak Rinpoche l;fjJtilH~;fLf=l&:i;IJ, "Zongkaba dashi jiaofa zai Taiwan de hongchuan jingyan" *~B*/liIi~$11;~a~'lL1l~.!IJl [Master Tsongkhapa's proselytizing activities in Taiwan], in Zangchuan fojiao zai Taiwan .~ueshu yantaohui l,,,,wenji il1l111l~ 11;ii!l~l*i~JfM~iliOJt~ [Collection of papers presented at the seminar of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan], ed. Mengzang Weiyuanhui j,'il~~~ (Taibei: Taiwan Zongjiao Xuehui, 2001): 1-17. 27 Ven. Rushi ~l!ljzp;p, "Zaitan Taiwan de xizang fojiao" fl}Wi1;i~~il!Iil1lll~ [Again on Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan], in Gongyuan erqiannian liang'an zanlf-l:"lte lunwenji 05G='ffFm i$il~~iilUiOJt~ [Collection of papers presented at the 2000 conference of Tibetology with the participation of experts from both sides of the Taiwan Straits], ed. Zhongguo Bianzheng Xiehui *1l!<IJ!:i&1i%~ (Taibei: Mengzang Weiyuanhui, 2001): 1-11, here 3.

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several Buddhist centers provide long-term seminars on Buddhism. In 1998 it set up an affiliate to the Institute of Buddhist Dialectics of Dharamsala in India and invited its doctors of philosophy (dge bshes) to be in charge of the courses it provides. It has a very strict pedagogical system which, from the point of view of the Taiwanese environment, is hard to accept, and the organization has therefore been somewhat hindered in its development in Taiwan. The visit of the Dalai Lama to Taiwan in 1997 provided a great impetus to the Gelug schoo!. In fact, the two visits of the Dalai Lama mobilized almost the whole Buddhist community in Taiwan. The four schools of Tibetan Buddhism joined together to hold dialogs with traditional Buddhist groups in Taiwan, .and channels of informal communication with the government were also opened. Later on, the Dalai Lama sent lamas to Taiwan to survey the general situation of the Buddhist clergy, which resulted in the establishment of the Tibet Religious Foundation of H. H. the Dalai Lama (Dalai Lama Jijinhui ii*~1I.1i9~~"t) in 1998, and the eminent lamas there are dedicated to teaching Tibetan Buddhist scriptures and the Tibetan language. The foundation has regular scholarly exchanges with the Taiwan Buddhist Studies Research Institute (Foxue Yanjiusuo 1~"'liif:1l:M). All these developments are conducive to the advancement of all the schools of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan including, of course, the Gelug schoo!.

Cha1'acteristics and Limitations ofthe Development ofTibetan Buddhism in Taiwan

The reception of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan, compared with that of other newly emerging religions, has been vigorous and"has undergone many changes: the initial implanting in early times, the burgeoning forth in the 1980s, steady development in the 1990s, and retrospection and self-examination in the new millennium. This pattern of reception and development has had much to do with the Taiwanese social environment, and it has in turn exerted a great influence over the wider religious community and the general public. I will now delve into the features and limitations of the development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan, basing my conclusions on my investigations into Tibetan Buddhist centers from 1998 to 2001. (1) Statistical analysis of the data from Tibetan Buddhist centers As mentioned above, the number of Tibetan Buddhist communities registered with the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs was about a hundred and fifty in 2000, but my own investigations up until that year indicate that the number of communities and societies in operation was 122, of which Nyingma centers made up the largest number with forty-three centers, including nine directed by Han Chinese gurus (for example, the Nuona Ashram). Also, in terms of growth rate, Nyingrna centers led by Tibetans developed the fastest compared with the figures reported in 1988. 28 The increase in numbers ofNyingma centers, excluding those founded and run jointly by Tibetans and Han Chinese gurus, was quite considerable.
28

Huang Yingjie, Minguo mizong nianjian, 282.

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Of the other schools, the Kagyii had the largest number with forty-one centers. As far as centers with only Tibetan lamas were concerned, the Kagyii school had the largest number, with the Karma Kagyii subsect alone having thirty-three centers, which constituted 27% of the total; then follows the Sakya school with twenty centers, the Gelug school with eleven centers, and the Jonang school :i;;l:1JK 00 nang pal with just one center. The remaining SL",{ centers are cross-sectarian. 29 These centers are spread out across Taiwan, but nearly eighty percent of them are located in three metropolitan areas: Taipei, Gaoxiong, and Taichung. This distribution is due to economic considerations and geographic convenience, as well as to the receptiveness of urban dwellers. Many Nyingma and Sakya centers established after the 1990s, for instance, were set up in large cities, with a view to attracting more followers from among city dwellers and for economical considerations, such as receiving donations. Another factor concerning the location of Buddhist centers is the level of organization. Most of the centers of the Nyingma and Sakya schools, which are not as tightly organized as the Kagyii and Gelug schools, each operates independently and are therefore more influenced by factors of economic and geographic convenience; thus they prefer inner-city areas rather than the suburbs. There are, however, drawbacks to such locations, the centers' buildings in the inner city areas are rented and, because of financial considerations or their lack of suitability as a site for a center, some centers have had to move from time to time, giving rise to a relatively high degree of mobility among the members. Of all the Tibetan Buddhist centers, twenty-nine (about 24%) are led by Han Chinese gurus and ninety (about 74%) are led by Tibetan lamas. Of the latter type, not everyone has lamas staying on a permanent basis. For instance, though some subsects of the Kagyii school, such as Shangpa Kagyii, Drikung Kagyii, and Drukpa Kagyii, have a relatively high proportion of lamas living permanently in their centers, only 45% of the centers of the Karma Kagyii subsects on average have lamas staying there permanently. As for the subsects of the Nyingma school, the percentage for the Palyul Center is the highest with about 89%, but the average percentage for other centers of the Nyingma school is only 40%. Of the four schools, the Gelug school has the highest percentage with about 65%, followed by the Sakya school with 55%. The high percentage of the Gelug and the Sakya schools is due probably to their focusing more attention on doctrinal learning. There is, however, little difference among the four schools in regard to group practices (gongxiu ~1~). About half of all the centers provide opportunities for group practices, while the other half mainly provide monthly Dharma assemblies. It is noteworthy that the number of participants in group practice sessions at each center is not very large (about twenty on the average), so the practice is more like a family practice. The number of participants at Dharma assemblies, on the other hand, is between a few dozen and over a hundred. This is another characteristic of

Yao Lixiang ~tJ!\i'i!l', "Zangchuan fojiao zai Taiwan fazhan zhi chubu yanjiu" ~'IlJ,j1ll!f!r [A tentative study of the development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan], Foxue yanjiu zbongxin ",uebao j1ll<i'lifr'Ji;'P,C,'<i'I15 (2000): 310-340, here 330-331.
29

i'EiJ("'~.it)llL{:.1JJ!vliJI'Ji;

The Development and Evolution of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan

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the development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan: there are more people attending Dharma assemblies than attending group practices. . Statistics show that over seventy percent of the centers are now directed by Tibetan lamas, which is testimony to the growing influence of and the leading role played by Tibetan lamas in the development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan. Many of the principle Han Chinese lay Buddhists, who began preaching during the preliminary phase, have either passed away or been converted to the lineages of Tibetan lamas. Thus centers led by Han gurus are now confronted with the problem of establishing successors. Nevertheless, it should be pointed out that centers led by Han gurus have their merits: communication is easier, the programs are more flexible, and they are more stable as far as location and finances are concerned, having less pressure to move or collect donations for overseas proselytizing activities. Moreover, centers of this type, imitating the development pattern of traditional Chinese Buddhist monasteries, engage in many social welfare activities, which ati:ract more followers. In contrast to centers led by Han gurus, the Taiwan Buddhist Society and centers run by Tibetan lamas are part of a worldwide network of establishments led by Tibetan lamas, some of whom hold very important positions. A pivotal role in the network is played by the monasteries established across the world by exiled Tibetan lamas. Tibetan gurus who attach importance to Taiwanese centers come and stay in Taiwan for about one or two months every year and may delegate one or two lamas to stay permanently at each center. Such centers now constitute half of the totalled by Tibetan lamas, a much-improved situation compared to that of the 1980s. Broadly speaking, centers having Tibetan lamas are more attractive to followers when they organize group practices or Dharma assemblies, though due to language limitations, most Tibetan lamas cannot guide followers in many Dharma practices. However, they can at least lead followers through group practices or visit individual members to perform ceremonies to invite blessings and ward.off disasters, which is somewhat helpful to the development of the centers. Of all the centers, those providing regular group practices every week constitute half of the total, while the remaining half have only Dharma assemblies and festivals, or occasional activities. Generally speaking, beginners in Tantrism think highly of group practices and Dharma assemblies, whereas believers who have had two or more years of religious experience lay more emphasis on personal practice. As a result, at most centers participants in group practices are fewer than those at Dharma assemblies, and if there are gurus performing initiations at the assemblies, there will be even more participants. Initiation ceremonies are actually held only when Tibetan gurus come to Taiwan, but as a great many Tibetan lamas come to Taiwan, initiation ceremonies may take place at any time. It is therefore safe to say that in terms of frequency, Taiwan internationally ranks second in holding initiation ceremonies, closely following Tibet itself. The general impression of the development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan in the 1980s and early 1990s is that receiving initiation was the most popular activity among Buddhists interested in Tibetan practices. As for the Tibetan lamas, apart from those who really performed initiations out of compassion, there were some who, catering to the adherents' enthusiasm for the ceremonies, per-

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formed initiations under various names to earn handsome donations. From this we could infer that doctrinal studies and group practice activities are overshadowed by initiation ceremonies in Taiwan.

(2) Analysis of the basic data drawn from individual interviewees The following analysis is based on in-depth interviews with key persons at Tibetan Buddhist centers in Taiwan. 3D It is hoped that these personal religious experiences and points of view will shed further light on the relationship between Dharma teachers and their disciples, as well as other related problems or topics. First, let us look at a simple analysis of the data related to the interviewees themselves.lI vVhile conducting these interviews I did not set any prerequisites and it turned out that the numbers of male and female interviewees were exactly the same, which was an unexpected result given that in Taiwan female Buddhists outnumber male Buddhists. I also found during the interviews that male adherents were generally more dedicated, had more decision-making power, and were more prone to regard a post in the centers as a lifetime career. VVhether this is related to the fact that nearly all the Tibetan lamas are male, or is caused by some inner quality of Tibetan Buddhism is, frankly speaking, beyond my ability to judge. vVith respect to the age of the interviewees, nearly eighty percent of them were between thirty-five and fifty, of whom one third were between forty-one and fortyfive. Interviewees over fifty years of age were contacted earlier, and two interviewees under thirty-five were secretaries in charge of general affairs at their centers, later. The education level of the interviewees was quite high on average, with about a third of them having a college degree. As for their professions, nine of them worked full-time at the centers, with six having teaching experience and three having done divination, which is quite unusual. Among the remaining interviewees, there were businessmen, government employees, doctors, and other occupations. From the above it would seem that believers in Tibetan Buddhism are mostly middle-aged people who have a successful career, and young people, but this is a conclusion we should not jump to on the basis of so little evidence. Regarding their religious backgrounds, twenty-four of them (80%) had taken refuge or knew something about Chinese Buddhism, some had experience of other religions, and the rest had no prior religious experience at all. As for the length of time they had practiced Tibetan Buddhism, except for the two young secretaries who had only been involved for a short time, all had over five years of experience in Tibetan Buddhism. Seven of them came in contact with Tibetan Buddhism or be-

Yao Lixiang, "Zangchuan fojiao zai Taiwan-zhongxin lingdaozhe de jingyan fenxi" [Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan: The analyses of the experience of key figures at Buddhist centers], Zhongyang yanjinynan shelmi yanjinsZlo .;inxing zDngjiao xianxiang yantaohni lunwenji 'f:9<:liJf9i:[I1Gt~liJf9i:?JijffiJ!l!*;J\I(ljt!;.1iJI~t~iituJt~ [Collection of papers on emergent religions provided by the Department of Sociology of the Academia Sinlca] (Taibei: Zhongyang Yanjiuyuan Shehui Yanjiusuo, 2002): 25-40. 31 In this article, interviews with the thirty Taiwanese believers are the major object of analysis, while interviews with six Tibetan lamas and a Han guru are used for comparison,
30

1i\\~'I!/l$J:1:EElf:11-'f'Mliii1"f8q*"l'.rIMHJT

The Development and Evohttion afTibetan Buddhism in Taiwan

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came disciples of Han gurus as early as the 1970s. Having a good knowledge ofTibetan Buddhism, they were leading promoters of Tibetan Buddhist centers and had considerable decision-making power over the centers' development strategies. In a word, they played a pivotal role in the development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan. To better understand how they viewed this development, it is necessary to know first something about their personal religious experiences. The following is a simple analysis of the circumstances under which they came into contact with Tibetan Buddhism, their practice experience, psychological changes they underwent, time constraints and financial burdens they encountered, the effect upon their families, and how they interacted with their gurus. (3) Analysis of the interviewees' religious experiences Of the thirty interviewees, half were introduced to Tibetan Buddhism by teachers or friends. For many of them, however, their curiosity was aroused by this initial contact and was deepened when they met with rinpoches, who made a deep impression upon them. Some felt curious about the exotic practices and ceremonies of Tibetan Buddhism, and some were fascinated by the supernatural powers Tibetan lamas claimed to possess. Some of them, however, had mundane desires at first, such as hoping for the birth of a son or warding off disease through the power of the lamas. Others adopted the faith because of mental or physical frustrations they had gone through. There were some who even hoped to learn divination through Tibetan Buddhism. Most of the interviewees had earlier practiced Chinese Buddhism, but only two of them converted to Tantrism because they felt Chinese Buddhism was inadequate. This does not concur with the general belief that most people convert to Tibetan Buddhism because they are disappointed with Chinese Buddhism. Whilst it may be true that some of them converted to Tibetan Buddhism because they were attracted by the more unusual aspects of Tibetan Buddhism, this may not be the only reason for their conversion, as we can see from the above analysis. It would appear that the flourishing of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan is closely related to the wide spread of Chinese Buddhism in Taiwan, for believers will accept Tibetan Buddhism more easily after they have had some knowledge of Chinese Buddhism. For average adherents, their practice of Tibetan Buddhism generally starts with their participation in Dharma assemblies. As a matter of fact, it seems they will take part in Dharma assemblies, especially those with initiation ceremonies, whenever there is an opportunity, regardless of which school is organizing them. Half of the interviewees adopted Buddhism after this kind of experience. There were very few interviewees who did not participate in Dharma assemblies in the beginning. In earlier times, some of them had come into contact with Han gurus who took exception to their taking part in Dharma assemblies elsewhere, even though there were few Dharma assemblies at that time, and so they had little choice but to be content with their own guru's teaching. However, the interviewees' attitudes toward participat~ ing in Dharma assemblies varied: some did not think much of it, arguing that little can be learned from them; whilst others thought they were necessary, saying that

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this was the only way to make contact with the lamas, after which they could decide whether or not to follow this path of religious practice. Most of the interviewees had long experience with religion, and their attitude toward practicing Buddhism was very serious. They never gave up even if they sometimes felt they could not make any breakthrough. Five of the interviewees had learned the Tibetan language; of these, three had even gone to India to learn Tibetan at Tibetan Buddhist monasteries there. The difficulties, they said, were great, but they endured them because the spiritual rewards were significant and they had a deep faith in Tibetan Buddhism. However, followers in Taiwan having such commitment are few. Most of them do not have such a strong desire to seek the Dharma, nor do their personal circumstances allow them to practice in this way. Some of the interviewees said that Buddhist practice required a lot of time, which they could not afford, and so they could only practice irregularly. This shows that even persons in charge of the Buddhist centers have time pressures in practicing Buddhism, not to mention the ordinary members. Generally speaking, practicing Tibetan Buddhism involves spending both money and time. Even a simplified ceremony takes at least half an hour, and followers are expected to donate for the building of monasteries, Buddhist institutes, and retteat centers, and to provide living expenses for the lamas. In earlier times, Taiwanese followers were more willing to donate money than to spend time practicing, with some even asking lamas to practice on their behalf, and this was also true of some of the thirty interviewees. Several interviewees said that because they did not have sufficient time to practice, they donated as much money as possible to provide for the lamas. Those in charge of Buddhist centers usually donated more than regular members, but half of the interviewees felt the expenditure was not too great a burden for them, and two of them had even paid for a whole center each. Nearly one third of the interviewees, however, felt the pinch of economic pressures, and one center had to close during an economic recession because of lack of donations. When it came to their personal religious experience, several of the interviewees were evasive on this topic, on the grounds that such things should be confided only to their masters and should not be shared even among fellow practitioners. Most of the interviewees said they had experienced nothing special and that their aim was simply to gain a peaceful mind. Only a few of them said that they did feel some unfathomable spiritual response during their practice. In regard to the effects brought about by their practice, all of them responded in an affirmative tone. Some said that they now had greater peace of mind and were less attached to worldly affairs. Some talked about the transformation of their personality. All of them believed that Buddhist faith and practice could bring about peace of mind, and changes in ideas, perspectives and even in one's character. (4) Views on Dharma teachers Because ,Tibetan Buddhism lays particular emphasis on the special relationship between teacher and disciple, the influence of gurus is very important. It is generally believed that the spiritual power conferred on the disciple by the teacher is tre-

The Development and Evolution of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan

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mendous, not only because it represents the personal power of the teacher himself, but because it is believed to be the sum total of all the spiritual power accumulated through the lineage over generations. The influence of the guru upon his followers is so great that it is stipulated in Tibetan Buddhism that a period of three years is required for a teacher and disciple to observe each other before they enter into the formal teacher-disciple relationship. This requirement, however, can hardly be met even in countries where Tibetan lamas are in exile, not to mention Taiwan where they are only short-term visitors. Therefore it becomes an ideal goal to find a genuine disciple and a virtuous guru of an undefiled lineage. It is a complex matter, not only concerning the mentality and qualifications of Dharma teachers and disciples, but also external social conditions. It is a common feeling among believers that one should choose a qualified guru . or an experienced and virtuous teacher, but when asked why they chose their teachers, many interviewees said that the choice vvas predestined or caused by luck. Some interviewees, on the other hand, held that not everyone could rely on good luck in choosing a teacher and that a period of observation was necessary. As to what kind of teacher they preferred, some interviewees said that there was no fi'{ed standard and it was all a matter of personal preference and luck. The majority of the interviewees, however, argued that there is a great deal that can be observed in a teacher, such as his way of preaching, his bearing, and his followers. A few interviewees suggested paying attention to details such as whether the teacher is overly concerned with financial gain, whether he loves teaching, whether he observes the precepts, and so forth. The interviewees thought it necessary for a guru to have a detailed plan of preaching activities if he really wants to teach Buddhism in Taiwan, otherwise followers will find it hard to get any real benefit from him even if he is otherwise a good teacher. This indicates a problem in the reception of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan and a blind spot in the way followers associate with the gurus. Many interviewees offered the opinion that ordinary believers worship gurus or living Buddhas blindly. The adherents' mindset, which is directly related to the choosing of a teacher, is something that merits our attention. As for the interaction between the Dharma teachers and their disciples, the interviewees who followed Han gurus had no difficulty in communicating with their teachers and had very good relationships with them, while others who followed Tibetan lamas all had problems with the language barrier. The lack of qualified translators has always been a big hindrance to the development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan. Compared with the 1980s and 1990s, however, things have improved considerably in recent years, due to efforts by both teachers and followers. Because of language difficulties, many Dharma teachers have had to limit their activities to initiation only, which then becomes the only interaction between them and their followers. Apart from language difficulties, different cultural backgrounds can also lead to otherwise avoidable misunderstandings and disputes. All these difficulties, especially those arising from cultural differences, can be solved only by time. Another problem is that some gurus cannot stay in Taiwan for a long period of time. Many gurus come to Taiwan and stay only a short time, during which they

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have barely enough time for one preaching activity or one initiation ceremony. As a result, followers often have to move from place to place to receive initiations. This was one of the reasons why, in spite of the large number of initiation ceremonies in Taiwan at the end of the last century, Tibetan Buddhism still remained somewhat shallowly implanted. But this is a complicated issue, and many interviewees believed that the conditions and needs of Taiwanese believers were also part of the problem. Some rinpoches have made great efforts to establish their teachings, but found no corresponding enthusiasm among believers. Many lamas have come to Taiwan, but they differ greatly in their ability, and there is no central' organization or management of their work. To make matters worse, the followers do not understand this. Therefore, problems keep occurring, such as bogus gurus, financial conflicts between lamas and their followers, the ethical degeneration of some Tibetan lamas after they come to Taiwan, and the like. The interviewees mentioned that Tibetan lamas who come to Taiwan often behave inappropriately if they are not properly restrained by their gurus. In fact, there are too few senior lamas who stay in Taiwan permanently. There are even some lamas who wander about preaching without a fixed abode, collecting donations under various guises. Unfortunately, such lamas are not rare. NIost of the interviewees acknowledged the fact that the lamas who come to Taiwan are a medley of skillful and unskillful t~achers and that there is no way of distinguishing their motives and purpose, which is a serious problem in the development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan. Through the interviews, I have been able to sum up some of the reasons for problems related to lamas and their disciples: language difficulties, which can lead to many misunderstandings; cultural differences; problems arising from differences in expectations, knowledge, and way of life; poor organization and the lack of infrastructure and management; the general social climate; and the followers' improper attitudes towards the lamas. Lama-related problems are hot issues as far as Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan is concerned. As the majority of the interviewees said, the lamas are a mixture of skillful ones and inadequate ones, but there are also other aspects to be considered and it is incorrect to impute all the problems to one side. It would be fairer to say that the relationship between both Dharma teachers and their disciples is not yet mature enough. I will try to present a bigger picture by illustrating how the interviewees viewed these disciples, or the ordinary Taiwanese Buddhist adherents. (5) Views on Tibetan Buddhist disciples The ubiquity of initiation ceremonies in Taiwan is a well-known fact, and the fact that there are more initiation receivers than Dharma practitioners has become an object of public denunciation. Many people, including the gurus who come to Taiwan, have the impression that Taiwanese believers are enamored of ini~iation and, therefore, the gurus lay special emphasis on initiation. Very few of the interviewees said th~t their centers laid more emphasis on Dharma practices than initiation. At the same time, they admitted that centers devoted mainly to Dharma practices have fewer members. It follows that many centers holding Dharma events have to

The Development and Evolution of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan

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include an initiation ceremony to satisfy their members. As for the reasons for this phenomenon, different interviewees had different opinions, which can be summed up as follows:
1. There are a large number of rinpoches coming to Taiwan, but many of them come only at long intervals and each time they come they can stay only a short period. As a result, they can do little more than an initiation ceremony which, because of time limitations, is sometimes done in a very simple way. 2. The principle problem between Dharma teachers and their disciples is that they cannot understand each other's language. Therefore, initiation has its advantages because it does not involve very much talking. Even so, in earlier times a simple initiation ceremony might take several hours because of the lack of qualified translators. 3. Some followers are too busy and their understanding of initiation is incorrect. As many rinpoches have pointed but, followers do not always understand the meaning of initiation and think that spiritual power can be transmitted to them simply by a guru's hand. Some interviewees said that some centers provide initiation ceremonies only to satisfy their members' demands. As a result, many rinpoches have the impression that what Taiwanese believers seek is notlling but initiation and worldly happiness rather than Dharma practice and escape from samsara. However, many interviewees held that it is unfair to impute the craze for initiation to only one side, for it is the result of the interaction of both sides. lYlost of the interviewees understood these problems and were of the opinion that underneath the ostensible prosperity of Tibetan Buddhism, after nearly two decades of development in Taiwan, its foundation is still shaky and people's real interest in Dharma practice is still shallow. Fortunately, nowadays many gurus have acknowl. edged this situation and think it is improper to attract believers merely through initiation. Instead, they want to rely more on doctrinal teachings to help believers understand the deeper aspects of Buddhism. In fact, there are more and more centers which have begun to emphasize the importance of studying doctrines. Some interviewees were optimistic that although it is impossible to change the whole situation in a short time, many Buddhist centers in Taiwan have already entered a phase of positive transformation. Many interviewees said that beginners in Tibetan Buddhism are generally fascinated by tlle various ritual objects and ceremonies and the sense of mystery surrounding the lamas. As a result, many people are curious to lmow more about Tibetan Buddhism, but not all of them gain a better understanding after further contact. It is the belief of many interviewees tllat Tibetan Buddhism does have its own special features that do help to attract followers: systematic and rigorous doctrines; methodical ways of practice; and a strict training system for monies, which integrates religious doctrine with daily life. Many inte~iewees said that it is the general impression among believers that the way of life of the lamas does not differ much from their own, and the lamas themselves are sometimes more approachable than Chinese Buddhist monks. The sense of mystery about Tibetan Buddhism, apart from its fascinating ritual objects and ceremonies, has a lot to do with the supposed magic power associated with lamas. Six of the thirty interviewees said with conviction that their gurus pos-

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sessed supernatural powers, but nearly all of them said that a real practitioner seldom talks about these powers and that only very few lamas seek to deliberately mystify Buddhism so as to attract followers. Some interviewees held that the so-called magic power of Tibetan lamas can also be attributed to rumors among followers. lVlost interviewees were conservative in their opinions about this subject, saying it is only a natural phenomenon that occurs during the process of practicing, but they do not deny the fact that most of the followers not only expect their gurus to possess magic power, but hope they thems.elves can also develop such power. As some interviewees said, in the memoirs of eminent lamas of Tibetan Buddhism there are stories about miraculous powers, and it follows that some followers, after reading such stories, harbor expectations that their gurus might also possess these powers. It stands to reason that, although the interviewees stressed the point that such power is only an expedient means by which gurus help followers to reach enlightenment and not an essential part of Buddhism, most followers believe that magic power does exist and they are full of curiosity and expectation about it. Although Tantrism is unique to Tibetan Buddhism, it is only one part of its practice. In its doctrines, Tibetan Buddhism is not very different from Chinese Buddhism. In Taiwan, however, most Tibetan Buddhists consciously or unconsciously regard Tibetan Buddhism as Tantrism only, which may be related to the fact that they pay more attention to preaching and initiation than to doctrines. Nearly an the interviewees emphasized the uniqueness ofTantrism. They seldom mentioned other characteristics of Tibetan Buddhism such as lineage and the intimate relationship between guru and disciple. This reveals a particular problem present in Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan; that is, the relationshIp between guru and disciple is far from ideal and the significance of lineage is not stressed enough. However, as many interviewees pointed out, many gurus who come to Taiwan have simplified their preaching procedures, which is also an aspect of Tibetan Buddhism unique to Taiwan. It could also be, as some interviewees worried, that Tibetan Buddhism, originally a well-rounded system of Buddhist practice, has somewhat deteriorated, particularly as Tibet is becoming more exposed to foreign influences. All these aspects and problems are worthy of further observation and study.

After the flourishing growth of Tibetan Buddhism in the vVest in the 1970s, the 1980s saw a similar wave of enthusiasm in Taiwan, against the background of great changes in Taiwan's social and economic circumstances. Once martial law was lifted in 1987, Taiwan's social structures underwent great changes and various new religions began to flourish. Specialists in religious studies, while studying these newly emerging religions, mainly focus on three aspects: elements related to chaLges in social structures, especially with the move towards democracy; characteristics of religious societies such as different doctrines, ways of preaching, and organizational structure; and the individual's response to newly emerging religions, which is influenced by their own spiritual needs, their personal experiences and beliefs, and their

The Development mid Evolution of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan

605

attitude towards authority.l2 Meanwhile, specialists in religious studies have found that there is a long-standing affinity between Taiwanese culture, Buddhism, and mysticism. The Taiwanese are more easily attracted to charismatic religious leaders who are associated with supernatural powers. All these factors come into play in the development of newly emerging religions. Thus, it can be seen that the development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan has been influenced by social structural changes. Meanwhile, the flourishing of Tibetan Buddhism, characterized by its unique religious traits and its gurus' personal charisma, was also brought about in part by Taiwan's "economic miracle" in the 1980s and 1990s. There is no denying that there were economic incentives behind the coming of numerous Tibetan lamas to Taiwan. Although they were deeply impressed with the piety of believers in Taiwan, a place where Chinese Buddhism had already taken root, the exiled Tibetan lamas were also impressed with the financial generosity of the Taiwanese because they needed financial backing to carryon their respective lineages. They were fully aware that without the generous donations given by Taiwanese Buddhists, their monasteries in India, Nepal, and Tibet could not be rebuilt, and they would have a much heavier burden meeting living and educational expenses. However, various problems arose as numerous Buddhist centers were set up too rapidly within less than two decades. It stands to reason that, being originally a foreign religion, Tibetan Buddhism developed in a different manner from other traditional Buddhist schools in Taiwan. Influenced by the theocracy of Tibetan Buddhism, leaders and principle lamas of the various schools of Tibetan Buddhism are concerned mainly with their own lineage, which also explains why there are so many Tibetan Buddhist centers in Taiwan that seldom cooperate with each other. Political and economic factors also lie behind the development of different schools. From the foregoing analysis we can see that despite the ostensible prosperity of Tibetan -Buddhism in Taiwan, most Tibetan Buddhist centers do not have a solid foundation except in the case of a few highly localized ones. Fortunately, some positive changes have taken place since the end of the 1990s, for various reasons that include the economic recession, gurus' maintaining their traditions, self-examination and efforts of the local religious elite, and the maturing mentality of local believers. These changes, on the whole, are conducive to the future development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan. First among these changes is the fact that the academic environment for Tibetacn Buddhism in Taiwan has greatly improved, as shown by the considerable increase in academic studies of Tibetari Buddhism in many of the Buddhist studies institutes, the writing and translating
Chiu Rei-Yuan (Qu Raiyuan I!:ilii'im!), "Jieyan, zongjiao ziyou yu zongjiao fazhan" ffliJl [The lifting of martial law, religious freedom and development] in Weiquan tizbi de bianqian-jieyan baude Taiwan mIGliiiilJlmtlB~~J!I-miJlffi1tJtS~t5i~ [The evolution of the authoritarian system: Taiwan in the post-martial law period], ed. Zhongyang Yanjiuyuan Taiwan Yanjiu Tuidong Weiyuanhui 'f,*liJf9i:'3tt51,iH}f9i:t1Ew:'@~~ [Committee of Taiwan Research Promotion of the Academia Sinica] (Taibei: Zhongyang Yanjiuyuan Taiwanshi Yanjiusuo Choubeichu, 2001): 249-276.
l2

ffi1,

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606

YaoLi."Ciang

of various books concerning Tibetan Buddhism, and the exchanges and cooperation between Tibetan Buddhism and traditional Buddhism. Second, the gurus who come to Taiwan and the better-educated local followers have realized the limitations and problems of Taiwan's Tibetan Buddhism and have therefore made tremendous efforts to change the situation. The language difficulty, for example, has posed a serious problem, but many centers now provide language courses. This encourages new members to learn some basic Tibetan expressions and young lamas to learn Chinese, so that they can all communicate with one another more easily. Gurus who come to Taiwan ate beginning to pay more attention to teaching their doctrines in well-planned preaching activities, in the hope oflaying a solid foundation for future development. People in charge of Buddhist centers have realized that they need not only the guidance and support of Tibetan lamas but also the help of members to maintain the operation of the centers. lVleanwhile, they are developing more fInancial resources to support Tibetan Buddhist centers both in Taiwan and abroad.)) All these changes, no doubt, will contribute positively to the development of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan in the twenty-fIrst century and we hope that it will provide a fresh impetus to Buddhism as a whole in Taiwan. Translated by LiuJingguo

)) Regarding the planning of financial resources, some centers have their own policies or some agreement with the lamas as to how to use the donations to maintain the operation of the centers. There are also some centers who do not like organizing Dharma assemblies and other preaching activities to collect donations. Instead, they manage to survive through other means such as selling Buddhist-related art objects or other businesses.

The Development and Evolution of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan

607

Appendix
TIBETAN PROPER NAi'vlES
PHONETIC SPELLING (WITH PINYIN AND CHINESE CHARACTERS) TIBETAN TRANSCRIPTION

[7 th] Changkya Khutukhtu Lozang Palden Tenpe DroDme (Di qishi Zhangjia Hutuketu Jil;-I:;ili.3U'\iJ:R;[iI [Luqsang Bandian Danbi Rongmei ,mUl!:gJlJilj!:ftllW~]) Chogye Trichen Rinpoche (fiugei Cuiqin Renboqie J'i:i.Ii~~f=~t))) [Chophel] Jigme (finbiJimei ~1fE~~) Dagchen Rinpoche (Daqin Renboqie
Ji~C~t)))

[7 th]lCang skya Khutukhtu Blo bzang dpalldan bstan pa'i sgron me (1891-1958)
bCo brgyad khri chen [Thub bstan legs bshad rgya mtsho] rin po che (1920-2007)
Wuweill!X~I!\Hl!:,

Chos 'phel 'jigs med (rib. name of Ouyang 1914-1991)

bDag chen rin po che (b. 1929) . sDe gzhung rin po che [Kun dga' bstan pa'i nyi rna] (1906-1987) Dil mgo mKyen brtse rin po che (1910-1991) 'Bri gung Che tshang rin po che (b. 1946) 'Brug chen rin po che (b. 1963) bDud 'joms rin po che [Jigs bral ye shes rdo rje] (1904-1987) rDza sprul rin po che (b. 1959) rDzong gsar ~Jam dbyangs] mkhyen brtse rin po che (b. 1961) dGe legs rin po che [Jam dbyang mkhas grub bstan ' dzin dge legs rgya mtsho] (b. 1924) Gangs dkar rin po che (1893-1957) sGo sog rin po che [Ngag dbang gsung rab bstan 'dzin dge legs rgya mtsho] (b. 1948)

Dezhung Rinpoche (Desong Renboqie

t~;f'c1=iBtt'J)

Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche (Dingguo Qinzhe Renboqie nU~~-rg1=iBtt'J) Drikung Chetsang Rinpoche (Zhigong Chezan Renboqie JlJ{mtJl:1=~t'J) Drukchen Rinpoche (Zhuqian Renboqie

fr'fCiBtt)))
Dudjom Rinpoche (Dunzhu Renboqie
tt,-*f=~t'J)

Dzatrlil Rinpoche (Zhazhu Renboqie

;f[.,-*CiBtt)))
Dzongsar Khyentse Rinpoche (Zongsa Qinzhe Renboqie *idtT&C~t'J) [3'd] Gelek Rinpoche [Tamyang Khedrub Tanzin Gyatso] (Gedun Renboqie
;j;UilC~t)))

[9th] Gongkar Rinpoche (Gongga Renboqie J{llfjf=~t'J) Gosok Rinpoche (Guoshuo Renboqie
*lij!f=~t)))

608 [16 th] Gyalwa Kannapa [Rangjung Rikpe Dorje] (Di shiliu shi Dabao fawangJiabua Gamaba :m +i\t!t*.i't.:n'u~IIii~~ E'.) Gyaltsap Rinpoche (Jiacha Renboqie
3~1::UIl-m)

YaoLixiang

rGyal ba Kanna pa [Rang byung rig pa'i rdorje] (1924-1981) rGyal tshab rin po che (b. 1954) rGya sprul rin po che (b. 1924) 'Jam rngon Kong sprul rin po che (1954-1992) 'Jam dbyangs gangs dkar bla rna 'Jam dpal bIo gros rin po che (1930-1987) bKa"gyur Khutukhtu (191'1-1978) Ka ru rin po che (1904-1989) Kanna rin po che (b. 1967) mKhan chen ['Phrin las dpal sbyor] rin po che (b. 1930) mKhan po A pad yon tan bzang po rin po che (b. 1927) mKhan po 'Gyur rned bsam 'grub (b. 1953) mKhan po :Jam dbyangs shes rab. rinpo che mKhan po Kun dga' dbang phyug rin po che (b. 1920) mKhan po N gag dbang snyan grags rinpo che Lam chen rgyal po rin po che (b. 1939) Slob dpon bsTan 'dzin rin po che (b. 1960) Klu sdings mkhan rin po che (b. 1931)

Gyatrul Rinpoche (Kaichu Renboqie

001JJ1=UIl-m)
J amgon Kongtrul Rinpoche (Jianggong Kang'chu Renboqie JifJt"*~1=UIlt:.m Jamyang Gongkar Lama (Jiangyang Gongga Lama Jif~JtIll~iPM) [2nd] Jampal Lodro Rinpoche (Jiangbo Luoceng Renboqie JifUilIi 1!l'1=UIl-m) [5 th] Kagyur (Ganzhuerwa 1t~m11) Kalu Rinpoche (Kalu Renboqie -FIi

1=UIltJJ)
Kanna Rinpoche (Gama Renboqie
1II~~1=UIl-m)

Khenchen Rinpoche [Tinley Paljor] (Kanqian Renboqie :Ii"f1=UIl-m [Tinglie Bajiu lI!Ii3'UE'.0..]) Khenpo Appey Rinpoche (Kanbu Abei Renboqie :I:!;fJJ~iiJ Jl.1=UIl-m) Khenpo Gyurme Samdup (Kanbu Juernei Sangdu :Ii;fjj1itilJlll~iJD Khenpo Jamyang Sherab Rinpoche (KanbuJiangyang Xilun Renboqie
:I:!;fJJJif~ iffi~1=UIlt:JJ)

Khenpo Kunga Wangchuk (Kanbu Gongga Wangqiu :Ii;fJJJtlllitEtt) Khenpo Ngagwang Nyandak Rinpoche (Kanbu Angwang Nianzha Renboqie

!;fJJ ~ itE2";tlA=UIltJJ)
Lamchen Gyalpo Rinpoche (Langqin Jiabu Renboqie !lJltt\:!Jo;fJJ1=UIlt:JJ) Lopon Tenzin Rinpoche (Luoben Renboqie *;;js:1=UIl-m) Luding Khen Rinpoche (Luding Kan Renboqie *ll1i:li1=UIltJJ)

Tbe Development and Evolution of Tibetan Buddbism in Taiwan

609

.!VIigyur Rinpoche (MingzhuRenboqie

I3)JJ;KC1BitJJ)
Nuona Rinpoche (Nuona Renboqie
~jJ~1=1BitJJ)

.!VIi'gyur rin po che [Ngag dbang bstan 'dzin kun dga' phrin las rgya rntshoJ (b. 1935)
Nor lha rin po che (1865-1936) Paelma nor bu rin po che (b. 1932) Paelma dbang chen rin po che (b. 1973) [Ngor EwamJ Phan bde rin po che (b. 1932) Sa skya Khri'dzin (b. 1945) bZang bzang rin po che(b. 1959) Sangs rgyas snyan pa rin po che (b. 1964) Zhwa elmarpa (b. 1952) Khra rigs rin po che (1923-1998) Ta'i si tu rin po che (b. 1954) bsTan dga' rin po che (b. 1933) rnTha' yas rdo rje rin po che (b. 1983) Khra'gurinpoche(b.1933) Thub bstan nor ,bu rin po che (b. 1965) Thub bstan bzod pa rin po che (b. 1946) Drung ram rgyal sprul rin po che (b. 1968) U rgyan 'Phrin las rdo rje rin po che (b. 1985) U rgyan rin po che (1920-1996) 'Od zer bla rna

Perna Norbu Rinpoche (Beirna Nuobu Renboqie J'U~~;fJ11=1BitJJ) Perna vVangchen Rinpoche (Beirna Wangqing Renboqie JU~8IBjlJCilHJJ) Phende Rinpoche (Biande Renboqie
i.l!C~tJJ)

Sakya Trizin (Sajia Cuijin Fawang

liJm!~1'i!itx)

Sang Sang Rinpoche (Sangsang Renboqie **1=iBitJJ) Sangye Nyenpa Rinpoche (Sangjie Nianba Renboqie *{l~EA=iBitJJ) Shamarpa (Xiamaba ~:l,~ E) . Tharig Rinpoche (Tali Renboqie:i;lf3Z

CiBitJJ)
~~IiCiBitJJ)

Tai Situ Rinpoche (Tai'ridu Renboqie Tenga Rinpoche (Tianga Renboqie

7i:IliC1BitJJ)
Thaye Dorje Rinpoche (Taiye duojie Renboqie ~l!~g;{'~1=iBitJJ) Thrangu Rinpoche (Chuanggu Renboqie iu<!l1=iBitJJ) Thubten Norbu Rinpoche (Tudeng Nuobu Renboqie 1II11'~;fJ1CiBitJJ) Thubten Zopa Rinpoche (Tudun Suoba Renboqie III~UJt EC~tJJ) Trungrarn Gyaltrul Rinpoche (ZongnanJiachu Renboqie *lJ~J'Il.1=iBitJJ) Urgyen Trinley Dorje Rinpoche (WujinTinglie Duojie Renboqie ,~i:lI!!\?lu

g;{l1=iBitJJ)
Urgyen Rinpoche (Wujin Renboqie
,~i:CiBitJJ)

Woser Lama (Weise Lama {;lt~I!lIUDJI!;)

Tibe!oIogy in China: A Survey

Tibetan studies in China have made great progress since 1900. Stm1ing with a brief introduction to the pioneers of Tibetan studies in the first half of 20 th centmy, the authors emphasize the main achievements in recent decades, covering the progress in Tibetology in the categories of
reference materials, processed historical materials, historical studies, socio-economic surveys and studies, study of religions, folk custom and culture, arts, linguistic shldies, literarure, archeology

and cultural relics, and education, medicine, and astronomy. Tibetology is now closely related to the present and historical situation of politics, economics, religions, and culture of the Tibetan areas. Most of the researchers live in the Tibetan area or have been there, they handle firsthand materials that a Tibetologist CaIIDot overlook. Meanwhile, their studies on pa11icular topics can be based on a wide range of relevant sources. However, Tibetology is a new developing discipline in China, and many researchers are still short of training in this field. While there were and are some cooperative projects, redundant research and identical results appear often, mostly as a result of lack of communication. We sincerely hope this article will lead to an increase in exchanges of
information and ideas among scholars, especially with our counterparts in other countries.

La tibetologie en Chine: un

aper~u

general

Les etudes tibetaines en Chine ont accompli d'immenses progres depuis 1900. Commen,ant par une breve introduction sur Ies pionniers des etudes tibetaines dans Ia premiere moitie du xx'
sieele, les auteurs mettent !'accent sur l'accomplissement important de ces dernieres decennies, parcourant Ie processus de la tibetologie selon la categorie des materiaux de references, des sources historiques analysees, des etudes historiques, des etudes et aperyllS socio-economiques, des

etudes des religions, des coutllmes folkloriques, de Ia culture et des arts, des etudes linguistiques, de Ia litterature, de l'archeologie et du patrimoine culturel, enfin de l'education, de la medecine et de I'astronomie. La tibetologie est etroitement Iiee it Ia situation presente et historique de Ia politique, de I'economie, des religions et de la culture des regions tibetaines. Parce qu'ils habitent ou sont alles en zone tibetaine, Ia plupart de ces chercheurs manient des materiaux de premiere main auxquel un tibetologue ne peut generalement pas avoir acces. De ce fait, leurs etudes pOltant sur un sujet particulier peuvent s'appuyer sur un grand eventail de sources fiables. Toutefois, la tibetoIogie reste une nouvelle discipline en developpement en Chine, et de nombreux chercheurs manquent encore de competence dans ce domaine. Tandis qu'il y a ell et qu'il y a encore des projets en collaboration, parfois, des recherches redondantes et des resultats identiques apparaissent, souven!
dus au manque de communication. A travers cet article, nous esperons slnce:relnent promouvoir les echanges d'informations et d'idees parmi les specialistes, particulierelnent avec nos confreres

des autres pays.

TIBETOLOGY IN CHINA
A SURVEY

CHEN

Qingying and W Al'fG Xiangyun

ince the 1980s, China has seen a dramatic increase in publications on Tibetan studies. The subjects concerned are broad, including politics, economics, culture, arts, history, religion, education, linguistics, literature, archaeology, astrology, and medicine. Tibetology has become a hot topic, and some of the inquiries are quite serious. This development shows that Tibetology as a separate discipline is indeed well established in China. The term zangxue iiliii:"lt (Tibetology) came into use in the early 1980s and gradually gained momentum. Before the 1980s, few Chinese scholars paid attention to or did research on Tibetan studies due to various reasons and restrictions. But today, whether in Beijing, Central Tibet, Sichuan, Qinghai, Gansu, Shaanxi, Yunnan, or even ih Henan, there are institutes that specialize in Tibetan studies and are defined as dealing in "Tibetology." The number of publications appearing is enormous. In this article we present a general idea of the progress that has been made in Tibetan studies in China and how the work was done, and as much information as possible on this development. vVe recognize that for political reasons there exist serious disagreements between Chinese and Western scholars, especially concerning the issue of the independence of Tibet. This can cause bias or misunderstanding, or become an obstacle to further understanding the result and value of each other's work. The present article is not a research paper but a preliminary introduction to the status of Tibetology in China. We are not going to put forward any arguments or pass judgments on it, or express viewpoints on delicate issues. What is important for us all is that this is probably the first time that such a work has been undertaken in a vVestern language. We admit that many Chinese publications in this field are politically oriented with little substance, lack originality, or repeat others' research, but we cannot ignore the fact that impressive work on Tibetan studies has been going on in China. We hope this work will be helpful to vVestern scholars in their further research, although we may have missed some important pieces of research because we write mostly on the basis of what we are familiar with and the materials at hand.!
One explanatory note: since this article is quite long, with pinyin, Chinese characters, and English translations of book tides, we give only the book title and date in the main text, except for some publications that might prove confusing. For instance, the publishers are indicated

Images afTibet in the 19 rb and 20 tb Centlwies

Paris, EFEO, coll. Etudes thematiques" (22.2), 2008, p. 611-681

Tibetan Buddhism beyond the Mouastery: Revelation and Identity in rNying rna Communities of Present-day Kham The economic and political scenarios that have appeared in post-Mao China have allowed Tibetan areas a more overt expression of religious belief and practice. In the past three decades Tibetaus seem to have gradually regained access to many popular practices forbidden in the past, such as pilgril11ages, offerings to monasteries, erection of private shrines at home, and local ceremonies and festivals. However, the Chinese government's political strategies as applied to Tibetan areas in the context of the large-scale economic development of the country have at the same time continued to weaken crucial religious authority from monastic institutions. Particularly targeted by political control, the historical role of monasteries as guarantors of religious authority, scholastic legitimacy, and institutional centers of traditional instruction has drastically decreased. Nevertheless, the Tibetans' spirit of adaptation and their struggle for the preservation of their religious and cultural identity have resulted in a revitalization of alternative fonns of religious control such as visionary activities and Treasure (gter l1w) revelation; unconventional religious communities (chos sgar) have emerged as alternative centers of practice and cultural production.

Le bouddhisme tibetain par dela Ie monastere : revelation et identite dans les eommunautes rNying ma au Kham aetuel Les scenarios economique et politique qui sont apparus dans la Chine post-maoiste ont permis allX regions tibetaines une plus grande expression de leurs croyances et des pratiques l'eligieuses. Durant les trois dernieres decennies, les Tib6tains semblent avail' retrouve l'acces a de nombreuses pratiques populaires qui etaient interdites par Ie passe, telles que les pe:ierinages, les offrandes aux ll1onasteres, la construction d'auteis d01l1estiques prives, ainsi que des ceremonies et des fetes locales. Toutefois, la strategie politique du gouvel'nement chinois envers les regions tibetaines dans Ie contexte d'un developpelllent economique du pays it grande echelle a, conjointement, continue it affaiblir l'autorite religieuse determinante des institutions monastiques. Particulierement vise par Ie controle politique, Ie rOle historique des monasteres en tant que garant de l'autorite religieuse, de la legilllite scolastique et de centres institutionnels d'enseignement traditionnel s'est considerablement allloindrie. Neanmoins, la faculte d'adaptation des Tibetains et leur combat pour preserver leur identite religieuse et culturelle a redynamise des formes alternatives de controle religieux telles que des activites visionnaires et la revelation de Tresors (gter mal ; des communautes religieuses non conventiorU1elles (chos sgar) sont apparues comme de nouveaux centres de pratique et de production clllturelle.

TIBETAN BUDDHISM BEYOND THE MONASTERY

REVELATION AND IDENTITY IN RNYTNG MA COlVIMUNITIES OF PRESENT-DAY KHANI

Antonio TERRONE
eligious practice, like other forms of cultural systems, is never completely separated from its social, political,. and his:orical con:exts. 1 Once Ti?et2 . became part of the People's Republic of Chma (PRC) m 1949-1951, TIbetans faced a series of economic and political scenarios that dramatically affected their sociocultural life and jeopardized their unique sense of identity. The hard-line anti-Tibet policy promoted by Mao Zedong between 1959 and 1978 put Tibetans through two decades of severe hardships. In the post-Mao era,) Deng Xiaoping (1904-1997) launched an overall reform of the political and economic system of the country, but with the intention of leaving the state apparatus intact.4 These Chinese economic reforms, or "reform and opening" (Ch. gaige kaifang), became known as "socialism with Chinese characteristics," and although their scope was basically ori1 I would like to express my gratitude to Matthew Pistono and Sarah Jacoby for their precious assistance in the preparation of this article and for their insights provided during long conversations on Tibetan culture and religion, I would -also like to thank Gray T utde for his useful comments, insights, and critical incisiveness. To them goes also my sincere gratitude for proofreading and editing early versions of this essay. 2 The term "Tibet" in this article refers to the ethnic, cultural, and geographical areas today assimilated within the People's Republic of China (PRC), and politically and administratively limited to the Qinghai, Gansu, Sichuan, Yunnan, and TAR provinces of the PRC. See Elliot Sperling, "The Tibet-China Conflict: History and Polemics," Policy Studies 7 (Washington: East-West Center, 2004): 1-48, here 32-33, on-line version at htrp:llwww.eastwestcenter.org/fileadmin/storedlpdfs/PS007.pdf. ) With the term "post-Mao era" I intend here the years following the death of Mao Zedong in 1976. This period covers not only the end of the Cultural Revolution and of a harsh and hard-line religious and cultural policy towards ethnic groups in the PRC, but alsothe beginning of a period of economic reforms and of a leniency by Beijing leaders towards ethnic minorities under the guidance of Deng Xiaoping. A strategy of dialogue was established with the community in Tibet and in exile, and a certain degree of relaxation conceded to revive the people's sense of cultural and religious identity. 4 Deng Xiaoping (1904-1997) exposed his vision of economic reforms to the Third Plenum of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in December 1978.

Images of Tibet in the 19" and 20" Centuries

Paris, EFEO, coll. Etudes themarique, (22.2), 2008, p. 747-779

748

Antonio Ten'one

ented towards the creation of a market economy and a stronger domestic economy, they also addressed issues of social control such as control of unemployment, inflation, and the improvement of Chinese citizens' living conditions. Ironically, in the effort to facilitate the economic development and support the country's transition to the market economy, a key side effect was that the central government had to soften its stance on the ideological control of its people and adopt a more tolerant attitude towards people's social lives. In Tibetan areas this strategy translated into a more indulgent position towards cultural and religious activities. Thus while the government has insisted on an overall modernization of the education system in Tibet, penalizing the traditionally central role of monastic religious instruction, it has concurrently allowed popular forms of religious practice and activities to reemerge. On the one hand, Tibetans have gradually gained access to many of their centuries-old popular practices that were strictly forbidden in the past: ritual pilgrimages to sacred sites, the setting up of home shrines and altars, and raising of prayer flags on their houses, and so on. On the other hand, the many political gestures and socioeconomic policies instituted by Chinese Communist leaders over the past four decades have caused major crises within the Tibetan community in the PRe. First targeted by a hard-line and intolerant approach and then by a more moderate line, the socioreligious situation in Tibet has undergone dramatic dynamics, altering much of the character of the central role of religion in Tibetan social and political life before 1959. . In the contemporary Hu Jintao era,' "ethnic minorities" (sbaosbu minzu) in China are among the top issues in the political agenda of the government. 6 The alleviation of ethnic poverty, the improvement of the quality of life, and the progress of economic development are clear objectives of China's political leaders. However, the government's stance is still very cautious concerning religious freedom. The government considers religion one of the propelling energies behind social movements and therefore a root cause of social unrest. The hard-line struggle against separatist activities (Ch. Jenlie buodong) continues -a nightmare for the Communist authorities concerned about the ongoing pres, HuJintao (born 1942) was elected president of the People's Republic of China on March 15, 2003, at the First Session of the Tenth National People's Congress, the top legislature of the country. In 1985, 44-year-old HuJintao was appointed, successively, secretary of the CPC Guizhou Provincial Committee and of the CPC Tibet Autonomous Regional Committee in 1988. He was in Lhasa during the 1989 Tibetan "pro-independence" uprising to which he reacted with a strong political crackdown resulting in the death of several Tibetan activists. 6 B.eside the Han Chinese, which constitute the ethnic "majority," the largest and dominant ethnic group in the country, China recogoizes fifty-five nationalities Cminzu) or "ethnic minorities" C!haoshu minzu) accounting fur roughly 8 per cent of the whole population (see http://www.china.org. cnlfeatures/ethnicgroups/node_1126822.htm). There are at least fifteen more ethnic groups in the PRC that are being scrutinized and considered for nationality recogoition including the Shell-as and Chinese Jews. See Dru C. Gladney, Dislocating China: Muslims, JIIIino,-ities, and Other Subaltem Subjects (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2004): 9. For minorities issues see also Morris Rossabi (ed.), Govmzing China~ lVIultiethnic Frontie7J (Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 2004): 7. The Uyghurs in Xinjiang and the Tibetans are among the most active ethnic groups in the PRC, claiming independence for their countries.

Tibetan Buddbism beyond the lVionastezJI

749

ence of resistance forces among ethnic minority regions such as Tibet and Xinjiang.7 In the Tibetan regions, besides historical claims in support of Tibetan territorial independence, the situation has been exacerbated by various factors associated with the development of the western regions, such as market reforms, Chinese settlers, the tourism industry, and the influx of economic migrants. The history of Tibet in the twentieth century is a complex one. The so-called Peaceful Liberation of Tibet (1949), the Great Leap Forward (1958-1962), and the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) spread confusion and destruction not only in China proper, but also across Tibet, "the land of snows." The convulsions of j\lIao Zedong's radical utopias and his Great Leap Forward in the late fifties (which still need to be satisfactorily analyzed) caused many thousands of deaths from famine in Tibet. 8 The liberalization period resulting from the economic reforms advanced by Deng Xiaoping in the late 1970s eventually provided a basis, although still an unstable one, for a renaissance of Tibetan culture and what Chinese propaganda calls the "Great Development of the West" ~-.:ifong da kaifa).' Currently the central government seeks the development of Tibet, the well-being of its population, and the winning of their loyalties by means of massive investments, political reforms, and economic development. One of the most effective strategies applied by Beijing in its campaign of economic reforms in Tibet was the remodeling of Tibetan life along more "modern" lines that emphasize a secular rather than religious idea of a nation. Education (and therefore language and culture) has been a primary target of Chinese reforms in all Tibetan ethnic and cultural areas. lO For example, in addition to a curtailing of the extent to which Buddhist monasteries traditionally dominated access to Tibetan education, Beijing has introduced a modern education system, shifting schooling to a secular modern setting. Buddhism remains, however, the fulcrum of the Tibetan sense of identity and therefore it is perceived as a potential threat to the autl10rity of the state and to the unity of the PRe. As a consequence monasteries, which in Tibet were the traditional centers of religious authority and literary production, have been particularly targeted

Z Since the last dynastic era (Qing dynasty 1644-1912), and the nationalist (guomin) period, Chinese leaders and policy makers have prioritized the attempt to provide a high degree ornational unity (tongjie) for China. As Gray Tuttle suggests in his Tibetan Buddhists in the 1Vlaking ofMode17z China (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005), control over religion in the early nationalistic period, and in the specific Tibetan case control over Buddhism, was seen by many Chinese policy makers as a means to acquire a significant opportunity to gain ethnic minorities' loyalties and provide national unity for the country. 8 For an overview of Niao Zedong's policies in the late fifties see Jasper Becker, Hungz] Gbosts: 1Vlao's Secret Famine (New York: The Free Press, 1997). 9 The "Great Development of the West" was initiated in 1999 by Jiang Zemin (b. 1926), then President of the PRe. This period represented an acceleration of the policies concerning "ethnic minorities" formulated over the fifty years of Communist Party rule. See Cbina~ Great Leap West (London: Tibet Information Network, 2000). 10 Catriona Bass, Education in Tibet: Polic), and Practice since 1950 (London: Tibet Information Network, 1998): 10.

750

Antonio Te17'one

by Communist propaganda because of the central role they played in pre-1959 economic and sociopolitical life in Tibet, as well as the large number of monastics that they housed. Accused by Marxist-Leninist theorists of being exploitative of the common people and a hindrance to local economic progress and cultural development, monasteries came under constant and increased inspection by governmental authorities and were eventually deprived of their central sociopolitical role. However, the Tibetans' sense of adaptation and cultural identity, inextricably connected with religion, predominantly Buddhist, has resulted in the growth of renewed forms of control and maintenance of their religious legacy. As Beijing allowed more overt types of expressions of religious faith and practice in their attempt to win loyalties and pursue economic reforms and development, other forms of religious legitimacy emerged. In some areas of eastern Tibet, namely,!{ham and especially mGo log (today classified and Sichuan and Qinghai Provinces of the PRC) some forms of religious practice such as visionary activities, Treasure revelation (gter mal, charismatic leadership, and the formation of less conventional and quasi-monastic religious communities as centers of practice and cultural production have come to characterize current religious trends in contemporary Tibetan commmiities . .Most present-day religious encampments and mountain retreat hermitages are associated with the rNying rna school of Tibetan Buddhism. Among the main schools of Buddhism in Tibet, the rNying rna order is well-known in Tibetan religious and Buddhist history for its extensive use of unconventional Tantric material (from the point of view of "orthodox" Tibetan scholasticism) and the adherence to innovative, although often controversial, strategies of establishing textual authority and legitimacy vVhile most of the Tibetan Buddhist traditions, such as the dGe lugs pa, or the Virtuous Ones, were characterized by strict scholarly rigor, special emphasis on the monastic discipline (Tib. 'clul ba, Skt. vinaya), as well as adherence to Indian sources of textual authority, the rNying rna theorists and scholars have been more experience-based, contemplation-oriented, and concerned with creative and often alternative forms of establishing textual authorship and authenticity, such as the written material revealed as TreasuresY In thee economics of Tibetan Buddhism the "Treasure" (gter ma) revelation system of production and transmission of t~'{tual material as advanced by the rNying rna pa, or the "Ancients," seems to have been particularly suitable for reestablishing a religious discourse of the continuity of the appropriation and dissemination of religious material.!' Due to its core feature as an intersection of several systems,

II The question of authenticity and validity of gte1' ma, Treasure, revealed texts is a complex one. David Germano has written an insightful introduction to the rNying ma collection ofTantras. See Germano, "History and Nature of Tbe Collected Tantms of tbe Ancients" (http:// www.thdl.org/ collections/literature/ngb/ngb-history.html), March 25, 2002. 12

1-N),ing<nta, the "Ancients," is the customary name of the most ancient school of

Tibetan Buddhism. Its adherents claim their lineage stems from the first religious communities active in Tibet during the eight and ninth centuries. They associate their tradition with Padmasambhava, an Indian Buddhist master who allegedly traveled to Tibet under the reign of King Khri srong Ide btsan and helped him in the diffusion of the Buddhist doctrine in the

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such as ritual authority, the codification of new identities, and the promotion of religious narratives, the revelation system appears as a flexible and innovative device to articulate a Buddhist discourse in a new socio-political environment as well as a source of spiritual power for its adherents. Treasure revealers (gtez; ston) and Tantric visionaries have become more and more visible in the religious and social landscape of twentiethcentury Tibet. This is particularly true in the eastern Tibetan area of Kham (today politically classified as part of the Qinghai and Sichuan provinces of the PRC) where this breed of religious figures has been intrinsically associated with the rise of large religious, namely Buddhist, encampments (chos sgat) and numerous small Tantric mountain hermitages (6 khz'od). Run mainly by monastic and non-celibate Treasure revealers and characterized by a strong charismatic leadership, these religious communities have become increasingly popular in the negotiation of local control over religious identity and especially in the diffusion of traditional patterns of religious education and instruction. vVithin the context introduced above, this study attempts to investigate and define the modalities by which the activities of some prominent Tibetan religious personalities, monastics and lay alike, have contributed to the maintenance and diffusion of Buddhist practice in present-day TibetY More specifically, this essay is concerned with the activities of a number of Buddhist masters who are leaders of religious monastic centers that operate in the Kham area. 14 Furthermore, it considers the country. The rNying rna school differentiates between the bka' ma, or "long transmission of precepts," and the gt". ma, or "short transmission of Treasures." The first refers to the lineage of a long, uninterrupted transmission of precepts and teachings from master to disciple through the centuries. The latter instead claims to be the shortest form of teaching transmission since the actual reception of the doctrine, in the form of revealed "Treasure," stems

directly from the words of Padmasambhava without passing through any succession of teacher-disciple continuity. Padmasambhava is also the initiator of the "Treasure" system of teachings transmission, which he elaborated in order to protect Buddhist texts from imminent persecution and to benefit the Tibetans of the future. For my discussion of the Treasure revelations see below in this article. For an overview of the gte1" 77Za tradition see among others A. 1. Vostrikov, "Books from Buried Treasures," in Tibetan Hist01'ical LiteTat,,,"e (Culcutta, India: Indian Studies, 1970): 27-57; Eva K. Dargyay, Tbe Rise of Esot"'ic Buddbis77Z in Tibet (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1977); Ramon N. Prats, Contributo allo studio biogmfico dei P1"i71Zi Gte7'-ston (Naples: Istituto Universitario Orientale, 1982); Tulku Thondup, Hidden Teachings of Tibet: An Explanation of the TeT'lna Tradition of the Nyingnza School ofBuddhis77z (London: Wisdom, 1986); Janet Gyatso, Appal'itions of tbe Self: Tbe Secnt Autobiograpbies ofa Tibetan Visional)' (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998); Andreas Doctor, Tibetan Treasure LitemtzITe: Revelation, Realization, and Acconzplisbment in Visional], BuddbiS77Z (Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion Publications, 2005). For a general overview of the place of gter 71za in the context of rNying rna literary canon see Germano's "History and Nature of Tbe Collected Tantms ofthe Ancients." J3 Much of the information contained and analyzed in this article has been personally collected during the past eight years (1997-2005) in various fieldwork trips to Kham (Sichuan and southern Qinghai provinces) and Amdo (Qinghai and Gansu). Some of the fieldwork sojourn has been kindly supported and sponsored by the Research School CNWS (Centre for African, Asian, and Amerindian Studies) of Leiden University in the Netherlands. 14 I have dealt with this topic differently elsewhere. See for instance Antonio Terrane, "Visions, Arcane Claims, and Treasures: Charisma and Authority in a Present-day Treasure Finder," in Tibet, Self, and tbe Tibetan DiaspoTa: Voices of Difje1"ence, ed. Christiaan Klieger

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revival of the Tibetan Treasure tradition as a successful means of asserting Buddhist authority and religious transmission in eastern Tibetan regions of the PRC as well as its role in the formation of some of the most active and vibrant rNying rna communities in twentieth-century Kham. The importance of understanding the many facets of Buddhist practice in Tibet lies in its contextualization within the state of religion and religious practice in contemporary China. In a country where traditional patterns of culture are continually under threat of suppression, and where the government keeps expressions of religious faith under continual surveillance, the fact that more and more Tibetans are unremittingly gathering around charismatic religious figures is a clear sign of their need to give voice to their own culture and value to their religious legacy.

Religion in Pnsent-day Tibet

Recent scholarship has emphasized the pressure and the consequences of the Chinese government policies on religious practice in contemporary Tibetan regions of the PRe. On the one hand, some western Tibetologists tend to portray a sort of revivalist atmosphere in religious practice favored by a relaxation in the PRC's religious policyY On the other hand, international human rights organizations and Tibet-monitoring agencies have provided information about the effects of Chinese economic development and modernization among Tibetans in their land that discourages a positive view of China's attempts to modernize Tibet. 16 Nevertheless, despite a few attempts to de~cribe the contemporary role of Buddhist traditions in Tibet, the actual phenomenon of the emergence of non-monastic systems of religious leadership and the active function of Treasure revealers in religious communities in the PRC have not received adequate scholarly attention. 17 (Proceedings of the Ninth Seminar of the IATS, Leiden: Brill, 2002): 213-228. Additionally, for a study of the role of mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs in contemporary Tibet, see also Germano, "Re-membering the Dismembered Body of Tibet: Contemporary Tibetan Visionary j\llovements in the People's Republic of China," in Buddhism in Contemporm-y Tibet: Religious Revival and Cuitural Identity, eds. Melvin C. Goldstein and Matthew T. Kapstein (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998): 53-94. 15 A number of studies have been published recently concerning the state of religion, and especially Buddhism, in contemporary Tibet. Goldstein and Kapstein bring up a range of issues concerning Buddhist and local practices in their Buddbisnz in Contemp01-a1-Y Tibet. See also Kapstein, "A Thorn in the Dragon's Side: Tibetan Buddhist Culture in China," in Gove1"1Zing Cbina's lVluitietlmic P,ontien, 230-269; Ronald D. Schwartz, "Renewal and Resistance: Tibetan Buddhism in the Twentieth Century," in Buddbism and Politics in Twentieth-Centu1Y Asia, ed. Ian Harris (London and New York: Continuum, 1999): 229-253. 16 Some reports and publications have appeared on this topic in the recent years. See for instance Tibet Information Network, Relative Freedoms?: Tibetan Buddhism and R,;igious Policy in Kardze, Sichuan, 1987-1999 (London, 1999); Human Rights Watch, Thais ofa Tibetan lVIonle: Tbe Case of Tenzin Delek, 2004; International Campaign for Tibet, When the Sky Fell to the Eartb: The New Crackdown on Buddhism in Tibet (vVashington, 2004), and Inco771pamble Wim-ioTS: Non-violent Resistance in Contempora1-Y Tibet (Washington, 2005).
17

I use here the term "non-monastic)) to refer to Tibetan religious settlements such as

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Within the general resurgence of religious activities, some Tibetan religious leaders are working actively for the diffusion of Buddhism and the maintenance of traditional practice. In particular, since the early 1980s, there has been an ongoing visibility of Buddhist teachers, especially rNying rna Treasure revealers such as Grub dbang lung rtogs rgyal mtshan (also known as mKhan po A chos) [Fig. 1], 'Od gsal bde chen rdo rje, Nam sprul 'Jigs med phun tshogs, sKu gsum gling pa, and Rig 'dzin nyi rna, to name only a few. Such Treasure revealers are gaining popularity and respect, galvanizing large gatherings around themselves, as monastics and lay devotees are moved by a desire for religious instruction Fig. 1: The Buddhist teacher and Treasure revealer Grub dbang lung and spiritual guidance. Additionally, many rtogs rgyal mtshan at his residence among them have a more and more visible in Ya chen sgar, dKar mdzes (Ch. social role within their own land and in mainGanzi), Sichuan, November 2004. land China as well, sponsoring the construc(Photo by A. Terrone) tion of local religious buildings, accepting of Chinese lay devotees and students, and performing public rituals. My sense is that these revived forms of spiritual authority and charismatic leadership are employed, in varying degrees, to address specific claims of authority and legitimacy over the management of Buddhist practice in Tibet today. Many of these leaders are deliberately fostering a renewed faith in the Buddhist doctrine among their followers, restoring a structure for religious instruction, and creating centers of religious practice and education that adapt to the current forms of control as applied by the Chinese government. Furthermore, in a Tibetan society where the institutional role of many monasteries has been extensively damaged and their educational structure weakened, charismatic leaders such as Treasure revealers have found alternative ways to channel religious transmissions of practices and teachings. As a result of Deng Xiaoping's reforms, sociocultural changes have occurred throughout the PRe. The Chinese government's acknowledgment of the excesses under the rule of Mao Zedong has allowed the political elite to consider a more tolerant attitude towards religious life and local culture among both Han Chinese and ethnic minority groups.!S However, while the Chinese authorities have allowed
mountain hermitages (ri kh"ad) and the religious encampments (chas sgaT) in most cases lead by non-celibate Buddhist teachers. In these religious encampments the resident population includes non only monks and nuns, but also lay people alike. 18 Hu Yaobang was a major architect of the reforms elaborated by Deng Xiaoping. As Party secretary, Hu Yaobang was the first to admit that the CCP had made serious mistakes in Tibet and proposed strategies to enhance the economic development to ensure a rise in the standard of living among individual Tibetans, and foster a revitalization of Tibetan cul-

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some degree of freedom of religious practice in Tibet-especially popular forms of Buddhist practices, such as ritual circumambulation of religious buildings and holy sites, pilgrimage to sacred places, visits to monasteries and masters, and setting up of house altars-a certain intolerance has been declared on separatist activities linked to any religious activities that might potentially promote religion actively and so encourage a renewed sense of Tibetan identity.l9 The monastery is traditionally the institutional heart of the Tibetan Buddhist world. The harsh policies applied over the years by tbe Chinese Communist Party (CCP) resulted in the monastery losing its traditional power base. Despite the iconoclastic destruction of monasteries, nunneries, and other religious centers that took place in all Tibetan areas especially during the years of the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), in the past decades the revival has restored most of what was once destroyed. 20 The population of monastic residents, both monks and nuns, however, has dramatically decreased due to restrictive government policies concerning the number of resident monastics and the age of enrolment_ Additionally, over the decades since 1959, most of the major religious figures of the land have fled into exile, following the Fourteenth Dalai Lama bsTan 'dzin rgya mtsho. Each year more than two tbousand refugee seekers, including monks and nuns, leave Tibet searching a new life in exile." Furtbermore, tbe actual state of religious practices is continually undermined by political propaganda and patriotic education campaigns in Tibet, which aim specifically at weakening the authority and the prestige of religious monastic institutions and tbeir leaders.

ture and religion. For remarks on current Sino-Tibetan policies in the PRC, see Goldstein, "Tibet and China in the Twentieth Century," in Gove172ing China's, 186-229. See also Tsering Shakya, The Dragon in the Land of Snows (London: Pimlico, 1999), and Tashi Rabgey and Tseten Wangchuk Sharlho, Sino-Tibetan Dialogue in the Post-lVlao Era: Lessons and Prospects (Washington, DC: East-West Center Washington, 2004). 19 For details concerning Chinese government's attitude on separatist (Ch. fenlie) and anti-splittist activities in Tibet see for instance the introduction of Goldstein, in Buddhism in Contemp01'ttlJ' Tibet, 1-17. 20 Virtually all monasteries and temples in Tibet were in one way or another affected by the results of iconoclastic rage, especially powerful during the years of the Cultural Revolution. According to a recent count by Matthew Kapstein a hundred and twenty thousand monks are today residing in Tibetan Buddhist monasteries and some three thousand monasteries are today active in Tibetan ethnic regions of the PRe. Kapstein, "A Thorn in the Dragon's Side," 263-264, note 3 21 See Refugee Report: Dangel-ous C,'ossing-2004 Update (vVashington DC: International Campaign for Tibet): 2. Nearly 80 percent of the Tibetan community in exile is made up of monks and nuns. The most spectacular and recent flights were the 1998 escape of A kya Rinpoche, head abbot of the sKu 'bum monastery (Ch. Ta'ersi), which together with Bh brang blera shis 'khil, is among the most significant dGe lugs pa monasteries in Arndo, today Lelonging to the Xining area of Qinghai province; and that of the then sixteen-year-old seventeenth Karmapa 0 rgyan 'Phrin las rdo rje, from his seat in mTshur pu monastery in central Tibet in 1999. The former now lives in exile in the USA, while the latter has lived in exile in India since his arrival in January 2000. The formal seat of the Karmapa in India is the Dharma Chalera Center in Rumtek, Sikkim.

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Buddbism in Today's Kham

Although systematic control over religious practices by the Chinese authorities in Tibet is applied in all Tibetan ethnic areas, the strategies and the modalities they use differ from region to region and reflect varying local attitudes. While in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) religious practice is constantly marked by frequent tensions with the Chinese political leadership, outside the TAR, especially in the northern and eastern regions ofKham and Amdo, religious practice enjoys varying levels of openness. This disparity is mainly explainable by the fact that although Tibetans living in the lands now included within the PRC have shared a common identity of language, culture, and religion, the same cannot be said for their political loyalties. A centralized Tibetan government existed and was based in Lhasa. Although predominantly active in Central Tibet, Lhasa government, hierarchically dominated by local aristocracy and dGe lugs pa monastic estates, extended its powers to Chab mdo in Kham as well since the seventeenth century. The areas ofKham, as well as Amdo, were split off and organized in a series of small kingdoms, local feudal estates, and district communities governed by chieftains and local leaders (dpon po). Geopolitically speaking, the boundaries of Kham were largely based on a combination of tribal territorial control and human elements rather than political factors. Borders between communities were very clear at the local level at least in tribal areas where crossing into other tribes' territories was very dangerous. Additionally, distinction and identity were largely based on. local dialects and customs, as well as on clothing and ornamentation. 22 However, from the Chinese perspective borders between Sichuan, Qinghai, and Gansu were decided in 1723-1725 during the Qing Dynasty when they were enforced in various ways, often with the work of the ambans.23 Several reasons significantly hindered the formation of pre-1950 Tibet into a modem nation state. First of all, the aristocratic families, which had a significant influence on governmental policy, were largely, if not exclusively, from central Tibet (dBus gTsang). Secondly, the nebulosity of Tibetan boundaries resulted in the formation and existence of local independent communities rather than clear territorial entities. 24 Finally, the religious diversity in Kham, in contrast to the dominance of dGe lugs pa religious and political monastic centers in central Tibet, increased the difficulty of negotiating concepts of centralized power and unified government in Tibetan areas of Kham and Amdo. While the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan government (dga' ldan pho brang) that was founded by the Fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617-1682), in the seventeenth century were a central and indisputable religious as well as a political focus of legitimate central authority,
22 Carole McGranahan, Arrested Histories: Between Empire and E.'die in 20th Century Tibet (PhD diss" University of Michigan, 2001): 22. 2l I have particularly benefited from Gray Tuttle's comments in discussing this point, 24 This can be also seen in the fact that the Tibetans themselves never really succeeded in defining their borders and territory. As far as I am aware of, the creation of maps or pictorial representations of state borders and/or administrative boundaries was hardly a concern of Tibetan policy makers in pre-1959 Tibet.

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eastern Tibetans were more inclined to address their political loyalties to local clan chieftains, warlords, and kings, promoting a loosely centralized system of inter-clan relations and loose hierarchical connections. These differences persisted until the assimilation of Tibet into the PRe and are still detectable today. For instance, eastern Tibetans from Kham talk about the people of central Tibet as bod pa, "people of Tibet," distinguishing themselves as khams pa, "people of Kham"; and they refer to the Tibetan dialect spoken in Lhasa as bod skad, "language of Tibet," while talking about their dialect as kha71Zs skad, "language ofKham." This diversity of territorial and social control was reflected also in religious organization. Kham, as well as Amdo, was not only more religiously diverse than central Tibet, but tended also to inspire the creation of religious cormnunities led by charismatic figures. The nineteenth century development of the l'is med ("impartial" or "non-sectarian") movement in Kham testifies to the open-mindedness and the breadth of a significant group of farsighted religious leaders." Non-celibate religious personalities, representing mainly the rNying rna and bKa' brgyud schools, traditionally more contemplation-oriented, were valued as much as the officially ordained (:rab til 'byzmg ba), and therefore monastically-oriented, abbots and scholars. Despite the apparently fixed demarcation between ordained and non-celibate institutions, religious life in Kham was in fact never really marked in tl1is way.26 Today, non-celibate Tantric specialists, lay followers, and ordained monastics often live together in religious cormnunities, such as the religious encampments (chos sgaz') discussed below, where nuns also have created their own quarters. lVlonks and nuns attend religious classes and receive empowerments and instructions from non-celibate teachers and householder Tantric practitioners, as well as Treasure finders and ascetic hermits.

25 The 65 med movement was a syncretic religious movement aimed at the dissemination of spiritual practice unbiased by sectarian prerogatives and especially promoting religious texts and ritual procedures, from different schools of Tibetan Buddhism, without rivalry. Launched in the nineteenth century it was particularly supported by a group of religious personalities from eastern Tibet such as Kong sprul Blo gros mtha' yas (1813-1899), 'Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse dbang po (1820-1892), gTer ston bSod rgyal (aka Las rab gling pa, 1856-1926), 'Ju mi pham rnam rgyal rgya mtsho (1846-1912), and mChog gyur bde chen zhig po gling pa (1829-1870). For a general overview of the ris med movement see Gene Smith, "'Jam mgon Kong sprul and the Non-sectarian Movement," in Kongtntl's Encyclopedia of Indo-Tibetan Cuitzwe, ed. Lokesh Chandra (New Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture, 1970): 1-87. Reprint in Smith, Among Tibetan Texts: Histo'l)' and Litemtzm in tbe Himalayan Plateau (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2001): 235-272. 26 In general it can be said that the Tibetan religious culture is populated by two kinds of religious specialists, ordained monastic-vow bound specialists (Tib. mb tll 'byung ba, Skt. prava1'tanata; also Tib. dge slang, Skt. bbikpt), and non-celibate householder Tantric specialists (Tib. sngags pa, Skt. mant:rin/mantl'ika). Although a clear demarcation line between the two groups cannot be drawn, these two groups of religious personalities have characterized the religious landscape of Tibetan culture since the introduction of Buddhism in Tibet in the dynastic era and even more between the tenth and eleventh century with the gradual emergence of sectarian divisions within Buddhism. For an analysis of various religious professionals in traditional Tibet see Geoffrey Samuel, Civilized Sbamans: Buddbism in Tibetan Societies (vVashington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1995),270-297.

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Fig. 2: Monks outside the main assembly hall ofBla rung sgar in gSer rta (Sichuan), November 2005. (Photo by A. Terrane) The untamable and lively spirit of independence of the people of Kham reflects this open behavior, one of the major characteristics of nineteenth-and twentieth-century eastern Tibetan society. The historical events and sociocultural developments that have contributed to shaping the situation of Buddhism and religious practice in Tibet also determined a series of specific relationships in the economy of religious power and spiritual authority, especially when it comes to standards of monastic discipline, ethical norms, and moral behavior within the religious community. Communities born around charismatic figures and spiritual leaders have also triggered a series of tensions in the sphere of authority. Ethical, as well as moral, claims such as the importance of the code of discipline and the maintenance of monastic vows in a monastic "environment, the adherence to non-monastic vows in lay communities, and the often criticized controversial attitude of many non-celibate masters, have fuelled recent "underground" debates in TibetP Lay Tantric personalities and practitioners are often criticized for their immoral behavior, fundamentally linked to the sexual practices connected with yogic exercises and contemplation practices. For example, the late
27 Since the Chinese authorities monitor publishing houses strictly, some Tibetan religious leaders have opted to diffuse their ideas and propagate their advice to the faithful through the publication abroad of pamphlets and books containing their teachings, advice, and sermons. In recent years a few followers corning from Hong Kong, Singapore, and Taiwan have opened branches of Tibetan monasteries and encampments in their own countries, often publishing their teachers' teachings. On this see, for instance, the contributions by Henry Shiu and Yao Lixiang in this volume.

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mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs (1933-2004), who was an ordained monk, an incarnation (sprztlsku) of the famous Treasure revealer Las rab gling pa (1856-1926), the head of Bla rung sgar in gSer rta and himself a Treasure revealer l,rrter stan) was also known for his position concerning the maintenance of monastic and non-monastic vows and criticized immoral behavior among lay Tantric practitioners and teachers. In a collection of advice (zhal gdanzs) delivered in public that was edited and published by his disciples, and circulated in Tibet, mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs specifically elaborates on morality and ethical behavior, not only among monastics (dge slang), but also non-celibate religious figures such as lay householder Tantric practitioners (sngags pa khyim thabs pa), Treasure revealers, and yogin (rnal 'byor pa). In particular mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs directs his criticism at non-celibate Tantric specialists, including the Treasure revealers, for their often ambiguous attitude in terms of moral conduct, especially concerning the number of female partners, or consorts, they associate with for their ritual practices." As mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs's comments reveal, the negotiations between celibate monastic life and non-celibate Tantric lifestyles are still the subject of ongoing internal debates in contemporary settings in eastern Tibet. 29 The reemergence of non-monastic Buddhist centers of traditional education and practice has raised issues of ethical and moral behavior in some religious circles, especially in connection with monastic discipline and lay Tantric vows, issues that apparently animate the interaction among religious personalities in the current sociopolitical environment. Nevertheless, Tibetans are in a situation where voice is once again being given to their need for religious expression and the maintenance of traditional patterns of Buddhist life despite the constant threats of suppression and closure of religious institutions hanging over them. Above all, Tibetans seem to have been given permission to enjoy some degree of freedom in organizing their religious practice within the popular sphere. The cautious concessions granted by the central Chinese government on issues concerning social mores and religious practice, espe(;ially in the border regions of Kham and Amdo, is a useful tool in the hands of top Chinese government leaders, given the ambitious economic goals of the PRC in the world scene today. The Chinese government's perceived leniency from the 1980s onward indeed did allow
28 Chos rje dam'pa 'jigs med phun tshogs 'byltng gnas dpa! bzang po mchog gi mjug mtha'i zha! gdams rang tshugs ma shari gzhan sems ma dkrugs zhes' pa'i 'gre! ba lugs gnyis btang dar gsa! ba'i sgron me (gSer rta: Bla rung lnga rig slob gling, 2005). I have read and translated the sec-

tion of the publication specifically concerned with mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs's ideas concerning morality and discipline among non-monastic personalities such as Tantric professionals, yogin, Treasure revealers, and I have recently presented it at the 11'" Seminar of the InternationalAssociation of Tibetan Studies (IATS) held in Kiinigswinter near Bonn (Germany), within a study of modalities to examine Treasure revealers. See also Germ '.no's report ("Re-membering," 71-72) on mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs's 'attitude towards lay Tantric practitioners active in today's Tibet. 29 For instance see the discussion in Kapstein, "The Purificatory Gem and Its Cleansing: A Late Tibetan Polemical Discussion of Apocryphal Texts," History of Religions 28.3 (1989): 217-244.

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for a moderate religious recovery which was restricted to some primary expressions of religious life. However, other major issues that needed attention, especially in the field of the disseulination of traditional education and religious instruction in monasteries, received a hostile response. In addition, in terms of social control, such an attitude helps to camouflage the subtle maneuverings applied by government officials to control potential activities considered subversive and against central government policies. At the same time, together with the concessions on popular religious practices, the government turned a blind eye to the restoration of religious sites and buildings, monasteries, temples, and other major architectural structures that were often conducted by private, donations and support, from both domestic and foreign sources. Such a strategy has enabled Beijing to gain a double score'. The fact that popular practices can be reinstated has given local Tibetans the feeling that they have regained some access to their rights to maintain their cultural identity, and it has also increased the tourist industry and favored the local economy. Meanwhile, another issue has arisen within the refigious scenario of modern Tibet. Tibetan religious leaders need to cope with the fact that a reconfiguration of the necessary spiritual authority is needed to support religious practice and to rebuild the religious infrastructure within the limits imposed by central governmental policies. The complete reconstruction and reorganization of Tibetan Buddhism in all its previous-i.e., pre-1959-aspects are highly problematic in present-day Tibet. The formation of any spiritually or religiously oriented organization and leadership,. in the PRC is immediately regarded with suspicion by the political authorities and usually put under tight control, especially if ties or contacts with the Fourteenth Dalai Lama and his community in exile are suspected. Therefore, whereas Tibet has experienced a resurgence of non-monastic religious communities, it is also true that local authorities maintain strict control over these Buddhist centers and the activities performed by their religious leaders. Recently, especially since 2004, the Chinese government has put renewed emphasis in the organization and administration of religious affairs in the country. This is particularly evident in the new regulations on religious affairs that appeared in the PRC in 2005. 30 One of the major points emphasized in the document is the obligation for monasteries and any other congregation officially present on Chinese soil-including temples, churches, and mosques-to register their presence and activity with the Religious Affairs Bureau (RAB).3! Registration implies compliance

JO In July 2004 the Standing Committee of the State Council passed a directive concerning the management of the religious affairs and in March 2005 published it as "Regulations on Religious Affairs" (Zongjiao shiwu tiaolt). Since then monasteries and nunneries have been put under pressure for registration with the government. This was later published in April 2005 in the form of a book with the same title and distributed to major monasteries and religious institutions around the country. In Tibet this publication has appeared in both Chinese and Tibetan. For an English translation see "Newly Promulgated Religious Affairs Provisions," Chinese Law and Religious Monitor Journal 2 (2005): 53-66. II The Religious Affairs Bureau (Tib. chos don ellS, Ch. zongjiao shiwu bume,,) is an office under the direct administration of the State Council (Ch. gtwwuyuan) tl,e central auilior-

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with the regulations that the government has established and involves accepting a series of requirements in order for a religious center to operate according to the laws of the PRC. Therefore monasteries and nunneries, often under heavy pressure ftom local authorities, are compelled to register their activities with the local RAB, which in turn draws to them more monitoring, controls, and influence from the authorities. This takes form not only as political indoctrination and patriotic campaigns but also as strict control on monastic resident population, age of monks or nuns, teaching material, and often the type of religious instruction offered at monasteries. It must be said, though, that despite the strictness of these regulations, most of these are enforced especially at large institutions, while smaller ones manage to accept younger monks and often enjoy a numerous monastic population. In this atmosphere in which religious institutions are attempting to adapt to the new political context and to maintain a certain degree of autonomy in the diffusion and practice of Buddhism, some of the most vibrant religious organizations are those that have been revived in eastern Tibet in the past two decades. Nonmonastic, loosely-formed religious mountain hermitages (ri kh1'od) and religious encampments (chos sgar) presently operating in the eastern regions of Tibet were either established or gained renewed popularity after the moderate culturalliberalization of the early 1980s. These reforms and changes of attitude must be viewed within the wider context of the CCP's plans for massive economic and social development through an overall transformation of China into a modernized and globally competitive entity.32 Despite the fact that control is still strict and a hard-line attitude is still applied in Kham and Arodo-which are today classified as Qinghai, Sichuan, and Gansu provinces of the PRC-some relaxation iJ:l terms of religious policy has been allowed. This is due to two fundamental points. First, these regions had already been colonized by the Chinese before 1950. They were geographically closer to China, which made it easier for Chinese workers to enter Tibetan ethnic regions and establish themselves and open their enterprises and for Tibetans to go and work for the PRC. JJ The economic reform, however, is largely seen to be encouraging migrants from cenity of the PRe. The major task of the RAE is to provide guidance and supervision in the administration of regulations concerning religious practice and venues of religious activities (Ch. zongjiao hZlOdong changsuo) in China. In Tibet the office was established in 1965 and the first religious figure appointed as head of the RAE was sKyabs rje Khri byang rin po che (1900-1981). Goldstein, Buddhism in Contemporary Tibet, 7-8. J2 This general political movement in the PRC is usually referred to as gaige kaifang, or "reform and opening," which covered many fields of the Chinese system under Deng Xiaoping and Hu Yaobang. This liberalization, which was at the same time a modernization movement, was mainly to apply to the economic and social spheres. By the late 1980s, it not only brought China into the modern world, but loosened also the Party's grip on personal, social, and cultural life. Alan Hunter and Kim-Kwong Chan (eds.), Protestdntism in Contemporary China (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1993): 21-65. See also Goldstein, The Snow Lion and the Dragon: China, Tibet, and the Dalai Lama (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997): 61-66. Jl See Charlene E. Makley, The Violence of Liberation: Gender and Tibetan Buddhist Revival in Post-Mao China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007): 29-30.

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tral China. Second, central Chinese government leaders look forward to softening the hard-line stance on central Tibetans by showing them how generating loyalry to the central government can promote improvement in living conditions and the reestablishment 6f local cultural traditions. The powerful sociopolitical forces unleashed by economic reforms have had some positive consequences, especially on the standard of living for the general population. However, ongoing pressure has also been maintained, in particular within the religious and cultural spheres. This is due, above all, to the fact that the economic development so much promulgated and glorified by Chinese leaders did not prove to be as successful in promoting loyalty to' China and removing attachment to cultural and religious traditions as they expected. As has already been stated, the increased popularity of religious encampments (chos sga1') and the ongoing attraction they have for many Tibetan Buddhist practitioners are in part a response to pressure applied by the political and cultural environment and the weakening role of the monasteries as the leading centers of religious instruction and education. However, they have also become popular destinations among practitioners, monastic and lay alike, because of the high quality of the education and instruction they offer, something difficult to acquire in monasteries in the past two decades. The revitalization of religious communities like the religious encampments and of activities such as Treasure revelation represent a growing need on the part of Buddhist practitioners to find sources of authority, legitimacy, and prestige in places other than the formal religious institutions recognized by the government. The suppression of traditional education and instruction in monastic institutions, following years of repressive religious policies by the CCP under MarxistLeninist ideology, often forces religious practitioners, above all monks and nuns, to look elsewhere for reliable and experienced teachers. These circumstances are shaped by three interdependent factors. First, the e..'qlulsion of monks and nuns in the years of the Cultural Revolution, 1960-1977, resulted in a 90 percent decrease in the number of monastic residents. Second, the political campaigns beginning in the early 1990s that were aimed at the reeducation of Tibetans in general and of monks and nuns specifically, targeted monastic institutions, and have inevitably diluted the quality of religious culture and damaged the basis of Buddhist knowledge in which scholasticism and contemplation experience are traditionally considered as fundamental aspects of monastic religious curricula. Third, since the assimilation of Tibet into the PRC, a significant portion of the religious population has left Tibet, leading to a lack of experienced and traditionally trained Tibetan religious teachers and scholars. They left behind a land now experiencing a dramatic shortage of primary human sources of traditional knowledge and education.

Religious Identity and the Growing Visibility ofBuddhist Encampments

After the emigrations, many monasteries and nunneries were left without their abbots, leaders, and teachers. Traditional instruction and practice were forbidden and monasteries doomed to abandonment and decay. In the highlands of Kham arid

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Fig. 3: A view of the Buddhist center Thub bstan chos 'khor gling also known as Lung sngon sgar in dGa' bde (Ch. Gande) in mGo log (Qinghai), June 2005. (Photo by A. Terrone)

Amdo, however, religious encampments are developing as large communities exceeding formal monastic centers in both size and resident population. As seen above, the PRC now shows some tolerance towards the rehabilitation of religious practices, above all popular forms of religious activities that carry no threats to the stability and unity of the country, but in Tibet, the priority of the Chinese authorities has been to control places of religious activities by every means. The number of novices per year, their education and instruction, the age and the procedures of enrolment-everything has to comply with a rigid and strict set of rules established and dictated by the central Chinese government and rigorously controlled by local authorities.l4 Coercive measures and religious suppression have been maintained. over traditional monastic institutions and nunneries in central Tibet (TAR) and in Kham and Amdo alike. Secular disciplines of patriotic education and political instruction have been forcefully inserted into monastic curricula traditionally considered the only way to pursue spiritual achievement and religious (both Buddhist and Bon) acculturation. It is within the framework of this coercive cultural stagnation that the religious encampments have gained more popularity as a form of religious gathering. The development of such monastic or quasi-monastic communities of monastics and lay people outside the authority of monasteries and nunneries for the traditional
J4 Goldstein describes very well the revival of monastic life in central Tibet in his article with a case study on the revival of religious activities in 'Bras spungs monastery in Lhasa. See Goldstein, ~The Revival of Monastic Life in Drepung Monastery," in Buddhism in Contempormy'Eibet, 15-52. See Makley, The Violence ofLiberation, for a study of Labrang monastery in post-Mao era's Amdo.

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study and practice of the Buddhist doctrine in the last two decades is one of the most remarkable aspects of the revival of religious expression in eastern Tibet. Some Tibetan Buddhist masters of the rNying maschool of Tibetan Buddhism, such as Nam sprul 'Jigs med phun tshogs (b. 1944) and bDe chen 'od gsal rdo rje (b. 1921), have been particularly successful in present-day Kham in their attempt to maintain Buddhist practice and to reconstitute the network of traditional patterns of religious education, especially in accordance with the teaching triad of authorization of reading (lung), empowerment (dbang), and instruction (j,h1'id) considered fundamental within the traditional religious training of the Tibetan Vajrayana system. As an example we have the interesting case of the teaching activity of the non-celibate Tantric master Padma gtum po, also Imown as sKyabs rje sKu gsum gling pa rin po che (b. 1934) who founded and developed Lung sngon sgar, a religious community in dGa' bde (Dar par lag county) that nowadays houses more than three thousand resident monastics and lay devotees, including Han Chinese [Fig. 3]. At Lung sngon sgar, as in many of today's religious encampments, there is a major focus on a curriculum of traditional monastic disciplines for monks, usually disseminated by a number of resident 'lItkban po, or seminary teachers. However, in addition, sKu gsum gling pa rin po che has also established a Tantric college (sngags pa g1'7JJa tshang) where non-celibate Tantric practitioners, including a group of young children, study more specifically Tantric material, such as the mying tbig system of rdzogs eben (the Great Perfection) and especially the texts that sKu gsum gling pa has revealed as Treasures 35 This way of conferring teachings and instruction to Buddhist monastics and laypeople constitutes the backbone of the religious education system in Tibet, just as the teacher-pupil relationship forms the only way to access Buddhist Tantric training. 36 Religious assemblies of both monastics and lay practitioners around charismatic figures during peri6ds of teachings, empowerments, or during the establishment of new semi-monastic communities is a practice that was quite common in pre-1959 Tibet. Religious encampments (ehos sgat') appeared already in the fourteenth century in Tibet and were mostly associated with the activities of the Karma bKa' brgyud school of Tibetan Buddhism. It was especially under the leadership of the fourth Karma paRol pa'i rdo rje (1340-1383) that large outdoor religious (chos) encampments (sgar) were organized on the occasion of his public teachings and empowerments and became known by the name of the great religious encampments of the Karma bKa' brgyud (karma pa'i cbos tshogs sgat' cben).l7 However the particular formation of the
35 For a source on Padma gtum po's life and activities see A bu dkar 10, 0 J'gyan sKit gsunz gling pa'i rnam tbm' (Hong Kong: Tianma chubanshe, 2003). A shorter version of the biogra' phy written in Portuguese is available on line on the website of the Diidiil Pbwpa Ling Cente1'

(http://kilaya.dharmanet.com.brlbrindex.htm). I am currently working on an English translation of sKu gsum gling pa's biography (nJam tbat), and I have included more on this gtel' ston in my PhD dissertation. For the mying tbig system see below note 54. 30 The Chinese government policies about religion and culture are noticeable also among other so-called "ethnic minorities" (sbaosbtt minzu); especially affected are the Uighur people of Xinjiang Autonomous Region. For a study of the situation of Muslim communities in the PRe see Gladney, Dislocating Cbina. 37 For an informative overview of the great religious assemblies of the Karma bKa'

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current ones, the size of some among them, as well as the growing number found in eastern Tibet are recent phenomena. In part today's religious encampments can also be seen as an adaptation to the strict controls that have been placed on traditional monasteries and religious practitioners in general since the early 1980s and in particular since the 1996 "patriotic education" (Tib. rgyal gees slob gsa, Ch. aiguo jiaoyu) campaigns. Government-driven patriotic education remains in effect today in most of the monasteries and nunneries of Tibet and is directed towards instructing and testing all monks, nuns and teachers in every monastery and nunnery across the Tibetan plateau on the "correct" view of religion, law, history, and the Dalai Lama within a socialist theoretical background. "Vork teams of Communist Party cadre/leaders, both Chinese and Tibetan, conduct study sessions lasting from a few weeks up to three months at the monastic institutions. Limits on the numbers of monks and nuns are also enforced by the work teams. It should be noted that in March 1998, the program was extended to schools and to the "citizens" of Tibet. However,. the phenomenon of religious encampments also needs to be seen in part as a natural need for Tibetans to maintain their traditional freedom of movement necessary to continue the transmission of traditional patterns of Buddhist practice and gathering. The requirements of the Chinese government for all Chinese citizens to conform to the hukou (Tib. them tho), or household registration system has contributed to making the mainten~nce of Tibetan monastic system difficult.J8 One of major characteristics of Tibetan Buddhist training and practice is the encouragement to receive different teachings during one's spiritual development not only from the pupil's root teacher ~~tsa ba'i bla ma) in one's home monastery, but also from other

brgyud see Thub bstan phun tshogs's "Karma pa'i chos tshogs sgar chen 'dzam gling zhes pa'i skor mdor bsdus starn brjod pa" [A brief discussion on the Karmapa's great religious assemblies known as the ornaments of the world], Kmng go'i bod kyi shes rig 1 (1993): 52-65. J8 The buji zhidu or "system of household registration" (also called hukou in Chinese) was established in the PRC in 1950 as one of the early policies in the aftermaths of the formation of the new Republic in order for the Chinese government to apply a stronger control over its population and keep an eye on internal population migrations. vVithin the new wave of government reforms and open market economy the system was weakened and internal migration encouraged, but the bukou system restrictions continue to affect the people of the PRe. This is especially true for ethnic groups for whom bukou identification is in many cases still applied. A number of scholarly studies of the hukou system have appeared both in the PRC and abroad, especially on the impact of the migration from countryside to urban areas of China on the economy of the country. See, for instance, Kam Wing Chan, "Zhongguo huji zhidu gaige he chengxian renkou qianyi" [Chinese Imkou reforms and the rural-urban migration], Zbongguo laodong jingji (Cbina Labo1' Economics) 1 (2004): 108-123. For an English translation of the article see Kam Wing Chan and Li Zhang, "The Hukou System and Rural-Urban Migration: Processes and Changes," Tbe Cbina QUa71:edy 160.1 (1999): 818-855 (avaLable at http://courses.washington.edulchinageoIChan-Zhang-CQ.PDF). The two articles above can be also downloaded in PDF format at the website of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China: http://www.cecc.gov/pages/roundtables/090205!index.php. See also Fei-ling Wang, 01-ganization tbroItgb Division and Exclusion: China's HIt!eou System (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2005).

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teachers, specializing in different doctrines or sets of practices, who often live far from the monastery or in other regions of the country. vVith the restrictions imposed by the bukou system of population registration, the Tibetans monastic population found itself constrained and limited in its movements across the land and therefore unable to continue the traditional forms of religious education. With the more tolerant attitude shown by the central government and local authorities concerning religious practice, Buddhist leaders regained visibility in Tibet and many began to reconstruct the sacred geographical landscape of their land and the religious structures that were heavily attacked in the past. In this atmosphere monIcs and nuns began to regain confidence and move around the country in search of authentic teachers and places for practice. They would thus gather around the teacher and establish themselves in the new setting, starting to build individual huts and cells in order to attend his teachings and to practice according to his instructions. Many monks and nuns living in the religious encampments today stay there for relatively short periods of time, three or folir years, but sometimes much longer. BIa rung sgar,'9 the religious encampment and mountain retreat (ri khrod) center established by mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs:o offers the title of 77ZidJan po (seminary teacher), which is an advanced study degree, to those monks-nuns can receive the title of 77Zkhan 77Zo-who, after a period of usually six to seven years, have proved their mastery in certain disciplines, such as basic traditional treatises on logic and epistemology, philosophy, and monastic discipline. 41 One of the main reasons for the success of the religious encampments (chos sgm') in today's Tibet is that great effort and emphasis is put on religious instruction, which is provided according to a traditional pattern. The triad of empowerment, teachings, and instructions is respected in order to establish a consistent and gradual way of learning and practicing that is otherwise hard to accomplish. Despite a degree of tolerance shown by the authorities, repression occurs, as is shown by the history of Bla rung sgar. mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs, one of the most active religious figures in modern Tibet in the maintenance of traditional patterns of religious instruction, was born in Kham and when he was still a child he was recognized as the reincarnation of Las rab gling pa one of the most famous gter stan of Tibet. After having embraced religious life, he founded the Buddhist center gSang chen 'od skur grol ba'i dben khrod, also known as BIa rung lnga rig nang bstan slob
39 Bla rung Inga rig nang bstan slob gling (Larung Five Sciences Buddhist Academy) lies nearly ten kilometers from gSer rta township in Sichuan in dKar mdzes (Ch. Ganzi) Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture. 40 For a study of mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs and his religious encampment (chos sgar) Bla rung sgar see Germano's "Re-membering." In the last few years various NGOs and human rights agencies have produced reports of the 2001 incidents at Bla rung sgar and the situation in similar religious encampments in Tibet. See for instance ICT, When the Sky Fell to Ea1"th; and Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD), Destruction of

Serthm' Institztte: A Rep01"t, 2002.

41 It represents the peak of scholastic training, in rNying rna academies, for those monks who complete the study program, which often includes epistemology and philosophy, together with disciplines such as grammar, poetry, composition, but also painting, and often medicine.

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gling or simply Bla rung sgar in gSer rta in 1980. In August 2001 a series of inspection visits by Chinese authorities to Bla rung sgar targeted nuns and monks who were found to lack valid residence permits according to the bukou registration system. Those staying at the encampment without permits were forced to leave and their cells were destroyed. mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs was reported ill and was accompanied to Chengdu where he was hospitalized until 2002. Repeated checks and demolitions occurred through the next few years until 2004, the year when mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs died, in an effort by the authorities to keep a tight control on the number of monastics living in the compound. This level of suppression demonstrates the powerful valence that religious' encampments such as Bla rung sgar have taken on for Tibetan cultural and religious identity. The loose organization of the religious encampments, the absence of a strict set of rules regarding enrolment, monastic affiliation, number of resident monks and nuns, and the eclectic nature of the encampments, contributed to the success of the activities of this kind of religious center as one of the most significant religious movements of Tibet in the twentieth century. Teachings are usually delivered by mleban po, who coordinate and provide basic and advanced instruction to small clusters of monks or nuns, most often segregated according to their place of origin. Monks and nuns assemble in the main assembly hall of the encampment only occasionally for formal gerieral teachings by the leader of the encampment. Monks and nuns live in separate quarters, but usually attend the same meetings, sitting in separate sections of the main hall. These quasi-monastic religious encampments made up of Tibetan monks and nuns from all across Tibet as well as a significant number of Chinese students and devotees form around charismatic masters and are often located in remote areas often far from local government cadres. Usually none of the encampments has a significant tie to a pre-1959 monastic institution-hence the lack of any history of conflict with the central government; they are not "re-built" monasteries that had been destroyed during the Cultural Revolution. These religious encampments are not administered or run as traditional monasteries but rather function more as secluded meditation retreat centers. As a result of the continuous arrival of monks and nuns from their home monasteries and convents, as well as laypeople attracted by the chance to gain access to the religious education and instruction these places offer, most of the encampments have grown by the hundreds every year. The number of monks and nuns at these encampments varies greatly: from a few hundred or fewer in small encampments and mountain hermitages, as in the case of the sKyabs rje Rig 'dzin nyi ma's Tsung shar ri khrod and Nam sprul 'Jigs med phun tshogs's sNyan lung sgar, to five thousand or more as in the case ofYa chen bsam gtan gling (also known as Ya chen sgar) in Khrom thar in dKar mdzes county in Sichuan and an estimated ten thousand monks and nuns that lived in small meditation huts lt Bla rung sgar in the year 2000.42
42 Among the best known Buddhist encampments are Thub bstan chos skar gling (also known as Lung sngon sgar'[Fig. 4] in dGa' bde [eh. Gande]) led by Padma gtum po (also known as sKugsum gling pa, b. 1933); sNyan lung sgar in gSer rta sNyan lung led by Narn

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vVhat is faund in these encampments is, abave all, what we may call "spiritual gravitatian," a draw far thausands af manks and nuns who. cannat find adequate Buddhist instructian elsewhere. Caercive measures such as regular patriatic educatian and palitical indactrinatian aimed at religiaus practitianers have proved to. be difficult to. carry aut in the encampments af eastern Tibet. They are uncanventianal in the sense that they remain autside established patterns af religiaus institutian that Chinese afficials are accustamed to. cantralling. The manastics do. nat gather for daily chanting sessians as at mast ather manasteries and nunneries. Rather, the manastic bady gathers as a whale anly when teachings and empawennents are being given. A laase arganizatianal hierarchy prevails at these encampments, as appased to. the mare rigid system af traditianal manasteries in Tibet. The prominent incarnate lamas who. give religiaus autharity to. the encampments try to. avaid any administrative rale. Nearly all the teachers at the encampments affer teachings in an ecumenical style, as appased to. the sectarianism that is faund amang same Tibetan Buddhist teachers. This teaching style allaws far a much wider paal af disciples because students can came fram any regian and any schaal (including rNying rna, dGe lugs, Sa skya, bKa' brgyud, Ja nang pa, Ban as well as Chinese Buddhists) to. study, and then return~ta their hame areas to. practice and aften teach yaunger manks. The extent to. which the religiaus encampments are a papular destinatian far manastics interested in enriching their religiaus training in a traditianal and nansectarian enviranment in Tibet can be better understaad if we reflect an the attentian that they have attracted in the last faur years fram Chinese autharities cancerned abaut the dimensians af such religiaus gatherings, the adherence to. traditianal and pre-1959 farms af religiaus transmissian and autharity, their suppart af H.H. the Dalai Lama, the patential far develapment af strang sense af cultural and religlaus identity, and haw ather similar encampments have develaped in Tibet in the past twa decades. Bla rung sgar and Ya chen sgar are examples af what happens when there is a perceived threat to. the palitical-i.e., questianing the palitical autharity af the central gavernment. Bath encampments experienced mass expulsian af manks and nuns, and bath saw the demalitian af thausands af monastic quarters carried aut ar ardered by gavernment persanne1. 43
sprul 'Jigs med phun tshags (b. 1944) and the late Tare lha mo (1938-2003); 'Brug khyung Sgar' in Them chen (Qinghai), led by gTer ston Kun bzang grags pa (date of birth not available); and Nyag bla sgar (also known as Nyag bla dgon), established in Go 'jo by gTer ston Nyag bla Byang chub rdo rje (1926-ca. 1978). Other religious centers associated with the Treasure revelation tradition, but smaller in terms of size and resident monastic population are rDza mer chen dgon in ?har mda' in Nang chen county, residence of gTer chen bDe chen 'od gsal rdo rje (b. 1921), Tsung shar ri khrod, founded and run by sKyab rje Rig 'dzin nyi rna (b. 1931) in sNyan lung in gSer rta, Re khe dgon chen 0 rgyan bsam gtan gling in dPal yulled by A 'dzoms Pad 10 rin po che (b. 1971), also known as A 'dzoms rgyal sras Padma dbang rgyal, and the Ral gzhung chu dkar dgon founded and run by the late rDo rung Karma (?-2002) in 'Jo mda', Chab mdo Prefecture. 43 Major instances of the attention paid by Chinese and Tibetan political leaders to uncontrolled religious groups and restriction of religious activities are the cases of mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs and the destruction of his gSer rta institute as we have already mentioned, and that of Grub dbang lung rtogs rgyal mtshan (also known as mKhan po A chos or

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While such encampments are among the most popular and growing centers of religious practice in Tibet today in terms of numbers of resident monastic population and lay followers, religious instruction, and their leaders' activities, less known and smaller religious communities are also currently active in Tibetan areas of northern Kham. There is an indefinite number of religious practitioners and Buddhist teachers who lead a more secluded and therefore scarcely publicly active way of life, yet who have a following that plays a central social role in their local community. Living mainly in hermitages and mountain retreat centers, the major focus of their religious activities is an austere lifestyle characterized by meditation and the performance of a variety of Tantric rituals-often for the welfare of villages and individuals for whom they provide spiritual advice. In short, one can see that the phenomenon of the revival of the religious encampments is closely associated with three responses to the political restrictions applied by the government: first, a desire to avoid controls on enrolment in and the content of instruction; second, a search for teachers to replace those who fled Tibet after 1959; and finally, appreciation of the accessibility of the encampments and the diversity of instruction offered. Thus the encampments emerge as an alternative form of religious gathering, study academies, and adaptation to Buddhist practice. A phenomenon worth noting when discussing present-day religious encampments and the increased visibility of their leaders is the production and diffusion of a variety of worship material that in the recent years has contributed to the popularity of Buddhist teachers. Pins, pendants, watches, statues, posters, photos, and picture books, as well as introductory brochures, manuals of spiritual advice, prayer books, and media technology such as audio cassettes, VCDs, and DVDs can be found in many towns and villages of Kham, and nowadays also in Lhasa in some stalls in the Bar skor circular road around the J okhang temple.44 The distribution of these goods and worship items has undeniably increased the popularity of figures such as mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs and Lung rtogs rgyal mtshan, as well as added charm to their activities.

A khyug) the current leader of Ya chen sgar in Killam thar in dKar mdzes county [Fig. 1]. The events which saw the demolition of large portions of the two encampments have been reported and analyzed extensively in the Western media and in reports by Tibet-monitoring organizations such as ICT (International Campaign for Tibet), and TIN (Tibet Information Network). For an overview of the events it may be useful also to refer to Tibetan Centre for Hnman Rights and Democracy (TCHRD), Destruction of SeT/bar Institute: A Special Report, 2002. For an overview and remarks on the revived monastic activities in Tibet, see Goldstein, "The Revival of Ivlonastic Life in Drepung Monastery," 15 -52. 44 In November 2004 bronze and clay statues representing mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs, were on sale in a shop selling Tibetan statues along Wuhousi road near the Dar rtse mdo'i mgron khang (Kangding binguan) in Chengdu, Sichuan. In the same area wristwatches with the portrait of mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs were on sale in a small Indo-Tibetan
goods store.

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Tbe gter ma Tradition

Besides the factors illustrated above it should not be forgotten that a major factor fostering the popularity of the religious encampments is the charismatic quality of their leaders. Virtually all of today's leaders of the religious encampments claim to be Treasure revealers (gteT stan) and are known for having discovered many different Treasure (gte7' ma) items and revealed various cycles of visionary teachings. According to the rNying rna tradition the origins of the transmission of Treasures in Tibet are primarily associated with the deeds and religious activities performed by the Indian master Padmasambhava, known more popularly in Tibet by the name of Guru Rinpoche (Precious Master), or Padma 'byung gnas (The LotusBorn One). The phenomenon of Treasure concealement, therefore, seems to stem from the eighth century when the then king of Tibet, Khri srong Ide btsan (756797),45 invited Padmasambhava to Tibet under specific advice of the Buddhist master Santaraksita. The task of Padmasambhava was to remove the negative forces opposing the king's plan to convert the land to Buddhism by subduing the many autochthonous deities and demons Ijba 'dICe) opposed to the introduction of the new religion on Tibetan soil. Padmasambhava is generally considered to be not only the introducer of Tantric Buddhism into Tibet, but also, especially by the rNying rna school, the "second Buddha" (sangs rgyas gnyis pal who conferred empowerments and teachings and established the first community of monastics and lay practitioners in bSam yas.46 According to traditional sources, it was specifically during his years in Tibet that Padmasambhava realized the necessity of hiding numerous religious items and implements, and teachings, concealing material objects in various different receptacles in Tibet, such as pillars, trees, boulders, caves, and lakes, and transferring verbal teachings into the minds of his disciples.47

45 Chronology is one of the major problems in the study of Tibetan dynastic period and therefore the dates regarding the dates of birth and death and the reigns of early Tibetan kings are subject to debate. Refer to Christopher I. Beckwith, Tbe Tibetan Empire in Cent7'a! Asia (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987): 229. 46 Padmasambhava, more popularly known in Tibet by the name of Guru Rinpoche, is traditionally believed by the rNying rna school to have turned the malignant deities of the Bon tradition into protectors (cbas skyang, STUng ma) of the Buddha Dharma and founded the bSam yas monastery in southern Tibet. For an account of how Padmasambhava was invited to Tibet and the request by King Khri srong Ide bstan to subdue the lba 'd7'e beings see the Pad71ta bka' tbang (Chengdu: Sichuan Natinalities Publishing House, 1987): 267-351. For an English version see Ye shes mtsho rgyal, Tbe Life Libe7Yltion of Pad71tasa71tbbava, ed. Tarthang Tulku and trans. Kenneth Douglas and Gyendolyn Bays, 2 vols. (Berkeley, CA: Dharma Publishing, 1978). 47 See for instance Thu'u bkwan Blo bzang chos kyi nyi rna, Tbu'zt bkwan g7'ub nztba' (Langzhou: Gansu minzu chubanshe, 1984,67-69): "Padrnasarnbhava and some of his authorized disciples hid some supreme and extraordinary advices as Treasures (gte1' dzt sbas) for the welfare of the disciples of the future, blessed them without sparing a single one, and appointed the Treasures to guardians, expressing the hope that fortunate and karrnically positive beings would find them. Looking at the way signs appear in the suitable discovery

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A crucial expedient in the success ofPadmasambhava's enterprise was the formulation of the expectation that these teachings would be rediscovered on various occasions in the future by those who were to become reincarnations of his disciples and that they would retrieve and diffuse the teachings for the specific purpose of supporting the Buddhist doctrine and the spiritual interests of human beings at various times. Tibetans refer to this period of introduction of the Buddhist doctrine in the land as "early diffusion" (snga dar'), as opposed to "later diffusion" (phyi dar') which started in the tenth century, and call "early translations" (snga 'gyzw) the activities of translation of ancient lndic Tantric material which the rNying rna school later assimilated into its canon. The Treasure revelation tradition is associated with the activities of the first gter stan who appeared between the tenth and twelfth centuries-figures such as Sangs rgyas ilIa rna (ca 1000-1080), Nyang ral Nyi rna 'od zer (1124-1192) and later on with 'Guru Chos dbang (1212-1273).48 Many gtel' stan have appeared since then and most of them have been recognized as great masters. Their revealed works have been incorporated into what is known as the rNying ma rgyud 'bum, the rNying rna Canon of Tantric Teachings, of which Ratna gling pa (1403-l478) was one of the most important editors. Therefore, one of the Treasure revelation tradition's most important notions is the constant reaffirmation of its relation with the semilegendary and idealized "golden era" of Tibetan imperial or dynastic history. With the revelation of the NJa,zi blea' 'bum, for instance, a historical work whose composition is attributed directly to King Srong btsan sgam po (or Khri srong btsan, 618-641)49 himself and later revealed by several Treasure discoverers, among them Nyang ral Nyi rna 'od zer, the Treasure revelation movement began to shape the ideology of continuity denoting and claiming direct descent from the imperial past and the dynastic ancestry.50 The gtel" ma revelation movement is particularly attached to the time
at the time of their finding, all the Treasure discoverers (gte,. stan) have their name, family, and signs inserted in the Treasure list (gter gyi kha byang). One day when human beings gather and the Treasure is extracted and diffused to many fortunate ones, this will be known as Treasure teaching (gter chos)." 48 Dargyay, The Rise ofEsoteric Buddhism in Tibet, 97-119. See also Dudjom Rinpoche, The Nyingma Scbool of Tibetan Buddhism: Its Fundamentals and History, vol. 1, trans. Gyurme Dorje and Kapstein (Boston: vVisdorn, 1991). 49 Beckwith, The Tibetan Empiz"e, 227. 50 gTer ston Grub thob dngos grub is considered by many Tibetan scholars the principal discoverer of the lvIm:zi bka' 'bum. However the source of the discovery is also attributed at the same time to Nyang ral Nyi rna 'od zer and rJe btsun Shalcya bzang po. C Matthew Kapstein, "Remarks on the iVIani bKa'-'bum and the Cult of Avalokitesvara in Tibet," in Tibetan Buddbism: Reason and Revelation, eds. Ronald Davidson and Steven D. Goodman (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992): 79-93, 81, and Per K. S0rensen, Tibetan Buddbist Hist01'iogmp "~,: Tbe lV!i17"Ol' Illuminating tbe Royal Genealogies. An Annotated Y,"anslation of tbe XlVth Centwy Tibetan ChTonicle: ,"Gyal-mbs gsal-ba'i ",e-long (Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz Verlag, 1994): 8. For references concerning biographical notes of gteT stan see above all Gu ru bkra shis, bsTan pa'i SlZying po gsang eben snga 'gyzw nges don zab 1Zw'i chos k)'i 'byztng ba gsal baT byed pa'i legs bshad mkhas pa dga' byed "'ngo mtsbar gtam gyi Tal "'tsbo (Gzt bler"a'i cbas 'byzmg) (Beijing: Krung go'i bod Icyi shes rig dpe skrun

Tibetan Buddhism beyond the NIonastery

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when the numerous tribes and clans of the land were fIrst unifIed under the rule of King Srong btsan sgam po. At that time, the first attempts were made to introduce Buddhism into the land, mainly as a court religion, which was further fostered by the royal marriage between the king and the Chinese princess from the Tang court and the Nepalese princess. Under their patronage the first Buddhist statues and constructions were set up in central Tibet. sl Another crucial aspect of the Treasure revelation tradition is the notion of a dark or "degenerate age" (snyigs dus) of Tibet, which is often emphasized in the articulation of a narrative discourse to provide legitimacy to the tradition itself. The concealment of Treasures apparently was motivated by the eclipse of the socio-political order in the ninth century, when the new rule threatened the very existence of Buddhism itself and the diffusion of its teachings came under strong persecution. The revelation of the Treasures represents in the final analysis attempts to reconnect, at least ideologically, with the cultural milieu of the early diffusion of the Buddhism in the land, and to revalorize the imperial grandeur of Tibetan civilization showing, to put it in Giuseppe Tucci's words "the yearning for a restoration of ancient times, a proof of nation~l revival."s2 Why is Treasure revelation sci crucial today? The form of religious continuity offered by the Treasure tradition and the charismatic power that Treasure reveaIers are able to generate mirror the need for many Tibetans to connect with their common historical past and to maintain a distinctive cultural and religious identity, especially in times of continual socio-political changes. A growing number of Tibetans consider these charismatic fIgures high practitioners, scrupulous teachers, and gter ma revealers. The term gter ston, Treasure revealer, defInes a person who, by virtue of karmic connections with Padmasambhava and his direct disciples can retrieve religious items and scriptural teachings as material earth Treasures (,fa gter) and reveal cycles of teachings as mental Treasures (dgongs gte,') through visionary activity. Leaving aside the spiritual attainments and the fame of these religious fIgures' knowledge and wisdom, much of these leaders' charismatic influence stems from their ability to retrieve Treasures items and teachings (gter chos) and therefore to represent a direct connection with Tibet's glorious past and to reestablish a religious narrative associated with Tibet's dynastic era and imperial supremacy. However, in addition to claims of Treasure revelation and the discovery of series of Treasures (gter ma) of various types, their charismatic status is reinforced by the biographies, autobiographies, and also collected works (gSZtng 'bum) of some of these major teachers that are widely available to the public. s3 This is notable because the
khaug, 1990, reprint 1998): 372-373. See also f. 41b of 'Jam mgon Kong sprul Blo gros mtha' yas, Zab mo'i gter dang gter stan grub thob ji Ita!' by01l pa'i to 'gym mdo,' bsdus bkod pa rin chen bai d:u ,.ya'i ph1'Cng ba, in Rin cben gtermdzod cben 7110 (Paro: Ngodrup & Sherap Drimay, 1976). '51 For an overview of Tibetan empire under Srong btsan sgam po see Chapter 1 in Beckwith, Tbe Tibetan Empire, 11-36. " Giuseppe Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolls (Rome: Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato, 1949): 112. 53 For a biography of Grub dbang lung rtogs rgyal mtshan, see the third volume of his three-volume collected works, gDod ma'i mgon po gmb dbang lung rtogs '-gyal mtshall dpal bzallg

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distribution of the biographies of active teachers contributes to the knowledge of their deeds and therefore increases their popularity among devotees. By claiming to be Treasure revealers these masters associate themselves with the period of the introduction of Buddhism in the land of Tibet, giving voice to Padmasambhava's predicted decline of the doctrine and rise of the teachings through the revelations of past teachings. They are all known in varying degrees for their revelations of Treasures in material forms as well as in mental or spiritual forms. They also tend to adopt a more syncretistic or eclectic approach than do more conventional teachers associated with specific schools. Their contemplation activities adhere mainly to the ,'dzogs chen tradition of religious practice and principally the snying thig system. 54

po'; gsum 'bum (Khrom thar, 2004) and Phur pa bKra shis and 'Brug rgyal's 11e bka' d"in mtshzmgs med g1'ub dbang lung 1'tOgs 1'gyalmtshan mdzad bsdus lba rnga'i sgm dbyongs (Sichuan: Ya chen Monastery, no date of publication available). A number of biographies of mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs have been written in the past ten years. The most popular one is the one written by mKhan po bSod dar rgyas, bsTan 'dzin rgya mtsho, and Tshullthrims blo gras, sNyigs dus bstan pa'i gsal byed gcis pu chos lje dam pa yid bzbin nOl' bu 'jigs med phun tshogs 'byzmg gnas dpal bzang po'i rnanz thaT bsdzts pa gsos sman (gSer rta: Bla rung internal publication, 1988). An English translation of the biography has become available recently, see Arnaud Versluys (trans.), Biogmphy of H.H. Jigme)' Phuntso!, Dha171U1mja (Hong Kong: Hua Xia Cultural Publishing House, 2001). A biography of Nam sprul 'Jigs med phun tshogs and Tare Iha rna was written in 1997. See Padma 'ad gsal mtha' yas, Na71Z SPTZtl 'jigs rlUd pbwz tshogs dang mkha' 'g1'0 tii 1'e lba "zo'i nzanz thm' (Chengdu: Sichuan minzu chubanshe, 1997). For the biography of 0 rgyan sKu gsum gling pa see the recently published Abu dbr 10, 0 rgyan sK'lt gsum gling pa'; 17wm thm: Regarding 0 rgyan sI(u gsum gling pa, it is also interesting to note that websites have been opened on the Internet and information about his activities both in the PRC and abroad are accessible both in Chinese and English. Information technology is more accessible in the PRC today and more Tibetan teachers, including Treasure revealers, are employing it in order to publicize their activities and their teachings. See http://hungbr.com for the Chinese website, and http://www.omura.com/k_lingpa/ klingpa.htm for the English language website. 54 The snying tbig (Heart Essence or Seminal Heart) is a system of teachings on Buddhist Tantric meditation and lirurgy that was allegedly diffused and transmitted in Tibet in dynastic times (eighth to ninth cenrury). Belonging to the larger class of the rdzogs eben, Great Perfection tradition, the m)'ing thig teachings are believed to be associated with the semi-legendary figures ofPadmasambhava, dGa' rab rdo rje, and Vimalamitra and have been revealed in different versions in the form of dgongs gteT by Treasure revealers starting from the tenth and eleventh centuries. In the fourteenth century the great scholar Klang chen rab 'byams pa dri med 'ad zer (1308-1364) worked on the redaction and systematization of the various traditions of the S1lying tbig teachings and brought it into a single corpus. Additionally in the eighteenth cenrury the great gter ston 'Jigs med gling pa (1729/30-1798) revealed the Klong cben S1Z)'ing thig (The Seminal Heart of the Great Expanse), a series of teachings related to the snying thig tradition, which together with the scriprures by Klang chen rab 'byams pa has significantly influenced the practice of the Tdzogs eben system until today. For a history of the l'dzogs eben system see Samten Karmay, Tbe G,'eat Pnfection (rDzogs eben): A Pbi'50pbical and Meditative Teacbing of Tibetan Buddbism (Leiden: E.]. Brill, 1988); and Germano, Poetic Tbougbt, tbe Intelligent Universe, and tbe J1(fystery of Self: The Tantric Synthesis of Rdzogs Cben in Fourteentb Century Tibet (PhD diss., University of Wisconsin, 1992), and "Architecrure and Absence in the Secret Tantric History of the Great Perfection (Tdzogs chen)," Jozmzal of the Intemational Association of Buddbist Studies 17.2 (1994): 203-335, among others. For a study of

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Many of today's Treasure revelations take place publicly in the presence of congregations of devotees and followers, and printed material has been disseminated with photos of their discoveries (mostly religious objects) along with short accounts of their finders' lives. I suggest that an important facet of the Treasure revealers' high degree of success in attracting students, practitioners and devotees is their charismatic stature enhanced by the association of the Treasure revelation movement with Tibet's golden age ofImperial glory and flourishing Buddhist life. 55 As in the case of the "degenerate age" of Tibet's past so much discussed in Tibetan traditional historical literature, this new resurgence of Treasure discovery has thus empowered contemporary teachers and represents a religious renaissance in the face of the hardships and eclipse caused by the new political and social order in post 1959 Tibet. 56 The notion of the rise and fall of the Buddhist teachings is a central theme in the entire narrative of Treasure revelation. Earth Treasures (sa gte17, and especially Treasure teachings (gte1' ebos), are expected to have a crucial function at a certain time in the future. Due to the remedial and irruptive nature of Treasures in time of difficulties associated with the decline of Buddhism and human hardships, each revelation is meant to be specifically beneficial in the time of its revelation and dissemination. In terms of practice, the Treasure revealer is also its disseminator. Therefore, the charismatic authority expressed by Treasure revealers is associated with and significantly shaped by their knowledge of the appropriate religious means to apply to a specific moment in time. Additionally, it is important to remember that one of the major features of gte1' ma revelation is its profound link with the Tibetan soil, where it participates in the shaping and reshaping of Tibet's sacred geography. Although some of the religious

'Jigs med gling pa's biography and the revelation of the Klong eben S1Z)'ing tbig see Goodman, "Rig 'dzin 'JigsCmed gling-pa and the kLong-eben sNying-Tbig," in Tibetan Buddbism: Reason and Revelation, 133-146; and Gyatso, Appal'itio17S of the Self
55

See Germano, "Re-membering."

Despite the lack of consistent textual evidence of the specific events transpiring between the eighth and ninth centuries, scholars agree in confirming the persecutions of Bon in the eighth century and Buddhism in the ninth centUry, which forced the adherents of both religions to hide texts and sacred objects to prevent their destruction. Much of the later developments of both Bon and rNying rna traditions are indeed connected to tI,is reaction to ti,e threat of the destruction of their texts-and religious articles. vVithin such a context we should consider the presumed eighth century deeds of Padmasambhava and the necessity of early Buddhist practitioners to look for innovative means of hiding their textual material as strategies elaborated to prevent a complete downfall of Buddhism in the land. As dynastic rule became unstable in ti,e aftermath of king Giang dar rna's (836-842) assassination, the political arena was saturated with internal debates, social turmoil, and power struggles. vVith the subsequent collapse of the empire, the royal lineage lost its relevance, and the Buddhist elite was weakened. This social crisis was to last at least a hundred years and the late ninth and early tenth centuries were a nebulous period of political decay, economic crisis, and social unrest. The persecution of Buddhism was particularly focused in central Tibet where early monastic communities were dispersed, temples were left unattended and ritual practice forbidden. The gradual discovery of the texts hidden during those years allowed in later centuries for the constitution of a distinctive rNying rna canon, the ,'Hying ma rgyud 'bum.
56

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teachings actually go back to Indic material imported into Tibet, originaily in the eighth century and later in the tenth and eleventh centuries, the gte1' mil tradition is significantly embedded in the cultural milieu of Tibet, to such an extent that, as in the case of another national icon, the Tibetan heroic figure of Gesar of Gling, the Treasure revelation and its cult is one of the factors contributing to a Tibetan sense of identity and nationalism. 57

Cbinese Buddbist Devotees in Tibet

The influence of such activities of charismatic leadership and religious control and their appeal to the faithful has reached beyond the Tibetan people and territory. An increasing number of Ban Chinese Buddhist practitioners and tourists now travel yearly to Tibet to visit, live, and practice in Tibetan Buddhist monasteries and religious centers. It is therefore rather common to find in religious encampments in Tibetan regions Chinese monks, nuns, and laypeople, not only from mainland China, but also from Taiwan and South-East Asian countries such as Singapore. 58 The increasing visibility of Tibetan Buddhism on the Chinese spiritual scene is mainly shaped by two key factors. First, fascination with Tibetan Buddhism and especially the increased popularity of some Tibetan Buddhist teachers is a growing phenomenon among the Chinese. Second, a general need for spirituality, noticeable in the reemergence of religion in China proper and the birth of new faiths and religious congregations, seems to be pervasive among today's Chinese. 59
For an analysis of such issues, see George Dreyfus, "Le Nationalisme: Entre memoires

57

glorifiees et identite collective," in Tibitains: 1949-1999: 40 am de colonisation, eds. Katia Buffetrille and Charles Ramble (Paris: Editions Autrement, 1998): 21-57. See also Germano,
"Re-membering," 60-61; G. Dreyfus, "Proto-Nationalism in Tibet," in Tibetan Studies: PI'oceedings of tbe Ilb Intemational Association of Tibetan Studies Se17Zina7~ ed. Per KVa':rne, 2 vols. (Oslo: Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture, 1994): voL 1, 205-218. AnneNlarie Blondeau's comments on Tibetan nationalism and Treasures are equally insightful, especially in her critique of Dreyfus's arguments. See her essay: "Les bKa' thang et la question du nationalisme tibetain," Annuai1"e de la section des Sciences Religieuses (EPHE) 109 (2000-2001): 116-119. 58 In the aftermath of the economic reforms some prominent Tibetan Buddhists set off on pilgrimage journeys across the country and Han regions, and in some cases also abroad. A case in point is the long journey of mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs who traveled both to South-east Asian countries, such as Malaysia and Singapore, and to Europe and the United States. During such travels abroad Tibetan teachers would make new proselytes and new devotees who would later travel to Tibet to study directly under them. 59 The People's Republic of China (PRC) recognizes five official religions-Buddhism, Daoism, Islam, Catholicism, and Protestantism. All other religions and especially cults or congregations which are not registered or accepted by the law of the PRC are usually d ,dared illegitimate and therefore threatened with persecution and crackdown. Two major examples of the recent "new" cults rapidly spreading and growing in the PRe are the controversial Falun Gong (Practice of the Wheel of Dharma), or Falun Dafa (Great Law of the Wheel of Dharma), founded by Li Hongzhi in 1992, and the ",,yay of the Temple of the Heavenly Immortals." For a study of Falun Gong see among other publications Danny Schechter, Falun

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Fig. 4: A group of Chinese lay Buddhist devotees enjoy sacred dances at Ya chen sgar next to Grub dbang lung rtogs rgyal mtshan's seat, July 2005. (Photo by A. Terrane) -

Containing the social and political influence of religion has recently become a leading policy concern for Chinese government leaders. The revival of religious fervor, the rapid growth of religious activities in the PRC, and the increasing number of devotees, practitioners, and religious believers has been an unexpected and unanticipated phenomenon. According to the Chinese government reports, there are more than two hundred million religious believers in the PRC today and at least eighty-five thousand authorized places of worship. Buddhists seem to be the most numerous and their numbers exceed a hundred million, with at least three hundred and twenty thonsand monastics (both monks and nuns), in sixteen thousand temples and monasteries. 60

Gong's Cballenge to Cbina: SpiTitZtal Practice 01" "Evil Cult"? (New York: Akashic Books, 2000); Barend ter Haar, "Falun Gong" (http://website.leidenuniv.nll-haarbjterlfalun.htm). For a bibliography of new religious movements in the PRC see ter Haar, "Religious Culture in 20,h Century China" (http://website.leidenuniv.nll-haarbjterlchinPRCbib.html). 60 These data and figures are quoted in Jason Kindopp, "Policy Dilemma in China's Church-State Relations: An Introduction," in God and Caesar' in Cbina: Polic), Implications of Clnwcb-State Tensions, eds. Jason Kindopp and Carol Lee Hamrin (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2004): 1-22, here 1. For Chinese reports see Information Office of the State Council of the People's Republic of China, "Freedom of Religious Belief in China," White Paper, released on October 1997, at http://www.china.org.cn/e-white/ Freedoml index.htm [May 30, 2005]. See also the estimates as reported in the US Department of State, International Religious Freedom Report 2004: China (Includes Hong Kong, Nlacao, and Tibetan areas of China), released on September 15, 2004, available on line at http://www. state.gov/g/drl/rls/irfI2004/35396.htm (May 30,2005).

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Although mostly unsanctioned by the Chinese state, the resurgence o{religious beliefs in China and their rapid growth are a result of the strong appeal that religion still holds in Chinese society and the central government's relaxation of restrictioh on religion. Besides the revived interest in classical Chinese religions, the people in China are now also turning to the Tibetan Buddhist world for their spiritual needs, a movement fostered in part by the Chinese romantic vision of Tibet as a mystery land of Shangri-La. The extension of to day's diffusion of Tibetan Buddhism into China proper has created a particularly important phenomenon in the Chinese religious world. Responding to many Chinese people's increasing demand for Buddhist teachings, various Tibetan teachers travel regularly to different parts of China to give teachings, perform collective rituals such as the tshe thar (or animals' life release ritual), and supervise the opening of new religious centers. The rediscovered need for spirituality and religious practice, especially true after China's new economic rise and the fall of Communist cultic models, such as Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping, and the Chinese people's general fascination with religions-especially Tibetan Buddhism-have encouraged many Chinese to travel to Tibetan areas and visit monasteries and practice Buddhism there. This has been made possible also by new socio-economic factors such as increased national mobility, and the rise of per-capita incomes. Not only are major monasteries and religious encampments, such as Bla rung sgar, Ya chen sgar, and Lung sngon sgar populated by thousands of Tibetan monks and nuns and laypeople alike, but in the past ten years more and more Chinese have attended various religious institutions, including religious encampments and monasteries, to study Tibetan philosophy, enroll in the mkhan po's classes, and sometimes become monks and nuns according to the Tibetan tradition. 61
61 Due to the unavailability of official figures and statistics concerning Chinese practitioners of Tibetan Buddhism, it is quite hard, if not impossible, to determine the exact scale of such a phenomenon in present-day Tibetan regions of China. However, I have personally witnessed a growing presence of both Chinese monks and nuns, and laypeople alike, in many religious encampments and monasteries in Sichuan and Qinghai provinces. It is rather common to encounter Chinese nuns and monks in towns such as dKar mdzes, gSer rta, Khrom thar, and dGa' bde, often shopping for goods or just enjoying some leisure time in Chinese restaurants before returning to their monastic chores. When conversing with them I often not\ced their personal devotion and profound fascination with Buddhism in general and the charismatic personality of their Tibetan teachers. I am currently preparing an article based on a paper I recently presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Academy of Religion (November 17-20, 2007 San Diego, California, USA) titled "The New Journey to the West: The Role of Chinese Devotees in the Development of Tibetan Buddhism in Eastern Tibet." In the past few years the resurgence of religion faith in mainland China has been widely investigated both academically and journalistically. See for instance Kindopp and Hamrin (eds.), God and Caesar in China; Alan Hunter and Don Rimmington (eds.), All Under Heaven: Chinese 7h,dition and Christian Life in the People's Republic of China (Kampen, NL: J.H. Kok, 1992); A. Hunter and Kim-Kwong Chan (eds.), Pl"otestantism in Contempomry China. For a bibliography of today's religions in China, from a scholarly perspective, see also B. ter Haar's "Bibliography of Religious Culture in 20" century China." Major editorials have appeared in various magazines and papers recently that report on the resurgence of religion in China along with economic expansion. See for instance, among many others, Hannah Beech's "Renewed Faith." See also the contribution by Sabina Ragaini in this volume.

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While the phenomenon of Chinese practitioners and devotees moving to Tibet is associated "vith both the religious encampments (cbos sgar) and monasteries (dgon pa) alike,62 the religious encampments, with their special openness and loose administration, constitute an ideal setting for Chinese Buddhists to spend time practicing and receiving teachings and instruction. Most religious encampments have Chinese-speaking monastics who oversee the Chinese-language curriculum, which often includes simultaneous translations of the teachings given by the leaders of the encampments. The centers also provide various means to help Chinese students such as texts translated into Chinese-prayer books, textbooks, practices, and teachings delivered by the Buddhist leaders-and Tibetan-Chinese glossaries, along with frequent simultaneous translation of public teachings and empowerment rituals.

At the turn of the century the Chinese government finds its people more and more involved in religious activities. Although the post-1978 policy framework provides some limited space for religious. believers to practice their faith, compre" hensive control measures to prevent religion from emerging as an independent social force are continually and carefully applied nationwide. In Tibetan areas of the PRC, where religious identity is strong and separatist movements feared, political authorities are particularly attentive to any religious groups, especially monasteries, potentially capable of mobilizing large numbers of adherents. In pre-1959 Tibet, monasteries represented the institutional heart of Tibet's religious society. It is with such knowledge and awareness in mind that Chinese leaders tend to limit monastic power in the land and attentively control the monastic clergy. In this essay I have attempted to show how, within the contemporary Chinese religious policy trends, revived forms of religious leadership and quasi-monastic gatherings in the form of religious encampments are contributing to the maintenance of traditional patterns of religious instruction and preservation of religious identity in the Tibetan eastern regions of Kham. The gter ma tradition is directly connected with the emergence of these influential Buddhist communities associated mainly with the rNying rna school of Tibetan Buddhism in some areas of present-day Tibet. My own feeling is that this could be attributed to two major factors: the first is the ongoing weakening of monastery-centered power because of political pressure by the Chinese government over the last two decades, resulting in many religious practitioners' looking elsewhere for religious authority. A second factor is the dilution since 1959 in quality of high scholastic education and instruction historically offered by monasteries in Tibet. This dilution is mostly due to the direct effect that policies

62 In July 2004, at least three Han Chinese monks were resident at the Sutra and Tantra Teachings Institute (mDo sngags bshad sgrub gling) of mDo smad rnga yul sgo mang monastery in rNga ba prefecture eCho Aba xian) in Sichuan, and studying the Tibetan curriculum with the idea of obtaining the dge bshes doctoral degree. For other similar remarks see Kapstein, "A Thorn in the Dragon's Side," 249-260. .

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have over monastic education and curricula, and to the inclusion of political study material and propaganda sessions within the monasteries that are increasingly altering the religious life and practice in monasteries. Additionally, this dilution is caused by the brain-drain of highly educated religious elites to Tibetan diaspora communites. Efforts have been recently made by a number of Buddhist leaders to reestablish traditional patterns of religious practice and to offer traditional religious instruction outside the context of formal institutions such as the monasteries. I have tried to illustrate how this is done with the help of the charismatic authority especially associated with the Treasure revelation movement, Such a hypothesis can be corroborated by the large number of practitioners who converge on these religious centers. Describing the ongoing developments of the Chinese policy towards freedom of religious belief on the one hand, and the struggle for the maintenance of the religious identity of the Tibetan people on the other, is no easy task. Chinese policy is mainly a mixture of accommodation and repression, and the situation in Tibet does not reflect a homogeneous pattern. Rather, the state of religious practice and the way it is controlled by political authorities varies considerably from place to place. However, it is also evident that phenomena such as the large religious encampment gatherings and the revived strategies of Buddhist revelation through Treasure revelation clearly reflect the Tibetans' spirit of adaptation and the need to maintain a common sense of community and cultural identity. Therefore, the Treasure revelation movement in the eastern regions of contemporary Tibet can be seen not only as an attempt by some Buddhist religious professionals and personalities to re-appropriate Tibet's religious heritage, but also as a valid means for regaining access to forms of traditional religious authority and legitimacy in a new and challenging political scenario.

Prinzmy Saurees Padma Ma' thang (U 1xyan gu 1'u padma 'byung gnas lqi skyes mbs rna71Z par tbar pa rgyas par bkod pa) [(The chronicles of Padma) The expansive biography of the Lotus Born Teacher from Urgyan]. Chengdu: Sichuan Nationalities Publishing House, 1987. Ka1'17za pa'i ebos tsbogs sgar eben 'clzam gling l-gyan zbes pa'i skor mdor bsdus tsam brjod pa [A brief discussion on the Karmapa's great religious assemblies known as the ornaments of the world]. Krung go'i bod kyi shes rig, 1993 (1), 52-65. Cbos l'je dam pa 'jigs 71Zed pbun tsbags 'byung gnas dpal bzang po mebog gi 71zjUg mtba'i zbal gdams mng tsbugs 71Za sb01"l gzhan senzs ma dh-ugs zbes pa'i 'gz-el ba lugs gnyis blang dar gsal ba'i sgron me [The radiant lamp that discriminates between the two systems: A comment on the undisturbed minds of others, or the sublime and excellent lord of the Dharma 'Jigs med phun tshogs'byung gnas dpal bzang po's ultimate stable and unerring advice]. Shakya'i dge sbyong bsTan 'dzin rgya .ntsho. gSer rta, Sichuan: Bla rung Inga rig slob gling, 2005. I Zab mo'i gte1' dang gter stan gnzb tbob ji !tar byon pa'i 10 rgyus mdor bsdus bkod pa rin eben bai dii lya'i pbz-eng ba [The garland of lapis lazuli: A brief summary of the history of origins the profound Treasures and the accomplished Treasure Discoverers].

Tibetan Buddhism beyond tbe NIollaste1J'

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Blo gros mtha' yas, 'Jam mgon Kong spru!. In Rin cben gte1' mdzod eben mo. sTod lung mTshur pu edition, supplemented with dPal spungs and other manuscripts. 3 vols. Paro: Ngodrup & Sherap Drimay, 1976. sNyigs dus bstan pa'i gsal byed geig pu cbos 1je dam pa yid bzbin n01' bu 'jigs med phun tsbogs 'byzmg gnas dpal bzang po 'i 1'1Zaln tba7' bsdus pa gsos sman [The nourishing pill: A brief biography of the auspicious origin and precious wish-fulfilling gem 'Jigs med phun tshogs Holy Dharma Lord, the One who Clarifies the Time of Dregs]. bSod dar rgyas, et a!. gSer na, Sichuan: Bla rung internal publication, 1988. sKyabs 1je bla ma 1'ig 'c/zin nyi ma nzam tba7' bsdus pa gZU7' glZas dgyes pa'i mcbod sp1'in [A cloud of offerings which pleases the witness: A short biography of H.H. the Master Rig 'dzin nyi rna]. Padma 'od gsa!. gSer rta, Sichuan: Commission for Political and Cultural References. No date of publication available. gDod ma'i l1zgon po dpal bzang po'i gsung 'bum [The collected works of the good glory and primordial protector Grub dbang lung rtogs rgyal mtshan]. Grub dbang lung rtogs rgyal mtshan. Khrom thar: Khrom ljong dpal ri gnyis pa ya rtse 0 rgyan bsam gtan gling, 2004, vol. 3. bsTan pa'i snying po gsang chen snga 'gym' nges don zab mo'i cbos kyi 'byung ba gsal bal' byed pa'i legs bsbad mkhas pa dga' b)led ngo mtsbal' gtam gyi 1'01 77Ztsbo (Gu bkra'i cbos 'byzmg) [An amusing lake of amusing tales entertaining for the scholar: A fine and clarifying explanation of the origin of the profound and definitive meaning of the greatly secret early translations, the essence of the teachings (Gu bkra's Origins and rise of Dharma)]. Gu ru bkra shis (aka sTag sgang mkhas mchog Ngag dbang blo gros). Beijing: Krung go'i bod kyi shes rig dpe skrun khang, 1990 (reprint 1998).

o 1'gyan sKu gsum gling pa'i mam thai' (gTe1' stan g1'Ztb pa'i dbang phyug a 7'gyan sku
gSU11Z gling pa'i 1'1zam tbal' mdo tsam b1jod pa ma tshogs rig 'dzin bzbad pa'i rang gdangs) [The biography of 0 rgyan sKu gsum gling pa (The self-manifesting disclosure of the awareness-holder forming the original community: A brief biographical account of the Treasure Discoverer and almighty accomplished 0 rgyan sKu gsum gling pa)]. Abu dkar 10. Hong Kong: Zhang kang then rna dpe skrun !chang (Tianma chubanshe, 2003). Nam spml 'jigs med phzm tshogs dang mkha' 'g1'0 taTe lba mo'i rl1a1ZZ tbal' [The biographies ofNam sprul 'Jigs med phun tshogs and mKha' 'gro Tare lha mol. Padrna 'od gsal mtha' yas. Chengdu: Sichuan minzu chubanshe, 1997. 1Je bka' d1'izz 11Ztsbungs med g1'Ztb dbang lung !'togs 1!;yal11Ztshan mdzad bsdllS lba 1'1lga'i sgra dbyangs [The melodious sound of the divine drum: A biographical note on the unequally kind lord Grub dbang lung rtogs rgyal mtshan]. Phur pa bKra shis and 'Brug rgya!. dPal yul, Sichuan: Ya chen Monastery. No date of publication available. Tlm'll bkwan g1'Ztb 11Ztha' [The philosophical tenets according to Thu'u bkwan]. Thu'u bkwan Blo bzang chos kyi nyi rna, Lanzhou: Gansu minzu chubanshe,
1985.

Life and Teachings of Tashi Dorje: A Dzogchen Tulku in 20'" century Kham Tashi Dorje Rinpoche (bKra shis rdo rje rin po che) was born in the Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture of Kham around 1950. He gave early proof of his special capacity in understanding the Buddhist Dharma. His family was invited by some lamas to let him leave home and engage seriously in the study of Buddhist doctrine. At thirteen he started his training in the Dzogchen (rDzogs chen) preliminaries under the guidance of Sorlong Yungpo and the Abbot of the Dzogchen Monastery, Tulton Klll~e, who instructed him in the study of both sutras and tantras. At that time he received his ordination as a monk. During his twenties, after a period of severe ascetic life, he was chosen to be a teacher at the Tibetan Language Institute of Buddhist Studies in Sichuan. Today Tashi Dorje is the Abbot of the Monastic School of Tagong, of the Senggen Monastery Third Buddhist Institute of Meditation of the Luminous Great Perfection, and of Risen Buddhist Institute of the Five Sciences. Since 1990 he has dedicated himself whole heartedly to spreading the teachings among his Chinese disciples, aud in order to transmit the Dzogchen traditiun in the best possible way, he has acquired a proficient knowledge of the Chinese language.

La vie et l'enseignement de Tashi Dorje : un tuUm Dzogchen dans Ie Kham du xx' sieele Tashi Dorje Rinpoche (bKra shis rdo rje rin po che) naquit dans la prefecture autonome tibetaine du Kham vers 1950. Des son plus jeune age, il fit preuve de competences particu!ieres dans l'apprentissage du Dharma. Des lamas exhorterent sa famille it Ie laisser partir pour s'engager plus serieusement dans l'etude de la doctrine bouddhique. Lorsqu'i! eut treize ans, il commen,a sa pratique des preliminaires Dzogchen (rDzogs chen) aupres du maitre Sorlong Yungpo et de l'abbe du monastere Dzogchen, Tulton KhlUe, qui Ie dirigerent dans ses etudes it la fois des sutras et des tantras. C'est alors qu'il re,ut l'ordination monastique. Vers la vingtaine, apres une periode de vie ascetique stricte, il fut selectionne comme professeur a l'Institllt des etudes bOllddhiques de langue tibetaine au Sichuan. Aujourd'hui, Tashi Dorje est l'abbe de I'Ecole monastique de Tagong, du troisieme Institut bOllddhique de meditation du monastere Senggen et de !'Institut bouddhique des cinq sciences Riseng. Depuis 1990, il se consaere pleinement ala propagation de l'enseignement parmi les disciples chino is, et est devenu expert dans la maitrise de la langue chinoise afin de mieux transmettre la tradition Dzogchen.

LIFE AND TEACHINGS OF TASHI DORJE

A DZOGCHEN TULKU IN

20 th CENTURY KHAlvI

Sabina RAGAINI
n the remote areas of eastern Himalayas, Kham (Khams) for the Tibetans, lives Tashi Dorje Rinpoche (Tib. bKra shis rdo rje rin po che, Ch. Duoji zhaxi renboqie ;a:tL1ffif=~Ei.tJJ), one of the best known Dzogchen Tulku (rDzogs chen spnd skuY who devoted himself to teaching Chinese Buddhist followers. It is due to the care and commitment of some of them that his words were recorded and written down in October 1995 in a short text entitled Zha""i huoft kaisbi lu :tL1ffif,lifJll7f7J';:!]t or Notes on Tullm Tasbi Dorje's teachings (to Chinese followen).' The teachings collected by the Chinese disciples were given by Tashi Dorje in 1995 during his second journey to Sichuan. Only a year before, Tashi Dorje was invited for the first time in Sichuan by the Venerable Qingding rniE (1903-1999), of the Zhaojue monastery (Zhaojuesi allJl;'i'f)J in Chengdu (Sichuan), to take part to the consecration of the main image of the monastery. On this occasion, Qingding, who was one of the closest followers of Nenghai-a famous Buddhist monk who dedicated his life to the spread of Tibetan Buddhism in China4-showed his great esteem for the young lama. That experience turned out to be crucial in Tashi Dorje's life. Attracted by the fame that already accompanied his name as a famous Tibetan Tullcu, flocks of Chinese Buddhists gathered in Chengdu hoping to meet him. Even though he was very busy celebrating the public rites, Tashi Dorje accepted their homage and, due to their eagerness to share some time with him and in view of their good intentions, he bestowed on them some transmissions and teachings in the Chinese language. In fact, following the instructions of Chipo Doral (Ch. Cipu Duoluo ijzm;yj\!-), his root guru,
For a detailed explanation of the role of a Tulku (Tib. sprul sku, Ch. huasben ft3:t), see Fabian Sanders, "The Life and Lineage of the Ninth Khalkha Jetsun Dampa Khutulchtu of Urga," Ce12t1YzlAsiatic Jou1'1lal45.2 (2001): 273-303, here 273-274. , It was published without any place and date of publication. The book is a small collection of some teachings, written down between spring and autumn 1995. J Zhaojuesi is located five kilometers north of Chengdu. Built during the Tang dynasty, it was originally a monastery in the Chan tradition. Recently part of it has been converted to the Gelug tradition. 4 On this master Nenghai see Ester Bianchi, The h'on Statue Nlonaste1Y (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 2001).

Images of Tibet in the 19 1/; and 20 tb Centuries Paris, EFEO, coIl. Etudes thematiques (22.2), 2008, p. 781-796

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in 1994, Tashi Dorje had learned Chinese at Sichuan University in Chengdu in order to be able to teach Dzogchen to Chinese Buddhists. As is well known, Dzogchen (Tib. lDzogs pa eben po, Ch. da),uanman :t::~1i1l") literally means Great Perfection and includes teachings at very different levels. On that occasion Tashi Dorje introduced some basic Buddhist principles, like: "mind of refuge" (guiyi weL,i1, j)ijiJ('HI:;,C.'), "Dharma protection" (bufo 7veixin rP{zH1,C.'), and "afflictions and illusions" (jannao wangxiang weixin ~~,t~~'t1'C.'). These teachings were intended as a preliminary introduction to those who wanted to follow his tradition in the future. The opportunity to listen to such teachings, imparted directly in their own language, was, beyond doubt, a great encouragement for the Chinese Buddhists to create a close connection with this master. But the lack of a language barrier was, of course, not the only attraction. After his journey to Chengdu the number of Tashi Dorje's Chinese followers increased dramatically and, despite his young age, he gladly took upon himself the responsibility of spreading Buddhist teachings among Han people. In this paper I will try to show some aspects of Tashi Dorje's teachings that could possibly explain the reason for his success among Chinese Buddhists. It is my purpose to give a description of some Dzogchen doctrinal points as they are taught by this Tibetan master in order to make them accessible to Chinese Buddhists. I would like, thus, to stress the special nature of his role in contemporary China. The "Tanu'ic revival movement," despite the Chinese government's strict attitude towards any public religious expression, marked a revival in the foundation of new Buddhist communities in today's China. Tashi Dorje's position, however, is more clearly related to the specific situation in his native region. I shall avoid paying attention to the general tendencies that are developing in the rest of the vast Chinese territory (to which some contributions have been already dedicated)5 in order to stress the special nature of the situation in Kham during the last few years, which may explain the presence of such a master. From the sources I had the opportunity to read and the testimony of some Tibetan monks living in Sichuan, it is clear that nowadays Tibetan religious communities in ICham are much more free and much less controlled than their counterparts in the Tibetan Autonomous Region proper.6 In my opinion this geographically limited See the contribution by Chen Bing in the first volume. A specific study based on the work of Chen Bing and other Chinese scholars has been devoted by Bianchi under the title of "The TantI'ic Rebirth lVlovement in lVlodern China," Acta O"ientalia Academiae Scientia17l17Z
Hungm'icae 57.1 (2004): 31-54.
6 Especially the study by David Germano, "Re-membering the dismembered body of Tibet," in Buddbism in Conte77Zp01111J' Tibet, eds. Melvyn C. Goldstein and lVIatthew T. Kapstein (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998): 53-94. In this paper the author illustn.tes the life of Khenpo Jikphun (mKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs, 1933-2004), a Nyingma Tibetan lama who, in 1980, founded a large community in Larung Valley, attracting over the years various monks, nuns and lay Buddhists-Tibetans and Han Chinese. Referring to the last thirty years of the tormented history of Tibetan people, Germano states on p. 56: "the Nyingma tradition in particular has undergone a major institutional revival in a very short time to produce

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783

Fig. 1: Tashi Dorje during a ceremony in Tagong monastery. (photo by E. Bianchi)

yet quite concrete freedom can help explain such a phenomenon as the presence of a Tibetan lama like Tashi Dorje. In fact, considering the general picture of the Tibetan situation, at a time when the vast majority of great masters of Tibetan Buddhism have sought asylum in foreign countries, chased away by the Chinese persecution, this simple and charismatic Tibetan leader remains a very peculiar case. In the first part of my paper I include the few biographical notes I could find concerning the life of this young Tulkn in an attempt to offer a full picture ofTashi Dorje's personality. Among other information there is an enumeration of the names o{the most important masters who had led him along the path of doctrinal education since his childhood. The facts leading to his formal identification as a manifestation ofVimalamitra are mentioned, along with some details about the community he founded in Kham and the little center in Chengdu. The second part of the paper is devoted to the teachings imparted to Chinese disciples. It is not easy, from my point of view, to analyze the reasons which brought those Chinese Buddhists to choose this Tibetan Tulkn as their master, since the choice of a master is a very intimate and personal one that does not depend on any
an extensive network of large and small monastic communities throughout eastern Tibet." On this topic see also the contribution by Antonio Terrone in this volume. From my own experience, in spring 2005 I had the opportunity to meet personally a young Tibetan Tulku from a monastery in Sichuan during his visit to northern India, where he was invited together with some other monles by an exiled Tibetan lama. He described the situation of the religious communities in Kham as being far more relaxed than that in Central Tibet: his opportunity to travel outside China was a proof of this relative freedom.

784

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outer circumstance but rather on inner necessity and predisposition. Nevertheless, through a description of his way of teaching and some examples taken from his own words, I will try to find an answer to this question. In the third section I offer a translation of some parts of the Notes on Tlliku Tasbi D01je's teacbings (to Cbinese flllowen) in which Tashi Dorje explains to his devotees some aspects of the Dzogchen view, beginning from general introductory remarks up to some deeper aspects of the doctrine. I hope that this translation can give a better idea of his method of spreading Dzogchen teachings among Chinese followers. The lengthy quotations in the notes explain more fully the concepts mentioned in the text. 7 In the analysis of the Chinese text, it is important to keep in mind that it was not written by Tashi Dorje himself, but rather it is a collection of notes taken by some of his disciples who were not fully acquainted with specialized Dzogchen terminology. This can lead to some misunderstandings, especially in a purely doctrinal context. On the other hand it might be useful to emphasize that Tashi Dorj e offered these teachings in Chinese, that is, a language foreign to him, and not in his mother tongue. Even though this Tibetan Master spent a lot of time studying Chinese in order to communicate directly and clearly with his Han followers, it goes without saying that the appropriateness of his Chinese cannot be compared to his skill in Tibetan: consequently the accuracy of terminology cannot always be confirmed. For all these reasons I have presented in the footnotes to the translation some Chinese terms with their English equivalents, the way they are listed in specific dictionaries or different sources. Of course the choice of a certain English term against another is personal and not at all absolute.

Biographical Notes
Tashi Dorje was born in the Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture of Kham, nowadays included in Sichuan province, some time after 1950 (an exact date of birth has not been provided). From his very early years he showed a special capacity in understanding the Buddhist Dharma. vVhen he was only five years old, some lamas invited his family to grant him permission to leave home and engage more seriously in the study of Buddhist doctrine. Many lamas were surprised by his rare intellectual faculties and particularly by the excellent way in which he was able to recite by heart sacred scriptures he had just been made introduced to. His qualities as a young scholar were amazing: when he was only thirteen he started his trainS

Since the subject is a doctrinal one, I find it more appropriate to provide the e.'{planations given by Buddhist masters themselves, instead of illustrating myself the cor. :ents of such practices. 8 These scanty only biographical notes come mainly from the second chapter ofTashi Dorje, Zbaxi bttofo kaisbi Itt, 1995. A few details of his life are also given in Dttoji Zbaxi ;~jt im, 1999, a short biography, published without any place of publication, written by a Chinese nun, Guoping 5li':lf, one ofTashi Dorje's follower.

Life and Teacbings ofTasbi Dorje

785

ing in the Dzogchen preliminaries' under the guidance of Sorlong Yungpo (Ch. Suolang Rongbo ~M'i'm). Later he continued his training under the Abbot of the Dzogchen monastery;lO Tulton Khuje (Ch. Tudeng Quzha ~iljFjt), who instructed him in the sutras and tantras. At that time he was also ordained as monk. The following years were more and more important for his preparation; not only did he become a full monk but also a spiritual guide to his people. During his twenties, he went through several demanding retreats in the mountain caves around his home village. Possibly due to the strictness of such austerities and the harsh conditions, his health became fragile. Nonetheless, he insisted in denying himself food and warm clothing. Finally he met and started to follow a new master, Chipo Doral, a Tullm recognized as one of the twenty five main disciples of Guru Padmasambhava,u Dorje Dungho (Ch. Duoji Dengjiao ~tf~:fiii). Chipo Doral did not appreciate Tashi Dorje's extreme behavior and criticized him, threatening not to confer on him any transmissions unless he abandoned such a deleterious approach to the Dharma. As Tashi Dorje obeyed to his master's request, he received both initiation and instruction on the higher tantras. The preliminaries (Tib. sngon gn, Ch. qianxing ulT) are the practices that every disciple of every Buddhist school should complete before being introduced to the Tantric teachings. The most common are: Refuge, Bodhicitta, Mandala offering and recitation of the mantra of Vajrasattva and Guru Yoga 100,000 times. In a short passage in the eighth chapter of Tashi Dorje's Zbaxi imojo kaisbi in, the Tibetan master underlines the importance of what he
considers the "common prelilninaries" which are: the rareness of human life, the imperma-

nence of life, the karmic law of cause and effect and the suffering in samsara. In his opinion these are not to be forgotten even by Dzogchen practitioners. About the subject I have found very different opinions. In Jigme Lingpa (Tbe Dzogcben Inne177lOst Essence Pl'eliminalJ' Pmctice, Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works & Archives, 1998, 75) we can read: "Accordingly one should first make the mind receptive by following the preliminary practices. Then one should obtain the ~introduction to intrinsic awareness' by means of the initiation of awareness 0'ig pa'i ,-tsal dbang)." A different opinion is given in Namkhai Norbu (The Min'01; Advice on tbe p"esence of Awm'eness, New York: Barrytown Ltd, 1996, 83): "... it is absolutely correct and traditional that they are a required prerequisite for certain level of tantlic practice .... But Dzogchen approaches the simation in another way; its principle is different from that of the tantras. Garab Dorje didn't say: 'First teach the N ondro.' He said that the first thing to be done was for the lYIaster to give a Direct Introduction; and that the disciple should try to enter into the primordial state, discovering how it is for him or herself, so as to no longer be in any doubt about it; after that then the disciple should try to continue in that state." 10 Ch. Zhuqing tt~, phonetic transcription of the TilJetan rDzogs eben, is one of the main Nyingma monasteries. 11 Tradition says that he manifested himself as an eight-year-old child sitting on a lotus in the middle of a lake in Oddiyana. Recognized as a great Indian master, he was invited to visit Tibet at the end of the eighth century CE by the Tibetan king Trisong Deutsen (Khri srong Ide bstan, r. 755-797). His influence on the Tibetan Buddhist tradition was very strong because he introduced into Tibet many important Tantric texts; nowadays the most valued are the Secret Instructions texts (Tib. man ngag sde, Ch. xinbufen ,Cdl1l5J'). These were not propagated by the master but hidden in secret places to be brought to light by a qualified person sometime in the fumre. This kind of text was called tel'11ta (Tib. gte1' ma, Ch. yanzang htI~) and te1'ton (Tib. gte1' stan, Ch. detong 1!1i~) was the name given to the person who found one or more of them.

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To the same period belongs one of the most famous anecdotes about Tashi Dorje. His disciples tell of the first time Tashi Dorje had to impart teaching to a group of Buddhist practitioners, including some high lamas. As he felt unable to stand the sight of such respected masters, he refused to sit on the throne that was prepared for him, and turned his back to them. He wanted to make clear that his teaching was not from his humble person, but was the emanation of a major principle dwelling in him. In the following months, Tashi Dorje was chosen as teacher in the Tibetan Language Institute of Buddhist Studies (Zangyu Foxueyuan iI:~IHiIl"i'lIJt) in Sichuan. Because of this he had to interrupt drastically his ascetic life and live a more social life. It is not clear whether his recognition as a Tulku took place in this period, as is reported in the available biographies, or whether he was recognized while still a child. His introduction to the Buddhist texts in his childhood by high lamas seems a reasonable indication of his early recognition as a Tullm, rather than a casual choice. vVhatever the case may be, the documents we could find!2 confirm that Tashi Dorje is the twenty-fifth manifestation in the human world of the great realized master VimalamitraY In his previous life Tashi Dorje was born as Padma Gyawang (Ch. Baima Zewang al\!li"l'BI), the Abbot of Dzogchen monastery. It does not seem an accident that the lama who first recognized Tashi Dorje as ni1"71tii?zaleiiya was, in

12 A document signed by Tulku Padma Gyatsong as representative of the committee of Riseng Buddhist Institute of the Five Sciences (Risen Wuming Foxueyuan El$i1:n:aJJ1j/l~IlJt) in the 17'" year of the Water Monkey (on January 15), confirms the official recognition of Tashi Dorje as a TuUm. The paper, written in Tibetan, was translated and added to chapter 2 of Notes on Tlllku Tashi D01je's teachings (to Cbinese followen). 13 According to the tradition Vimalamitra was born in the ninth century CE as a manifestation of the bodhisattva Mafijusri. As a disciple of Padmasambhava, he was invited to the court of the Tibetan king Trisong Deutsen, who was very interested in Buddhism. All the sources say that Vimalamitra received the transmission through Sri Sirpha, the third pan-iarch of Dzogchen lineage, who was also the guru of Padmasambhava and Vairocana; to his three followers is due the introduction in Tibet of the Dzogchen teachings. On the relation between Sri Sirpha and Vimalamitra see J ean-Luc Achard, L'essence peTIee du seCl'et (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999): 34. More details ab~ut Vimalamitra's encounter with Sri Sirpha are given in Longchen Rabjam (Tbe Pmctice of Dzogcben, New York: Snow Lion Publications, 1996, 124125): "Sri Simha of China, after studying and training in various disciplines of Buddhism for decades received Dzogpa Cbenpo teachings from Manjusrimitra and practiced them for twenty-five years. '" Vimalamitra was one of the most learned monks among the five hundred scholars who lived near Vajrasana, where the Buddha attained enlightenment. In fulfillment of a prophecy which he received from Vajrasattva in a pure vision, he went to China and for twenty years received the teachings of the First Three Categories, the Outer, Inner, and Secret Categories of Dzogpa Chenpo, from Sri Simha and'then returned to India. Then, in fulfillment of a prophecy given by a Dakini, Vimalamitra went to Jfianasutra, who was also a disciple of Sri Simha. He received the transmission of different levels uf teachings and empowerments of the Innermost Secret Category of Dzogpa Cbenpo .... Then he perfected the respective realizations of the instructions and empowerments. Like Guru Padmasambhava, Vimalamitra attained the body of 'Great Transformation' (,Pbo-Ba Ch'enPo). In that 'light body,' it is believed, he is still living at vVu-tai-shan in China and is visible

to fortunate beings."

Life and Teachings ofTashi D01je

787

those years, the Abbot of that very monastery, Tullm Padma Gyatsong (Ch. Baima Gesang Sl~fJl-*). In 1987 his identification was confirmed by other high lamas (no name or further details are produced) and h~ was formally enthroned in the Dzogchen monastery in 1991. His first post as a teacher in the Tibetan Language Institute of Buddhist Studies in Sichuan was followed by other academic appointments running in parallel to his spiritual growth. Today Tashi Dorje is the Abbot of the Tagong *0 Monks School for Exoteric and Esoteric Studies (Tagong Xianmi Jiangxiu Xinglong Dasengyuan 1*0i!Jl*~f~J!'l!!li::!Cf\'lrm), the Senggen Monastery Third Buddhist Institute of the Luminous Great Perfection (Senggensi Guangming Dayuanman Xiuxingyuan Dengsansuo Foxueyuan f\'lt~~:J'tIl)j::!C!l'llIIilI~1Trm~=m1*~'JG), and the Risen Buddhist Institute of the Five Sciences (Risen Wuming Foxueyuan EI~JisJlI*~rm). As a nirmiilzakiiya to all sentient beings Tashi Dorje has been a great inspiration to his followers. His biography is full of examples of generosity and benevolence. The hospice for elderly people without families built in Tagong, a little town close to today's Kangding (Tib. Dar rtse mdo), with his support and the foundation in 1997 (also in Tagong) of a home and school for one hundred fifty orphans, most of them Tibetan, are just examples. In 1999 in the same village the main Nyingmapa stupa of Kham was started. The building was completed a year later and nowadays it includes a good library and a number of cells for Buddhist retreats. Although Tashi Dorje decided to live for most of the year in Tagong, in an institute close to the hospice, he frequently has to leave home to take part in religious ceremonies and public meetings elsewhere. At least twice a year he goes to Lhasa to visit the two main Nyingmapa monasteries: Mindroling (sMin grol gling) and Thubten Dorjedrak Ewam Chogar (Thub bstan rdo rje brag e warn chos gar). As I mentioned before, because of Tashi Dorje's strong desire to give more and more teachings to Chinese disciples he studied Chinese at Sichuan University for a full year (in 1994). This was a remarkable choice considering the usual relationship between Chinese and Tibetans. As a consequence of this choice he decided to establish in Chengdu a small monastery connected to the Kham Dzogchen monastery. In this Buddhist centre he meets his Chinese followers.14 It is not easy to quantify exactly the number of his followers. In his own words, his Tibetan followers number in "thousands," whereas his Chinese followers are in the "hundreds." The number of actual nuns and monks is rather small; among them the Chinese nun, Guoping and the Chinese monk Xianhui 'iil\1( are worthy of mention. His Chengdu monastery is mostly visited by lay practitioners.

*-"1"

14 On Tibetan Buddhist monasteries in China dedicated to Dzogchen, see Monica Esposito, "Una Tradizione rDzogs-chen in Cina. Una nota sullYlonastero delle montagne dell'Occhio celeste," Asiatica Venetia1la 3 (1998): 221-224. The Thousand Buddhas Monastery (Qianfo chansi +11/l:fi/.~), founded by Fahai Lama (1920-1991), which is described in this article is one of the very few Chinese monasteries where Dzogchen was practiced. lYloreover it is the only one where nuns could follow the Great Perfection teachings. On this monastery and Fahai Lama see also her contribution in this volume.

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Fig. 2: Tashi Dorje with the nun Guoping and rnonkXianhui. (photo by E. Bianchi)

Fig. 3: Tagong Monastery. (photo by E. Bianchi)

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789

Teaching to Chinese Disciples

Tashi Dorje's attitude towards the importance of spreading Dzogchen to Chinese Buddhists becomes evident if we analyze some parts of the Notes on Tulku Tasbi D01je's teachings (to Chinese Followm) and see how the approach to the Great Perfection-teaching is carried on. The frequent quotations from various sutras and the emphasis given to prescriptions close to Mahayana Buddhism are probably meant to help disciples to overcome the difficulties arising from a more direct approach to a new teaching. Tashi Dorje's teaching includes simple indications to behave as a good devotee who respects the Dharma, as well as profound doctrinal explanations. He also pays particular attention to practical comments in order to lead followers on the liberation path. Tashi Dorje does not restrain himself from pointing out all his followers' failures in order to induce them to understand the necessity of practice and the importance of its correctness. Criticism and warnings are frequent, arrogant behavior and reservations concerning the Dzogchen lineage are not tolerated. If we draw a comparison between teachings given to Chinese followers and those presented to Tibetan followers, we see that Tashi Dorje has paid special attention to preliminaries and basic doctrinal points when delivering teachings to Han followers, which is not the case in the teachings aimed at Tibetan practitioners. This different approach can be easily justified by Tashi Dorje's tendency to respect the non-tantric Mahayana background of his Chinese disciples, a background that pays much more attention to moral behavior and the practice of lengthy preliminaries than the Nyingmapa does. In order to make it easier for Chinese followers to comprehend certain practices, Tashi Dorje employs a good number of examples. Among these it is worth mentioning his introduction to the practice of "exchanging oneself with others,"!' which he considers the best practice to purify obscurations, especially when they appear in the form of demons. Tashi Dorje told his disciples a short story about his life when he was twenty-two years old and was a sutra teacher at the Tibetan Language Institute of Buddhist Studies in Sichuan. A sacred dance was organized in the school and everybody had to dress in the proper way for the occasion. Tashi Dorje did not have proper shoes for the dance and one of his students, a Tullm, offered him his own shoes and asked somebody from his family to bring a new pair for him. Tashi Dorje immediately knew this gift was not an .ordinary one, since this Tullm had a terrifying protector spirit who had not yet overcome samsara and was subj ect to pride, anger and attachment. Anyone who accepted something from this Tulku would be likely to incur the spirit's anger. After a short while Tashi Dorje got seriously ill. Everybody pressed him to take some medicine, but he refused as he wanted to dedi15 Tib. glong len, Ch. zita jiaobuan 1t!l3tiffi!. Santideva is told to have followed this practice. In order to generate bodhicitta (Tib. byang chub kyi se7US, Ch. putixin ~~'C.,), the aspiration to obtain illumination for all sentient beings, the Buddhist devotee takes upon himself other devotees' negative karma and gives them back all his good karma.

790

Sabina Ragaini

cate himself only to the recitation of mantras. After three days from the beginning of his illness, even his watch stopped. He thought the time to leave tillS world was close. The next day the student's protector demon appeared to him in a dream with many other demons who moved desperately from one side of the room to the other, screaming and yelling in order to scare him. Tashi Dorje felt only a great compassion towards these demons, whose negative karma had made them into suffering beings unable to free themselves from samsara except after a long period of time. Thanks to this compassion he suddenly interrupted their commotion and shouted: "Let all my merits go over you and your negative karma come on me." Hearing these words the demons started crying and their deep pain filled the whole room. In a short while they disappeared and Tashi Dorje regained his good health. Another short story is told by Tashi Dorje to explain the concept of "compassion."l6 Once, a practitioner from the Dzogchen monastery was on a retreat in a cave not far from the temple. At this time a very powerful demon was trying to disturb Tashi Dorje's community with terrible actions. One day, after failing to perform a destructive act at the Dzogchen monastery, the demon entered the cave looking for the young practitioner. All of a sudden the practitioner visualized himself as the most fearful and big yidam, forgetting everything about compassion. But the demon did not have the slightest fear and manifested himself in the form of Amitabha, sitting on the practitioner's crown. At that moment the practitioner suddenly remembered the mind of compassion and thought he ought to take pity on this demon because he would surely be damned after his evil karmic seeds had ripened. Using his great power to perform all these evil acts instead of using it in the correct way would surely drive him to suffer in the lower realms. The moment the practitioner's compassionate mind took over, the demon turned into a bird and slowly fell onto the flo'or and ran away fearfully.l7 Like most of Tibetan Dzogchen masters, Tashi Dorje frequently uses the typical symbols of this teaching in order to remind his disciples of some essential point of Dzogchen and Buddhist practice in general. Some symbols are employed to introduce various prerequisites of Dzogchen practice and others simply to explain the differences between the Vajrayana approach and the Sutrayana position. Regarding afflictive emotions, Tashi Dorje reminds his disciples that in Sutrayana it is necessary to renounce all afflictive emotions such as greed, hatred, and ignorance before one can really enter pure meditation. On the other hand, in Vajrayana practitioners should 16 Even though Tashi Dorje's followers frequently tend to give a sentimental color to the
master's actions, "compassion" in Vajrayana Buddhism has nothing to do with "emotions." On

the contrary it is the direct fruition of the knowledge of the suffering inherent in human life. 17 In the sixth chapter of Tashi Dorje, Zhaxi bttOfo kaisbi Itt, 55, the master talks extensively about wrathful visualizations in Tantrism. From his point of view even though some people believe that the more terrifying the visualization, the better the result; th.3 is not the correct way to practice in order to pass beyond the obscurations caused by demons. "A mind of great compassion should never fail the practitioner whether he follows Hinayana, Mahayana or ,Vajrayana. vVithout great compassion, there is no way to reach authentic accomplishment nor can you subjugate demons even though your object of visualization is the most terrifying and the most powerful."

Life and TeachingsofTashi Dotje

791

grasp any afflictive emotion at the very moment it arises. "No matter how great a wave is, it is still water. Both wave and water are used to get hold of their nature." 18 Regarding the way of practicing and the place where one should meditate, Tashi Dorje underlines that there is no need to isolate oneself from the crowds or to reject the world because: "A Vajrayana practitioner considers his own physical body as a monastery, his own mind as the best monastery." 19 A welllmown symbol closely connected to Dzogchen, the mirror, is introduced by Tashi Dorje in the following way: "The study of Buddhism and its practice means to purify our own body, speech, and mind. It means to consider what we learn from Buddhist Dharma to be like a mirror 20 to be used in order to compare and analyze ourselves." In his vision, in fact, "Being a Buddhist, we should learn to become a superior being, some one perfect .... If we cannot be good men, how can we become a Buddha?"2!

Tbe Role of tbe Master

In conclusion, I shall offer a translation from the Chinese of the most important part of Notes On Tulku Tashi Dorje's teaching (to Chinese follower's), which deals with the role of the guru. But before that, let us briefly review some aspects of this role. As in Buddhist teaching in general, and particularly in the Vajrayana tradition, the guru plays an essential role in Dzogchen transmission. 22 The importance of the guru is frequently emphasized in most of the hagiographies of Dzogchen realized beings 2l and even in the instructional manual analyzed here. It is the guru, in fact, who is in charge of the Great Perfection: the Direct Introduction. 24 Through this transmission, which is properly a spiritual influence, the master, who carries

Tashi Dorje, Zbaxi buofo kaisbi I'll, 63. Tashi Dorje, Zbaxi buofo "aisbi I'll, 63. 20 Tib. me long, Ch. jingzi ~T. Namkhai Norbu (The IVIi1To1; 70) writes: "In Dzogchen the symbol of the mirror is used because usually our senses are turned outwards, the eyes towards form, the ears towards sound, and so on. vVe see and we judge everything that happens in front of us, but we do not examine what happens inside us. vVe easily notice the mistakes of others, but ignore our own. And if someone tries to point them out to us, we get angry and become defensive. That is why it is said we need a mirror to observe ourselves." 21 Tashi Dorje, Zhaxi b1l0fo kaishi 1'11,51-52. 21 For his importance see Jigme Lingpa, The Dzogcben, 35. 23 Tib. 1"Nam tbm: See Giuseppe Tucci, Tibetan Painted SC1"olls (Rome: Libreria dello Stato, 1949): 150-151 (quoted in Mar-pa Chos-kyi-blo-gros, Tbe Life of the Mahasiddha Tilopa, trans. Fabrizio Torricelli and Sangye T. Naga, ed. Vyvyan Cayley, Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan vVorks & Archives, 1995, VII-VIII). 24 In the text I translated the Chinese term guanding iiJJl, usually rendered as "initia18
19

tion or empowerment," as "Direct Introduction," which is the first of the main principles of

Dzogchen. "Direct Introduction to the primordial state is transmitted immediately by the master to the disciple. The master always remains in the primordial state, and the presence of the state communicates itself to the disciple in whatever situation or activity they may share." (Namkhai Norbu, The C7ystal and tbe Wa)' ofLigbt, Sutm, Tantra and Dzogcben, New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd., 1986, 21).

792

Sabina Ragaini

in hirnselhhe Dzogchen tradition, introduces his disciple to the primordial nature (Ch. benlai mianmtt **OO), the nature of the mind,25 which is pure from the very beginning. This has to be recognized not conceptually, but in a direct way. After the Direct Introduction, the guru remains the disciple's spiritual guide and will conduct him on the path of realization by explaining first of all the process of the emergence of illusions of the self and of the world. 26 Later on iris up to the master to introduce his disciple to the path where all illusions are dissolved. 27 One' of the main Dzogchen practices, in fact, is Guru Yoga-the unification with the master" -who is ideally if not actually in the state of rigpa 29 (awareness). 25 See Namkhai Norbu, The Mirror, 28-29. 26 This process is clearly explained by Longchen Rabjampa (The Fozl1"-Themed P"ecious Garland, An Introduction to Dzogchen, Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works & Archives, 1993, 28-29): "The void sphere of all things is perfectly pure, free from all mental fabrications. On it, the ignorant mind projects ephemeral taints in the manner of clouds obscuring the sky. When these taints of ignorance or unawareness obscure the sphere of voidness, there appear the abodes of the three realms (desire, form and formless) and the six classes of beings (hell creature, hungry ghosts, animals, humans, anti-gods and gods) .... The Buddhanature is the actual nature of Samantabhadra inherent in everyone from time immemorial. It pervades all beings. The mind of Samantabhadra is compared with the sky or space, because it is all-pervasive. Such a mind perceives the void nature of all things and recognizes this as if seeing itself in a mirror. Therefore the mind of Samantabhadra is said 'to recognize by itself its own face'. When beings do not recognize themselves in this way, their innate Dharmakaya or Buddha-nature becomes for them an 'alaya' or 'foundation of everything'.... From the play of the alaya foundation there arises the sort of unawareness or ignorance that causes you to think of yourself as a single, unique individual. ... From it arises the consciousness grasping for '1' and 'mine' which thinks to group or draw things to itself in order to establish or prove its own existence .... Thus once the idea of '1' a!,d 'mine' has arisen, the entire mechanism of sense objects and consciousness, or subject and object, proceeds in order to gratify the acquisitiveness of this imagined 'I' through concrete sensory experience. The imagined '1' tries to make itself feel real by creating and pursuing sensory experiences." 27 Here follows the explanation by Longchen Rabjampa (The Foztr-Themed, 35-36): "As explained above, when you do not recognize your innate Buddha-nature, then the Dharmakaya becomes for you an alaya foundation. With the subtle cognition of self-preoccupation, this foundation gives rise to thoughts and objects. If you recognize them for what they are and do not indulge yourself in the further processes of differentiation, selectivity and so forth, these thoughts and objects naturally dissolve back into the Dharmakaya awareness of voidness. There is nowhere else for them to go, like clouds dispersing in the sky. It is in this way, then, that you abandon the samsaric cycle of grasping consciousness and grasped-at-objects ...." " Tib. bla ma'i rnal 'hyor, Ch. shangshi yujia ,HlijifiiDl)ju. On the meaning of the Guru Yoga, "A tantra states, 'It is better for a person to remember a Spiritual Master for a moment, than to meditate on one hundred forms of divinities for one hundred thousand aeons.' ... The practice of Unification with the Spiritual Master is the finest method for realizing the innate wisdom within oneself. It is accomplished through one's own f.ith and by the grace pr blessing of the Spiritual Guide. All Fully Awakened Beings abide inseparably in the expanse of Primordial Awareness, and all are in essence one. The Spiritual Master is the embodiment unifying all wisdom, compassion and power of an Awakened Being. Understanding this with strong devotion and belief will lead to a direct experience of the essence of the path." Uigme Lingpa, The Dzogchen, 50). 29 Tib. rig pa, Ch. juezhi J!:"i\'. A very important word in Dzogchen teaching. On the

Life and Teacbings ofTasbi D01je

793

Through this practice-which usually opens every teaching session-the disciple receives the spiritual influence that will allow.him to realize the same state as the teacher. The disciple is supposed to overcome duality, and the union with the master is accomplished at all human levels: body, speech, and mind. 3D In the words of Tashi Dorje: More than a thousand years have passed. Though the transmission of the Dzogchen tantric teaching in this period has frequently faced many kinds of disaster, and despite the darkening in the human world, thanks to the benevolence of all Buddhas and Bodhisattvas and the practice of immateriality,'! and thanks to the dhamzapala's protection, Dzogchen has been preserved till today in Tibet, especially in the Tibetan areas in Sichuan and vVestern Kham. Tantrism has been the means and direct experience of the ultimate realization of Buddhahood of all the Buddhas. For this reason, all the venerable gurus who have received the lineage ofTantrism, who personally reaped the Buddha fruit, are not different from a Buddha. Therefore, in this world, the extraordinary Dharma power and the power of blessing from the Buddhas of the ten directions are gathered into the body of each and every great accomplished guru. It is stated in all Canons of Tantrism that accomplished gurus are real Buddhas. They are the manifestation on earth of all the Buddhas of the ten directions, past, present, and future. Gurus who have obtained the realization are able to transmit directly to their followers their own practical experience to reach Buddha fruit and the means to obtain the ultimate realization of the Buddha, so that their followers can respond to all Buddhas in the three aspects of the body, speech, and mind. From the fruition of Buddhahood the disciples may start their practice. The practice of tbregchod (cutting through)," for instance, must be transmitted by an accomplished master who has had the direct experience of the condition of Dzogchen; the master, by means of the extraordinary method meaning of rigpa Jamgiin Kongtrul Lodrii Taye (Myriad rVoTlds: Buddbist Cosmology in Abhidha171za, Kalacakm and Dzog-chen, New York: Snow Lion Publications, 1995, 54) writes: "In the Dzog-chen system, the primal creative cause of the universe is neither the evolutionary actions of beings nor the interrelationship of the compassion of the buddhas and sentient beings, but rigpa, a state of pure and total awareness. This state of awareness is nothing other than the primordially pure ground of being itself (gzhz)." See also Tenzin Wangyal Rinpoche, The Tibetan Yogas ofDTeam and Sleep (New York: Snow Lion Publications, 1998): 216. JD Body: Tib. sieu, eh. shen ~. Speech: Tib. gszmg, eh. yu Jl!. lvIind: Tib. sems, eh.)li::. J! In the text eh. kongxing "tiT. Probably here for kongxingmu "tiTtf (diiki!lt). 32 Tib. ',hregs chod, eh. cheque ding ifi'ltiPiE. Translated in Namkhai Norbu (The Oystal, 101) "cut loose" and in Longchen Rabjam (Tbe Pmctice, 67) "cutting through." In the latter it is explained that the unicity of thTegchod (and also thodga0 overcomes all the differences in Dzogchen practice. In Longchen Rabjam (Tbe Practice, 69) about thl'egchod we read: "Jigmed Lingpa writes: By relying on the primordial purity, the emptiness, to bring forth the intrinsic awareness nakedly, free from elaboration, and to dissolve (the phenomenal existe!'ts into the) ultimate nature, the emptiness, (is Tbngcbod) ... (Tbregcbod) is the contemplation in the view (iTa-Ba) of primordial purity without wavering." For a simpler explanation see. also Namkhai Norbu, Tbe O'ystal, 101. On this term see also the contribution by Monica ' Esposito in this volume (pp. 496-498).

794

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of the supreme Tantras that he knows, causes the naked and brilliant body of light to manifest itself instantaneously to the disciple and, after this vision, in every moment, the disciple is able to dwell and meditate upon this body of light .... Tb1'egcbod is born from the direct fruition of the Buddhas of Dharmakaya: this body of light is really the primordial wisdom light. 33 This is what Tathagata Samantabhadra l4 has experienced. This is the reason why only Dzogchen practitioners who receive the teaching from a compassionate master who achieved realization can attain Buddhahood within a lifetime. They will not have to wait for three endless lealpas. Hence, without instructions and blessings from a great accomplished master, the disciple cannot obtain any supernatural powers. To all Tantric practitioners great accomplished masters are real Buddhas, more important and valuable than their own lives. Just like other masters of great accomplishment, Venerable Tashi Dorje is the manifestation in this world of all the Buddhas of the ten directions of the past, present, and future. With the power of his blessing, which is beyond comprehension, he can transmit the Dharma and illuminate his followers in accordance with their different faculties. As a result of his sacred blessing, the obstacles along their path are conveniently eradicated and thanks to him they can achieve every kind of meditative experience. The awareness of their inherent luminosity of mind is thus rapidly revealed and thereafter arises the faith in realizing the nature of their mind. 35 ... The ordinary being is not aware of the Dharma because he is obscured by the impurities of ignorance. By practicing tbregcbod, with the direction and oral instruction of a master, he can instantaneously realize the body of light, which is primordially liberated and pure in his mind, thus attaining the state of Dharmakaya. If he keeps on with his practice, there is no doubt he will reach Buddhahood in this very life. However, if he practices only tbregcbod he can only solve the problems of the mind, he cannot gain the Body of light,36 neither can he obtain the Pure Land of the Buddhas of the ten directions during this life nor can he enter Nirvana to benefit the innumerable sentient beings. This is the reason why, the practice of tbodgal 37 of Dzogchen is based upon the practice of tb1'egcbod. . ,. Ch. juezhi guang l!i';!'i\':)'t. Probably here meant as "awareness" (Tib. rig pal. See note 29. Samantabhadra is personified as the primordial Buddha (Adi-Buddha) in the Dharmakaya dimension. Aware of his own enlightened state, the mind ofSamantabhadra, is the supreme view of reality according to Dzogchen. See Longchen Rabjampa, The Fo'ltr-Themed, 27. 35 Ch. benlai mianmu **001"1. 36 Tib. 'la' Ius, Ch. shenbua gumzgming 3Ht:)'t~Jl. Literally: "transforming the body into light." J7 Tib. tbod 1'gal, Ch. tuoga *11i1j. Translated in Namkhai Norbu (Tbe C1ystal 101) as "surpassing the uppermost" and by Tulku Thondnp (the translator of Longchen RabJam, Tbe Pmctice, 67) as "the Direct Approach." In the latter (p. 73), Jigmed Lingpa resumes: "Relying on appearances (or vision), the spontaneous accomplishment of pnrifying (Dangs) the gross aspects into the clarity (luminous absorption) and dissolving the (phenomena into the) ultimate nature of appearances (is Thodga!)." Tbodgal's superiority is so explained on page 75: "Thregchod liberates the delusory appearances, the objects of the apprehensions, into their true nature, without 31
J4

Life and TeachingsofTashi D01je

What is manifested when a practitioner realizes the Dzogchen thodgal is the self-manifested Pure Land. Therefore, the one who has realized thodgal obtains in one lifetime as a reward and direct retribution from his previous life, the Rainbow Body and he can manifest himself as Buddha. He does not enter Nirvana and in his own self or the form of Nirmanakaya benefits the innumerable sentient beings in the six realms of samsara. 3S

795

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As I stated in the Introduction, it has been my purpose to illustrate the life and way of teaching of a highly unusual Tibetan Dzogchen master, his distinction being most prominently his choice to teach Chinese practitioners. Through some biographical notes and especially through the presentation of his way of teaching, very leaving any basis and root. In this (Thodgal), all the aspects or appearances of the three realms (Kbams-gSznn) are liberated as the clarity of the Thigles of five lights, the natural profundity (Rang-gDangs) of the intrinsic awareness. So this is superior to the lower training." On this term see also the contribution by Monica Esposito in this volume (pp. 502-506). JB TashiDorje, Zbaxi b!toft kaishi ht, 7-9.

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Sabina Ragaini

sensitive to Mahayana basic principles, I hope to have been able to shovi some of the reasons that have driven Chinese Buddhists to choose a Tibetan Tullm as their master. Tashi Dorje's skill in dealing with Han disciples can possibly be as important in his effort to spread Dzogchen teachings amongst Chinese people as is his ability to speak Chinese. The contemporary situation in Kham, where some sort of limited but still noticeable freedom in religious matters allows practitioners to lead a Buddhist life, greatly contributes, in my opinion, to the appearance of such masters and to their acknowledgement by Buddhist practitioners near and far, no matter what schools they belong to.

"Tibetan Tibetoiogy"? Sketches of an Emerging Discipline The development of a properly "Tibetan Tibetology/' wherein Tibetan civilization is appropriated as an object of analysis by and for Tibetan thinkers themselves, is a recent development that in its broad outlines recapitulates many aspects of ethnic and nationalities studies elsewhere. The present essay seeks to present a general account ofthe evolution of the area, together with a more detailed review of the study of archaic Tibetan as a specialized field in which the emergence of a new TIbetological discipline among TIbetan researchers is particularly clear. Resulting substantive work in the field has been accompanied by refinements of methodological reflection. In the final section ofthe essay, the peculiar political pressures to which "Tibetan Tibetology" is subject is discussed in brief.

Une Tibetologie tibetaine ? Aper~us d'une discipline emergente

Le developpement d'une Tibetologie tibetaine proprement dite, dans laquelle la civilisation tibetaine devient l'objet d'analyse des intellecluels tibetains eux-memes, resulte d'un developpement recent qui dans ses grandes !ignes recapitule de nombreux aspects des etudes sur les minorites ethniques faites par ailleurs. Cet essai propose ici une presentation generale de l'evolution de la discipline, tout en parcourant de fa,on plus detaillee I'elude du Tibet ancien en tant que domaine de recherche specifique dans lequell'emergence d'nne nouvelle discipline tibetologique parmi les chercheurs tibetains apparalt clairement, et dans Iequel au travail principal s'ajoute l'affinement de Ia reflexion methodologique. L'article Se termine sur une breve discussion concernant Ie probleme de Ia TIbetologie tibetaine prise comme objet de pression politique

"TIBETAN TIBETOLOGY"?
SKETCHES OF AN EMERGING DISCIPLINE

Matthew T. KAPSTEIN

hen I was invited to participate in the present collection, it was suggested that I write on the topic of "Tibetan Tibetology." This, of course, is a problematic notion, and before entering into the discussion of the particular matters that I wish to introduce in this context, it would be well to clarify some of the implications of the phrase "Tibetan Tibetology," as well as the ways in which my chosen subject responds to the initial charge. The various "-ologies" that have natiomil or ethnic designations (Sinology, Japanology, Indology, Tibetology, etc.), together with their analogues formed in similar contexts by the use of the word "Studies" (or equivalents in languages other than English)-Jewish Studies, African Studies, Bhutan Stuclie;;"and the lil{e-are now generally regarded as the direct or indirect products of the nineteenth century project of rationalizing, along more or less "scientific" lines, our knowledge of human societies. Three often conflicting tendencies, in particular, informed this project in its principle dimensions: the rationalization of European colonialism, the rise of modern nationalisms, and the post-Enlightment emergence of critical historical-philological methodologies. The late Edward Said, in his ground-breaking and influential essay Orientalism (1978), focused notably on the role of the first mentioned in his analysis of the growth of the modern Western academic disciplines concerned with the peoples of Asia and Africa who were subject to the colonial powers during the nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. However, it is clear that the other two factors mentioned were of considerable importance here as well. In some instances-Chinese, Indian and Western European Jewish intellectual circles figure among the notable examples-we find local elites reflexively embracing the new project of the human sciences, in these cases as Sinology, Indology and JztdentztmswissenscbaJt, respectively, in the interest of the modernization and political emancipation of their own comrimnities. It is no accident that we thus find some of the leading"-ologiSts" of the twentieth century-figures such as Hu Shi (1891-1962), Acarya Narendra Dev (1889-1956), and Gershom Scholem (1897-1982)-to have been closely associated with progressive, nationalistic political movements of various kinds. In short, while acknowledging the valid aspects of Said's argument, it may be said that Orientalism together with its cog-

Images of Tibet in the 19" and 20" Centudes Paris, EFEO, coIl Etudes them.riques" (22.2), 2008, p. 799-815

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nate disciplines nevertheless proved to be a double-edged sword, serving, in separate ways, both colonialist and nationalist projects. vVith the formation of the Soviet Union following the revolution of 1918, this bivalence found expression in the on-going development of Communist policies with respect to minority nationalities. On the one hand, in line with the forward-looking aspirations of minority cadres, the liberation of their communities as coequal partners in the new socialist order was articulated as a proper goal, but, on the other, rigorous control of the minorities was increasingly emphasized as a key practical objective of the centralized Soviet State. Under such circumstances, in a pattern mirrorring that which Said attributes to the colonial project of Orientalism, nationality studies under Communism tended to mix scholarship with the political "education" of minority cadres, a bifurcation of interests that continues to play itself out in China today.! In Tibet, of course, analogous developments occurred much later than they did in many other parts of Asia. The Tibetan experience of colonialism was largely limited to late-Qing and Chinese republican efforts to establish a colonial presence in some parts of Khams (later Xikang) and exposure to vVestern modes of knowledge production and organization was of negligible importance prior to the mid-twentienth century. 2 Nevertheless, the beginnings of modern Chinese education among Khams pa elites, together with Central Tibetan contacts with British India, did contribute to a gradual reevaluation of traditional Tibetan learning in some quarters, while at the same time the distant roar of Chinese and Indian nationalisms also began to be heard. Though elements of what one might call a "Tibetan Tibetology" may be seen in the work of dGe 'dun chos 'phel (1903?-1951),J above all, it is only in the 1950s, in The twists and turns in the development of Chinese nationalities policy in relation to Tibet are trenchantly illustrated in Melvyn C. Goldstein, Dawei Sherap, and vVilliam R. Siebenschuh, A Tibetan Revolutionary: The Political Lift and Times of Bapa PhzJntso Wangye (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004). The tension between social scientific research and political development continues to characterize Tibetan Studies in China today: In the Tibet Autonomous Region, for instance, scholars attached to the Tibet Academy of Social Science have been regularly called upon to participate in political education campaigns. 1 For a useful introduction to the Chinese colonial project in Khams, see Laurent Deshayes, Histo;"e du Tibet (Paris: Fayard, 1997): 241-251. From the contemporary Chinese perspective, of course, British engagement in Tibetan affairs, especially in the case of the Younghusband expedition of 1904, was the main form of foreign imperialism to which the Tibetans were qposed. Actual British colonial activity among Tibetans, however, was restricted to some parts of northwestern India that were culturally Tibetan, i.e., Ladakh and adjacent regions, as well as Sikkim and parts of what is today Arunachal Pradesh. In some areas in Khams and Amdo, educational activities on the part of Christian missionaries also made small inroads; see Goldstein, Sherap, and Siebenschuh, A Tibetan Revolutiona7J': The Political Lift and Times ofBapa Phihztso "Vangye, on the American misson school in 'Ba' thang. ) This controversial figure has been the subject of much study in recent years. The major contributions to date are Heather Stoddard, Le mendiant de l'Amdo (Paris. Societe d'Ethnographie, 1985), and Donald S. Lopez, Jr., The Madman's NIiddle Way: Reflections on Reality of the Tibetan lWonk Gendzm Chopel (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006). For further aspects of his scholarly interests, refer to Toni Huber, The Guide To India. A Tibetan Account by Amdo Gendun ChOphel (1903-1951) (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan vVorks and Archives, 2000). The most complete collection of his own work will be found in Hor khang

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the years following the incorporation of Tibet into the People's Republic of China and the foundation in 1951 of the Central Nationalities Institute (Zhongyang Minzu Xueyuan <p;k:~~~'Jt) in Beijing, that, under conditions parallelling colonial ethnic studies projects (and directly inspired by Soviet nationality studies), we find a characteristic Chinese and Tibetan iteration of Tibetan Studies taking shape.4 At the same time, the growing Tibetan diaspora in India and to a smaller extent in the West meant that exiled Tibetan scholars, too, were gaining increasing exposure to non-traditional sources and methods. In some cases-the Tibetan Christian journalist Rev. G. Tharchin ofKalimpong offers an early examples-new ways of examining Tibet were tied to the impulse to modernize Tibetan society overall, thereby replicating aspects of the pattern noted above. In the present essay, however, our primary focus will be on Tibetan scholarship in China, touching on developments in the Tibetan diaspora only occasionally. The establishment of the Central Nationalities Institute, together with similar institutions at the provincial level, formed the framework for the birth of Tibetan Studies as a distinct discipline in China." However, beginning during the late-1950s these institutes became sites for the intensive political campaigns that wholly dominated Tibetan affairs for some twenty years, including, but not limited to, the period . of the Cultural Revolution? During this time, there was little possibility for undertaking sustained scholarly work on Tibet, 8 and most of those qualified for such work,
bSod nams dpal 'bar (ed.), dGe 'dun cbos 'phel gyi gS'lL1lg ,-trom, 3vols., Gangs can rigs mdzod series 10-12 (Lhasa: Bod ljongs bod yig dpe rnying dpe skrun khang, 1990). 4 On the foundation and early years of the Central Nationalities Institute in Beijing, see Carmen Meinert, "Gangs dkar Rin po che between Tibet and China: A Tibetan Lama Among Ethnic Chinese in the 1930s to 50s," in Buddhism Between Tibet and China, ed. Matthew T. Kapstein (forthcoming). 5 The Rev. Tharchin was the founder of the Tibetan Mirror Press in Kalimpong, West Bengal, which published the Tibet Mirror newspaper from 1925 until 1962. 6 Chinese Tibetology, however, had its start under the republicans. Prof. Yu Daoquan (b. 1901) initiated some Tibetological work during the 1930s at what was then Peking University, but then left the country until the late 1940s. After his return, he was active in the post-revolutionary development of Tibetan Studies. The noted anthropologist Li Anche (b. circa 1900) conducted some of his fieldwork in Tibetan regions during the 1930s and 40s, and joined the faculty of the Southwest Nationalities Institute in Chengdu in 1956. Chinese official statements maintain that there were no organizations devoted to Tibetological research in China prior to the establishment of the People's Republic (see, for example, the document found on the website of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs [http://www.fmprc.gov. cn/eng/ljzgl 3585/3592/3599/tl7976.htm]). Strictly speaking, this seems correct, butnevertheless there were already some Tibetologists. 7 Melvyn C. Goldstein, 'William Siebenschuh, and Tashi Tsering, The Struggle for Modern Tibet: The Autobiography ofTasbi Tsering (Armonk, New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1997) illustrates some of these struggles as they unfolded. at the Nationalities Institute in Xianyang. 8 There were, however, some rare exceptions, particularly in fields that were somehow valued during the Cultural Revolution itself. Thus, for instance, we find that the "barefoot doctor" (Tib. em rye rkang 'jen l1ia) campaign facilitated some on-going work in Tibetan medicine. A fine pocket encyclopedia of herbal medicines, entitled Baa ljongs rgyun spyod krnng dbyi'i mtan rigs, was completed by the Cultural Revolution and Military bureaux of the TAR in

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whether they were Han or Tibetan, were subjected to periods of imprisonment or rural reeducation. Hence, it was only following the assumption of power by Deng Xiaoping and his relatively liberal faction of the Chinese Communist Party in 1978 that academic research in this area began slowly to reemerge.' One of the chief problems that the new generation of Tibetan scholars immediately faced was to assess the place of traditional Tibetan learning in relation to the new enterprise of the post-Cultural Revolution, secular study of Tibet. Clearly, some measure of traditional knowledge was essential for conducting textual research of whatever kind, and in relation to some specific fields, among which local history offers a prime example, the new environment favored the collection and preservation of whatever records and archives might still be found. Nevertheless, a critical engagement with tradition, rather than a mere acceptance thereof, was the felt need of the hour, both for scientific and sociological reasons. This is reflected in the remarks of Don grub rgyal (1953-1985) on the study of traditional Tibetan poetics, which had for centuries followed the Indian model of ornate and difficult Sanskrit court poetry, or kiivya: vVhile even now there are innumerable model-books on poetics, still it appears,that [the Tibetan authors who composed and studied them] were unable to produce many new and novel poetic compositions that are easy to understand, facilitating comprehension. The chief reason for this was that the basis for earlier composition and kiivya was not established among the Tibetan people as a whole, but instead was established only among those endowed with the learning involving mastery of the sciences. Owing to this, the treatises and model-books of kiivya were bound up with many unknown or poorly known synonyms and archaisms, and adorned with incomprehensible poetic ornaments. Thus, the masses of the people were not able to study their compositions or found them hard to understand, so that it came to be that the relationship between kiivya among our literary arts and the Tibetan people grew ever more distant.!O
1971 and published by the Tibet People's Publishing House (Bod Ijongs mi dmangs dpe skrun kbang) in 1973. The expression "Chinese medicine" (jerZtng db)'i, Ch. zhongyi 'F~) in this case clearly includes Tibetan medicine, "China" (ZhonggZlo) always being taken, in official usage, as inclusive of the various nationalities and not as exclusively Han. 9 For a survey with respect to literature, see my "The Indian Literary Identity in Tibet," in Litem1,), C"ltzwes in History: Penpectives from South Asia, ed. Sheldon Pollock (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003): 747-802, and on religious affairs, my "A Thorn in the Dragon's Side: Tibetan Buddhist Culture in China," in Governing China's Nlztlti-et111lic Fronti,,; ed. Morris Rossabi (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2004): 230-269. The crucial moment, ushering in elements of Dengist reform in Tibet, was the visit of Party Secretary Hu Yaobang to the TAR in 1980, on which see ,,yang Yao, "Hu Yaobang's visit to Tibet, May 22-31, 1980," in Resistance and ReJomz in Tibet, eds. Robbie Barnett and Shirin Akiner (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994): 285-289. A statement of Chinese policy with respect to Tibetology at the time may be found in Liyu Yi, "Tibetology: A Chinese View," trans. Samten G. Karmay, The TibetJozmza/8.2 (1983): 25-32. iO Don grub rgyal, nzGur glu'i 10 rg)'us dang kbyad cbos (Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun kbang, 1985): 39, translated in Kapstein, "The Indian Literary Identity in Tibet," 792-793. See, too, my "Don grub rgyal: The Making of a Modern Hero," in Lungta, vol. 12 (Dharamsala: Amnye Machen Research Institute, 1999): 45-48.

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Despite this, however, Don grub rgyal himself felt compelled to retain many of the conventions derived from kiivya in developing his own analysis of Tibetan poetic composition. The double relation with tradition that is entailed here, whereby the contemporary scholar is at once critical of and constrained by it, is characteristic of much of "Tibetan Tibetology," as indeed it has been of analogous projects among other peoples as well. There are now a number of fields in which Tibetan authors have to varying degrees similarly attempted to bracket out presuppositions inherited from tradition, while elaborating new assessments on the basis of data gleaned in part from non-traditional sources (for instance, previously unstudied documents and other artifacts), as well as from field research of various kinds (especially, archeological and ethnographical work), and, as we see above, from new assumptions guiding research. Among the areas in which these developments have been most pronounced in China, one may note above all Tibetan linguistics and lexicography;l1 literature, folklore, and the study of the Gesar epic;" and Tibetan historical studiesY Not surprisingly, these are the fields that are stressed in Tibetan higher education and so are institutionally supported, in part, no doubt, because their apparently secular character insulates them to some extent from the complexities surrounding the study of religion in a communist state. 14 Local ethnography and cultural geography have also emerged as foci for research in

11 In accord with my present subject-matter, I note two interesting dictionaries focusing upon archaic Tibetan: bTsan Iha Ngag dbang tshul khrims, h7Da dleTol gseT gyi me long (Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1997); and rNam rgyal tshe ring, Bod yig b1"da mying tshig mdzod (Beijing: Krung go'i Bod rig pa dpe skrun khang, 2001). A useful textbook of Old Tibetan has also appeared: Go shul Grags pa 'byung gnas, Bod btsan po'i skabs leyi gna' 1'tSom gees bsdus slob deb (Beijing: iVIi rigs dpe skrun khang, 2001). 12 For an overview of work on traditional literature, see Kapstein, "The Indian Literary Identity in Tibet." The documentation of the numerous editions, collections, studies and glossaries devoted to Tibetan folklore and the Gesar stories that have been published in China in recent decades goes beyond the scope of the present article, The major anthology of Tibetan poetry, with historical notes and commentary, remains Blo bzang chos grags and bSod nams rtse rna (eds.), Gangs Ijongs mkhas dbang Tim byon gyi 11so", yig gser' gyi sbm'" bu, 3 vols. (Xining: Mtsho sngon mi rigs dpe skrun !chang, 1988). 13 The most noteworthy modern synthesis of Tibetan histOlY published in Tibetan to date remains Chab spel Tshe brtan phun tshogs and Norbrang 0 rgyan, Bod kyi 10 1"gyus mgs Tim g)'lt yi pbreng ba, 3 vols, (Lhasa: Bod Ijongs dpe rnying dpe skrun khang, 1989). A ten volume histOlY of Tibet, to be published in Chinese, is currently in progress at the National Centre for Tibetan Studies in Beijing and is being prepared under the general editorial direction of Professor Chen Qingying. Dan Martin, Tibetan Histo1'ies: A Bibliography afTibetan-Language Hist01'ical Wi,,ks (London: Serindia Publications, 1997) includes many of tl,e traditional and recent histories published in Tibetan in China through 1996. A series of publications initiated by Nga phod Ngag dbang 'jigs med, Bod leyi 1'ig gnas 10 'XYUS 'XYU cba bda71t bsgrigs, some (but not all) intended for internal distribution only (neibn), has provided testimony and documentation concerning many aspects of modern Tibetan history. 14 Tibetan-medium degree courses were for a long time only available to students majoring in Tibetan language and literature, history, and iVIarxism-Leninism. Students wishing to specialize in other subjects have generally had no option but to pursue their studies in Chinese.

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the Academies of Social Science, together with some work in archaeology ~nd art historyY Tibetan medical systems, a source of considerable pride in contemporary China and regarded as particularly promising with respect ta the commercial development of patented herbal medications, are mostly studied within the aegis of specialized pharmacological and medical institutions, often not in connection with Tibetology per se as a discipline within the social and human sciences. Tibetan religious studies remain problematic, however, with apparently deep uncertainties regarding just how these may be pursued in a relatively detached, secular manner. To appreciate more fully the shape of current Tibetological research in China, I offer in the following section a brief sketch of recent work within a particular, specialized domain.

The Study afEarly Tibet

Early Tibetan history stands out as a key example of an area in which the transition from traditional modes of knowledge to the new Tibetology, as this has unfolded in China during the past few decades, may be followed with considerable clarity. Here, as is well known, until very recently writers were generally content to follow established tradition, although some daring thinkers-dPa' bo gTsug lag phreng ba (1504-1566) and Rig 'dzin Tshe dbang nor bu (1698-1755) are among the outstanding examplesdid realize that there were documents and inscriptions in existence that could be employed to refine and to amplify the available record.!6 Nevertheless, as illustrated by the much-perpetuated error of such giants among Tibetan savants as Eu stan Rin chen grub (1290-1364) and the Great Fifth Dalai Lama (1617-1682), both of whom insisted upon d,e identification of the quite separate monarchs Khri IDe srong btsan (r. 804-815) and Khri gTsug Ide btsan (Ral pa can, r. 815-841), traditional scholarship was restricted by its relative indifference to epigraphical and manuscript sourcesY To embrace ancient documents and inscriptions as possessing an evidentiary value for historical research that is often superior to that of later, synthetic accounts involves a marked change of epistemological orientation, one that only a small number of traditional authors were apparently prepared to make, and that could not become current in Tibetan learned circles at large until the institutional conditions for knowledgeformation had been altered, as they were from the 1950s on. The sharp contestation
15 Exemplary in this regard are the fruitful collaborations of G. Hazod and P. Sorensen with the Tibet Academy of Social Science: Tsering Gyalbo, Guntram Hazod, and Per K. Sorensen, Civilization at tbe Foot oflvIou1Zt Sbam po: Tbe Royal House of IHa Bug pa can and tbe Hist01J' of g.Ya' bzang (Vienna: Verlag der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2000); and Per K. Sorensen and Guntram Hazod, in cooperation with Tsering Gyalpo, Tbunde";ng Falcon: An InqzdzJ' into the HistozJ' and Cult of Khz-a 'brug, Tibet's Fint Buddbist Temple (Vienna: Verlag der Osterreichische Akademie der vVissenschaften, 2005). 16 See, especially, Hugh E. Richardson, Higb Peaies, PZl1"e Eaz1:b: Collected H itings on Tibetan History and CultzlZ"e, ed. Michael Aris (London: Serindia Publications, 1998): chapters 12 and 38. 17 For a full discussion of the particular question mentioned, and the role of the old inscriptions in resolving it, see Don grub rgyal and Khrin Chin dbyin [Chen QingyingJ, bTsan po kb"i sde srong btsan gyi 10 rgyuszndo tsam brjod pa (Beijing: Mi rigs dpe slaun khang, 1984).

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involved here may be seen in the incomprehension that greeted A mdo dge bshes dGe 'dun chos 'phel in Lhasa official circles when the researches that formed thecbasis'for his Deb ther dkar po (White annals) became known. This was the first modern history of early Tibet that sought to incorporate data gleaned from the Dunhuang manuscripts, together with a variety of sources unknown to earlier Tibetan writers. IS Other Tibetans who were engaged in historical scholarship, however, soon also began to take stock of the value of previously neglected materials. The late bDud 'joms Rin po che (1904-1987), for instance, who might best be described as an openminded traditionalist, was sympathetic to dGe 'dun chos 'phel's efforts and indeed had undertaken to transcribe several of the imperial inscriptions himself. His rGyal rabs includes the fruits of his labors along these lines, though set within an otherwise traditional narrative. 1. Similarly, the noted Bon po scholar, Slob dpon bsTan 'dzin rnam dag (b. 1926), made use of the Old Tibetan Chronicle from Dunhuang in his history of early Tibet and the Bon religion. 20 Nevertheless, in neither of these instances do we find so trenchant a questioning of traditional historiography as dGe 'dun chos 'phel had already begun. The Tibetan sCholars who, indirectly following the foot- . steps of the latter, would first e.."Cplore the deeper ramifications of old documentary sources for Tibetan imperial and early post-imperial history were in fact two of the most dynamic Tibetan intellectuals settled in Europe, Samten G. Karmay (mKhar rme'u bSam gtan rgyal mtshan, b. 1936) and Namkhai Norbu (Nam mkha'i nor bu, b. 1938), both of whom, through their publications and personal contacts, made a major impact on Tibetan thinking in both China and the exile communities. 21 Before the contributions of these figures became well known in China, however, a new generation of Tibetan thinkers, those who like Don grub rgyal came of age during the closing years of the Cultural Revolution, had independently begun to reassess the early historical record. In this, the role of Tibetophone Han Chinese scholars, including Wang Yao .:E~ (dBang rgyal), ChenJian Il.$li!!t (bSod nams skyid), and Chen Qingying Il.$JJC~ (Khrin Chin dbyin), in advancing work in this area together with Tibetan colleagues and students should not be overlooked. 22 Among the

18

19

Stoddard, Le mendiant de l'Amdo, 247-248. bDud 'joms Rin po che 'Jigs bral ye shes rdo rje, Bod kyi rgyal rabs 'dus gsal d" bkod

pa, in The collected writings and revelations of H.H. BdZld 'joms Rin po cbe 'Jigs bml ye shes rdo lje
(Kalimpong: Dupjung Lama, 1979-1985): vol. 2. 10 Slob <;ipon bsTan 'dzin mam dag, Bod kyi 'byZlng ba bljod pa'i 'bel gtam (Dolanji, H.P.: Slob dpon bsTan 'dzin mam dag, 1983). 21 Samten G. Karmay's best known historical essay in Tibetan is perhaps: mKhar rme'u bSam gtan rgyal mtshan, bTsan po Iba sras Dm' ma dang de'i rjes m bYZlng ba'i rgyal rabs md01' bsdus (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1986). For an anthology of Namkhai Norbu's Tibetan language writings, see Nam mkba'i nor bZl'i gmng "tso", phyogs bsgrigs (Beijing: Krung go'i Bod kyi shes rig dpe skrun khang, 1994). , 22 Though the topic of the present essay requires that I underscore to some extent the ethnicity of the persons mentioned, I must confess to some unease in this regard. In my experience as a Tibetanist in Europe and the United States, I have found that in some quarters it is automatically assumed that, in connection with Tibetan affairs, one can draw a strict inference from ethnicity to value: Tibetan is good and Han is bad. This is of course absolutely naive. In relation

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Tibetan language contributions that initiated new approaches to the smdy of early Tibet in China, some of the key works were by these and other Han authors, whether originally written in or translated into Tibetan. 23 lVloreover, because Tibetan scholars in China today are universally literate in Chinese, they draw regularly upon Chinese publications, including recent translations ofvVestern Tibetological writings, or use Chinese as their own language of scholarship. In sum, the contemporary Tibetan historian in China is in the interesting position of one who must mediate between traditional Tibetan and modern Chinese (and to a lesser extent vVestern) historical studies, while at the same time being buffeted by the crosscurrents of scientific research and political interest, as will be seen in the following section. 24 With these points in mind, my focus in the remainder of this section will be on a recent collection of articles, most of them previously published during the past two-and-a-half decades, devoted to the study of early Tibet: Bod /eyi yig mying zhib 'jug (Research on Old Tibetan writings). This volume, which was produced at the Northwest Nationalities Institute (Xibei Minzu Xueyuan jffi ~ ~ 13:';-*"f:~%) in Lanzhou, Gansu, under the general editorship ofKha sgang bKra sms tshe ring, and was published by the Nationalities Press (Minzu chubanshe, Mi rigs dpe skrun khang) in Beijing in 2003, brings together eighty-nine articles of which the great majority are

to the quality and balance of Tibet-related scholarship from China, one finds similar merits and problems informing the work of both Tibetan and Han scholars, and some of the latter must be counted among the foremost Tibetanists today. In any case, one must distinguish, too, between serious scholarship produced in China and the work of political hacks, while noting that the latter by no means belong to a single ethnicity. Our interest in the present context, however, exclusively concerns credible academic research, regardless of the scholar's ethnicity. Perhaps the best way to put these complications to rest would be to consider just publication in the Tibetan language as the major characteristic of the scholarship that interests us. In all events, among major Tibetan works by the three authors mentioned above we may note: bSod nams skyid [= ChenJian] and dBang rgyal [= Wang Yao], TIm bongnastbon pa'i gna' bo'i bodyig sbogdTil (Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1983); bSod nams skyid, Bod kyi l'do 1'ingyi ge dang dTil bu'; kba byang (Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1984); dBang rgyal and bSod nams skyid, TIm bong nas tbon pa'i bod kyi 10 'XYZts yig cba (Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1992); Don grub rgyal and Khrin Chin dbyin [Chen Qingying], bTsan po kln'i sde S1'ong btsan gyi 10 'XYUS mdo tsam b1jod pa; and Don grub rgyal and Khrin Chin dbyin (trans.), Tbangyig gsarTnying las byztng ba'i bod chen po'i rrid lugs (Xining: Mtsho sngon mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1983). 23 In a useful appendix (pp. 793-802) to the collection to be discussed in greater detail below, Bod kyi yig rnying zbib Jug, we find a bibliography of Chinese-language publications on early Tibetan, including Chinese translations of works on the subject by Japanese and European authors. 24 While Chinese popular and propaganda sources sometimes seek to date Tibet's incorporation into China to the Tang dynasty, incredibly citing Srong btsan sgam po's marriage to the princess vVencheng as the basis for this assertion, most responsible scholars, whether writing in Tibetan or in Chinese, take the Yuan dynasty as the beginning of their political uni n. More delicate is the treatment of the Nling period, when the Chinese court was continuing to grant, and Tibetans were continuing to seek and to accept, Chinese titles in legitimation of their authority. While it is clear that these tokens of diplomacy did not imply the real extension of Ming power into Tibet, but only the recognition of the status quo, official history in China at present nevertheless generally insists that one find here proof of Tibet's subordination to the Nling.

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Tibetan-language contributions by Tibetan scholars currently active in China.. (A small number of the articles are by Han Chinese authors and one is by Namkhai N orbu; some, too, whether by Tibetan or Han writers, were originally published in Chinese and are here translated into Tibetan.) The work thus forms a useful conspectus of current Tibetan scholarship on early Tibet. The introduction to the volume (pp. 1-3), contributed by one of the leaders in the field of Old Tibetan Studies in China, Professor gNya' gong dKon mchog tshe brtan, Z5 provides a valuable overview of the principle orientations in this domain among Tibetan academics in China today. I provide a full translation of it here, although, because the author prefers a syntactically complex style, with very long sentences containing several layers of dependent clauses, it has been necessary to paraphrase at some points rather than to attempt a literal rendering throughout. The bracketed expressions and footnotes have been added by the present writer in order to clarify gNya' gong dKon mchog tshe brtan's references and allusions as seems required: In this great cool and medicinal land, which has been said to be "in the middle of the heavens, in the center of the earth, in the heart of the continent, in the enclosure of snow mountains, at the head of all rivers, where the mountains are high, the earth pure,"" that is, in this highland of glacial Tibet, historyis long and learning is profound and extensive, from the perspective of both theory and practice. Because they possess the exceptional characteristics indicative of the spirit of the [Tibetan] nationality, they form the basis for discovering virtues while rejecting faults through scientific research,27 which is the true responsibility of scholars in the present generation. For it would be inappropriate not to promote fully the positive qualities of Tibetan thought. If one thinks to undertake well-grounded research concerning Tibetology in general and Tibetan cultural history in particular, at the outset one must gain correct knowledge of the nature and qualities of the true culture of the ancient Tibetans. To arrive at that, there are just three principle objects [of study]: (1) There are the authentic annals and documents of past scholars in which the authentic oral traditions that were passed down for generations were written down, together with the documents of various types that are related to them. (2) There are the genuine remains of cultural objects, whether found below the earth or on the surface, which have been successively deposited since this world began. By means of them, there has been a careful scientific investigation of the actual developments of tens of thousands of years ago, so

25 Among the same author's earlier works, we find an extended study of the "uncle-nephew pillar inscription" in Lhasa, dBon zhang ,do 1'ing dang thang bod bal' gyi 'h'e! ba (Lanzhou: Kan su'u mi rigs dpe shun khang, 1986), and a useful collection of Old Tibetan texts with notes and commentary, Bod leyi b"da l'nyingyig cba bdmns bsg1'igs (Beijing: I(rung dbyang mi rigs slob grwa chen mo'i dpe shun lcilang, 1995). 26 The citation is from the famous Dunhuang document Pelliot tibetain 1286, lines 35-37. 27 This no doubt paraphrases a favorite adage of Deng Xiaoping: sbisbi qi11 sbi 9<4)l:*~,

"seek truth from facts."

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that these may be explained clearly and without error. Hence, this science [of archaeology] is a great, recent anthropological development. If we take, for example, the regions inhabited by Tibetans, we find various plant and animal fossils from many tens of thousands of years back, and, from many thousands of years ag'o, amazing petroglyphs, as well as the mausoleums of the ancient Tibetan emperors (btsan po), and the remains of ancient dwellings, stone tools, pottery, bone needles, ornaments, etc. NIany such have been found in vVestern, Central and Eastern Tibet, and have been subject to scientific analysis. (3) Through the several phases of the development of Tibetan society, writing finally emerged so as to record the linguistic conventions used by the [Tibetan] nationality in common. Thereafter, by stages, the production, livelihood, ideas, activities, customs and local traditions, etc., of society as it was during that time were set down, and the genuine ancient writings which give indications [of these matters] were not subject to tampering by later persons. To put it clearly, these are the pillar and stone inscriptions from the period of the Tibetan bTsan po dynasty, as well as the bell-inscriptions, the ancient Tibetan writings that came from the Dunhuang cave and that are now distributed everywhere in lands outside and inside [of China], the tally-sticks discovered in the ruins of the ancient Tibetan fort at Miran in Xinjiang, etc. These are unadulterated ancient writings, composed by the Tibetans of a millenium ago. vVhichever among these three objects one evaluates, one obtains true and verifiable results. Otherwise, it is difficult to find other means to resolve the many knotty problems of history. In order to undertake genuine research that is really meaningful, the axiom of the examination of gold by burning, cutting and grinding seems to be certainly necessary.28 Absent that, in Tibet, in the face of the many doubtful points of history, it transpired that each scholar seemed to have had his own opinion. Even after the fruits ofTibetological research had ripened in the country,29 whether one considers the methods of analysis or the substance, a high level was still not attained. Examining the basis for this, [it was because], without pushing the truth to its limits, and relying on ephemeral learning, there seems to have been mostly an effort to undermine other objectives, so there was much weakness [of argumentationVO In particular, in many of the scientific writings that were published- in Tibetan, [the authors] considered the presuppositions of their own thinking to be valid reasons, and so would

28 This saying of Buddhist philosophers (see, e.g., the Tattvasar;zgmba of Santaraksita, verses 3343 and 3587), which is oft-repeated by the present Dalai Lama, is usually applied to the examination of religious doctrines, which are not to be taken up on faith, but subject to

rigorous examination. 29 rgyalnang, i.e., China.

30 I assume that this is an intentionally vague allusion to the subordination of historical scholarship to purely political ends, as occurred in exaggerated fashion during the years of the Cultural Revolution. Cf. the introduction to Blo bzang ehos grags and bSod nams rtse mo (eds.), Gangs ijongs nzkbas dbang Tinz byon gyi rtsonz yig gser gyi sbmnz bu, vol. 1, p. 2, of which a translation is given in my "The Indian Literary Identity in Tibet," 790.

"Tibetan Tibetology"?
not accept others' positions even when these were true and, making every effort to refute them, set forth their own positions. The objective of what is called "research" (zbib 'jug), however, is. primarily to affirm what is or is not true or false. It refers to an articulation of the actual matter of fact, just as it is, on the basis of accumulated learning and reason I}ung "igS),'1 but it is not sophisti-y ("ig 'pb1"Ul) that serves just to befuddle the thinking of others. Therefore, one ought to get to the essence of what is demonstrated in fine compositions that are based on prior analysis. Examining them repeatedly, and basing oneself upon reliable learning and reason with respect to the many points that flow from them, it is sufficient that the truth be revealed so that all come to affirm it. vVhat is well-known as the view propounded by the scholarly community is just what comes forth through such research. In research, forced efforts that depart from the truth are never applicable. The revision of past conclusions and the rectification of errors are the basis for setting out on the true and genuine path-this is now the point of departure that merits the adherence of all who join the discussion. For this reason, the renowned Professor Kha sgang bKra shis tshe ring has compiled the conclusions of investigations on the old writings of ancient Tibet that are most beneficial for current Tibetological activity. In particular, he has accepted the burden of fulfilling here the need of researchers in this area for rare study materials and, what's more, because many of the studies [republished here] contained errors of word or of meaning, he has corrected them insofar as was possible. In accord with his function as editor-in-chief of the collection, in the year 2000, the research students specializing in archaic Tibetan writings-Bis mdo rDo rje rin chm, Chu bzang Klu rgyal tshe ring, Bla mtsho, and rDo sbis gCod pa Klu rgyalJ2 -made efforts to assist him in compiling most of the compositions on ancient Tibetan writings that had appeared in provincial journals and books. This book, which they produced, has four great merits:

809

31 In traditional Buddhist contexts this expression refers to the two main sources of religious knowledge, scriptural authority and reasoned argument. In the present secular context, however, lung is probably best taken as meaning "received knowledge" or "book learning." 32 The title page in fact lists five associate editors: it omits Bla mtsho, but adds rDo rje 'tsho and 'Brug rna skyid. Though the phrase zhib 'jug slob nza used above does literally mean "research student," in the present context it seems to mean something more like "research fellow" in English academic usage. Several of those named here have in any case published work included in the present collection: Bis mdo rDo rje rin chen, "sBa bzbed las 'byung ba'i don chen 'ga'i dogs dpyod" (pp. 450-455); Chu bzang Klu rgyal tshe ring, "Tun hong nas than pa'i rje blon bar gyi mna' tshig 'ga' gleng ba" (pp. 598-602); gCod pa Klu rgyal, "Tun hong nas byung ba'i bod kyi gna' rabs yig rnying skor la rags tsam dpyad pa" (pp. 391-395); "Tun hongnas than pa'i bod kyi 10 rgyus yig cha las don chen gnad bsdus kyi 10 tshigs skor gleng ba" (pp. 396-400); "Li yul nas rnyed pa'i khram byang skor gyi ngo sprod rags bsdus" (pp. 410-412); and rDo rje 'tsho, "Tun hong gter yig las bod btsan po'i 10 rgyus dang 'breI ba'i bud med kyi skor brjod pa" (pp. 362-368). The editor-in-chief, Klla sgang bKra shis tshe ring, is represented by a study of Tibetan relations with Khotan, "Dus rabs bdun pa dang brgyad pa'i dus kyi bod Ii mdza' mthun 'breI ba'i skor gleng ba" (pp. 229-248), and, in collaboration with gNya' gong dKon mchog tshe brtan, a general introduction to the Dunhuang Tibetan manuscripts, "Tun hong bod kyi gna' rabs yig rnying byung lugs dang de rnams dag sgrig dang par bskrun byed thabs Ityi bsam tshul gleng ba" (pp. 157-165).

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First, it illustrates in a single collection the achievements of research, undertaken during the more than fifty years since the [People's] Republic [of China] was founded, concerning Tibetology in general and ancient Tibetan writings in particular. Second, in accord with the development of Tibetan educational work, it visibly demonstrates the increasing level of proficiency in composition and research. Third, it offers for researchers a key to knowledge and insight with respect to the archaic writings, for it unites and clarifies the main methods and perspectives of past and current research on the part of many scholars concerning the ancient Tibetan writings. Fourth, it makes it easy to research whatever inconsistencies of word or meaning there may be by comparing earlier and later, former and posterior [contributions]. Beyond that, some works of research on the old documents of ancient Tibet that had not received attention [lit. "left empty," stong cha,. i"s )'od pa], or, for whatever reason, had received passing approbation, and so forth, are made available for examination and may henceforth contribute to the progress of research work overall. Because this work, which possesses these four qualities, is obviously impOltant for all efforts to grasp, preserve, and enlarge Tibetan culture, it merits our hearty congratulations. Clearly, the essential conception of historical research that is articulated here, that of a discipline that seeks to establish historical truth through critical investigation of the most reliable sources, including both documentary and material evidence, and through an on-going revision of past results, is one that accords in its broad outlines with current conceptions of historical scholarship in general. In particular, in contrast with traditional Tibetan modes of historical study, we find articulated here a clear conception of historical research as an autonomous intellectual discipline. It is perhaps just this fact that presents the most striking novelty, relative to past Tibetan ways of thought, informing the entire collection. The essays given in Bod k)'i yig mying zhib 'jug are presented in five major sections, embracing the primary concerns of recent research on early Tibet:
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) gna' bo'i do 7"ing dang bmg brkos yi ge ("ancient pillar and stone inscriptions") gna' mbs rig gnas ("ancient culture") gna' mbs ,.tS077t ,.ig ("ancient literature") gna' bo'i skad dangyi ge ("ancient language and writing") gna'slntl ("ancient remains")

As it will not be possible to review individually the almost ninety articles presented in the space available here, in the brief remarks that follow I shall attempt to survey some of the main topics discussed in each of these sections, drawing attention to particular contributions as seems warranted. The studies of the old inscriptions open with an essay on the sKar chung rdo ring of Khri lDe srong btsan (r. 804-815) by Hor khang bSod nams dpal 'bar (pp. 2-7), who begins with his reminiscence of a visit to the site in the company of his friend

"Tibetan Tibetology"?

811

dGe 'dun chos 'phel in 1946, during which they prepared the transcription of the inscription given here. The editorial decision to place this at the head of the collection may perhaps be read as a tacit acknowledgement of the controversial dge bshes's singular role in the modern Tibetan study of early Tibet. Following this, four articles (pp. 8-40) are devoted to just one particular pillar inscription, namely, the so-called "Uncle-Nephew Pillar" (dbon zhang l"do ring), on which the Sino-Tibetan treaties of 821-823 are engraved in Tibetan and Chinese. Itis not at all surprising that this Lhasa monument should receive a disproportionate share of attention; for it is among the most important witnesses of Chinese and Tibetan political relations and diplomatic conventions to survive from the Tang/Tibetan Imperial period. That it should be so stressed in current research is of course also a healthy sign, as the treaties it reports make absolutely clear that Tibet and China were, at the time, equal partners, despite the symbolic seniority that was perhaps attributed to the Tang emperor through the designation of "uncle.'>ll Usefully reproduced here, too, are a number of studies concerning previously undocumented early inscriptions which have come to the attention of scholars in recent years: Pa tshab Pa sangs dbang 'dus's study of the Khrom chen rdo ring (pp. 78-85); two essays by the celebrated historian Chab spel Tshe brtan phun tshogs on the recently discovered inscriptions of 1Dan ma brag and Kong po De mo (pp.86-101); and two substantial studies of the 'Bis mdo and Leb khog inscriptions in Yul shul, one by gNya' gong dKon mcll0g tshe brtan with Padma 'bum (pp. 111-128), another by gDugs dkar Tshe ring (pp. 129-148). Essays on two later inscriptions are also included: Hong He examines Yuan-period inscriptions near Beijing (pp. 102-110), and Tshe rdor documents a historical text found on the wall of the monastery of mTho lding (Tholing) in mNga' ris (pp. 149-155).34 The sectiOJi on ''Ancient Culture" (gIZa' rabs rig gnas), with thirty-six articles, is the fullest ill. the book and concerns primarily (though not exclusively) the study of the Dunhuang Tibetan documents. A number of these are general introductions to Dunhuang and the manuscripts of Mogao cave 17, with much to say, of course, regarding their removal (usually: "theft") by Stein, Pelliot, and others.J5 A number of the articles, however, address precise philological questions: bSod nams skyid (Chen Jian) on the terms slung tshang and slzengs dpon (pp. 266-271); dGa' ba Pa sangs on the expression pbYZig nor in Pelliot tibetain 1071 (pp. 300-306); rGya ye bKra bho on brla'
lJ On aspects of this question, see my The Tibetan Assimilation of Bllddbism: Conversion, Contestation andNIem01JI (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 35 and 221, note 77. More recently, the designation zbang has received detailed attention in Brandon Dotson, "A Note on Zan: Maternal Relatives of the Tibetan Royal Line and Marriage into the Royal Fanilly," Jozt1"nalAsiatiqlle 292.1-2 (2004): 75-99. J4 The te.'{t in question appears to supplement the materials collected in Roberto Vitali, Reeol'ds of Tho.ling: A Litel'ary and Visual Reconst1"Ztction of tbe ''lvIother'' Monastery in GII.ge (bharamsala: High Asia, 1999). 35 In some cases, however, the authors discuss the "carrying off" (lehyer ba) of the manuscripts without speaking of "theft" (rkll ba) by foreigners, while at the same time noting that some Chinese officials did indeed steal and sell some of the texts for personal profit (dpon rigs che chung manzs kyis rktt khyer dang gang 'dod du btsongs), pp. 160-161.

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brdzmgs in the historical annals (pp. 323-327); Sangs rgyas mkhar on the phrase g:yag zhu (pp. 456-460); and the same author's detailed study of expressions referring to the Tibetan military divisions (pp. 417-431). Other matters interestingly discussed in this section include social classes (gNya' gong dKon mchog tshe brtan, pp. 21 0-218), relations with Khotan (Kha sgang bKra shis tshe ring, pp. 229-248), land measurement (Chen Qingying, pp. 249-255), law (Hor dkar Eu phrug, pp. 307-315), medicine (Chab spel Tshe brtan phun tshogs, pp. 316-323, and sKal bzang 'phrin las, pp. 378383), the queen Khri rna lod and other notable women (Zla.ba tshe ring, pp. 341-347, and rDo rje"tsho, pp. 362-368), P. T. 1062 and 1065 on horses (gDugs dkar Tshe ring, pp. 369-378), and the Tibetan tally sticks (kbram sbing) found in Xinjiang (Chos 'phel, pp. 401-409, and gCod pa KIu rgyal, pp. 410-412).36 These essays, together with other published interpretations of the Tibetan Dunhuang documents by scholars writing in Tibetan should now be included among the esselltial bibliography for those working in this special field. Notable contributions in the two following sections, on literature and language, include: 'Ju sKal bzang's'study of poetry in the Dunhuang documents, focusing on metrical analysis (pp. 491-506) and Chu bzang Klu rgyal tshe ring's article on sworn oaths (pp. 598-602). The final section provides surveys and reports on a number of important ancient sites and archaeological finds: the ruins of the sKar chung temple (Tshe brtan dge legs, pp. 757-766), the neolithic village of mKhar ro (Phur phan, pp. 777-779), an early necropolis in Dwags po (bSod nams dbang 'dus, pp. 780-786), and mortuary fmds in Nying khri (Wang Yuanjie, pp. 787-792). When we recall that the sustained investigation of the Old Tibetan artifacts and documents has been feasible for Tibetan scholars in China only during the past three decades, it is clear that Bod kyi yig rnying zbib Jug represents impressive, rapid growth in a difficult department of historical-philological research. This development, moreover, as only exemplifying the virtually unlimited potential of Chinabased Tibetologists, given their exceptional access to archival and material resources bearing on all phases of Tibetan history, may be taken as presaging their central role in the future growth of the field. The comments of gNya' gong dKon mchog tshe brtan cited above underscore, too, that the methodological principles of research in the historical disciplines have come to be articulated with increasing clarity during this time. Nevertheless, Tibetology in China is not free of political constraint, and this must be taken into consideration still in connection with any assessment of the unfolding "Tibetan Tibetology."

The Political Uses ofTibetology

In the above remarks, I have attempted to provide a brief overview of the emergence of Tibetology as a new sphere of academic research among Tibetan scholars in China, followed by a more detailed review of a specialized area, th~ study of early
30 Some of these topics have been the subjects' of extended research by scholars in Europe or Japan. This is not the occasion, however, to present a full bibliography.

"Tibetan Tibetology".2

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Tibet, as seen through a recent publication. that highlights both methodological and substantive concerns. We must bear in mind, however, that the political interests of Tibetan Studies in China are never far from the surface, and these cannot be overlooked if one is to assess the achievements and prospects of the field overall. The remarkable development thathas taken place in recent years reflects in part Chinese policy decisions to promote Tibetology, and to do so for certain well-defined ends. It behooves us therefore to koow what these are, but not to rush to judgment on this account. Let us recall, for instance, that the great upsurge of Asian Studies of all kinds in the American academy during the Cold War years was encouraged by U.S. government funds, and that Middle Eastern and Central Asian Studies have more recently been the beneficiaries of the "war on terrorism." Political decisions to enable scholarship, however, do not always translate directly into the determination of scholarly outcomes. This may be seen in contemporary China, no less than in the West. Perhaps the clearest statement delineating Chinese official interest in Tibetology in recent years may be fomid in the "statement at the conference on national research ih Tibetology and external propaganda on Tibet" delivered on 12 June 2000 by the then director of the Information Office of the State Council, Zhao Qizheng, and entitled "Tibet-related external propaganda and Tibetology work in the new era.'>l7 This substantial discourse, some 6500 words in its English translation, is concerned in the first instance to combat what it regards as "hostile external publicity" on Tibet, due mainly to the "Dalai clique" and its supporters in the West. Tibetology is presented as a key battleground in the struggle: The external propaganda on Tibet issue is a very complicated matter. The Dalai clique and hostile western forces have a history of several decades of aoti-China activities and propagaoda. As well as having complete experience and expertise, they command an army of specialists in this field. They have also developed a complete network of cooperation between nations, between organizations, between parliainents aod governments, between governments aod peoples, between grassroots level organizations, between media aod governments, between non-governmental organizations and media, etc. In this way, they launch their campaigns under various guises and through different methods. In the struggle for public opinion on the issue of Tibet, our adversary is an organized international anti-China force. To counter this united force, we have to build ao effective organization aod network. The external propaganda struggle for public opinion should be treated as an important work, requiring relentless attention. 'itVe should launch a coordinated assault on different fronts. In this overall struggle for public opinion on the Tibet issue, Tibetology institutes should become an effective army. In our Tibet-related external propaganda, we should use our departments of foreign affairs, information,
J7 The version of this document to which I have had access is an English translation that was circulated electronically by the organization Students for a Free Tibet. As their name suggests, this is not a neutral scholarly body, and in fact it has been very actively engaged in promoting opposition to the Chinese position in Tibet. However, I have no reason to believe that Mr. Zhao's comments have been misrepresented in the text cited here.

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security, law, nationality, religion, culture, etc. vVe need specialists with knowledge on our internal and external affairs as well as those with experience in undertaking campaigns. In addition, we need Tibetology scholars and professors from the academic departments of nationality, religion, philosophy, political science, law, history and archaeology. Effective use of Tibetologists and specialists is the core of our external propaganda struggle for public opinion on Tibet. To sum up, the main responsibilities and potential of Tibetology research in our external propaganda on Tibet are to produce ideas, results, intellectuals, and confrontation strategies. To put it in another words, Tibetology research, in consideration of the needs of our external propaganda, must support our propaganda for public opinion by producing scholastic arguments, handy materials and consummate intellectuals for external propaganda. Tibetologists should develop confrontation strategies and approaches. They should produce effective articles, ideas and materials for external propaganda. [...J Our research activities and their impacts are still a bit scattered. They lack the required organization and planning. There is much research on Tibet's history, but little on the present situation and future development. There is much academic research, but little effort to use this to face the ground reality of international confrontation. There is much work on Tibet's history, but little research to build an intellectual argument to carry out our external propaganda. Lots of research materials have been published in Chinese and Tibetan languages, but not enough in foreign languages to influence international opinion. vVe have not been able to influence the international public opinion. vVe do not have enough internationally-known Tibetan intellectuals. vVe do not have adequate intellectual arguments to carry out our external struggle. [...J Our Tibetology institutes and specialists have become an effective army of external propaganda for public opinion on Tibet. As a matter of fact, the very act of writing and publishing books by the specialists of our Tibetology institutes is for external propaganda and public opinion. We should not underestimate the contribution of scholarly works to our external propaganda for public opinion; westerners have a lot of respect for this kind of works. [...J Tibetology has become the object of international attention in the 20,h century. The scope of Tibetology is expanding internationally; Tibetologists are mushrooming; Tibetology institutes are also multiplying. There are more than ten Tibetology institutes in America and Europe. Some well-known universities have established Tibet study departments and specialized programs. Of course, all of them do not serve western political interests; some of them are serious academic institutes. However, generally speaking, the majority of western Tibetology institutes and Tibet-related organizations have connections with western government and the Dalai clique. Even if they do not have direct connections, they still have deep influence on western perspective and the Dalai clique. Their research on Tibet is politically biased and fraught with many mistaken views. A section of them serve western anti-China forces and the palai clique. [...J If we publish books and articles that are geared to meet the confrontational needs of our struggle against the Dalai clique and hostile western forc-

"Tibetan Tibetology".2
es, they will serve as material for our external propaganda and as weapons for external struggle. Particularly, succinct and well-written works are as effective as missiles in the battlefield. However, such works should be factual with ability to strike the important views of foreign adversaries; the arguments should be clear and credible; sources quoted should be reliable; there should be footnotes and bibliographies. To sum it up in one sentence, they must be standard works, combining political and scholarly elements.

815

In the title of this essay, I introduced a question: Tibetan Tibetology? Is there such a thing, can there be such a thing under present circumstances? The easy answer is, of course, "yes and no." Certainly there are Tibetan Tibetologists, in China, India and the vVest. That is to say, there are highly qualified Tibetan scholars, working in the contemporary academy, whose special sphere of study is Tibet and whose contributions represent the forefront of Tibetan studies today. But, at the same. time, they must often confront the particular challenges that stern from the necessity of steering a course between the powerful currents of ancient tradition and contemporary political interest. In this, their predicament resembles the one faced by others who find themselves to be at once the objects and agents of ethnic or nationality studies. Precisely how they negotiate the challenge, however, will necessarily reflect the specificities of the Tibetan world today.