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Dr Romesh Senewiratne-Alagaratnam 2013
RomeshSenewiratne@gmail.com www.youtube.com/RomeshSenewiratne www.Scribd.com/romesh_senewiratne www.facebook.com/romeshsenewiratne

This is a continuation of my research into Crimes Against Humanity by the British Empire. Of course, when they began, there were no International Laws about Crimes Against Humanity - it was just the way things were done in the Masonic tradition of the British Royal Family and its allies in other words, their clan, which ruled different dominions, kingdoms and empires. It made the rules. Rules they inherited from the Roman Empire Roman Law. The laws of the Caesars the Tsars those who seize. Who seize the plunder of the conquered lands.

What follows is from a Royalist British Website, which I discovered and downloaded today:

Bushy Park
A Playground for the People 1837
Origins The park extends to approximately 1100 acres. Its oldest visible archaeological feature is a wide low ridge crossing into the park from Sandy Lane. Its proximity to the remains of the Bronze Age barrow across the lane suggests a history of occupation of some 4,000 years. Other features, forming a rectangular pattern, suggest Roman occupation and are supported by pottery found locally. They underlie conforming patterns of medieval field cultivation. In the landscape covering over half the park there is evidence of Anglo-Saxon occupation with their Ridge and Furrow system of agriculture, then a new method of land use.

Bushy Park from the air. Google Earth

The land at this time formed part of the Hounslow Hundred, and was owned by the (nonresident) Kings of Mercia. One of the last of these was Leofric (d1057) whose widow, the Lady Godiva (d1067), probably inherited and gave the land to the recently founded

Westminster Abbey in about 1060. The Knights Hospitaller After the Norman invasion of 1066, Hampton was passed to Walter de St Valry. His descendants transferred it to a London merchant, Henry de St Albans, who sold it in 1237 to theKnights Hospitaller of St John of Jerusalem. The Order already owned a house on the site of todays Hampton Court Palace, and the neighbouring Manor of Hampton was purchased to employ new land management techniques designed to maximise the profit necessary to fund their overseas exploits. Instead, land already impoverished by single crop farming for generations was further degraded by the introduction of sheep. This led to the uncontrollable spread of bracken that covers the eastern area of the park to this day. In fact, sheep were insufficiently profitable and so rabbits were introduced in their place. Just before the Christmas of 1497 the royal palace at Richmond was destroyed by fire, an event that led the creation of Bushy Park. By making use of the Hospitallers house, the royal court was able to entertain guests in the major diversions of the day: hunting, shooting and coursing, by turning part of the attached land into a park stocked with deer. Three hundred acres were enclosed, incidentally preserving the largest medieval field system in Middlesex.

Cardinal Wolsey & Henry VIII In January 1515, the Knights Hospitallers leased the manor toCardinal Wolsey who rebuilt the old house in palatial style. With his power seen as a threat to Henry, Wolsey gave Hampton Court to his monarch. In 1536, as Lord of the Manor and with the acquisition of Teddington, Henry set the boundary to the north side of the park as we know it today using the Sandy Lane Barrow as marker and sighting point to enclose the land. Brick walls stretching east from Hampton Court to Hampton Wick and west from Hampton Wick to Teddington were built during the following year, creating a favourite hunting ground for Henry and, later, Queen Elizabeth I. Thousands of acorns planted as future timber for Henrys New Navy were protected from the deer by thorny bushes, which by 1604 had given rise to the name of Bushie Park. Sixteen years later, an area known as Hampton Eastfield was taken into the Tudor North Park to complete the park boundaries.
Henry VIII

The Commonwealth During the Commonwealth period, Bushy Park narrowly escaped break-up thanks to Oliver Cromwell who was living at Hampton Court Palace by the courtesy of Parliament. In 1652 the park was bought by a property consortium led by Edward Backwell, a Goldsmith of London. Next year Cromwell, now proclaimed Lord Protector of England, sought to reclaim the Park so that it could be re-joined with the Palace. There was hard bargaining and he only achieved this in 1654, and at a premium. In 1638, Charles I had ordered a canal to be dug from the River Colne at Longford to Hampton Court Palace, crossing through Bushy Park. Cromwell was responsible for the digging of ponds to stock with fish and to cater for the new sport of angling. As well as feeding the new Oliver Cromwell ponds, this waterway serviced the circular basin and fountain terminating todays Chestnut Avenue, and was later diverted by Lord Halifax into a high pond at Upper Lodge to feed his ornamental cascade.

William III The Chestnut Avenue, formerly known as the Great Avenue, was laid out for William III to a design by Sir Christopher Wren in 1699. The work, supervised by William Talman, was undertaken first by George London and completed by Henry Wise. The fountain and statue of Diana by Le Sueur were placed in the basin in the centre of the round pond later.

The Diana Statue and fountain in the Round Pond

The 18th Century There were two residences in the park early in the century: Upper Lodge and Bushy House, as they came to be called. Upper Lodge started as a 16th century timber building, a Keepers lodge: it was rebuilt by the Earl of Halifax in 1709. Bushy House, formerly known as Lower Lodge had been built in 1663 by Edward Proger on behalf of Charles II, replacing another old Keepers lodge, at considerable

Bushy House in about 1825

expense. William IV & Queen Victoria The next great change to Bushy Park came in 1797 when the Duke of Clarence enclosed all but 500 acres of the park. When he became king in 1830 and left Bushy, his intrusive fences were removed and, when Queen Victoria opened the gardens of Hampton Court, the park became a popular playground for the people. Visitor numbers increased and, as early as 1837 charabancs were bringing visitors to see the chestnuts blossom. This led to the annual celebration known as Chestnut Sunday. Locally, pressure increased for more entrances and, in 1883 the Hampton Hill Gate was opened, followed, in 1884, by the South Teddington Gate.

Queen Victoria in about 1837

By this time, sports had established a foothold. Led by cricket, from 1863, football, hockey, lacrosse, shooting, horse-riding and cycling followed. further reading C M Anstead & G D Heath, Bushy Park Victorian Playground of the People, Borough of Twickenham Local History Society Paper No4, 1965 Kathy White and Peter Foster, Bushy Park Royals, Rangers and Rogues, Foundry Press, 1997 Ken Howe, The Bronze Age Barrow at Teddington, Borough of Twickenham Local History

Society Paper No85, 2005 Bernard Garside, The Manor Lordship and Great Parks of Hampton Court during the 16th and 17th centuries, 1951 Links to other websites http://www.royalparks.gov.uk/

The Twickenham Museum 25, The Embankment, Twickenham, TW1 3DU, United Kingdom

Deny the British empire's crimes? No, we ignore them

New evidence of British colonial atrocities has not changed our national ability to disregard it

George Monbiot The Guardian, Monday 23 April 2012 20.30 BST

9 Jump to comments (1766)

Members of the Devon Regiment round up local people in a search for Mau Mau fighters in Kenya in 1954. Photograph: Popperfoto/Popperfoto/Getty Images There is one thing you can say for the Holocaust deniers: at least they know what they are denying. In order to sustain the lies they tell, they must engage in strenuous falsification. To dismiss Britain's colonial atrocities, no such effort is required. Most people appear to be unaware that anything needs to be denied.

The story of benign imperialism, whose overriding purpose was not to seize land, labour and commodities but to teach the natives English, table manners and double-entry book-keeping, is a myth that has been carefully propagated by the rightwing press. But it draws its power from a remarkable national ability to airbrush and disregard our past.

Last week's revelations, that the British government systematically destroyed the documents detailing mistreatment of its colonial subjects, and that the Foreign Office then lied about a secret cache of files containing lesser revelations, is by any standards a big story. But it was either ignored or consigned to a footnote by most of the British press. I was unable to find any mention of the secret archive on the Telegraph's website. The Mail's only coverage, as far as I can determine, was an opinion piece by a historian called Lawrence James, who used the occasion to insist that any

10 deficiencies in the management of the colonies were the work of "a sprinkling of misfits, incompetents and bullies", while everyone else was "dedicated, loyal and disciplined".

The British government's suppression of evidence was scarcely necessary. Even when the documentation of great crimes is abundant, it is not denied but simply ignored. In an article for the Daily Mail in 2010, for example, the historian Dominic Sandbrook announced that "Britain's empire stands out as a beacon of tolerance, decency and the rule of law Nor did Britain countenance anything like the dreadful tortures committed in French Algeria." Could he really have been unaware of the history he is disavowing?

Caroline Elkins, a professor at Harvard, spent nearly 10 years compiling the evidence contained in her book Britain's Gulag: the Brutal End of Empire in Kenya. She started her research with the belief that the British account of the suppression of the Kikuyu's Mau Mau revolt in the 1950s was largely accurate. Then she discovered that most of the documentation had been destroyed. She worked through the remaining archives, and conducted 600 hours of interviews with Kikuyu survivors rebels and loyalists and British guards, settlers and officials. Her book is fully and thoroughly documented. It won the Pulitzer prize. But as far as Sandbrook, James and other imperial apologists are concerned, it might as well never have been written.

Elkins reveals that the British detained not 80,000 Kikuyu, as the official histories maintain, but almost the entire population of one and a half million people, in camps and fortified villages. There, thousands were beaten to death or died from malnutrition, typhoid, tuberculosis and dysentery. In some camps almost all the children died.


The inmates were used as slave labour. Above the gates were edifying slogans, such as "Labour and freedom" and "He who helps himself will also be helped". Loudspeakers broadcast the national anthem and patriotic exhortations. People deemed to have disobeyed the rules were killed in front of the others. The survivors were forced to dig mass graves, which were quickly filled. Unless you have a strong stomach I advise you to skip the next paragraph.

Interrogation under torture was widespread. Many of the men were anally raped, using knives, broken bottles, rifle barrels, snakes and scorpions. A favourite technique was to hold a man upside down, his head in a bucket of water, while sand was rammed into his rectum with a stick. Women were gang-raped by the guards. People were mauled by dogs and electrocuted. The British devised a special tool which they used for first crushing and then ripping off testicles. They used pliers to mutilate women's breasts. They cut off inmates' ears and fingers and gouged out their eyes. They dragged people behind Land Rovers until their bodies disintegrated. Men were rolled up in barbed wire and kicked around the compound.

Elkins provides a wealth of evidence to show that the horrors of the camps were endorsed at the highest levels. The governor of Kenya, Sir Evelyn Baring, regularly intervened to prevent the perpetrators from being brought to justice. The colonial secretary, Alan Lennox-Boyd, repeatedly lied to the House of Commons. This is a vast, systematic crime for which there has been no reckoning.

12 No matter. Even those who acknowledge that something happened write as if Elkins and her work did not exist. In the Telegraph, Daniel Hannan maintains that just eleven people were beaten to death. Apart from that, "1,090 terrorists were hanged and as many as 71,000 detained without due process".

The British did not do body counts, and most victims were buried in unmarked graves. But it is clear that tens of thousands, possibly hundreds of thousands, of Kikuyu died in the camps and during the round-ups. Hannan's is one of the most blatant examples of revisionism I have ever encountered.

Without explaining what this means, Lawrence James concedes that "harsh measures" were sometimes used, but he maintains that "while the Mau Mau were terrorising the Kikuyu, veterinary surgeons in the Colonial Service were teaching tribesmen how to deal with cattle plagues." The theft of the Kikuyu's land and livestock, the starvation and killings, the widespread support among the Kikuyu for the Mau Mau's attempt to reclaim their land and freedom: all vanish into thin air. Both men maintain that the British government acted to stop any abuses as soon as they were revealed.

What I find remarkable is not that they write such things, but that these distortions go almost unchallenged. The myths of empire are so well-established that we appear to blot out countervailing stories even as they are told. As evidence from the manufactured Indian famines of the 1870s and from the treatment of other colonies accumulates, British imperialism emerges as no better and in some cases even worse than the imperialism practised by other nations. Yet the myth of the civilising mission remains untroubled by the evidence.

13 A fully referenced version of this article can be found at www.monbiot.com

Deny the British empire's crimes? No, we ignore them New evidence of British colonial atrocities has not changed our national ability to disregard it


inShare24 Email


o o o

George Monbiot The Guardian, Monday 23 April 2012 20.30 BST Jump to comments (1766)

Members of the Devon Regiment round up local people in a search for Mau Mau fighters in Kenya in 1954. Photograph: Popperfoto/Popperfoto/Getty Images

15 There is one thing you can say for the Holocaust deniers: at least they know what they are denying. In order to sustain the lies they tell, they must engage in strenuous falsification. To dismiss Britain's colonial atrocities, no such effort is required. Most people appear to be unaware that anything needs to be denied. The story of benign imperialism, whose overriding purpose was not to seize land, labour and commodities but to teach the natives English, table manners and double-entry book-keeping, is a myth that has been carefully propagated by the rightwing press. But it draws its power from a remarkable national ability to airbrush and disregard our past. Last week's revelations, that the British government systematically destroyed the documents detailing mistreatment of its colonial subjects, and that the Foreign Office then lied about a secret cache of files containing lesser revelations, is by any standards a big story. But it was either ignored or consigned to a footnote by most of the British press. I was unable to find any mention of the secret archive on the Telegraph's website. The Mail's only coverage, as far as I can determine, was an opinion piece by a historian called Lawrence James, who used the occasion to insist that any deficiencies in the management of the colonies were the work of "a sprinkling of misfits, incompetents and bullies", while everyone else was "dedicated, loyal and disciplined". The British government's suppression of evidence was scarcely necessary. Even when the documentation of great crimes is abundant, it is not denied but simply ignored. In an article for the Daily Mail in 2010, for example, the historian Dominic Sandbrook announced that "Britain's empire stands out as a beacon of tolerance, decency and the rule of law Nor did Britain countenance anything like the dreadful tortures committed in French Algeria." Could he really have been unaware of the history he is disavowing? Caroline Elkins, a professor at Harvard, spent nearly 10 years compiling the evidence contained in her book Britain's Gulag: the Brutal End of Empire in Kenya. She started her research with the belief that the British account of the suppression of the Kikuyu's Mau Mau revolt in the 1950s was largely

16 accurate. Then she discovered that most of the documentation had been destroyed. She worked through the remaining archives, and conducted 600 hours of interviews with Kikuyu survivors rebels and loyalists and British guards, settlers and officials. Her book is fully and thoroughly documented. It won the Pulitzer prize. But as far as Sandbrook, James and other imperial apologists are concerned, it might as well never have been written. Elkins reveals that the British detained not 80,000 Kikuyu, as the official histories maintain, but almost the entire population of one and a half million people, in camps and fortified villages. There, thousands were beaten to death or died from malnutrition, typhoid, tuberculosis and dysentery. In some camps almost all the children died. The inmates were used as slave labour. Above the gates were edifying slogans, such as "Labour and freedom" and "He who helps himself will also be helped". Loudspeakers broadcast the national anthem and patriotic exhortations. People deemed to have disobeyed the rules were killed in front of the others. The survivors were forced to dig mass graves, which were quickly filled. Unless you have a strong stomach I advise you to skip the next paragraph. Interrogation under torture was widespread. Many of the men were anally raped, using knives, broken bottles, rifle barrels, snakes and scorpions. A favourite technique was to hold a man upside down, his head in a bucket of water, while sand was rammed into his rectum with a stick. Women were gang-raped by the guards. People were mauled by dogs and electrocuted. The British devised a special tool which they used for first crushing and then ripping off testicles. They used pliers to mutilate women's breasts. They cut off inmates' ears and fingers and gouged out their eyes. They dragged people behind Land Rovers until their bodies disintegrated. Men were rolled up in barbed wire and kicked around the compound. Elkins provides a wealth of evidence to show that the horrors of the camps were endorsed at the highest levels. The governor of Kenya, Sir Evelyn Baring, regularly intervened to prevent the perpetrators from being brought to justice. The colonial secretary, Alan Lennox-Boyd, repeatedly

17 lied to the House of Commons. This is a vast, systematic crime for which there has been no reckoning. No matter. Even those who acknowledge that something happened write as if Elkins and her work did not exist. In the Telegraph, Daniel Hannan maintains that just eleven people were beaten to death. Apart from that,"1,090 terrorists were hanged and as many as 71,000 detained without due process". The British did not do body counts, and most victims were buried in unmarked graves. But it is clear that tens of thousands, possibly hundreds of thousands, of Kikuyu died in the camps and during the round-ups. Hannan's is one of the most blatant examples of revisionism I have ever encountered. Without explaining what this means, Lawrence James concedes that "harsh measures" were sometimes used, but he maintains that "while the Mau Mau were terrorising the Kikuyu, veterinary surgeons in the Colonial Service were teaching tribesmen how to deal with cattle plagues." The theft of the Kikuyu's land and livestock, the starvation and killings, the widespread support among the Kikuyu for the Mau Mau's attempt to reclaim their land and freedom: all vanish into thin air. Both men maintain that the British government acted to stop any abuses as soon as they were revealed. What I find remarkable is not that they write such things, but that these distortions go almost unchallenged. The myths of empire are so well-established that we appear to blot out countervailing stories even as they are told. As evidence from the manufactured Indian famines of the 1870s and from the treatment of other colonies accumulates, British imperialism emerges as no better and in some cases even worse than the imperialism practised by other nations. Yet the myth of the civilising mission remains untroubled by the evidence. A fully referenced version of this article can be found atwww.monbiot.com

18 A link to a lecture on British atrocities in Kenya by Caroline Elkins, posted on YouTube. Its brilliant! http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J8NA1CAynJI

History of slavery
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

"Slave Trade" redirects here. For the slave trade between Europe, Africa and the New World in the 16th to 19th centuries, see Atlantic slave trade.






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The history of slavery covers slave systems in historical perspective in which one human being is legally the property of another, can be bought or sold, is not allowed to escape and must work for the owner without any choice involved. As Drescher (2009) argues, "The most crucial and frequently utilized aspect of the condition is a communally recognized right by some individuals to possess, buy, sell, discipline, transport, liberate, or otherwise dispose of the bodies and behavior of other individuals." [1] An integral element is that children of a slave mother automatically become slaves.[2] It does not include historical forced labor by prisoners, labor camps, or other forms of unfree labor in which laborers are not considered property. Slavery can be traced back to the earliest records, such as the Code of Hammurabi (c. 1760 BC), which refers to it as an established institution. [3] Slavery is rare among hunter-gatherer populations as slavery depends on a system of social stratification. Slavery typically also requires a shortage of labor and a surplus of land to be viable.[4] David P. Forsythe wrote: "The fact remained that at the beginning of the nineteenth century an estimated three-quarters of all people alive were trapped in bondage against their will either in some form of slavery or serfdom."[5] Slavery is no longer legal anywhere in the world. [6] Mauritania abolished it in law in 1981[7] and was the last country to do so see Abolition of slavery timeline. However, the number of slaves today is higher than at any point in history, [8] remaining as high as 12 million[9] to 27 million.[10][11]



1 Origins 2 Europe

o o o o o o o o o

2.1 Ancient Greece 2.2 Rome 2.3 Celtic Tribes 2.4 The Vikings and Scandinavia 2.5 Middle Ages 2.6 Portugal 2.7 Spain 2.8 Netherlands 2.9 Great Britain and Ireland

o o

2.9.1 Barbary Corsairs 2.9.2 Atlantic slave trade

2.10 Pre-industrial Europe 2.11 Modern Europe

3 Africa

3.1 Sub-Saharan Africa

3.1.1 Christian Slaves 3.1.2 African participation in the slave trade


3.2 Modern times

4 The Americas

o o

4.1 Among indigenous peoples 4.2 Brazil

o o o

4.2.1 Resistance and abolition

4.3 Other South American countries 4.4 British and French Caribbean 4.5 North America

5 Asia 6 Oceania

4.5.1 Early events 4.5.2 Slavery in American colonial law 4.5.3 Development of slavery 4.5.4 Early United States law 4.5.5 Civil War

o o o o

6.1 Hawaii 6.2 New Zealand 6.3 Chatham Islands 6.4 Rapa Nui / Easter Island

7 Abolitionist movements

7.1 Britain


7.2 France

o o o

7.2.1 Abolition 7.2.2 Napoleon restores slavery

7.3 United States 7.4 Congress of Vienna 7.5 Twentieth century worldwide

8 Bibliography

o o o o

8.1 Greece and Rome 8.2 Africa and Middle East 8.3 Latin America and British Empire 8.4 United States

9 See also 10 References 11 External links

Main article: Slavery in antiquity


C. 1480 BC, fugitive slave treaty between Idrimi of Alakakh (now Tell Atchana) and Pillia of Kizzuwatna (now Cilicia).

Evidence of slavery predates written records, and has existed in many cultures. [12] Slavery is rare among huntergatherer populations, as slavery is a system of social stratification. Mass slavery also requires economic surpluses and a high population density to be viable. Due to these factors, the practice of slavery would have only proliferated after the invention of agriculture during the Neolithic Revolution about 11,000 years ago.[4] Slavery was known in civilizations as old as Sumer, as well as almost every other ancient civilization, including Ancient Egypt, Ancient China, the Akkadian Empire, Assyria, Ancient India, Ancient Greece,


the Roman Empire, the Islamic Caliphate, and the pre-Columbian civilizations of the Americas.[12] Such institutions were a mixture of debt-slavery, punishment for crime, the enslavement of prisoners of war, child abandonment, and the birth of slave children to slaves.[13]


Slaves working in a mine. Ancient Greece.

Cast of the corpse of a prisoner (as evidenced by the manacles that remain on his ankles) recovered from the ruins ofPompeii, 79 AD


Gustave Boulanger's painting The Slave Market



See also: Slavery in ancient Greece Records of slavery in Ancient Greece go as far back as Mycenaean Greece. The origins are not known, but it appears that slavery became an important part of the economy and society only after the establishment of cities.[14] Slavery was common practice and an integral component of ancient Greece throughout its rich history, as it was in other societies of the time including ancient Israel and early Christian societies.[15][16][17] It is estimated that in Athens, the majority of citizens owned at least one slave. Most ancient writers considered slavery not only natural but necessary, but some isolated debate began to appear, notably in Socratic dialogues while the Stoics produced the first condemnation of slavery recorded in history.[17] During the 8th and the 7th centuries BC, in the course of the two Messenian Wars the Spartans reduced an entire population to a pseudo-slavery called helotry.[18] According to Herodotus (IX, 2829), helots were seven times as numerous as Spartans. Following several helot revolts around the year 600 BC, the Spartans restructured their city-state along authoritarian lines, for the leaders decided that only by turning


their society into an armed camp could they hope to maintain control over the numerically dominant helot population.[19] In some Ancient Greek city states about 30% of the population consisted of slaves, but paid and slave labor seem to have been equally important. [20]

See also: Slavery in ancient Rome Romans inherited the institution of slavery from the Greeks and the Phoenicians.[21] As the Roman Republic expanded outward, entire populations were enslaved, thus creating an ample supply to work in Rome's farms and households. The people subjected to Roman slavery came from all over Europe and the Mediterranean. Such oppression by an elite minority eventually led to slave revolts; the Third Servile War led by Spartacus was the most famous and severe. Greeks, Berbers, Germans,Britons, Slavs, Thracians, Gauls (or Celts), Jews, Arabs, and many more were slaves used not only for labor, but also for amusement (e.g. gladiators and sex slaves). If a slave ran away, he was liable to be crucified. By the late Republican era, slavery had become a vital economic pillar in the wealth of Rome.[22] In the Roman Empire, probably over 25% of the empire's population, [23] and 30 to 40% of the population of Italy[24] was enslaved.



Celtic tribes of Europe are recorded by various Roman sources as owning slaves. The extent of slavery in prehistorical Europe is not well known however. [25]


Vikings and Scandinavia

Main articles: Thrall and Volga trade route


In the Viking era beginning circa 793, the Norse raiders often captured and enslaved militarily weaker peoples they encountered. In the Nordic countries the slaves were called thralls (Old Norse: rll).[26] The thralls were mostly from Western Europe, among them many Franks, Anglo-Saxons, and Celts. Many Irish slaves participated in the colonization of Iceland.[27] There is evidence of German, Baltic, Slavic and Latin slaves as well. The slave trade was one of the pillars of Norse commerce during the 6th through 11th centuries. The Persian traveller Ibn Rustah described how Swedish Vikings, the Varangians or Rus, terrorized and enslaved the Slavs. The thrall system was finally abolished in the mid-14th century in Scandinavia.[28]



Main article: Slavery in medieval Europe Chaos and invasion made the taking of slaves habitual throughout Europe in the early Middle Ages. St. Patrick, himself captured and sold as a slave, protested against an attack that enslaved newly baptized Christians in his Letter to the Soldiers of Coroticus.


Ottoman advances resulted in many captive Christians being carried deep into Muslim territory.

Slavery during the Early Middle Ages had several distinct sources. Jewish participation in the slave trade was recorded starting in the 5th century. [29] After the Muslim conquests of North Africa and most of the Iberian peninsula, the Islamic world became a huge importer of Saqaliba (Slavic) slaves from central and eastern Europe.[30] Olivia Remie Constable wrote: "Muslim and Jewish merchants brought slaves into alAndalus from eastern Europe and Christian Spain, and then re-exported them to other regions of the Islamic world."[31] This trade came to an end after the Christianisation of Slavic countries. The etymology of the word slave comes from this period, the word sklabos meaning Slav.[32][33] The Vikings raided across Europe, though their slave raids were the most destructive in the British Isles and Eastern Europe. While the Vikings kept some slaves for themselves as servants, known as thralls,


most people captured by the Vikings would be sold on the Byzantine or Islamic markets. In the West the targets of Viking slavery were primarily English, Irish, and Scottish, while in the East they were mainly Slavs. The Viking slave trade slowly ended in the 11th century, as the Vikings settled in the European territories they once raided, Christianized serfdom, and merged with the local populace. [26] The Islamic World was a main factor in slavery. Islamic law forbade Muslims to enslave fellow Muslims or so-called People of the Book: Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians, but an exception was made if they were captured in battle. If they converted to Islam, their master was expected to free them as an act of piety, and if they did not, the master had to teach them. [34] However, Muslims did not always treat with slaves in accordance with Islamic law.[35] The Muslim powers of Iberia both raided for slaves and purchased slaves from European merchants, often the Jewish Radhanites, one of the few groups that could easily move between the Christian and Islamic worlds. [31] The Middle Ages from 1100 to 1500 saw a continuation of the European slave trade, though with a shift from the Western Mediterranean Islamic nations to the Eastern, as Venice and Genoa, in firm control of the Eastern Mediterranean from the 12th century and the Black Sea from the 13th century sold both Slavic andBaltic slaves, as well as Georgians, Turks, and other ethnic groups of the Black Sea and Caucasus, to the Muslim nations of the Middle East.[citation needed] The sale of European slaves by Europeans slowly ended as the Slavic and Baltic ethnic groups Christianized by the Late Middle Ages. European slaves in the Islamic World would, however, continue into the Modern time period as Muslim pirates, primarily Algerians, with the support of the Ottoman Empire, raided European coasts and shipping from the 16th to the 19th centuries, ending their attacks with the naval decline of the Ottoman Empire in the late 16th and 17th centuries, as well as the European conquest of North Africa throughout the 19th century.[36]


The Mongol invasions and conquests in the 13th century made the situation worse.[37] The Mongols enslaved skilled individuals, women and children and marched them to Karakorum or Sarai, whence they were sold throughout Eurasia. Many of these slaves were shipped to the slave market in Novgorod.[38][39][40]

The ransoming of Christians slaves held in Turkish hands, 17th century

Slave commerce during the Late Middle Ages was mainly in the hands of Venetian and Genoese merchants and cartels, who were involved in the slave trade with the Golden Horde. In 1382 the Golden Horde under Khan Tokhtamysh sacked Moscow, burning the city and carrying off thousands of inhabitants as slaves. Between 1414 and 1423, some 10,000 eastern European slaves were sold in Venice.[41] Genoese merchants organized the slave trade from the Crimea to Mamluk Egypt. For years the Khanates of Kazan and Astrakhan routinely made raids on Russian principalities for slaves and to plunder towns. Russian chronicles record about 40 raids of Kazan Khans on the Russian territories in the first half of the 16th century. [42] In 1521, the combined forces of Crimean Khan Mehmed Giray and his Kazan allies attacked Moscow and captured thousands of slaves. [43]


In 1441, Haci I Giray declared independence from the Golden Horde and established the Crimean Khanate. For a long time, until the early 18th century, the khanate maintained a massive slave trade with the Ottoman Empire and the Middle East. In a process called the "harvesting of the steppe", they enslaved many Slavic peasants. About 30 major Tatar raids were recorded into Muscovite territories between 1558 and 1596.[44] In 1571, the Crimean Tatars attacked and sacked Moscow, burning everything but the Kremlin and taking thousands of captives as slaves. [45] In Crimea, about 75% of the population consisted of slaves.[46] Medieval Spain and Portugal were the scene of almost constant warfare between Muslims and Christians. Periodic raiding expeditions were sent from Al-Andalus to ravage the Iberian Christian kingdoms, bringing back booty and slaves. In a raid against Lisbon, Portugal in 1189, for example, the Almohad caliph Yaqub al-Mansur took 3,000 female and child captives, while his governor of Crdoba, in a subsequent attack upon Silves, Portugal in 1191, took 3,000 Christian slaves.[47] The Byzantine-Ottoman wars and the Ottoman wars in Europe brought large numbers of Christian slaves into the Islamic world too.[48] After the battle of Lepanto approximately 12,000 Christian galley slaves were freed from the Ottoman fleet.[49]Christians were also selling Muslim slaves captured in war. The Knights of Malta attacked pirates and Muslim shipping, and their base became a centre for slave trading, selling captured North Africans and Turks. Malta remained a slave market until well into the late 18th century. It required a thousand slaves to equip merely the galleys (ships) of the Order.[50][51] Slavery in Poland was forbidden in the 15th century; in Lithuania, slavery was formally abolished in 1588; they were replaced by the second enserfment. Slavery remained a minor institution in Russia until the 1723, when the Peter the Greatconverted the household slaves into house serfs. Russian agricultural slaves were formally converted into serfs earlier in 1679.[52] The runaway Polish and Russian


serfs and kholops known as Cossacks ('outlaws') formed autonomous communities in the southern steppes.[53]

See also: Slavery in Portugal, Portuguese Empire, Economic history of Portugal, and Black ladino

Portrait of an African Man, c. 1525-1530. The insignia on his hat alludes to possible Spanish or Portuguese origins.

The 15th-century Portuguese exploration of the African coast is commonly regarded as the harbinger of European colonialism. In 1452, Pope Nicholas V issued the papal bull Dum Diversas, granting Afonso V of Portugal the right to reduce any "Saracens, pagans and any other unbelievers" to hereditary slavery which legitimized slave trade under Catholic beliefs of that time. This approval of slavery was reaffirmed and extended in his Romanus Pontifex bull of 1455. These papal bulls came to serve as a justification for the subsequent era of slave trade and European colonialism. Although for a short period as in 1462, Pius II


declared slavery to be "a great crime".[54] The followers of the church of England and Protestants did not use the papal bull as a justification. The position of the church was to condemn the slavery of Christians, but slavery was regarded as an old established and necessary institution which supplied Europe with the necessary workforce. In the 16th century African slaves had substituted almost all other ethnicities and religious enslaved groups in Europe.[55] Within the Portuguese territory of Brazil, and even beyond its original borders, the enslavement of native Americans was carried out by the Bandeirantes. Among many other European slave markets, Genoa, and Venice were some well-known markets, their importance and demand growing after the great plague of the 14th century which decimated much of the European work force.[56] The maritime town of Lagos, Portugal, was the first slave market created in Portugal for the sale of imported African slaves the Mercado de Escravos, opened in 1444.[57][58] In 1441, the first slaves were brought to Portugal from northernMauritania.[58] Prince Henry the Navigator, major sponsor of the Portuguese African expeditions, as of any other merchandise, taxed one fifth of the selling price of the slaves imported to Portugal. [58] By the year 1552 African slaves made up 10 percent of the population of Lisbon.[59][60] In the second half of the 16th century, the Crown gave up the monopoly on slave trade and the focus of European trade in African slaves shifted from import to Europe to slave transports directly to tropical colonies in the Americas in the case of Portugal, especially Brazil.[58] In the 15th century one third of the slaves were resold to the African market in exchange of gold. [55] As Portugal increased its presence along China's coast, they began trading in slaves. Many Chinese slaves were sold to Portugal.[61][62] Since the 16th century Chinese slaves existed in Portugal, most of them were Chinese children and a large amount were shipped to the Indies. [63] Chinese prisoners were sent to Portugal, where they were sold as slaves, they were prized and regarded better than moorish and black slaves.[64] The first known visit of a Chinese person to Europe dates to 1540, when a Chinese scholar,


enslaved during one of several Portuguese raids somewhere on the southern China coast, was brought to Portugal. Purchased by Joo de Barros, he worked with the Portuguese historian on translating Chinese texts into Portuguese.[65] Dona Maria de Vilhena, a Portuguese noble woman from vora, Portugal, owned a Chinese male slave in 1562. [66][67][68] In the 16th century, a small number of Chinese slaves, around 2934 people were in southern Portugal, where they were used in agricultural labor. [69] Chinese boys were captured in China, and through Macau were brought to Portugal and sold as slaves in Lisbon. Some were then sold in Brazil, a Portuguese colony.[70][71][72] Due to hostility from the Chinese regarding the trafficking in Chinese slaves, in 1595 a law was passed by Portugal banning the selling and buying of Chinese slaves.[73] On 19 February 1624, the King of Portugal forbade the enslavement of Chinese of either sex.[74][75]

See also: Spanish Empire, Spanish colonization of the Americas, and Black ladino


Emperor Charles V captured Tunis in 1535, liberating 20,000 Christian slaves

The Spaniards were the first Europeans to use African slaves in the New World on islands such as Cuba and Hispaniola, where the native population starved themselves rather than work for the Spanish. Although the natives were used as forced labor (the Spanish employed the pre-Columbian draft system called the mita),[76] the spread of disease caused a shortage of labor, and so the Spanish colonists gradually became involved in the Atlantic slave trade. The first African slaves arrived in Hispaniola in 1501;[77] by 1517, the natives had been "virtually annihilated" by the settlers. [78]

Although slavery was illegal inside the Netherlands it flourished in the Dutch Empire, and helped support the economy.[79] By 1650 the Dutch had the pre-eminent slave trade in Europe.[80] They were overtaken by


Britain around 1700. Historians agree that in all the Dutch shipped about 550,000 African slaves across the Atlantic, about 75,000 of whom died on board before reaching their destinations. From 1596 to 1829, the Dutch traders sold 250,000 slaves in the Dutch Guianas, 142,000 in the Dutch Caribbean islands, and 28,000 in Dutch Brazil.[81] In addition, tens of thousands of slaves, mostly from India and some from Africa, were carried to the Dutch East Indies. [82]


Britain and Ireland

Main articles: Slavery in Britain and Ireland and Slavery in the colonial United States Slavery was practised by the Romans, but when they left in the 5th century they took their slaves with them.[citation needed] Anglo-Saxon Germanic settlers brought in slaves. Capture in war, voluntary servitude and debt slavery became common, and slaves were routinely bought and sold, but running away was common and slavery was never a major economic factor. Ireland and Denmark were markets for captured Anglo Saxon and Celtic slaves. Pope Gregory I reputedly made the pun, Non Angli, sed Angeli ("Not Angles, but Angels"), after a response to his query regarding the identity of a group of fair-haired Angles slave children whom he had observed in the marketplace. After 1100 slavery faded away as uneconomical. [83]

[edit]Barbary Corsairs
From the 16th to 19th century, Barbary Corsairs raided the coasts of Europe and attacked lone ships at sea. From 1609 to 1616, England lost 466 merchant ships to Barbary pirates. 160 English ships were captured by Algerians between 1677 and 1680. [84] Many of the captured sailors were made into slaves and held for ransom. The corsairs were no strangers to the South West of England where raids were known in a number of coastal communities. In 1627 Barbary Pirates under command of the Dutch renegade Jan Janszoon operating from the Moroccan port of Sal occupied the island of Lundy.[85] During this time there were reports of captured slaves being sent to Algiers.[86][87]


Ireland, despite its northern position, was not immune from attacks by the corsairs. In June 1631 Murat Reis, with pirates from Algiers and armed troops of the Ottoman Empire, stormed ashore at the little harbor village of Baltimore, County Cork. Theycaptured almost all the villagers and took them away to a life of slavery in North Africa. [88] The prisoners were destined for a variety of fates some lived out their days chained to the oars as galley slaves, while others would spend long years in the scented seclusion of the harem or within the walls of the sultan's palace. Only two of them ever saw Ireland again.

[edit]Atlantic slave trade

Main article: Atlantic slave trade Britain played a prominent role in the Atlantic slave trade, especially after 1600. Slavery was a legal institution in all of the 13 American colonies and Canada (acquired by Britain in 1763). The profits of the slave trade and of West Indian plantations amounted to 5% of the British economy at the time of the Industrial Revolution.[89] The Somersett's case in 1772 was generally taken at the time to have decided that the condition of slavery did not exist under English law in England. In 1785, English poet William Cowper wrote: "We have no slaves at home Then why abroad? Slaves cannot breathe in England; if their lungs receive our air, that moment they are free. They touch our country, and their shackles fall. That's noble, and bespeaks a nation proud. And jealous of the blessing. Spread it then, And let it circulate through every vein."[90] In 1807, following many years of lobbying by the Abolitionist movement, the British Parliament voted to make the slave trade illegal anywhere in the Empire with the Slave Trade Act 1807. Thereafter Britain took a prominent role in combating the trade, and slavery itself was abolished in the British Empire with the Slavery Abolition Act 1833. Between 1808 and 1860, the West Africa Squadron seized approximately 1,600 slave ships and freed 150,000 Africans who were aboard. [91] Action was also taken against African leaders who refused to agree to British treaties to outlaw the trade, for


example against "the usurping King of Lagos", deposed in 1851. Anti-slavery treaties were signed with over 50 African rulers.[92] In 1839, the world's oldest international human rights organization, Anti-Slavery International, was formed in Britain by Joseph Sturge, which worked to outlaw slavery in other countries.[93] In 1811, Arthur William Hodge was the first slave owner executed for the murder of a slave in the British West Indies.[94] He was not, however, as some have claimed, the first white person to have been lawfully executed for the killing of a slave.[95][96]



It became the custom among the Mediterranean powers to sentence condemned criminals to row in the war-galleys of the state (initially only in time of war).[97] The French Huguenots filled the galleys after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685 and Camisard rebellion.[98] Galley-slaveslived in unsavoury conditions, so even though some sentences prescribed a restricted number of years, most rowers would eventually die, even if they survived shipwreck and slaughter or torture at the hands of enemies or of pirates.[99] Naval forces often turned 'infidel' prisoners-of-war into galley-slaves. Several well-known historical figures served time as galley slaves after being captured by the enemy the Ottoman corsair and admiral Turgut Reis and the Knights Hospitaller Grand Master Jean Parisot de la Valette among them.[100] From the 1440s into the 18th century hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians were sold into slavery to the Turks. In 1575, the Tatars captured over 35,000 Ukrainians; a 1676 raid took almost 40,000. About 60,000 Ukrainians were captured in 1688; some were ransomed, but most were sold into slavery. [101][102] Some of the Roma people were enslaved over five centuries in Romania until abolition in 1864 (see Slavery in Romania).[103] Denmark-Norway was the first European country to ban the slave trade. This happened with a decree issued by the king in 1792, to become fully effective by 1803. Slavery itself was not banned until 1848. At


this time Iceland was a part of Denmark-Norway but slave trading had been abolished in Iceland in 1117 and had never been reestablished. [104] Slavery in the French Republic was abolished on 4 February 1794 however it was re-established by Napoleon Bonaparte in 1804. Slavery would be permanently abolished in the French empire during the French Revolution of 1848. The Haitian Revolution established Haiti as a free republic ruled by blacks, the first of its kind.[105] At the time of the revolution, Haiti was known as Saint-Domingue and was a colony of France.[106]



During The Holocaust, the Germans used slave labor from across occupied Europe to support their war effort, and numbering perhaps 6 million people.[107][108][109] The communist Soviet Union had about 14 million people working in Gulags during its existence.[110] This camp system was also used to colonize Siberia.

Main articles: African slave trade and Slavery in modern Africa


Two slightly differing Okpoho manillas as used to purchase slaves

In most African societies, there was very little difference between the free peasants and the feudal vassal peasants. Vassals of the Songhay Muslim Empire were used primarily in agriculture; they paid tribute to their masters in crop and service but they were slightly restricted in custom and convenience. These people were more an occupational caste, as their bondage was relative. In the Kanem Bornu Empire, vassals were three classes beneath the nobles. Marriage between captor and captive was far from rare, blurring the anticipated roles.[111] French historian Fernand Braudel noted that slavery was endemic in Africa and part of the structure of everyday life. "Slavery came in different disguises in different societies: there were court slaves, slaves


incorporated into princely armies, domestic and household slaves, slaves working on the land, in industry, as couriers and intermediaries, even as traders" (Braudel 1984 p. 435). During the 16th century, Europe began to outpace the Arab world in the export traffic, with its slave traffic from Africa to the Americas. The Dutch imported slaves from Asia into their colony in South Africa. In 1807 Britain, which held extensive, although mainly coastal colonial territories on the African continent (including southern Africa), made theinternational slave trade illegal, as did the United States in 1808. The end of the slave trade and the decline of slavery was imposed upon Africa by outside powers. The nature of the slave societies differed greatly across the continent. There were large plantations worked by slaves in Egypt, the Sudan and Zanzibar, but this was not a typical use of slaves in Africa as a whole. In most African slave societies, slaves were protected and incorporated into the slave-owning family.[citation


13th-century Africa Map of the main trade routes and states, kingdoms and empires

In Senegambia, between 1300 and 1900, close to one-third of the population was enslaved. In early Islamic states of the western Sudan, including Ghana(7501076), Mali (12351645), Segou (17121861), and Songhai (12751591), about a third of the population were slaves. In Sierra Leone in the 19th century about half of the population consisted of slaves. In the 19th century at least half the population was


enslaved among the Duala of the Cameroon, the Igbo and other peoples of the lower Niger, the Kongo, and the Kasanje kingdom and Chokwe of Angola. Among the Ashanti and Yoruba a third of the population consisted of slaves. The population of the Kanem was about a third-slave. It was perhaps 40% in Bornu (13961893). Between 1750 and 1900 from one- to two-thirds of the entire population of the Fulani jihad states consisted of slaves. The population of the Sokoto caliphate formed by Hausas in the northernNigeria and Cameroon was half-slave in the 19th century. It is estimated that up to 90% of the population of Arab-Swahili Zanzibar was enslaved. Roughly half the population of Madagascar was enslaved.[112][113][114][115][116][117][118] The Anti-Slavery Society estimated that there were 2,000,000 slaves in the early 1930s Ethiopia, out of an estimated population of between 8 and 16 million. [119] Slavery continued in Ethiopia until the brief Second Italo-Abyssinian War in October 1935, when it was abolished by order of the Italian occupying forces. [120] In response to pressure by Western Allies of World War II Ethiopia officially abolished slavery and serfdom after regaining its independence in 1942. On 26 August 1942 Haile Selassie issued a proclamation outlawing slavery.[121][122] When British rule was first imposed on the Sokoto Caliphate and the surrounding areas in northern Nigeria at the turn of the 20th century, approximately 2 million to 2.5 million people there were slaves.[123] Slavery in northern Nigeria was finally outlawed in 1936. [124] Elikia M'bokolo, April 1998, Le Monde diplomatique. Quote: "The African continent was bled of its human resources via all possible routes. Across the Sahara, through the Red Sea, from the Indian Ocean ports and across the Atlantic. At least ten centuries of slavery for the benefit of the Muslim countries (from the ninth to the nineteenth)." He continues: "Four million slaves exported via the Red Sea, another four million through the Swahili ports of the Indian Ocean, perhaps as many as nine million along the trans-


Saharan caravan route, and eleven to twenty million (depending on the author) across the Atlantic Ocean"[125]



Main article: African slave trade

Arab slave traders and their captives along the Ruvuma river (in today's Tanzania and Mozambique), 19th-century engraving.

David Livingstone wrote of the slave trades: "To overdraw its evils is a simple impossibility.... We passed a slave woman shot or stabbed through the body and lying on the path. [Onlookers] said an Arab who passed early that morning had done it in anger at losing the price he had given for her, because she was unable to walk any longer. We passed a woman tied by the neck to a tree and dead.... We came upon a man dead from starvation.... The strangest disease


I have seen in this country seems really to be broken heartedness, and it attacks free men who have been captured and made slaves." Livingstone estimated that 80,000 Africans died each year before ever reaching the slave markets of Zanzibar.[126][127][128][129] Zanzibar was once East Africa's main slave-trading port, and under Omani Arabs in the 19th century as many as 50,000 slaves were passing through the city each year. [130] Prior to the 16th century, the bulk of slaves exported from Africa were shipped from East Africa to the Arabian peninsula. Zanzibar became a leading port in this trade. Arab slave traders differed from European ones in that they would often conduct raiding expeditions themselves, sometimes penetrating deep into the continent. They also differed in that their market greatly preferred the purchase of female slaves over male ones. The increased presence of European rivals along the East coast led Arab traders to concentrate on the overland slave caravan routes across the Sahara from the Sahel to North Africa. The German explorer Gustav Nachtigalreported seeing slave caravans departing from Kukawa in Bornu bound for Tripoli and Egypt in 1870. The slave trade represented the major source of revenue for the state of Bornu as late as 1898. The eastern regions of theCentral African Republic have never recovered demographically from the impact of 19th-century raids from the Sudan and still have a population density of less than 1 person/km.[131] During the 1870s, European initiatives against the slave trade caused an economic crisis in northern Sudan, precipitating the rise of Mahdist forces. Mahdi's victory created an Islamic state, one that quickly reinstituted slavery. [132][133]


This painting by Johann Moritz Rugendas depicts a scene below deck of a slave ship headed to Brazil. Rugendas was an eyewitness to the scene.

The Middle Passage, the crossing of the Atlantic to the Americas, endured by slaves laid out in rows in the holds of ships, was only one element of the well-known triangular trade engaged in by Portuguese, Dutch, French and British. Ships having landed slaves in Caribbean ports would take on sugar, indigo, raw cotton, and later coffee, and make for Liverpool, Nantes, Lisbon or Amsterdam. Ships leaving European ports for West Africa would carry printed cotton textiles, some originally from India, copper utensils and bangles, pewter plates and pots, iron bars more valued than gold, hats, trinkets, gunpowder and firearms and alcohol. Tropical shipwormswere eliminated in the cold Atlantic waters, and at each unloading, a profit was made. The Atlantic slave trade peaked in the late 18th century, when the largest number of slaves were captured on raiding expeditions into the interior of West Africa. These expeditions were typically carried out by African states, such as theOyo empire (Yoruba), Kong Empire, Kingdom of Benin, Imamate of Futa Jallon, Imamate of Futa Toro, Kingdom of Koya, Kingdom of Khasso, Kingdom of Kaabu, Fante


Confederacy, Ashanti Confederacy, Aro Confederacy and the kingdom of Dahomey.[134][135] Europeans rarely entered the interior of Africa, due to fear of disease and moreover fierce African resistance. The slaves were brought to coastal outposts where they were traded for goods. The people captured on these expeditions were shipped by European traders to the colonies of the New World. As a result of the War of the Spanish Succession, the United Kingdom obtained the monopoly ( asiento de negros) of transporting captive Africans to Spanish America. It is estimated that over the centuries, twelve to twenty million people were shipped as slaves from Africa by European traders, of whom some 15 percent died during the terrible voyage, many during the arduous journey through the Middle Passage. The great majority were shipped to the Americas, but some also went to Europe and Southern Africa.

[edit]Christian Slaves
In Algiers, the capital of Algeria in Northern Africa, Christians and Europeans that were captured and forced into slavery. This eventually led to the Bombardment of Algiers in 1816.[136]

[edit]African participation in the slave trade

See also: Atlantic slave trade Some African states played a role in the slave trade. They would sell their captives or prisoners of war to European buyers.[137] Selling captives or prisoners was common practice among Africans and Arabs during that era. However, as the Atlantic slave trade increased its demand, local systems which primarily serviced indentured servitude became corrupted and started to supply the European slave traders, changing social dynamics. It also ultimately undermined local economies and political stability as villages' vital labor forces were shipped overseas as slave raids and civil wars became commonplace. Crimes which were previously punishable by some other punishment became punishable by enslavement. [138]


The prisoners and captives that were sold were usually from neighboring or enemy ethnic groups.[139] These captive slaves were not considered as part of the ethnic group or 'tribe' and kings did not have a particular loyalty to them. At times, kings and chiefs would sell criminals into slavery so that they could no longer commit crimes in that area. Most other slaves were obtained from kidnappings, or through raids that occurred at gunpoint through joint ventures with the Europeans. [137] Some African kings refused to sell any of their captives or criminals. King Jaja of Opobo, a former slave himself, completely refused to do business with slavers.[139] Ashanti King Agyeman Prempeh (Ashanti king, b. 1872) also sacrificed his own freedom so that his people would not face collective slavery. [139]
The viewpoint that Africans enslaved Africans is obfuscating if not troubling. The deployment of African in African history tends to coalesce into obscurantist constructions of identities that allow scholars, for instance, to subtly call into question the humanity of all Africans. Whenever Asante rulers sold non-Asantes into slavery, they did not construct it in terms of Africans selling fellow Africans. They saw the victims for what they were, for instance, as Akuapems, without categorizing them as fellow Africans. Equally, when Christian Scandinavians and Russians sold war captives to the Islamic people of the Abbasid Empire, they didnt think that they were placing fellow Europeans into slavery. This lazy categorizing homogenizes Africans and has become a part of the methodology of African history; not surprisingly, the Western medias cottage industry on Africa has tapped into it to frame Africans in inchoate generalities allowing the media to describe local crisis in one African state as African problem.

Dr. Akurang-Parry, Ending the Slavery Blame


The inspection and sale of a slave

Before the arrival of the Portuguese, slavery had already existed in Kingdom of Kongo. Despite its establishment within his kingdom, Afonso I of Kongo believed that the slave trade should be subject to Kongo law. When he suspected the Portuguese of receiving illegally enslaved persons to sell, he wrote letters to the King Joo III of Portugal in 1526 imploring him to put a stop to the practice. [141] The kings of Dahomey sold their war captives into transatlantic slavery, who otherwise would have been killed in a ceremony known as the Annual Customs. As one of West Africa's principal slave states, Dahomey became extremely unpopular with neighbouring peoples.[142][143][144] Like the Bambara Empire to the east, the Khasso kingdoms depended heavily on the slave trade for their economy. A family's status was indicated by the number of slaves it owned, leading to wars for the sole purpose of taking more captives. This trade led the Khasso into increasing contact with the European settlements of Africa's west coast, particularly the French.[145] Benin grew increasingly rich during the 16th and 17th centuries on the slave trade with Europe; slaves from enemy states of the interior were sold, and carried to the Americas in Dutch and Portuguese ships. The Bight of Benin's shore soon came to be known as the "Slave Coast". [146]


In the 1840s, King Gezo of Dahomey said:[147] "The slave trade is the ruling principle of my people. It is the sourc e and the glory of their wealththe mother lulls the child to sleep with notes of triumph over an enemy reduced to slavery "

200th anniversary of the British act of parliament abolishing slave trading, commemorated on a British two pound coin.

In 1807, the UK Parliament passed the Bill that abolished the trading of slaves. The King of Bonny (now in Nigeria) was horrified at the conclusion of the practice: [148] "We think this trade must go on. That is the verdict of our oracle and the priests. They say that your country, however great, can never stop a trade ordained by God himself. " Some historians conclude that the total loss in persons removed, those who died on the arduous march to coastal slave marts and those killed in slave raids, far exceeded the 6575 million inhabitants remaining in Sub-Saharan Africa at the trade's end. [citation needed] Others believe that slavers had a vested interest in capturing rather than killing, and in keeping their captives alive; and that this coupled with the disproportionate removal of males and the introduction of new crops from the Americas (cassava, maize) would have limited general population decline to particular regions of western Africa around 1760 1810,


and in Mozambique and neighbouring areas half a century later. There has also been speculation that within Africa, females were most often captured as brides, with their male protectors being a "bycatch" who would have been killed if there had not been an export market for them. During the period from late 19th century and early 20th century, demand for the labor-intensive harvesting of rubber drove frontier expansion and slavery. The personal monarchy of Belgian King Leopold II in the Congo Free State saw mass killings and slavery to extract rubber. [149]



See also: Slavery in modern Africa The trading of children has been reported in modern Nigeria and Benin. In parts of Ghana, a family may be punished for an offense by having to turn over a virgin female to serve as a sex slave within the offended family. In this instance, the woman does not gain the title or status of "wife". In parts of Ghana, Togo, and Benin, shrine slavery persists, despite being illegal in Ghana since 1998. In this system of ritual servitude, sometimes called trokosi (in Ghana) or voodoosi in Togo and Benin, young virgin girls are given as slaves to traditional shrines and are used sexually by the priests in addition to providing free labor for the shrine. It is estimated that as many as 200,000 black south Sudanese children and women (mostly from the Dinka tribe sold by the Sudanese Arabs of the north) have been taken into slavery in Sudan during the Second Sudanese Civil War.[150][151] In Mauritania it is estimated that up to 600,000 men, women and children, or 20% of the population, are currently enslaved, many of them used as bonded labor.[152] Slavery in Mauritania was criminalized in August 2007. [153]


Evidence emerged in the late 1990s of systematic slavery in cacao plantations in West Africa; see the chocolate and slavery article.[147]



White boy with a slave maid, Brazil, 1860.


indigenous peoples

Main articles: Aztec slavery, Repartimiento, Slavery in the Spanish New World colonies, Slavery in Canada, and Pre-Columbian America


In Pre-Columbian Mesoamerica the most common forms of slavery were those of prisoners-of-war and debtors. People unable to pay back a debt could be sentenced to work as a slave to the person owed until the debt was worked off. Warfare was important to the Maya society, because raids on surrounding areas provided the victims required for human sacrifice, as well as slaves for the construction of temples.[154] Most victims of human sacrifice were prisoners of war or slaves.[155] According to Aztec writings, as many as 84,000 people were sacrificed at a temple inauguration in 1487.[156] Slavery was not usually hereditary; children of slaves were born free. In the Inca Empire, workers were subject to a mita in lieu of taxes which they paid by working for the government. Each ayllu, or extended family, would decide which family member to send to do the work. It is unclear if this labor draft or corve counts as slavery. The Spanish adopted this system, particularly for their silver mines in Bolivia. [157] Other slave-owning societies and tribes of the New World were, for example, the Tehuelche of Patagonia, the Comanche of Texas, the Caribs of Dominica, the Tupinamb of Brazil, the fishing societies, such as the Yurok, that lived along the coast from what is now Alaska to California, the Pawnee and Klamath.[158] Many of the indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast, such as the Haida and Tlingit, were traditionally known as fierce warriors and slave-traders, raiding as far as California. Slavery was hereditary, the slaves being prisoners of war. Among some Pacific Northwest tribes about a quarter of the population were slaves. [159][160] One slave narrative was composed by an Englishman, John R. Jewitt, who had been taken alive when his ship was captured in 1802; his memoir provides a detailed look at life as a slave, and asserts that a large number were held.

Main articles: History of slavery in Brazil and Bandeirantes


Slavery in Brazil, Jean Baptiste Debret.

A Guaran family captured by Indian slave hunters. By Jean Baptiste Debret


Slavery was a mainstay of the Brazilian colonial economy, especially in mining and sugar cane production.[161] Brazil obtained 38% of all African slaves traded, and more than 3 million slaves were sent to this one country. Starting around 1550, the Portuguese began to trade African slaves to work the sugar plantations, once the native Tupi people deteriorated. Although Portuguese Prime Minister Marqus de Pombal abolished slavery in mainland Portugal on 12 February 1761, slavery continued in her overseas colonies. Slavery was practiced among all classes. Slaves were owned by upper and middle classes, by the poor, and even by other slaves.[162] From So Paulo, the Bandeirantes, adventurers mostly of mixed Portuguese and native ancestry, penetrated steadily westward in their search for Indian slaves. Along the Amazon river and its major tributaries, repeated slaving raids and punitive attacks left their mark. One French traveler in the 1740s described hundreds of miles of river banks with no sign of human life and once-thriving villages that were devastated and empty. In some areas of the Amazon Basin, and particularly among the Guarani of southern Brazil and Paraguay, the Jesuits had organized their Jesuit Reductions along military lines to fight the slavers. In the mid-to-late 19th century, many Amerindians were enslaved to work on rubber plantations.[163][164][165]

[edit]Resistance and abolition

Escaped slaves formed Maroon communities which played an important role in the histories of Brazil and other countries such as Suriname, Puerto Rico, Cuba, and Jamaica. In Brazil, the Maroon villages were called palenques orquilombos. Maroons survived by growing vegetables and hunting. They also raided plantations. At these attacks, the maroons would burn crops, steal livestock and tools, kill slavemasters, and invite other slaves to join their communities.


Jean-Baptiste Debret, a French painter who was active in Brazil in the first decades of the 19th century, started out with painting portraits of members of the Brazilian Imperial family, but soon became concerned with the slavery of both blacks and indigenous inhabitants. His paintings on the subject (two appear on this page) helped bring attention to the subject in both Europe and Brazil itself. The Clapham Sect, a group of evangelical reformers, campaigned during much of the 19th century for the United Kingdom to use its influence and power to stop the traffic of slaves to Brazil. Besides moral qualms, the low cost of slave-produced Brazilian sugar meant that British colonies in the West Indies were unable to match the market prices of Brazilian sugar, and each Briton was consuming 16 pounds (7 kg) of sugar a year by the 19th century. This combination led to intensive pressure from the British government for Brazil to end this practice, which it did by steps over several decades. First, foreign slave trade was banned in 1850. Then, in 1871, the sons of the slaves were freed. In 1885, slaves aged over 60 years were freed. The Paraguayan War contributed to ending slavery, since many slaves enlisted in exchange for freedom. In Colonial Brazil, slavery was more a social than a racial condition. In fact, some of the greatest figures of the time, like the writer Machado de Assis and the engineer Andr Rebouas had black ancestry. Brazil's 187778 Grande Seca (Great Drought) in the cotton-growing northeast led to major turmoil, starvation, poverty and internal migration. As wealthy plantation holders rushed to sell their slaves south, popular resistance and resentment grew, inspiring numerous emancipation societies. They succeeded in banning slavery altogether in the province of Cear by 1884. [166] Slavery was legally ended nationwide on 13 May by the Lei Aurea ("Golden Law") of 1888. In fact, it was an institution in decadence at these times, as since the 1880s the country had begun to use European immigrant labor instead. Brazil was the last nation in the Western Hemisphere to abolish slavery.



South American countries

Funeral at slave plantation during Dutch colonial rule,Suriname. Colored lithograph printed circa 18401850, digitally restored.

During the period from late 19th century and early 20th century, demand for the labor-intensive harvesting of rubber drove frontier expansion and slavery in Latin America and elsewhere. Indigenous people were enslaved as part of therubber boom in Ecuador, Peru, Colombia, and Brazil.[167] In Central America, rubber tappers participated in the enslavement of the indigenous Guatuso-Maleku people for domestic service.[168]


and French Caribbean

Main article: Slavery in the British and French Caribbean Slavery was commonly used in the parts of the Caribbean controlled by France and the British Empire. The Lesser Antilles islands of Barbados, St. Kitts, Antigua, Martinique and Guadeloupe, which were the


first important slave societies of the Caribbean, began the widespread use of African slaves by the end of the 17th century, as their economies converted from sugar production. [169] By the middle of the 18th century, British Jamaica and French Saint-Domingue had become the largest slave societies of the region, and the Caribbean was rivaling Brazil as a destination for enslaved Africans. Due to overwork and tropical diseases, the death rates for Caribbean slaves were greater than birth rates. The conditions led to increasing numbers of slave revolts, escaped slaves forming Maroon communities and fighting guerrilla wars against the plantation owners. To regularise slavery, in 1685 Louis XIV had enacted the code noir, which accorded certain human rights to slaves and responsibilities to the master, who was obliged to feed, clothe and provide for the general wellbeing of his slaves. Free blacks owned one-third of the plantation property and one-quarter of the slaves in Saint Domingue (later Haiti).[170] Slavery in the French Republic was abolished on 4 February 1794. When it became clear that Napoleon intended to re-establish slavery in Haiti, Dessalines and Ption switched sides, in October 1802. On 1 January 1804, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, the new leader under the dictatorial 1801 constitution, declared Haiti a free republic.[105] Thus Haiti became the second independent nation in the Western Hemisphere, after the United States, and the only successful slave rebellion in world history.[171]


18th century painting of Dirk Valkenburgshowing plantation slaves during a Ceremonial dance.

Whitehall in England announced in 1833 that slaves in its territories would be totally freed by 1840. In the meantime, the government told slaves they had to remain on their plantations and would have the status of "apprentices" for the next six years. In Port-of-Spain, Trinidad, on 1 August 1834, an unarmed group of mainly elderly Negroes being addressed by the Governor at Government House about the new laws, began chanting: "Pas de six ans. Point de six ans" ("Not six years. No six years"), drowning out the voice of the Governor. Peaceful protests continued until a resolution to abolish apprenticeship was passed and de facto freedom was achieved. Full emancipation for all was legally granted ahead of schedule on 1 August 1838, making Trinidad the first British colony with slaves to completely abolish slavery. [172]


After Great Britain abolished slavery, it began to pressure other nations to do the same. France, too, abolished slavery. By then Saint-Domingue had already won its independence and formed the independent Republic of Haiti. French-controlled islands were then limited to a few smaller islands in the Lesser Antilles.



Main articles: Slavery in Canada, Slavery in the colonial United States, Slavery in the United States, History of slavery in Kentucky, History of slavery in Missouri, History of slavery in Pennsylvania, Atlantic slave trade, Slavery among the indigenous people of the Americas, and Slavery among the Cherokee

[edit]Early events
The first slaves used by Europeans in what later became United States territory were among Lucas Vsquez de Aylln's colonization attempt of North Carolina in 1526. The attempt was a failure, lasting only one year; the slaves revolted and fled into the wilderness to live among the Cofitachiqui people.[173] The first historically significant slave in what would become the United States was Estevanico, a Moroccan slave and member of the Narvez expedition in 1528 and acted as a guide on Fray Marcos de Niza's expedition to find the Seven Cities of Gold in 1539. In 1619 twenty Africans were brought by a Dutch soldier and sold to the English colony of Jamestown, Virginia as indentured servants. It is possible that Africans were brought to Virginia prior to this, both because neither John Rolfe our source on the 1619 shipment nor any contemporary of his ever says that this was the first contingent of Africans to come to Virginia and because the 1625 Virginia census lists one black as coming on a ship that appears to only have landed people in Virginia prior to 1619. [174] The transformation from indentured servitude to racial slavery happened gradually. It was not until 1661 that a reference to slavery entered into Virginia law, directed at Caucasian servants who ran away with a black


servant. It was not until the Slave Codes of 1705 that the status of African Americans as slaves would be sealed. This status would last for another 160 years, until after the end of the American Civil War with the ratification of the 13th Amendment in December 1865. Only a fraction of the enslaved Africans brought to the New World ended up in British North America perhaps 5%. The vast majority of slaves shipped across the Atlantic were sent to the Caribbean sugar colonies, Brazil, or Spanish America. By the 1680s with the consolidation of England's Royal African Company, enslaved Africans were imported to English colonies in larger numbers, and the practice continued to be protected by the English Crown. Colonists began purchasing slaves in larger numbers.

[edit]Slavery in American colonial law

Well-dressed plantation owner and family visiting the slave quarters.

1642: Massachusetts becomes the first colony to legalize slavery. 1650: Connecticut legalizes slavery.


1661: Virginia officially recognizes slavery by statute. 1662: A Virginia statute declares that children born would have the same status as their mother. 1663: Maryland legalizes slavery. 1664: Slavery is legalized in New York and New Jersey.[175]

[edit]Development of slavery
See also: Black Loyalists, James Somersett, and Somersett's Case The shift from indentured servants to African slaves was prompted by a dwindling class of former servants who had worked through the terms of their indentures and thus became competitors to their former masters. These newly freed servants were rarely able to support themselves comfortably, and the tobacco industry was increasingly dominated by large planters. This caused domestic unrest culminating in Bacon's Rebellion. Eventually, chattel slavery became the norm in regions dominated by plantations. Many slaves in British North America were owned by plantation owners who lived in Britain. The British courts had made a series of contradictory rulings on the legality of slavery[176] which encouraged several thousand slaves to flee the newly independent United States as refugees along with the retreating British in 1783. The British courts having ruled in 1772 that such slaves could not be forcibly returned to North America, the British government resettled them as free men in Sierra Leone. Several slave rebellions took place during the 17th and 18th centuries.

[edit]Early United States law


James Hopkinson's plantation, South Carolina ca. 1862.

The Republic of Vermont banned slavery in its constitution of 1777 and continued the ban when it entered the United States in 1791.[177] Through the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 under the Congress of the Confederation, slavery was prohibited in the territories north west of the Ohio River. By 1804, abolitionists succeeded in passing legislation that would eventually (in conjunction with the 13th amendment) emancipate the slaves in every state north of the Ohio River and the Mason-Dixon Line. However, emancipation in the free states was so gradual that both New York and Pennsylvania listed slaves in their 1840 census returns, and a small number of black slaves were held in New Jersey in 1860. [178] The importation or export of slaves was banned on 1 January 1808; [179] but not the internal slave trade. Despite the actions of abolitionists, free blacks were subject to racial segregation in the Northern states.[180] Slavery was legal in most of Canada until 1833, but after that it offered a haven for hundreds of runaway slaves. Refugees from slavery fled the South across the Ohio River to the North via the Underground Railroad. Midwestern state governments asserted States Rights arguments to refuse


federal jurisdiction over fugitives. Some juries exercised their right of jury nullification and refused to convict those indicted under the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850. After the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act in 1854, armed conflict broke out in Kansas Territory, where the question of whether it would be admitted to the Union as a slave state or a free state had been left to the inhabitants. The radical abolitionist John Brown was active in the mayhem and killing in "Bleeding Kansas." The true turning point in public opinion is better fixed at the Lecompton Constitution fraud. Proslavery elements in Kansas had arrived first from Missouri and quickly organized a territorial government that excluded abolitionists. Through the machinery of the territory and violence, the pro-slavery faction attempted to force an unpopular pro-slavery constitution through the state. This infuriated Northern Democrats, who supported popular sovereignty, and was exacerbated by the Buchanan administration reneging on a promise to submit the constitution to a referendum which it would surely fail. Anti-slavery legislators took office under the banner of the newly formed Republican Party. The Supreme Court in the Dred Scott decision of 1857 asserted that one could take one's property anywhere, even if one's property was chattel and one crossed into a free territory. It also asserted that African Americans could not be federal citizens. Outraged critics across the North denounced these episodes as the latest of the Slave Power (the politically organized slave owners) taking more control of the nation. [181]

[edit]Civil War
Further information: American Civil War


Peter, a slave from Mississippi, 1863. The scars are a result of awhipping by his overseer, who was subsequently discharged. It took two months to recover from the beating. The pattern of scarring seen here is suggestive of keloid formation.[182]

Approximately one Southern family in four held slaves prior to war. According to the 1860 United States Census, about 385,000 individuals[183] (i.e. 1.4% of White Americans in the country, or 4.8% of southern whites) owned one or more slaves. [184][185] and the slave population in the United States stood at four million.[186] 95% of blacks lived in the South, comprising one third of the population there as opposed to 1% of the population of the North. Consequently, fears of eventual emancipation were much greater in the South than in the North. [187]


In the election of 1860, the Republicans swept Abraham Lincoln into the Presidency (with only 39.8% of the popular vote) and legislators into Congress. Lincoln however, did not appear on the ballots in most southern states and his election split the nation along sectional lines. After decades of controlling the Federal Government,[citation needed] several of the southern states declared they had seceded from the U.S. (the Union) in an attempt to form the Confederate States of America. Northern leaders like Lincoln viewed the prospect of a new Southern nation, with control over the Mississippi River and the West, as unacceptable. This led to the outbreak of the Civil War, which spelled the end for chattel slavery in America. However, in August 1862, Lincoln wrote to editor Horace Greeley that despite his own moral objection to slavery, the objective of the war was to save the Union and not either to save or to destroy slavery[citation needed] . Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 was a powerful move that proclaimed freedom for slaves within the Confederacy as soon as the Union Army arrived; Lincoln had no power to free slaves in the border states or the rest of the Union, so he promoted the Thirteenth Amendment, which freed all the remaining slaves in December 1865. The proclamation made the abolition of slavery an official war goal and it was implemented as the Union captured territory from the Confederacy. Slaves in many parts of the south were freed by Union armies or when they simply left their former owners. Over 150,000 joined the Union Army and Navy as soldiers and sailors. The remaining slaves within the United States remained enslaved until the final ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution on 6 December 1865 (with final recognition of the amendment on 18 December), eight months after the cessation of hostilities. Only in Kentucky did a significant slave population remain by that time, although there were some in West Virginia and Delaware. After the failure of Reconstruction, freed slaves in the United States were treated as second class citizens. For decades after their emancipation, many former slaves living in the South sharecropped and had a low


standard of living. In some states, it was only after the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 60s that blacks obtained legal protection from racial discrimination ( see segregation).

Main article: History of Slavery in Asia Further information: Slavery in India, Slavery in China, Slavery in Japan, and Slavery in the Ottoman Empire

A contract from the Tang dynastythat records the purchase of a 15 year-old slave for six bolts of plain silk and five Chinese coins.


A plate in the Boxer Codexpossibly depicting alipin (slaves) in the pre-colonial Philippines.

See also: Blackbirding In the first half of the 19th century, small-scale slave raids took place across Polynesia to supply labor and sex workers for the whaling and sealing trades, with examples from both the westerly and easterly extremes of the Polynesian triangle. By the 1860s this had grown to a larger scale operation with Peruvian slave raids in the South Sea Islands to collect labor for the guano industry.

Ancient Hawaii was a caste society. People were born into specific social classes. Kauwa were the outcast or slave class. They are believed to have been war captives, or the descendents of war captives. Marriage


between higher castes and the kauwa was strictly forbidden. The kauwa worked for the chiefs and were often used as human sacrifices at the luakini heiau. (They were not the only sacrifices; law-breakers of all castes or defeated political opponents were also acceptable as victims.) [188]



In traditional Mori society of Aotearoa, prisoners of war became taurekareka, slaves, unless released, ransomed or tortured.[189] With some exceptions, the child of a slave remained a slave. As far as it is possible to tell, slavery seems to have increased in the early 19th century, as a result of increased numbers of prisoners being taken by Mori military leaders such as Hongi Hika and Te Rauparaha in the Musket Wars, the need for labor to supply whalers and traders with food, flax and timber in return for western goods, and the missionary condemnation of cannibalism. Slavery was outlawed when the British annexed New Zealand in 1840, immediately prior to the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi, although it did not end completely until government was effectively extended over the whole of the country with the defeat of the Kingi movement in the Wars of the mid-1860s.



One group of Polynesians who migrated to the Chatham Islands became the Moriori who developed a largely pacifist culture. It was originally speculated that they settled the Chathams direct from Polynesia, but it is now widely believed they were disaffected Mori who emigrated from the South Island of New Zealand.[190][191][192][193] Their pacifism left the Moriori unable to defend themselves when the islands were invaded by mainland Mori in the 1830s. Some 300 Moriori men, women and children were massacred and the remaining 1,200 to 1,300 survivors were enslaved.[194][195]


Nui / Easter Island


The isolated island of Rapa Nui/Easter Island was inhabited by the Rapanui, who suffered a series of slave raids from 1805 or earlier, culminating in a near genocidal experience in the 1860s. The 1805 raid was by American sealers and was one of a series that changed the attitude of the islanders to outside visitors, with reports in the 1820s and 1830s that all visitors received a hostile reception. In December 1862, Peruvian slave raiders took between 1,400 and 2,000 islanders back to Peru to work in theguano industry; this was about a third of the island's population and included much of the island's leadership, the last ariki-mau and possibly the last who could read Rongorongo. After intervention by the French ambassador in Lima, the last 15 survivors were returned to the island, but brought with them smallpox, which further devastated the island.



Main article: Abolitionism


Proclamation of the abolition of slavery byVictor Hugues in the Guadeloupe, 1 November 1794

Slavery has existed, in one form or another, throughout the whole of human history. So, too, have movements to free large or distinct groups of slaves. However, abolitionism should be distinguished from efforts to help a particular group of slaves, or to restrict one practice, such as the slave trade. Drescher (2009) provides a model for the history of the abolition of slavery, emphasizing its origins in Western Europe. Around the year 1500, slavery had virtually died out in Western Europe, but was a normal phenomenon practically everywhere else. The imperial powers, France, Spain, Britain, Portugal, the Netherlands and a few others, built worldwide empires based primarily on plantation agriculture using


slaves imported from Africa. However, the powers took care to minimize the presence of slavery in their homelands. During the "Age of Revolutions" (c. 1770 1815), Britain abolished its international slave trade and imposed similar restrictions upon other western nations; the U.S. followed suit in 1808. Although there were numerous slave revolts in the Caribbean, the only successful uprising came in the French colony of St. Domingue, where the slaves rose up, killed the mulattoes and whites, and established the independent Republic of Haiti. The continuing profitability of slave-based plantations and the threats of race war slowed the development of abolition movements during the first half of the 19th century. These movements were strongest in Britain, and after 1840 in the United States, in both instances they were based on evangelical religious enthusiasm that stressed the horrible impact on the slaves themselves. The Northern states of the United States abolished slavery, partly in response to the Declaration of Independence, between 1777 and 1804. Britain ended slavery in its empire in the 1830s. However the plantation economies of the southern United States, based on cotton, and those in Brazil and Cuba, based on sugar, expanded and grew even more profitable. The bloody American Civil War ended slavery in the United States in the 1860s; the system ended in Cuba and Brazil in the 1880s because it was no longer profitable for the owners. Slavery continued to exist in Africa, where Arab slave traders raided black areas for new captives to be sold in the system. European colonial rule and diplomatic pressure slowly put an end to the trade, and eventually to the practice of slavery itself. [196]



A painting of the 1840 Anti-Slavery Conference.

In 1772, the Somersett Case (R. v. Knowles, ex parte Somersett )[197] of the English Court of King's Bench ruled that slavery was unlawful in England (although not elsewhere in the British Empire). A similar case, that of Joseph Knight, took place in Scotland five years later and ruled slavery to be contrary to the law of Scotland. Following the work of campaigners in the United Kingdom, such as William Wilberforce and Thomas Clarkson, the Act for the Abolition of the Slave Trade was passed by Parliament on 25 March 1807, coming into effect the following year. The act imposed a fine of 100 for every slave found aboard a British ship. The intention was to outlaw entirely the Atlantic slave trade within the whole British Empire. The significance of the abolition of the British slave trade lay in the number of people hitherto sold and carried by British slave vessels. Britain shipped 2,532,300 Africans across the Atlantic, equalling 41% of the total transport of 6,132,900 individuals. This made the British empire the biggest slave-trade contributor


in the world due to the magnitude of the empire. A fact that made the abolition act all the more damaging to the global trade of slaves.[198] The Slavery Abolition Act, passed on 23 August 1833, outlawed slavery itself in the British colonies. On 1 August 1834 all slaves in the British West Indies, were emancipated, but still indentured to their former owners in an apprenticeship system. The intention of, was to educate former slaves to a trade but instead allowed slave owners to maintain ownership illegally. The act was finally repealed in 1838. [199] Britain abolished slavery in both Hindu and Muslim India by the Indian Slavery Act V. of 1843. [200] Domestic slavery practised by the educated African coastal elites (as well as interior traditional rulers) in Sierra Leone was abolished in 1928. A study found practices of domestic slavery still widespread in rural areas in the 1970s.[201][202]

There were slaves in mainland France (especially in trade ports such as Nantes or Bordeaux)., [203] but the institution was never officially authorized there. The legal case of Jean Boucaux in 1739 clarified the unclear legal position of possible slaves in France, and was followed by laws that established registers for slaves in mainland France, who were limited to a three-year stay, for visits or learning a trade. Unregistered "slaves" in France were regarded as free. However, slavery was of vital importance in France's Caribbean possessions, especially Saint-Domingue.

In 1793, influenced by the French Declaration of the Rights of Man of August 1789 and alarmed as the massive slave revolt of August 1791 that had become the Haitian Revolution threatened to ally itself with the British, the French Revolutionary commissioners Sonthonax and Polverel declared general


emancipation to reconcile them with France. In Paris, on 4 February 1794, Abb Grgoire and the Convention ratified this action by officially abolishing slavery in all French territories outside mainland France, freeing all the slaves both for moral and security reasons.

[edit]Napoleon restores slavery

Napoleon came to power in 1799 and soon had grandiose plans for the French sugar colonies; to achieve them he had to reintroduce slavery. Napoleon's major adventure into the Caribbean sending 30,000 troops in 1802 to retake Saint Domingue (Haiti) from ex-slaves under Toussaint L'Ouverture who had revolted. Napoleon wanted to preserve France's financial benefits from the colony's sugar and coffee crops; he then planned to establish a major base at New Orleans. He therefore reestablished slavery in Haiti and Guadeloupe, where it had been abolished after rebellions. Slaves and black freedmen fought the French for their freedom and independence. Revolutionary ideals played a central role in the fighting for it was the slaves and their comrades who were fighting for the revolutionary ideals of freedom and equality, while the French troops under General Charles Leclerc fought to restore the order of the ancien rgime. The goal of reestablishing slavery - which explicitly contradicted the ideals of the French Revolution demoralized the French troops. The demoralized French soldiers were unable to cope with the tropical diseases, and most died of yellow fever. Slavery was reimposed in Guadeloupe but not in Haiti, which became an independent black republic. [204] Napoleon's vast colonial dreams for Egypt, India, the Caribbean, Louisiana, and even Australia were all doomed for lack of a fleet capable of matching Britain's Royal Navy. Realizing the fiasco Napoleon liquidated the Haiti project, brought home the survivors and sold off Louisiana to the U.S. in 1803 [205] Slavery in the French colonies was finally abolished only in 1848, three months after the beginning of the revolution against the July Monarchy.




In 1688, four German Quakers in Germantown presented a protest against the institution of slavery to their local Quaker Meeting. It was ignored for 150 years but in 1844 it was rediscovered and was popularized by the abolitionist movement. The 1688 Petition was the first American public document of its kind to protest slavery, and in addition was one of the first public documents to define universal human rights. The American Colonization Society, the primary vehicle for returning black Americans to greater freedom in Africa, established the colony of Liberia in 182122, on the premise former American slaves would have greater freedom and equality there.[206] The ACS assisted in the movement of thousands of African Americans to Liberia, with its founder Henry Clay stating; "unconquerable prejudice resulting from their color, they never could amalgamate with the free whites of this country. It was desirable, therefore, as it respected them, and the residue of the population of the country, to drain them off". Abraham Lincoln, an enthusiastic supporter of Clay, adopted his position on returning the blacks to their own land. [207] Slaves in the United States who escaped ownership would often make their way to Canada via the "Underground Railroad". The more famous of the African American abolitionists include former slaves Harriet Tubman, Sojourner Truth and Frederick Douglass. Many more people who opposed slavery and worked for abolition were northern whites, such as William Lloyd Garrison and John Brown. Slavery was legally abolished in 1865 by the Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. While abolitionists agreed on the evils of slavery, there were differing opinions on what should happen after African Americans were freed. By the time of Emancipation, African-Americans were now native to the United States and did not want to leave. Most believed that their labor had made the land theirs as well as that of the whites.[208]


of Vienna


The Declaration of the Powers, on the Abolition of the Slave Trade, of 8 February 1815 (Which also formed ACT, No. XV. of the Final Act of the Congress of Vienna of the same year) included in its first sentence the concept of the "principles of humanity and universal morality" as justification for ending a trade that was "odious in its continuance". [209]


century worldwide

The 1926 Slavery Convention, an initiative of the League of Nations, was a turning point in banning global slavery. Article 4 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted in 1948 by the UN General Assembly, explicitly banned slavery. The United Nations 1956 Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery was convened to outlaw and ban slavery worldwide, including child slavery. In December 1966, the UN General Assembly adopted the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which was developed from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Article 8 of this international treaty bans slavery. The treaty came into force in March 1976 after it had been ratified by 35 nations. As of November 2003, 104 nations had ratified the treaty. According to the British Anti-Slavery Society, "Although there is no longer any state which recognizes any claim by a person to a right of property over another, there are an estimated 27 million people throughout the world, mainly children, in conditions of slavery." [210][211][212][213]


Davis, David Brion. Slavery and Human Progress (1984). Davis, David Brion. The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (1966) Davis, David Brion. Inhuman Bondage: The Rise and Fall of Slavery in the New World (2006) Drescher, Seymour. Abolition: A History of Slavery and Antislavery (Cambridge University Press, 2009)


Finkelman, Paul, and Joseph Miller, eds. Macmillan Encyclopedia of World Slavery (2 vol 1998) Hinks, Peter, and John McKivigan, eds. Encyclopedia of Antislavery and Abolition (2 vol. 2007) 795pp; ISBN 978-0-313-33142-8

McGrath, Elizabeth and Massing, Jean Michel, The Slave in European Art: From Renaissance Trophy to Abolitionist Emblem, London (The Warburg Institute) and Turin 2012. Parish, Peter J. Slavery: History and Historians (1989) Phillips, William D. Slavery from Roman Times to the Early Atlantic Slave Trade (1984) Rodriguez, Junius P. ed. The Historical Encyclopedia of World Slavery (2 vol. 1997) Rodriguez, Junius P. ed. Encyclopedia of Slave Resistance and Rebellion (2 vol. 2007)


and Rome

Bradley, Keith. Slavery and Society at Rome (1994) Cuffel, Victoria. "The Classical Greek Concept of Slavery," Journal of the History of Ideas Vol. 27, No. 3 (Jul. Sep. 1966), pp. 323342 JSTOR 2708589 Finley, Moses, ed. Slavery in Classical Antiquity (1960) Westermann, William L. The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity (1955) 182pp


and Middle East

Campbell, Gwyn. The Structure of Slavery in Indian Ocean Africa and Asia (Frank Cass, 2004) Lovejoy, Paul. Transformations in Slavery: A History of Slavery in Africa (Cambridge UP, 1983) Toledano, Ehud R. As If Silent and Absent: Bonds of Enslavement in the Islamic Middle East (Yale University Press, 2007) ISBN 978-0-300-12618-1


America and British Empire


Blackburn, Robin. The American Crucible: Slavery, Emancipation, and Human Rights (Verso; 2011) 498 pages; on slavery and abolition in the Americas from the 16th to the late 19th centuries.

Klein, Herbert S. African Slavery in Latin America and the Caribbean (Oxford University Press, 1988) Klein, Herbert. The Atlantic Slave Trade (1970) Klein, Herbert S. Slavery in Brazil (Cambridge University Press, 2009) Morgan, Kenneth. Slavery and the British Empire: From Africa to America (2008) Stinchcombe, Arthur L. Sugar Island Slavery in the Age of Enlightenment: The Political Economy of the Caribbean World (Princeton University Press, 1995) Walvin, James. Black Ivory: Slavery in the British Empire (2nd ed. 2001) Ward, J. R. British West Indian Slavery, 17501834 (Oxford U.P. 1988)



Fogel, Robert. Without Consent or Contract: The Rise and Fall of American Slavery (1989) Genovese, Eugene. Roll Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made (1974) Miller, Randall M., and John David Smith, eds. Dictionary of Afro-American Slavery (1988) Phillips, Ulrich B. American Negro Slavery: A Survey of the Supply, Employment and Control of Negro Labor as Determined by the Plantation Regime (1918)

Rodriguez, Junius P. ed. Slavery in the United States: A Social, Political, and Historical Encyclopedia (2 vol 2007)




Types of slavery:

Child slavery Coolies Forced labour Gulag Indentured servitude

Types of slave trades:

African slave trade Arab slave trade Atlantic slave trade Blackbirding Coastwise slave trade Swedish slave trade

Present-day slavery:


Slavery in modern Africa Trafficking in human beings

List of famous slaves Notable abolitionists

William Wilberforce UK

Types of slave soldiers:


Janissary Mamluk Saqaliba

Ideals and organisations


Compensated Emancipation International Year to Commemorate the Struggle against Slavery and its Abolition

Anti-Slavery Society Coalition to Abolish Slavery and Trafficking Religious Society of Friends Society for effecting the abolition of the slave trade United States National Slavery Museum


Asiento Bandeirantes Fazendas Guarani people History of Liverpool History of slavery in the United States:

Origins of the American Civil War


North Carolina v. Mann

Influx of disease in the Caribbean Kholop Pedro Blanco Religion and slavery Sambo's Grave Slave narrative Slave rebellion Slave ship Slavery at common law William Lynch speech

^ Seymour Drescher, Abolition: A History of Slavery and Antislavery(2009) pp 45 ^ Paul Finkelman, "Laws" in Finkelman and Miller, eds, Macmillan Encyclopedia of World Slavery (1998) 2:477-8 3. ^ "Mesopotamia: The Code of Hammurabi". "e.g. Prologue, "the shepherd of the oppressed and of the slaves" Code of Laws No. 7, "If any one buy from the son or the slave of another man"." 4. 5. ^
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^ David P. Forsythe (2009). "Encyclopedia of Human Rights, Volume 1". Oxford University Press. p. 399. ISBN 0195334027


^ "Anti-Slavery Society". Anti-slaverysociety.addr.com. Retrieved 4 December 2011.


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^ "Mauritanian MPs pass slavery law". BBC News. 9 August 2007. Retrieved 8 January 2011. ^ By E. Benjamin Skinner Monday, 18 January 2010 (18 January 2010). "sex trafficking in South Africa: World Cup slavery fear".Time. Retrieved 29 August 2010.


^ "Forced labour Themes". Ilo.org. Retrieved 14 March 2010.

10. ^ Bales, Kevin (1999). "1". Disposable People: New Slavery in the Global Economy. University of California Press. p. 9. ISBN 0-520-21797-7. 11. ^ "UN Chronicle | Slavery in the Twenty-First Century". United Nations. Retrieved 29 August 2010. 12. ^
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Kikuyu people
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This article is about the ethnic group. For other uses, see Gky (disambiguation).


Kikuyu Gky Agky

Mwai Kibaki, Wangari Maathai, Ngg wa Thiong'o, Jomo Kenyatta

Total population

6,623,000 Gky people in Kenya[1]

Regions with significant populations




Gky, Swahili, English



Related ethnic groups

Ameru, Kamba, Embu






The Kikuyu are a group of Bantu people inhabiting East Africa. They are the largest ethnic group in Kenya and speak the Bantu Kikuyu language as a mother tongue. The term Kikuyu is the Swahili form of the proper name and pronunciation of Kikuyu, although group members refer to themselves as the Agky.


There are about 6,623,000 Gky people in Kenya (2009 I. Larsen BTL),[1] equal to about 23% of the country's total population.[2]

1 History

o o

1.1 Origin 1.2 Before 1888

1.2.1 The nation and its pursuits 1.2.2 Social and political life 1.2.3 Spirituality and religion

o o o Ngai - The creator Mount Kenya and religion

1.2.4 Political structures and generational change 1.2.5 Collapse of traditional political structure

1.3 1898-1945 1.4 1945-1963 1.5 1963-present

2 Genetics 3 Language

o o

3.1 Literature 3.2 Music


o o o

3.3 Cinema 3.4 Cuisine 3.5 Religion

4 List of prominent Gkys or people of Gky descent 5 References 6 Further reading 7 External links

[edit]History [edit]Origin
The Kikuyu are of Bantu origin.[3] They constitute the single largest ethnic group in Kenya, and are concentrated in the vicinity of Mount Kenya. The exact place that the Kikuyu's ancestors migrated from after the initial Bantu expansion fromWest Africa is uncertain. Some authorities suggest that they arrived in their present Mount Kenya area of in habitation from earlier settlements further to the north and east,[3] while others argue that the Kikuyu, along with related Eastern Bantu people such as the Embu, Mbeere and Meru, moved into Kenya from points further south. [4]



[edit]The nation and its pursuits

For many generations past, accident, geographic and political had until the coming of the European preserved the Agikuyu from the access of almost any external influence or rule and hence had never been subdued.[5] The Agikuyu used from time to time to imprint a lesson on raiders that was not forgotten. [6] Just


before the arrival of the English people, Arabs were involved in slave trade and their caravans passed at the southern edges of the Agikuyu nation. Slavery as an institution did not exist amongst the Agikuyu, nor did they make raids for the capture of slaves. [7] The Arab and slave raiders who tried to venture into Agikuyu country met instant death. [8] Relying on a combination of land purchases, blood-brotherhood (partnerships), intermarriage with other people, and their adoption and absorption, the Agikuyu had been and were in a constant state of territorial expansion. [9] Economically, the Agikuyu were great farmersbecause there is a strong evidence that everybody knew that the Agikuyu country was full of food [10]- and shrewd business men.[11] Besides farming and business, the Agikuyu were involved in small scale industries with professions such as bridge building,[12] string making,[13] Wire drawing,[14] iron chain making[15] and medicine. In disposition the Agikuyu were naturally cheerful: merry, loquacious and laughter-loving. They also had a great sense of justice(kihooto).[12]

[edit]Social and political life

The Agikuyu nation was divided into ten clans. The members of each clan had a blood tie in common, but were not restricted to any particular geographical area, they lived side by side. Some clans had a recognized leader, others did not. [16] However, in either case, real political power was excised by the ruling council of elders, lead by a headman.

[edit]Spirituality and religion [edit]Ngai - The creator

The Gky were - and still are - monotheists believing in a unique and omnipotent God whom they refer to as Ngai. Both the Gky, Embu and Kamba use this name. God was also known as Mur ungu by the Meru and Embu tribes, or Mulungu (a variant of a word meaning God which is found as far south as the Zambezi


of Zambia). The title Mwathani or Mwathi (the greatest ruler) which comes from the word gwatha meaning to rule or reign with authority was-and- is also used.

[edit]Mount Kenya and religion

Ngai or mwene-nyaga is the creator and giver of all things, "the Divider of the Universe and Lord of Nature". He (God) created the human community. It is also believed that He created the first Gky communities, and provided them with all the resources necessary for life: land, rain, plants and animals. He cannot be seen but is manifest in the sun, moon, stars, comets and meteors, thunder and lightning, rain, in rainbows and in the great fig trees (Mugumo). These trees served as places of worship and sacrifice and marked the spot at Mkre wa Gathanga where Gky and Mmbi the ancestors of the Gky in the oral legend first settled. Yet was not a distant God (as known in the West). He has human characteristics, and although some say that He lives in the sky or in the clouds, Gky lore also says that he comes t o earth from time to time to inspect it, bestow blessings and mete out punishment (similar to God's visit of Abraham before destroying Sodom). When he comes He rests on Mount Kenya and krma ka njah (Kilimambogo). Thunder is interpreted to be the movement of God and lightning is the weapon used by Ngai to clear the way when moving from one sacred place to another. Some people believe that Ngais abode is on Mount Kenya, or else beyond its peaks. Ngai, one legend says, made the mountain his resting plac e while on an inspection tour of earth. In the account God then took the first man, Gikuyu, to the top to point out the beauty of the land he was giving him.

[edit]Political structures and generational change

This section may require cleanup to meet Wikipedia's quality standards.


The specific problem is:Unencyclopedic, unclear, incorrect reference style. (March


The Agky had four seasons and two harvests in one year.

1. Mbura ya njah [The Season of Big Rain] from March to July, 2. Magetha ma njah [The season of the big harvest] between July and Early October, 3. Mbura ya Mwere [Short rain season] from October to January, 4. Magetha ma Mwere [the season of harvesting millet] 5. Mbura ya Kimera

Further, time was recorded through the initiation. Each initiation group was given special name. According to Professor Godfrey Mriki, the individual initiation sets are then grouped into a regiment every nine calendar years. Before a regiment or army was set, there was a period in which no initiation of boys took place. This period lasted a total of four and a half calendar years [nine seasons in Gky land, each season referred to as imera] and is referred to as mhingo, with initiation taking place at the start of the fifth year and going on annually for the next nine calendar years. This was the system adopted in Metumi [Mranga]. The regiment or army sets also get special names, some of which seem to have ended up as popular male names. In Gaki [Nyeri] the system was inversed with initiation taking place annually for four calendar years, which would be followed by a period of nine calendar years in which no initiation of boys took place [mhingo]. Girls on the other hand were initiated every year. Se veral regiments then make up a ruling generation. It was estimated that Ruling generations lasted an average of 35 years. The names of the initiation and regiment sets vary within Gky land. The ruling generations are however uniform and


provide very important chronological data. On top of that, the initiation sets were a way of documenting events within the Gky nation, so, for example, were the occurrence of small pox and syphilis recorded. Girls initiation sets were also accorded special names, alth ough there has been little research in this area. Mriki only unearths three sets, whose names are, Rharo [1894], Kibiri/Ndrr [1895], Kagica [1896], Ndutu/Nuthi [1897]. All these names are taken from Metumi [Mranga] and Kabete [Kambu]. It is strang e that professor Mriki didnt do more research in this area because he states that the girls initiation took place annually.

1. Manjiri 1512 46 55 2. Mamba 1547 81 50 3. Tene 15821616 45 4. Agu 1617 51 40 5. Manduti 1652 86 40 6. Cuma 16871721 30 7. Ciira 1722 56 25 8. Mathathi 17571791 20 9. Ndemi 17921826 15 10. Iregi 18271861 10 11. Maina 1862 97 5 12. Mwangi 1898?

Mathew Njoroge Kabets list reads, Tene, Ky, Aagu, Cira, Mathathi, Ndemi, Iregi, Maina [Ngotho], Mwangi. Gakaara wa Wanjas list reads Tene, Nemath, Karira, Aagu, Tiru, Cuma, Ciira, Ndemi,


Mathathi, Iregi, Maina, Mwangi, Irng, Mwangi wa Mandti. The last two generations came after 1900. One of the earliest recorded lists by McGregor reads (list taken from a history of unchanged) Manjiri, Mandoti, Chiera, Masai, Mathathi, Ndemi, Iregi, Maina, Mwangi, Muirungu. According to Hobley (a historian) each initiation generation, riika, extended over two years. The ruling generation at the arrival of the Europeans was called Maina. It is said that Maina handed over to Mwangi in 1898. Hobley asserts that the following sets were grouped under Maina Knthia, Karanja, Njgna, Knyanjui, Gathuru and Nganga. Professor Mriki however puts these sets much earlier, namely Karanja and Knthia belong to the Ciira ruling generation which ruled from the year 1722 to 1756, give or take 25 years according to Mriki. Njgna, Knyanjui, Nganga belong to the Mathathi ruling generation that ruled from 1757 to 1791 give or take 20 years according to Mriki. Professor Mrikis list must be given precedence in this area as he conducted extensive research in this area starting 1969, and had the benefit of all earlier literature on the subject as well as doing extensive field work in the areas of Gaki [Nyeri], Metumi [Mranga] and Kabete [Kambu]. On top of the ruling generations, he also gives names of the regiments or army sets from 1659 [within a margin of error] and the names of annual initiation sets beginning 1864. The list from Metumi [Mranga] is most complete and differentiated. Mrikis is also the most systematically defined list, so far. Suffice to say that most of the most popular male names in Gky land were names of riikas [initiation sets]. Here is Mrikis list of the names of regiment sets in Metumi [Mranga]. These include Kiari [1665 - 1673], Cege [1678 - 1678], Kamau [1704 - 1712], Kmani [1717 - 1725], Karanja [1730 - 1738], Knthia [1743 - 1751], Njgna [1756 - 1764], Knyanjui [1769 - 1777], Nganga


[1781 - 1789], Njoroge [1794 - 1802], Wainaina [1807 - 1815], Kangethe [1820 - 1828] Mbugua [1859 1867], Njenga or Mbira Itimu [872 80], Mutungu or Mburu [18851893] H.E. Lambert who dealt with the riikas extensively has the following list of regiment sets from Gichg and Ndia. It should be remembered that this names were unlike ruling generations not uniform in Gky land. It should also be noted that Ndia and Gachg followed a system where initiation took place every annually for four years and then a period of nine calendar years followed where no initiation of boys took place. This period was referred to as mhingo. Karanja [1759-1762], Knthia [1772-1775], Ndrr [1785-1788], Mgacho [1798-1801], Njoroge [18111814], Kangethe [1824-1827], Gita [1837-1840], Manyaki [1850-1853], Kiambuthi [1863-1866], Watuke [1876-1879], Ngg [1889-1892], Wakanene [1902-1905] The remarkable thing in this list in comparison to the Metumi one is how some of the same names are used, if a bit offset. Ndia and Gachg are extremely far from Metumi. Gaki on the other hand, as far as my geographical understanding of Gky land is concerned should be much closer to Metumi, yet virtually no names of regiment sets are shared. It should however be noted that Gaki had a strong connection to the Maasai living nearby. The ruling generation names of Maina and Mwangi are also very popular male Gky names. The theory is also that Waciira is also derived from ciira [case], which is also a very popular name among male Agky. This would call into question, when it was exactly that children started being named after the parents of one parents. Had that system, of naming ones kids after ones parents been there from the beginning, there would be very few male names in circulation. This is however not the case, as there are very many Gky male names. My theory is though that the female names are much less, with the names of the full-nine daughters of Mmbi being most prevalent.


Gakaara wa Wanja supports this view when he writes in his book, Mhrga ya Aagky page 29. "Hingo yo ciana cia arme ciatuagwo martwa ma mariika ta Watene, Cuma, Iregi kana Ciira. Nao airtu magatuuo martwa ma mhrga tauria hagwetetwo nah au kabere, o nginya hingo iria maundu maatabariirwo thuuthaini ati ciana ituagwo aciari a mwanake na a muirtu." Freely translated it means "In those days the male children were given the names of the riika [initiation set] like Watene, Cuma, Iregi or Ciira. Girls were on the other hand named after the clans that were named earlier until such a time as it was decided to name the children after the parents of the man and the woman." From this statement it is not clear whether the girls were named ad hoc after any clan, no matter what clan the parents belonged to. Naming them after the specific clan that the parents belonged to would have severely restricted naming options. This would strangely mean that the female names are the oldest in Gky land, further confirming its matrilineal descent. As far as male names are concerned, there is of course the chicken and the egg question, of when a name specifically appeared but some names are tied to events that happened during the initiation. For example Wainaina refers to those who shivered during circumcision . Kinaina [to shake or to shiver]. There was a very important ceremony known as Ituka in which the old guard would hand over the reigns of government to the next generation. This was to avoid dictatorship. Kenyatta relates of how once in the land of the Agky, there ruled a despotic King called Gky, grandson of the elder daughter [Wanjir according to Leakey] of the original Gky of Gky and Mmbi fame. After he was deposed of, it was decided that the government should be democratic, which is how the Ituka came to be. This legend of course calls into question when it was exactly that the matrilineal rule set in. The last Ituka ceremony where the riika of Maina handed over power to the Mwangi generation, took place in 1898-9 [Hobley]. The


next one was supposed to be held in 19251928 [Kenyatta] but was thwarted by the colonial imperialist government. And one by one Gky institutions crumbled

Muriuki, Godfrey 1974. History of the Gky 15001900. (Oxford U Press)

[edit]Collapse of traditional political structure

The ruling generations, the rka system can be traced back to the year 1500 AD or there abouts. These were:

Manjiri 1512 to 1546 Mamba 1547 to 1581 Tene 1582 to 1616 Agu 1617 to 1652 Manduti 1652 to 1686 Cuma 1687 to 1721 Ciira 1722 to 1756 Mathathi 1757 to 1791 Ndemi 1792 to 1826 Iregi 1827 to 1861 Maina 1862 to 1897 Mwangi 1898


The last Ituka ceremony where the rka of Maina handed over power to the Mwangi generation, took place in 1898-9 [Hobley]. The next one was supposed to be held in 1925 1928 [Kenyatta] but was thwarted by the colonial government.[17]

The traditional way of life of Agikuyu was disrupted when they came into contact with British people around 1888. The aim of these Europeans was to subdue the local population, colonise and take over their rich agricultural land. The colonial takeover was met with strong local resistance:Waiyaki Wa Hinga, a leader of the southern Agikuyu, who ruled Dagoretti who had signed a treaty with Frederick Lugard of the British East Africa Company (BEAC), having been subject to considerable harassment, burned down Lugard's fort in 1890. Waiyaki was abducted two years later by the British and killed. [18] Following severe financial difficulties of the British East Africa Company, the British government on July 1, 1895 established direct rule, by force, through the East African Protectorate, subsequently opening (1902) the fertile highlands to British settlers.[18] The Agikuyu simply killed almost any member of the Agikuyu nation that helped the British to subdue the Agikuyu. [19] In response the British employed crude methods to reiterate. Failing compliance in such a case, some five hundred of the Masai tribe, the hereditary enemies of the Akikuyu, would then be summoned, and with the addition of some regular local conscripted troops and police the country would be scoured. The men were killed, and the women, children, and herds taken captive until such time as, experience having been dearly bought, another meeting procured the requisite submission.[20]Having tried to violently resist British occupation and colonisation by force and failed between 18951920, the Agikuyu people resulted to political means of resistance. Kenya became a military base for the British in the First World War (19141918), as efforts to subdue the German colony to the south were frustrated. At the outbreak of war in August 1914, the governors of British


East Africa (as the Protectorate was generally known) and German East Africa agreed a truce in an attempt to keep the young colonies out of direct hostilities. However Lt Col Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck took command of the German military forces, determined to tie down as many British resources as possible. Completely cut off from Germany, von Lettow conducted an effective guerilla warfare campaign, living off the land, capturing British supplies, and remaining undefeated. He eventually surrendered in Zambia eleven days after the Armistice was signed in 1918. To chase von Lettow the British deployed Indian Army troops from India and then needed large numbers of porters to overcome the formidable logistics of transporting supplies far into the interior by foot. The Carrier Corps was formed and ultimately mobilised over 400,000 Africans, contributing to their long-term politicisation.[21] The experiences gained by Africans in the war, coupled with the creation of the white-settler-dominated Kenya Crown Colony, gave rise to considerable political activity in the 1920s which culminated in Archdeacon Owen's "Piny Owacho" (Voice of the People) movement and the "Young Kikuyu Association" (renamed the "East African Association") started in 1921 by Harry Thuku (18951970), which gave a sense of nationalism to many Kikuyu and advocated civil disobedience. From the 1920s, the Kikuyu Central Association (KCA) focused on unifying the Kikuyu into one geographic polity, but its project was undermined by controversies over ritual tribute, land allocation, the ban on female circumcision, and support for Thuku.[21] By the 1930s, approximately 30,000 white settlers lived in Agikuyu country and gained a political voice because of their contribution to the market economy. The area was already home to over a million members of the Kikuyu nation, most of whom had been deprived of their land by the European settlers, and lived as itinerant farmers. To protect their interests, the settlers banned the growing of coffee, introduced


a hut tax, and the landless were granted less and less land in exchange for their labour. A massive exodus to the cities ensued as their ability to provide a living from the land dwindled. [21] In the Second World War (193945) Kenya became an important British military base. For the Agikuyu soldiers who took part in the war as part of the King's African Rifles (KAR), the war stimulated African nationalism and exposed the weakness of the Europeans who were oppressing them at home. Meanwhile, on the political front, in 1944 Thuku founded and was first chairman of the multi-ethnic Kenya African Study Union (KASU).[21]

In 1946 KASU became the Kenya African Union (KAU). It was a nationalist organization that demanded access to white-owned land. KAU acted as a constituency association for the first black member of Kenya's legislative council, Eliud Mathu, who had been nominated in 1944 by the governor after consulting with the local Bantu/Nilotic elite. The KAU remained dominated by the Kikuyu ethnic group. In 1947 Jomo Kenyatta, the former president of the moderate Kikuyu Central Association, became president of the more aggressive KAU to demand a greater political voice for the native inhabitants. [21] The failure of the KAU to attain any significant reforms or redress of grievances from the colonial authorities shifted the political initiative to younger and more militant figures within the African trade union movement, among the squatters on the settler estates in the Rift Valley and in KAU branches in Nairobi and the Kikuyu districts of central province[22] The Agikuyu soldiers who had come back from the second world war as King African Rifles (KAR), having gained military skills resulted to war to liberate Agikuyu from British oppression and colonisation. By 1952, under Field Marshal Dedan Kimathi, the Kenya Land and Freedom Army (Mau Mau) launched a full military conflict on the British military, settlers and their sympathisers.[23] By this time the Mau Mau was fighting for total independence of Kenya. The war is considered by some the gravest crisis of


Britain's African colonies [24] The capture of rebel leader Dedan Kimathi on 21 October 1956 signalled the ultimate defeat of the Mau Mau Uprising, and essentially ended the British military campaign. The conflict arguably set the stage for Kenyan independence in December 1963. [25]

Since the proclamation of the Republic of Kenya, after the British colony of Kenya came to an end in 1963, the Agikuyu now form an integral part of the Kenyan nation. They continue to play their part as citizens of Kenya, helping to build their country. However, due to their incorrectly perceived superior economic status, some Kenyans resent that fact and this resentment is sometimes vented through political violence, as happened in 1992, 1997 and 2007 Kenyan elections.

According to a Y DNA study by Wood et al. (2005), about 73% of Gkys and their Bantu kinsmen the Kamba belong to the common Sub-Saharan paternal haplogroup E1b1a. The remainder carry other clades: 19% E1b1b, 2% A, and 2% B.[26] In terms of maternal lineages, Gkys closely cluster with other Eastern Bantu groups like the Sukuma. Most belong to various Sub-Saharan mtDNA L haplogroups such as L0f, L3x, L4g and L5 per Castr et al. (2009).[27] According to Salas et al. (2002), other Gkys largely carry the L1aclade, which is a signature of the Bantu expansion from West Africa.[28]



Gkys speak the Gky language as their native tongue, which is a member of the Bantu subgroup of the NigerCongo language family. Additionally, many speak Swahili and English as lingua franca, the two official languages of Kenya. The Gky are closely related to the Embu, Mbeere, Kamba and Meru people who also live around Mt. Kenya. Members of the Gky family from the greater Kiambu (commonly referred to as the Kabete) and Nyeri districts are closely related to the Maasai people due to intermarriage prior to colonization. The Gky people between Thika and Mbeere are closely related to the Kamba peopl e who speak a language similar to Gky. As a result, the Gky people that retain much of the original Gky heritage reside around Kirinyaga and Murang'a regions of Kenya. The Murang'a district is considered by many to be the cradle of the Gky people and as such, Gky's from the Murang'a area are considered to be of a purer breed.

Until 1888, the Agikuyu literature was purely expressed in folklore.[29] Famous stories include; The Maiden Who Was Sacrificed By Her Kin,[30] The Lost Sister,[31] The Four Young Warriors,[32] The Girl who Cut the Hair of the N'jenge[33] and many more. When the European missionaries arrived in the Agikuyu country in 1888, they learnt the Kikuyu language and started writing it using a modified Roman alphabet. The Kikuyu responded strongly to missionaries and European education. They had greater access to education and opportunities for involvement in the new money economy and political changes in their country. As a consequence, there are notable Kikuyu literature icons such as Ngg wa Thiong'o and Meja Mwangi. Ngg wa Thiong'o's literary works include Caitani Mutharabaini (1981), Matigari(1986) and Murogi wa Kagogo(Wizard of the Crow (2006)) which is the largest known Kikuyu language novel having been translated into more than thirty languages [34]


Traditional Kikuyu music has existed for generations up to 1888, when the Agikuyu people encountered and adopted a new culture from the Europeans. Before 1888 and well into 1920s, Kikuyu music included Kibaata, Nduumo and Muthunguci. Today, Music and Dance are strong components of Kikuyu culture. There is a vigorous Kikuyu recording industry, for both popular and gospel music, in their pentatonic scale and western music styles. Popular Kikuyu musicians include Joseph Kamaru, DK Kamau, Wanganangu, HM, D'mathew, Peter Kiggia, Mike Rua and Esther Wahome.

Kikuyu cinema and film production are a very recent phenomenon among the Agikuyu. They have become popular only in the 21st century. In the 20th century, most of the Agikuyu consumed cinema and film produced in the west, particularly America's Hollywood. Popular Kikuyu film productions include comedies such as Machang'i series and Kihenjo series.

Typical Kikuyu food includes githeri (maize and beans), mukimo (mashed green peas and potatoes), irio (mashed dry beans, corn and potatoes), roast goat, beef, chicken and cooked green vegetables such as collards, spinach and carrots.[35] Agikuyu people are also fond of nyama choma.

Although Gkys historically adhered to indigenous faiths, most have today converted to Christianity.


of prominent Gkys or people of Gky descent


Wangari Maathai, Nobel Laureate, first African woman, and the first environmentalist, to receive the Nobel Peace Prize. First woman in Kenya to earn a Ph.D

Jomo Kenyatta, 1st President (founding father of Kenya) Samuel Wanjiru, 2008 Beijing Olympic Marathon Champion, 2009 London Marathon Champion, 2009 Rotterdam Half Marathon Champion, 2009 New York Marathon Champion

Douglas Wakiihuri, 1987 World Athletic Championships Marathon Champion, 1988 Olympic Marathon silver medalist, 1990 London Marathon Champion, 1990 New York Marathon Champion

Henry Wanyoike, Paralympics Gold medalist over 5,000 meters, Holder of various marathon and half marathon records Ngg wa Thiong'o, Author, literary scholar living in America, but considers being patriotic. John Ngugi, World Cross Country Champion four consecutive titles between 1986 and 1989 and five titles overall. 1988 Olympic Champion 5000 metres Edi Gathegi, Stage and television actor, most notably Laurent in the Twilight Saga. Catherine Ndereba, Four time Boston Marathon Champion, silver medalist in the Olympics in 2004 and 2008. Former marathon World Record Holder October 7, 2001

Tom Morello, Grammy Award winning guitarist of Gky descent through his father, well known for his tenure with Rage Against the Machine and Audioslave; ranked #26 on Rolling Stone magazine's list of the "100 Greatest Guitarists of All Time."

Meja Mwangi, Author Chris Murungaru, Politician, Former Security Minister Eric Wainana, musician David Mathenge, musician known as "Nameless"


Joseph Kamaru, Musician Ngina Kenyatta (Mama Ngina), Former First Lady, Uhuru Kenyatta's Mother, Jomo Kenyatta's widow. Daughter of Gky Chief Muhoho Mwai Kibaki, 3rd President of Kenya Lucy Kibaki, First Lady (Wife to sitting president Mwai Kibaki) Uhuru Kenyatta,4th and currrent President of Kenya, Former Deputy Prime Minister, former Minister of Finance, Former Minister of Trade, Former Official Leader of Opposition. Accused and has a case at the ICC in 2011 following the investigation of the killing of more than 1000 people in 2007 political violence. Elected to be the 4th president of Kenya during the general election held on 4th March 2013.

Kenneth Matiba, Former MP, Leader of Official Opposition, youngest Permanent Secretary to serve in Kenya, Chairman Alliance Hotels and Hillcrest Schools

James Njenga Karume, Former MP, and Minister in Kibaki's government. Also a very wealthy businessman from Kiambu county (1929 to February 24, 2012) Dedan Kimathi, Field Marshal Julius Gikonyo Kiano, former Minister for Commerce and Industry, former Minister for Water Development, Kenya; first Kenyan to hold a Doctorate degree

Mbiyu Koinange, former Minister of State in the Office of the President, Jomo Kenyatta's closest confidante and brother-in-law of Jomo Kenyatta, first Kenyan holder of a Masters degree (U.S) Josephat Karanja, Former Vice President Josiah Mwangi Kariuki (J.M. Kariuki), Former Member of Parliament Nyandarua Waruhiu Itote aka General China Charles Rubia, Former Member of Parliament and Political Activist


Harry Thuku, Freedom Fighter and Independence Hero Kungu Karumba, Freedom Fighter Kapenguria six Amos Kimunya, Minister of trade, Former Finance Minister and Chairman of Muthaiga Country Club Mutahi Kagwe, Former Minister for Information and Communications Martha Karua, Former Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs. Presidential candidate, 2012. John Njoroge Michuki, Former Minister of Environment and Mineral Resources, Former acting Minister of Finance, Former Minister of Roads, Former Internal Security Minister and owner of Windsor Golf & Country Club (1932 21 February 2012)

Koigi wa Wamwere, Author, politician and Human rights activist. Gakaara Wa Wanja, Mau Mau Freedom fighter and author Charles Mugane Njonjo, Former Attorney General and Minister for Constitutional Affairs Eliud Mathu, First black Kenyan parliamentarian (then known as LEGCO) Jeff Koinange, A prominent Kenyan jounalist Gloria Mungai, A prominent Kenyan street artist and chef specializing in Afro-German fusion food George Saitoti, Former vice president and internal security minister

Mwenemucii (talk) 19:47, 16 April 2013 (UTC)

a b

1. 2. 3. 4.

"Gikuyu: A language of Kenya". SIL International. 2013. Retrieved 12 March 2013.

^ CIA Factbook [1] retrieved on October 16, 2007 ^

a b

Joseph Bindloss, Tom Parkinson, Matt Fletcher, Lonely Planet Kenya, (Lonely Planet: 2003), p.35.

^ Arnold Curtis, Kenya: a visitor's guide, (Evans Brothers: 1985), p.7.



^ http://books.google.co.ke/books/about/With_a_prehistoric_people_the_Akikuyu_of.html?id=d1tyAAAA MAAJ&redir_esc=y,page 54,55


^ http://books.google.co.ke/books/about/With_a_prehistoric_people_the_Akikuyu_of.html?id=d1tyAAAA MAAJ&redir_esc=y,page 55


^ http://books.google.co.ke/books/about/With_a_prehistoric_people_the_Akikuyu_of.html?id=d1tyAAAA MAAJ&redir_esc=y,page 58

8. 9.

^ [2]

[dead link]

^ http://books.google.co.ke/books/about/With_a_prehistoric_people_the_Akikuyu_of.html?id=d1tyAAAA MAAJ&redir_esc=y,page 46

10. ^ 5 11. ^ http://books.google.co.ke/books/about/With_a_prehistoric_people_the_Akikuyu_of.html?id=d1tyAAAA MAAJ&redir_esc=y,page 23 12. ^

a b


AAMAAJ&redir_esc=y, page 71 13. ^ http://books.google.co.ke/books/about/With_a_prehistoric_people_the_Akikuyu_of.html?id=d1tyAAAA MAAJ&redir_esc=y, page 77 14. ^ http://books.google.co.ke/books/about/With_a_prehistoric_people_the_Akikuyu_of.html?id=d1tyAAAA MAAJ&redir_esc=y, page 92 15. ^ http://books.google.co.ke/books/about/With_a_prehistoric_people_the_Akikuyu_of.html?id=d1tyAAAA MAAJ&redir_esc=y, page 95 16. ^ http://books.google.co.ke/books/about/With_a_prehistoric_people_the_Akikuyu_of.html?id=d1tyAAAA MAAJ&redir_esc=y, page 66


17. ^ Page 92 - Hobley, C.W.: Bantu Beliefs and Magic: With Particular Reference to the Gky and Kamba Tribes of Kenya Colony, London (1922). - Sample page http://books.google.com/books?id=-qAAAAAMAAJ&q=rika#search_anchor 18. ^
a b

"history of kenya". Kenya-africa.com. Retrieved 2013-03-22.

19. ^ "How I became King . . . of the Wa-Kikuyu" (PDF). Retrieved 2013-03-22. 20. ^ Routledge, William Scoresby; Routledge, Katherine Pease; Scoresby Routledge, Mrs (1910). With a Prehistoric People: The Akikyu of British East Africa, Being Some Account of the Method of Life and Mode of Thought Found Existent Amongst a Nation on Its First Contact with European Civilisation. 21. ^
a b c d e

"History of Kenya - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia". En.wikipedia.org. Retrieved 2013-03-22.

22. ^ JSTOR 485216 Please expand by hand 23. ^ esky. "Mau Mau Uprising - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia". En.wikipedia.org. Retrieved 2013-0322. 24. ^ Robbins, Richard H. (2008). 'Global Problems and the Culture of Capitalism (4th Ed.). Pearson Education, Inc. P. 315. 25. ^ esky. "Mau Mau Uprising - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia". En.wikipedia.org. Retrieved 2013-0322. 26. ^ Wood et al. (2005), Contrasting patterns of Y chromosome and mtDNA variation in Africa: evidence for sex-biased demographic processes --Appendix A 27. ^ Castr et al. (2009), mtDNA variability in two Bantu-speaking populations (Shona and Hutu) from Eastern Africa: Implications for peopling and migration patterns in sub-Saharan Africa, American Journal of Physical Anthropology, Vol. 140, Issue 2


28. ^ Salas et al. (2002), The Making of the African mtDNA Landscape, Am J Hum Genet. 2002 November; 71(5): 10821111. 29. ^ http://books.google.co.ke/books/about/With_a_prehistoric_people_the_Akikuyu_of.html?id=d1tyAAAA MAAJ&redir_esc=y, page page 285 30. ^ http://books.google.co.ke/books/about/With_a_prehistoric_people_the_Akikuyu_of.html?id=d1tyAAAA MAAJ&redir_esc=y, page 287 31. ^ http://books.google.co.ke/books/about/With_a_prehistoric_people_the_Akikuyu_of.html?id=d1tyAAAA MAAJ&redir_esc=y, page 290 32. ^ http://books.google.co.ke/books/about/With_a_prehistoric_people_the_Akikuyu_of.html?id=d1tyAAAA MAAJ&redir_esc=y, page 297 33. ^ http://books.google.co.ke/books/about/With_a_prehistoric_people_the_Akikuyu_of.html?id=d1tyAAAA MAAJ&redir_esc=y, page 321 34. ^ http://www.ngugiwathiongo.com/bio/bio-home.htm 35. ^ "Kikuyu Tribe - the Largest Tribe in Kenya: History and Culture". Kenya-information-guide.com. 201302-19. Retrieved 2013-03-22.



Branch, Daniel (2009). Defeating Mau Mau, Creating Kenya: Counterinsurgency, Civil War, and Decolonization. New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-13090-5.

Muriuki, Godfrey 1974. History of the Gky 15001900. (Oxford U Press) Elkins, Caroline, 2005. "Imperial Reckoning: The Untold Story of Britain's Gulag in Kenya." (Henry Holt and Company, LLC)


Kenyatta, Mzee Jomo, 1938. Facing Mount Kenya Wanjau, Gakaara Wa, 1988. "Mau Mau Author in Detention." Translanted by Paul Ngigi Njoroge. (Heinemann Kenya Limited)

Lonsdale, John, and Berman, Bruce. 1992. Unhappy Valley: conflict in Kenya and Africa. (J Currey Press)

Lonsdale, John, and Atieno Odhiambo, E.S. (eds.) 2003. Mau Mau and Nationhood: arms, authority and narration. (J. Currey Press) Lambert, H.E. 1956. Gky Social and Political Institutions . (Oxford U Press) Muriuki, Godfrey 1974. History of the Gky 1500 - 1900. (Oxford U Press) Godfrey Mwakikagile, Kenya: Identity of A Nation, New Africa Press, Pretoria, South Africa, 2008; Godfrey Mwakikagile, Ethnic Politics in Kenya and Nigeria, Nova Science Publishers, Inc., Huntington, New York, 2001.

Muhindi, Samuel, Author [Ngucanio 1 & 2] 2009, A Gky Christian movie] The first Gky Author to write a Christian Gky Movie and shoot in the market. Huxley, Elspeth. 2006. Red Strangers.(Penguin Classic]

Indian diaspora in East Africa

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


This article does not cite any references or sources. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (December 2007)

Indian diaspora in East Africa

Navin Ramgoolam Vivek Kundra

Farah Damji

Freddie Mercury

Ben Kingsley

Pravind Jugnauth

Naheed Nenshi

Irshad Manji

Ali Velshi


Vikash Dhorasoo

Regions with significant populations 855,000 250,000 230,000 90,000 40,870 25,000 13,000 12,000 4,000 2,000

Mauritius Runion Kenya Tanzania Mozambique Madagascar Zambia Uganda Malawi Seychelles


Colonial Languages: English French Portuguese Indian Languages:


Bhojpuri Hindi Marathi Tamil Telugu Urdu Other Languages of India Local Languages: Mauritian Creole Runion Creole Seychellois Creole Malagasy Sena Swahili


Predominantly: Hinduism Islam Catholicism Minority: Sikhism Zoroastrianism Buddhism Jainism Atheism Agnosticism

Related ethnic groups

People of Indian Origin

The Indian diaspora in Africa consists of approximately 1.5 million people of Indian origin living in Africa. Most of this diaspora arrived in the 19th century as British indentured labourers, many of them to work on the Kenya-Uganda railway, while others had arrived earlier by sea as traders.


1 Sub-groups

o o

1.1 Indian Ocean Islands 1.2 Mainland East Africa

2 History 3 Expulsion from Uganda 4 Cultural depictions 5 Notes 6 See also 7 External links 8 Further reading

[edit]Sub-groups [edit]Indian

Ocean Islands

Indians in Madagascar Indo-Mauritian (Bihari) Runionnais of Indian origin (Malbars) Indo-Seychellois


East Africa

Indians in Kenya Indians in Mozambique


Indians in Tanzania Indians in Uganda Indians in Zambia


Indian trader's family in Bagamoyo,German East Africa, around 1906/18.

In the British Empire, the labourers, originally referred to as "coolies", were indentured labourers who lived under conditions often resembling slavery. The system, inaugurated in 1834 in Mauritius, involved the use of licensed agents after slavery had been abolished in the British Empire. The agents imported indentured labour to replace the slaves. The labourers were however only slightly better off than the slaves had been. They were supposed to receive either minimal wages or some small form of payout (such as a small parcel of land, or the money for their return passage) upon completion of their indentures. Employers did not have the right to buy or sell indentured labourers as they did slaves.


Of the original 32,000 contracted laborers, after the end of indentured service about 6,700 stayed on to work as dukawallas,[Note 1] artisans, traders, clerks, and, finally, lower-level administrators. Colonial personnel practices excluded them from the middle and senior ranks of the colonial government and from farming; instead they became a commercial middleman and professionals, including doctors and lawyers. It was the dukawalla, not European settlers, who first moved into new colonial areas. Even before the dukawallas, Indian traders had followed the Arab trading routes inland on the coast of moderndayKenya and Tanzania. Indians had a virtual lock on Zanzibar's lucrative trade in the 19th century, working as the Sultan's exclusive agents. Between the building of the railways and the end of World War II, the number of Indians in East Africa swelled to 320,000. By the 1940s, some colonial areas had already passed laws restricting the flow of immigrants, as did white-ruled Rhodesia in 1924. But by then, the Indians had firmly established control of commercial trade some 80 to 90 percent in Kenya and Uganda was in the hands of Indians plus some industrial activities. In 1948, all but 12 of Uganda's 195 cotton ginneries were Indian run. Many Parsis settled on Zanzibar to work as merchants and civil servants for the colonial government. They formed one of the largest Parsi communities outside of India, a community that survived until the Zanzibar Revolution of 1964. Indians in Zanzibar founded the one locally-owned bank in all of East Africa, Jetha Lila, which closed after the Revolution when its customer base left.


from Uganda

Main article: Expulsion of Asians from Uganda In 1972, Idi Amin, gave the nearly 75,000 Ugandans of Asian descent 90 days to pack their bags and leave the country. These descendants of the dukanwallas and Indian coolies then comprised about 2 percent of


the population. Their businesses were "Africanized" and given to Amin's cohorts, who plundered and ruined them. The country lost a valuable class of professionals, sliding into a chaos that would eventually claim up to 750,000 Ugandan lives. Some 27,000 Ugandan Indians moved to Britain, another 6,100 to Canada, 1,100 to the United States, while the rest scattered to other Asian and European countries. Today, however, many of these same ethnic Indians have returned. In 1992, under pressure from aid donors and Western governments, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni simplified a then 10-year-old law letting Asians reacquire lost property. While many black Ugandans have learned the art of business during the Indians' absence, Indians today still run many shops, hotels, and factories in Kampala, the capital, as they do in Kenya and Tanzania. Sikh and Hindu temples figure prominently in the urban East African urban landscape, as do Mosques, particularly those built by the large Ismaili Muslim community, which immigrated from Gujarat. Some extended families the backbone of the Indian ethnic group are prospering under Uganda's new openness. Two families, the Mehtas and Madhvanis, have built multimillion dollar empires in Uganda since the 1980s. Still, the Indian communities remain concerned about their position in East Africa. Continued fighting in western Uganda between hundreds of rebels and troops in June, 2000, and politically motivated ethnic violence in Mombasa that claimed more than 40 lives in August, gave credence to these concerns.



The lives of the Mhindi (Swahili for Indian) were first fictionalized for a Western mass audience in V. S. Naipaul's "A Bend in the River." The Trinidadian West Indies author's 1979 book remains the best-known


literary work in English addressing the Indian experience in East and Central Africa. Though recently "A Bend" enjoyed a resurgence of critical acclaim for its dead-on portrayal of post-colonial African life in the former Zaire (renamed the Democratic Republic of Congo), the novel also lifted the curtain on an ethnic group who had become central to East Africa's life in the later half of the 20th century. The experience is touched upon in the films Mississippi Masala, Touch of Pink and The Last King of Scotland.



^ Shopkeepers: from the Swahili "duka" - meaning shop, and the Hindi "walla" - meaning person in charge of something



Asians in Africa Coolies Non-resident Indian and Person of Indian Origin

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For other uses, see Coolie (disambiguation).

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Coolie labourer c. 1900 in Zhenjiang, China. Thebamboo pole he leans upon was used to hoist and carry the bundle at his feet with the pole over his shoulder and the bundle leaning against his back. On the left side of the image, in the background, another man uses this same technique of bearing a heavy load.







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Historically, a coolie (variously spelled cooli, cooly, kuli, quli, koelie etc.) was an Asian slave or manual labourer, particularly from southern China, the Indian subcontinent, the Philippines and Indonesia during the 19th century and early 20th century. It is also a contemporary racial slur[1] for people of Asian descent, including people from East Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, etc.,[2] particularly in South Africa.[3]

1 Etymology 2 History

o o

2.1 In the Americas 2.2 In South Africa

3 Modern use


4 In media

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4.1 Film 4.2 Television

5 See also 6 References 7 Further reading 8 External links

[4] Coolie is derived from the Hindi word kuli ( ). The origins of the word are uncertain but it is thought to

have been originally used by the Portuguese ( cule) as a description of local hired labourers in India. That use may be traced back to a Gujurati tribe (the Kul, who worked as day labourers) or perhaps to the Tamil word for a payment for work, kuli ().[4][5] An alternative etymological explanation is that the word came
[4] from the Urdu qul ( , ,evals rof drow hsikruT eht morf eb dluoc flesti hcihw ,( qul. The word was

used in this sense for labourers from India, China, and East Asia. In 1727 Dr. Engelbert Kmpfer described "coolies" as dock labourers who would unload Dutch merchant ships at Nagasaki in Japan.[6][7] The Chinese word (pinyin: kl) literally means "bitterly hard (use of) strength", in the Mandarin pronunciation. In Cantonese, the term is (Jyutping: Gu lei). The word refers to an Asian slave. The "Coolie Trade", as it became known, expanded during the 1840s and 1850s. Some laborers signed contracts based on misleading promises, some were kidnapped, some were victims of clan violence whose captors sold them to coolie brokers, while others sold themselves to pay off gambling debts. From 1847 to 1862, most Chinese contract laborers ("coolies") bound for Cuba were shipped on American vessels and


numbered about 600,000 per year. Conditions on board these and other ships were overcrowded, unsanitary, and brutal. The terms of the contract were often not honored, so many laborers ended up working on Cuban sugar plantations or in Peruvian guano pits. Like slaves, some were sold at auction[citation

and most worked in gangs under the command of a strict overseer.

Both contemporary observers and present researchers [who?] have frequently mentioned the similarities between the Coolie trade and the African slave trade. Many coolies were first deceived or kidnapped and then kept in barracoons (detention centres) or loading vessels in the ports of departure, as were African slaves. Their voyages, which are sometimes called the Pacific passage, were as inhumane and dangerous as the notorious Middle Passage. Mortality was very high. For example, it is estimated that from 1847 to 1859, the average mortality for coolies aboard ships to Cuba was 15.2 percent, and losses among those aboard ships to Peru were 40 percent in the 1850s and 30.44 percent from 1860 to 1863. [citation needed] At their destinations, they were sold like animals and were taken to work in plantations or mines under appalling living and working conditions. The duration of a contract was typically five to eight years, but many coolies did not live out their term of service because of the hard labour and mistreatment. Those who did live were often forced to remain in servitude beyond the contracted period. The coolies who worked on the sugar plantations in Cuba and in the guano beds of the Chincha Islands (the islands of Hell) of Peru were treated brutally. Seventy-five percent of the Chinese coolies in Cuba died before fulfilling their contracts. More than two-thirds of the Chinese coolies who arrived in Peru between 1849 and 1874 died within the contract period. Among the four thousand coolies brought to the Chinchas in 1861, not a single one survived. Because of these unbearable conditions, Chinese coolies often revolted against their Chinese and foreign oppressors at ports of departure, on ships, and in foreign lands. The coolies were put in the same neighbourhoods as African Americans and, since most were unable to return to their homeland or have


their wives come to the New World, many married African American women and formed some of the modern world's Afro-Asian and Asian Latin American population. However, there are significant differences between the Chinese coolie trade and the African slave trade. First, despite the many recorded cases of deceiving and kidnapping coolies, probably not all coolies were forced into bondage, though it is difficult to know what percentage of the total was represented by voluntary coolies. Owing to famines, wars, and shortages of land, many southern Chinese chose to go overseas to seek a better life. Of the voluntary coolies the United States was the only recorded country where the coolie slaves were voluntary[citation needed]. Second, not all coolies remained in bondage for life. Some of them became free after serving out their contracts; a few even managed to return to China. Coolies received wages, although usually they were paid much less than local workers. Although there are reports of ships carrying women and children, the great majority of the Chinese coolies were men. Finally, the Chinese government, although not able to give the coolies as much protection as they needed, showed concern for them. Central and local governments tried continuously to regulate and curb the coolie trade; at one point, the central government even sent inspectors to America to investigate conditions and intervene on the coolies' behalf. The Chinese government also took an active part in the final elimination of the coolie trade in 1874. In southern Iran (some cities) this word was used as a low ranking day labour. Coolie especially referred to those labourers who carry things on their back or perform manual labour The word "cool" in that region is slang and among the locals refers to the human back.

The term coolie was applied to workers from Asia, especially those who were sent abroad to most of the Americas, to Oceania and the Pacific Islands, and to Africa (especially South Africa and islands like


Mauritius, Seychelles, and Runion). It was also applied in Asian areas under European control such as Sri Lanka, Malaysia, Shanghai and Hong Kong. Slavery had been widespread in the British empire, but social and political factors resulted in its being outlawed in 1834; within a few decades other European nations had outlawed slavery. [citation needed] But the intensive colonial labour on sugar caneor cotton plantations, in mines or railways, required cheap manpower.[citation needed] Experiments were performed with Malagasy, Japanese, Breton, Portuguese, Yemeni and/or Congolese labourers. Ultimately Indians were mainly used, shipped to many Indian Ocean islands, East and South Africa, Fiji, British Guiana, Martinique,Guadeloupe, Trinidad and Tobago, Jamaica, Grenada, Suriname and Panama and other places.[citation needed] Chinese coolies were also another prominently sent group to the New World. They worked in guano pits in Peru, in sugar cane fields in Cuba and helped build railways in the United States and British Columbia (Canada).[citation needed]


the Americas

Chinese immigration to the United States was almost entirely voluntary, but working and social conditions were still harsh: In 1868, the Burlingame Treaty repealed the century old prohibition law of the Chinese government and opened a floodgate of Chinese immigration. But a mere decade later, the American economy was in a slump and Chinese labourers were hired as scabs when white workers went on strike. During these years of unemployment and depression, anti-Chinese sentiment built around the country, fuelled by demagogues


such as Denis Kearney of San Francisco, who would rail in front of crowds that "To an American, death is preferable to life on a par with the Chinese."

Chinese immigrant workers building theTranscontinental Railroad

Although Chinese labour contributed to the building of the first Transcontinental Railroad in the United States and of the Canadian Pacific Railway in western Canada, Chinese settlement was discouraged after completion of the construction. California's Anti-Coolie Act of 1862 and the federal Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 contributed to the curtailment of Chinese immigration to the United States. Notwithstanding such attempts to restrict the influx of cheap labour from China, beginning in the 1870s Chinese workers helped construct a vast network of levees in the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta. These levees made thousands of acres of fertile marshlands available for agricultural production. According to the Constitution of the State of California (1879):


The presence of foreigners ineligible to become citizens of the United States is declared to be dangerous to the well-being of the State, and the Legislature shall discourage their immigration by all the means within its power. Asiatic coolieism is a form of human slavery, and is forever prohibited in this State, and all contracts for coolie labour shall be void. All companies or corporations, whether formed in this country or any foreign country, for the importation of such labour, shall be subject to such penalties as the Legislature may prescribe.[9]

Newly arrived Indian coolies in Trinidad

Colonos asiticos is a Spanish term for coolies.[10] The Spanish colony of Cuba feared slavery uprisings such as those that took place in Haiti and used coolies as a transition between slaves and free labor. They were neither free nor slaves. Indentured Chinese servants also labored in the sugarcane fields of Cuba well after the 1884 abolition of slavery in that country. Two scholars of Chinese labor in Cuba, Juan Pastrana and Juan Perez de la Riva, substantiated horrific conditions of Chinese coolies in Cuba and stated that coolies were slaves in all but name. Denise Helly is one researcher who believes despite their slave-like


treatment, the free and legal status of the Asian laborers in Cuba separated them from slaves. The coolies could challenge their superiors, run away, petition government officials, and rebel according to Rodriguez Pastor and Trazegnies Granda.[11] Once they had fulfilled their contracts the colonos asiticos integrated into the countries of Peru and Cuba. They adopted cultural traditions from the natives and also welcomed in non-Chinese to experience and participate into their own traditions. [10] Before the Cuban Revolution in 1959, Havana had Latin America's largest Chinatown. In South America, Chinese indentured labourers worked in Peru's silver mines and coastal industries (i.e., guano, sugar, and cotton) from the early 1850s to the mid-1870s; about 100,000 people immigrated as indentured workers. They participated with the War of the Pacific, looting and burning down the haciendas where they worked, subsequent to the capture of Lima by the invading Chilean army in January 1880. Some 2000 coolies even joined the Chilean Army in Peru taking care for the wounded and burying the dead. Other were sent by Chileans to work in the newly conquered nitrate fields.[12] Between 1838 and 1917, at least "238,909 Indians were introduced into British Guiana, 143,939 into Trinidad, 42,326 into Guadeloupe, 37,027 into Jamaica, 34,304 into Suriname, 25,209 into Martinique, 8,472 into French Guiana, 4,354 into Saint Lucia, 3,206 into Grenada, 2,472 into Saint Vincent, 337 into Saint Kitts, 326 into Saint Croix, and 315 into Nevis. British Honduras also received Indians, but they did not come by the indentureship scheme; some were exiled sepoy soldiers and families. Although these were incomplete statistics, Eric Williams (see references) believed they were "sufficient to show a total introduction of nearly half a million Indians into the Caribbean" (Williams 100).


South Africa

The Chinese Engineering and Mining Corporation, of which later U.S. president Herbert Hoover was a director, was instrumental in supplying Chinese coolie labour to South African mines from c.1902 to c.1910


at the request of mine owners, who considered such labour cheaper than native African and white labour.[13] The horrendous conditions suffered by the coolie labourers led to questions in the British parliament as recorded in Hansard.



In the 1899 novelette "Typhoon" by Joseph Conrad, the captain is transporting a group of coolies in the South China Sea.

In the 1957 film The Bridge on the River Kwai, when his men are ordered to participate with the construction of the bridge, British officer Col. Nicholson (Alec Guinness) declares that they will not be used as coolies by their captors.

In Indonesian, kuli is now a term for construction workers. In slang languages, the construction workers are frequently termed as "kuproy" (kuli proyek, literally meaning "project coolies") [citation needed]

In Malay, "kuli" is an Asian slave. In Thai, kuli ( ) still retains its original meaning as manual labourers, but is considered to be offensive.[citation needed]

In September 2005 the prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra of Thailand used this term when referring to the labourers who built the new international airport. He thanked them for their hard work. Reuters, a news source from Bangkok, reported of Thai labour groups angered by his use of the term. [14]


In South Africa, Coolie most often referred to Indian people or mixed Black and Indian people, but is no longer an accepted term and is considered extremely derogatory.

The word ql is now commonly used in Hindi to refer to luggage porters at hotel lobbies and railway and bus stations. Nevertheless, the use of such (especially by foreigners) may still be regarded as a slur by some.[15]

In Ethiopia, Cooli are those who carry heavy loads for someone. The word is not used as a slur however. The term used to refer to Arab day-laborers who migrated to Ethiopia for labour work.[citation

The Dutch word koelie, refers to a worker who performs very hard, exacting labour. The word generally has no particular ethnic connotations among the Dutch, but it is a racial slur amongst Surinamese of Indian and Indonesian heritage.[16]

Among overseas Vietnamese, coolie ("cu li" in Vietnamese) now means a person who works a parttime job.[citation needed]

In Finland, when freshmen of a technical university take care of student union club tasks (usually arranging a party or such activity), they are referred as "kuli" or performing a "kuli duty". [citation needed]

In the United States Marine Corps, a Lance Corporal is sometimes referred to jokingly as a "Lance Coolie", due to their often being picked for work details or chosen to perform menial tasks not related


to their actual Military Occupational Specialty, especially in units that do not have many Privates or Privates First Class.[citation needed]

In Guyana, Trinidad & Tobago and Jamaica, coolie is used loosely to refer to anyone of East Indian descent. It is sometimes used in a racially derogatory context and sometimes used in friendly banter.[citation needed]

In many English-speaking countries, the conical Asian hat worn by many Asians to protect themselves from the sun is called a "coolie hat."

In the I.T. industry, offshore workers are sometimes referred to as 'coolies' because of their lower cost. The term "coolie" appears in the Eddy Howard song, "The Rickety Rickshaw Man". (It was the rickshaw that was rickety.)

Poet and semiologist Khal Torabully coined the word coolitude to refer to a vision of humanism and diversity born from the indenture or coolie experience. This poetics is studied at university level so as to encompass a new dynamics of migration originating from the encounter of indentured persons and other cultural spheres, namely from postcolonial and postmodern perspectives.

In Turkish, kle is the term for slave.





In the 1957 film The Bridge on the River Kwai the term is used numerous times in the film to mean a slave or slaves or being used as slaves. Throughout the 1982 film Gandhi the term was used as a racial slur. In Stephen Chow's 2004 action-comedy film Kung Fu Hustle, former Shaolin monk Xing Yu plays a character who works as a Coolie, doing hard labour in a multi-floored apartment-block village called "Pig Sty Alley". However, when a petty thief (Stephen Chow) and his sidekick pose as members of the infamous "Axe Gang" and accidentally bring upon the wrath of actual members, Coolie is the first of three retired martial artists who come to the village's aid. He is a master of the 12 Kicks of the Tam School (), a leg-oriented boxing style. He is later beheaded by assassins hired by the Axe Gang to kill the village's landlords. Coolie is an 1983 Indian film about a coolie, Amitabh Bachchan, who works at a railway station and has a lover. His lover's father once murdered a girl's father in an attempt to force her to marry him, but she did not give in. After 10 years of imprisonment, he flooded her village (injuring her new husband) and causing her to awaken with amnesia. It starred Amitabh Bachchan and Waheeda Rehman. Guiana 1838 is a 2004 docu-drama that explores the unknown world of indentureship and slavery in the British Colonies of the West Indies. It reveals the trials and tribulation of both the African slaves and the unsuspecting Indians from Calcutta who expected "El Dorado" only to find themselves on a ship to hard labour. [4] The film Romper Stomper shows a white power skinhead named Hando (played by Russell Crowe) expressing distress about the idea of being a coolie in his own country. Also, the gang he directs makes frequent attacks at gangs of working class Vietnamese Australians.


2010's Merry-Go-Round (HK) Dong fung po (original title) the backdrop of this drama is based on the events of the "coolie trade" to the U.S., where Chinese who died abroad had their bodies shipped back to China via Hong Kong. Those whose bodies were not found or unrecoverable, i.e. mining accidents, lost at sea, etc., had empty coffins sent back. The empty coffins symbolised the return of the souls back to their homelands.[17] The documentary film directed by Yung Chang called Up the Yangtze follows the life of a family in China that are relocated due to the flooding of the Yangtze. The daughter is sent directly from finishing middle school to work on a cruise ship for western tourists, to earn money for her family. Her father referred to himself as a 'coolie' who used to carry bags on and off of boats. [18]

The phrase was used repeatedly in the 1993 1994 Fox weird west series The Adventures of Brisco County, Jr.set in the 1890s in reference to Chinese workers.



Aapravasi Ghat Indentured servant Blackbirding Slavery Navvy Overseas Indian Overseas Chinese


Chinese Peruvian History of Chinese immigration to Canada Taiping reform movement Immigration to the United States Chinese Migration List of ethnic slurs The Man from Beijing (novel)
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[edit]References Constructs such as ibid., loc. cit. and idem are discouraged by Wikipedia's style guide for footnotes, as they are easily broken. Please improve this article by replacing them with named references (quick guide), or an abbreviated title. (May 2010)

1. 2.

^ [1] ^ Most current dictionaries do not record any offensive meaning ("an unskilled laborer or porter usually in or from the Far East hired for low or subsistence wages" Merriam-Webster) or make a distinction between an offensive meaning in referring to "a person from the Indian subcontinent or of Indian descent" and an at least originally inoffensive, old-fashioned meaning, for example "dated an unskilled native labourer in India, China, and some other Asian countries" (Compact Oxford English Dictionary). However, some dictionaries indicate that the word may be considered offensive in all contexts today. For example, Longman's 1995 edition had "old-fashioned an unskilled worker who is paid very low


wages, especially in parts of Asia", but the current version adds "taboo old-fashioned a very offensive word ... Do not use this word". 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. ^ [2] ^
a b c

Oxford English Dictionary, retrieved 19 April 2012

^ Britannica Academic Edition, retrieved 19 April 2012 ^ Kmpfer, Engelbert (1727). The History ofk,o Japan. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:Preferences. ^ Encyclopdia Britannica, Dictionary, Arts, Sciences, and General Literature (9th, American Reprint ed.). Maxwell Sommerville (Philadelphia). 1891. p. 296. Volume VI.

8. 9.

^ University of Arkansas ^ [3] The Chinese in California, 18501879

a b

10. ^

Narvaez, Benjamin N. "Chinese Coolies in Cuba and Peru: Race, Labor, and Immigration, 1839

1886." (2010): 1524. Print. 11. ^ Helly, "Idologie et ethnicit"; Rodrguez Pastor, "Hijos del Celeste Imperio"; Trazegnies Granda, "En el pas de las colinas de arena", Tomo II 12. ^ Bonilla, Heraclio. 1978. The National and Colonial Problem in Peru. Past & Present. 13. ^ Walter Liggett, The Rise of Herbert Hoover (New York, 1932) 14. ^ "Thai Unions Hot under Collar at PM "coolie" Slur." The Star Online. 30 September 2005. Web. 29 Jan 2011. 15. ^ Humanitarian Movement Against Child Oppression & Others Living in Exploitation 16. ^ Straattaal Straatwoordenboek: Definitie 17. ^ [(http://www.imdb.com/title/tt1756487/)] 18. ^ [(http://films.nfb.ca/up-the-yangtze/index.php)]




Williams, Eric. 1962. History of the People of Trinidad and Tobago. Andre Deutsch, London. Yule, Henry and Burnell, A. C. (1886): Hobson-Jobson The Anglo-Indian Dictionary. Reprint: Ware, Hertfordshire. Wordsworth Editions Limited. 1996. Le grand dictionnaire Ricci de la langue chinoise, (2001), Vol. III, p. 833. Khal Torabully and Marina Carter, Coolitude: An Anthology of the Indian Labour Diaspora Anthem Press, London, 2002 ISBN 1-84331-003-1.


This section may contain lists of external links, quotations or related pages discouraged by Wikipedia's Manual of Style. Please help integrate this content into the body of the article using in-text citations.(August 2012)

Hill Coolies BBC documentary: Coolies: The Story of Indian Slavery "Labour and longing" by Vinay Lal Personal Life of a Chinese Coolie 1868 1899 Chinese Coolie treated worse than slaves Site dedicated to modern Indian coolies India Together article on modern Indian coolies Article on Chinese immigration to the USA Review of Coolitude: An Anthology of the Indian Labor Diaspora


Ramya Sivaraj, "A necessary exile", The Hindu (29 April 2007) Commemoration of indentured, Aapravasi ghat 2 November 2007. In French, starts to dialogue with its History, Khal Torabully Description of conditions aboard clipper ships transporting coolies from Swatow, China, to Peru, by George Francis Train

The fact that the British experimented with Indian and Chinese coolies and indentured labourers in Australia during the 1850s is little known. The experiment was abandoned in favour of Pacific Islanders, who were called kanakas. Many of these were boys who were kidnapped by throwing nets over their canoes when they rowed out, with natural curiosity and innocence, to meet the European ships that had sailed to their island homes. This was called blackbirding and the slaves were called blackbirds. The practice was finally outlawed in the early 20th century.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


The blackbirding schooner Daphne was seized by HMSRosario in 1869, and its passengers freed[1]






Europe Haiti




Mexico Niger

North Korea

Pakistan Puerto Rico


United States




Child labour

Debt bondage Human trafficking

Peonage Penal labour

Sexual slavery Wage slavery





Ancient Greece


Ancient Rome Medieval Europe


Kholop Serfdom

Slave ship

Slave raiding Blackbirding

Galley slave


By country or region






Spanish New World


Bhutan Brazil

Britain and Ireland British Virgin Islands


China Haiti






Ottoman Empire


Romania Seychelles


South Africa Sweden

United States







Opposition and resistance



Compensated emancipation

Opponents Slave rebellion

Related topics


Indentured servant Unfree labour


Blackbirding is the recruitment of people through trickery and kidnappings to work as labourers. From the 1860s blackbirding ships were engaged in seeking workers to mine the guano deposits on the Chincha Islands in Peru.[2] In the 1870s the blackbirding trade focused on supplying labourers to plantations, particularly the sugar cane plantations of Queensland, Australia and the nation of Fiji.[3][4] The practice occurred between 1842 and 1904. Those 'blackbirded' were recruited from the indigenous populations of nearby Pacific islands or northern Queensland. In the early days of the pearling industry in Broome, local Aboriginal people were blackbirded from the surrounding areas, including aboriginal people from desert areas. Blackbirding has continued to the present day in the Third World. One example is the kidnapping and coercion at gunpoint of indigenous people in Central America to work as plantation labourers, where they are exposed to heavy pesticide loads and do back-breaking work for very little pay. [5]

1 Etymology 2 Blackbirding in Polynesia in the 1860s 3 In Australia 4 In Fiji 5 Resistance 6 See also


7 References 8 Bibliography 9 External links

The term may have been formed directly as a contraction of blackbird catching; blackbird was a slang term for the local indigenous people. It might also have derived from an earlier phrase, blackbird shooting, which referred to recreational hunting ofAustralian Aboriginal people by early European settlers.[6]


in Polynesia in the 1860s

Polynesia is the largest of three major cultural areas in the Pacific Ocean. Polynesia is generally defined as the islands within the Polynesian triangle.


Geographic definition of Polynesia, surrounded by a pink line

For less than a year between 186263, Peruvian ships (and a few Chilean ships under the Peruvian flag) combed the smaller islands of Polynesia from Easter Island in the eastern Pacific to the Ellice Islands (now Tuvalu) and the southern atolls of the Gilbert Islands (now Kiribati), seeking recruits to fill the extreme labour shortage in Peru.[2] In 1862 J. C. Byrne, an Irish speculator with a dubious history[clarification needed], persuaded others to back a scheme to bring "colonists" from the New Hebrides to Peru as indentured agricultural workers. The first ship, Adelante, was fitted and on 15 June 1862 set out across the Pacific. Calling in at Tongareva (Penrhyn) in the northern Cook Islands, Byrne fortuitously found the one island in the Pacific where the population was only too willing to leave because of a severe coconut famine. He took 253


recruits who by September found themselves working in Peru as plantation workers and household servants. Almost immediately speculators and ship owners fitted out aging ships that went to Polynesia to bring "willing colonists". From September 1862 to April 1863 no less than 30 ships set out, but because profit was the main motive, many ship captains resorted to dishonest tactics and even kidnapping to fill their ships. Tonga In June 1863 there lived about 350 people on 'Ata atoll in Tonga in a village called Kolomaile (remains of which were still visible a century later). Captain Thomas James McGrath of the Tasmanian whaler Grecian, having decided that the slave trade was more profitable than whaling, came along and invited the islanders on board for trading. But once almost half of the population was on board, doors and rooms were locked, and the ship sailed away. 144 persons would never return. The Grecian tried to get more recruits from the Lau group, but was not successful. From Niuafouou it was able to get only 30 people; this was the second island in Tonga to be affected. (Uiha was the third, but there the islanders had actually been able to reverse roles and ambushed the ship the "Margarita" instead). The Grecian never made it to Peru. Probably near Pukapuka (Cook Islands) it met another slaver, the General Prim, which had left Callao in March, which was more than willing to take over the 174 Tongans to quickly return to port, where it arrived on 19 July. Meanwhile, however, the Peruvian government, under pressure from foreign powers and also shocked that its labour plan had turned into a slave trade, had already on 28 April cancelled all licenses. The islanders on board of the "General Prim", and other ships were even not allowed to enter Peruvian soil. They were transferred to other ships chartered by the Peruvian government to bring them home. By the time, 2 October 1863, the Adelante (on which the Tongans were put) finally left, many had already died or were dying from contagious diseases. It


seems that Captain Escurra of the Adelante (which had been one of the most successful slavers before!) had no intention of taking them home after being paid only $30 per head. Instead he dumped them on uninhabited Cocos Island, (absolutely not on the route to Tahiti), claiming that the 426 kanakas were affected with smallpox and were a danger to his crew. Some 200 were still alive when the whaler Active visited on 21 October. A month later the Peruvian warship Tumbes went to rescue the remaining 38 survivors and brought them to Paita where they were apparently absorbed into the local population. Meanwhile in Tonga, king George Tupou I, having heard of the happenings, sent three schooners to Ata to evacuate and to resettle the about 200 remaining people to Eua, where they would be safe against future attacks. Nowadays their descendants still live in Haatua of which a part has received the name Kolomaile. The Rev. A. W. Murray, the earliest European missionary in Tuvalu, [7] describes the activities of blackbirders in the Ellice Islands, as persuading islanders onto the ships with the promise that they would be taught about God while engaged in coconut oil production, when the intended destination was the Chincha Islands in Peru. The impact of the blackbirders on the Ellice Islands is established by the observations of the Rev. A Murray who reported that in 1863 about 180 people [8] were taken fromFunafuti and about 200 were taken from Nukulaelae[9] as there were fewer than 100 of the 300 recorded in 1861 as living on Nukulaelae.[10][11] Bully Hayes, an American ship captain who achieved notoriety for his activities in the Pacific in the 1850s to the 1870s, is described as arriving in Papeete, Tahiti in December 1868 on his ship Rona with 150 men from Niue, who Hayes offering for sale as contract labourers. [12] The expansion of plantations in Fiji and Samoa also created destinations for blackbirders. The number of ships involved in the blackbirding trade resulted in the British Navy sending ships from the Australia Station into the Pacific in


order to suppress the trade. The activities of the ships of the Australian Squadron, (HMS Basilisk, HMS Beagle, HMS Conflict, HMS Renard, HMS Sandfly & HMS Rosario), did not put an end to the blackbirding trade, with the islands ofMelanesia and Micronesia also suffering the predations of blackbirders.



From the 1860s the demand for labour in Queensland, Australia, became the focus of blackbirding. Queensland was a self-governing British colony in northeastern Australia until 1901 when it became a state of the Commonwealth of Australia. Over a period of 40 years, from the mid-19th century to the early 20th century, native non-European labourers for the sugar cane fields of Queensland, were "recruited" from Vanuatu, Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands and the Loyalty Islands of New Caledonia as well as Niue. The Queensland government attempted to regulate the trade by requiring every ship engaged in recruiting labourers from the Pacific islands to carry a person approved by the government to ensure that labourers were willingly recruited and not kidnapped. However these government observers were not effective as they were often corrupted by bonuses paid for labourers 'recruited' or blinded by alcohol and did nothing to prevent sea-captains from tricking islanders on-board or otherwise engaging in kidnapping with violence.[12] The "recruitment" process almost always included an element of coercive recruitment (not unlike the pressgangs once employed by the Royal Navy in England) and indentured servitude. Some 55,000 to 62,500 South Sea Islanders were taken to Australia.[13] These people were referred to as Kanakas (the French equivalent Canaques still applies to the ethnic Melanesians in New Caledonia) and came from the Western Pacific islands: from Melanesia, mainly the Solomon Islands and Vanuatu, with a small number from the Polynesian and Micronesian islands such as Tonga (mainly 'Ata), Samoa, Kiribati, Tuvalu and Loyalty Islands. Many of the workers were effectively


slaves, but since the Slavery Abolition Act made slavery illegal, they were officially called "indentured labourers" or the like. Some Australian Aboriginal people, especially from Cape York Peninsula, were also kidnapped and transported south to work on the farms. The methods of blackbirding were varied. Some labourers were willing to be taken to Australia to work, while others were tricked or even forced. In some cases blackbirding ships (which made huge profits) would entice entire villages by luring them on board for trade or a religious service, and then setting sail. Many died during the voyage due to unsanitary conditions, [citation needed] and also in the fields due to the hard manual labour.[14] The question of how many Islanders were actually kidnapped or "blackbirded" is unknown and remains controversial. Official documents and accounts from the period often conflict with the oral tradition passed down to the descendants of workers. Stories of blatantly violent kidnapping tended to relate to the first 10 15 years of the trade. The majority of the 10,000 remaining in Australia in 1901 were repatriated between 1906-08 under the provisions of the Pacific Island Labourers Act 1901.[15] A 1992 census of South Sea Islanders found there were around 10,000 descendants of the blackbirded labourers living in Queensland, although less than 3,500 were reported in the 2001 Australian census. [13]




Map of Melanesia

The blackbirding era began in Fiji in 1865 when the first New Hebridean and Solomon Island labourers arrived in Fiji to work on cotton plantations. Cotton had become scarce, and potentially an extremely profitable business, when the American Civil War blocked most cotton exports from the southern United States. Since Fijians were not interested in regular sustained labour, the thousands of European planters who flocked to Fiji sought labour from the Melanesian islands. On 5 July 1865 Ben Pease received the first licence to provide 40 labourers from the New Hebrides to Fiji.[16] Attempts were made by the British and Queensland Governments to regulate this transportation of labour. Melanesian labourers were to be recruited for three years, paid three pounds per year, issued with basic


clothing and given access to the company store for supplies. Despite this, most Melanesians were recruited by deceit, usually being enticed abroad ships with gifts and then locked up. The living and working conditions in Fiji were even worse than those suffered by the later Indian indentured labourers. In 1875, the chief medical officer in Fiji, Sir William MacGregor, listed a mortality rate of 540 out of every 1000 labourers. After the expiry of the three-year contract, the labourers were required to be transported back to their villages but most ship captains dropped them off at the first island they sighted off the Fiji waters. The British sent warships to enforce the law (Pacific Islanders' Protection Act of 1872) but only a small proportion of the culprits were prosecuted. A notorious incident of the blackbirding trade was the 1871 voyage of the brig Carl, that was organised by Dr James Patrick Murray,[17] to recruit labourers to work in the plantations of Fiji. Murray had his men reverse their collars and carry black books, so to appear to be missionaries. When islanders were enticed to congregate Murray and his men would produce guns and force the islanders onto boats. During the voyage Murray shot about 60 islanders. He was never brought to trial for his actions as he was allowed to escape trial by giving evidence against crew members.[12][17] The captain of the Carl, Joseph Armstrong, was later sentenced to death.[18] With the arrival of Indian indentured labourers in Fiji from 1879, the number of Melanesian labourers decreased but they were still being recruited and employed, off the plantations in sugar mills and ports, until the start of the First World War. Most of the Melanesians recruited were males. After the recruitment ended, those who chose to stay in Fiji took Fijian wives and settled in areas around Suva. Their descendants still remain a distinct community but their language and culture cannot be distinguished from native Fijians.


Descendants of Solomon Islanders living at Tamavua-i-Wai in Fiji received a High Court verdict in their favour on 1 February 2007. The court refused a claim by the Seventh-day Adventist Church to force the islanders to vacate the land on which they had been living for seventy years. [19]

Blackbirding was associated with the death of Anglican missionary John Coleridge Patteson on 20 September 1870. While the exact reasons for his death are unclear, it was linked at the time to resistance to blackbirding by local people, one of whom had been killed in a struggle with blackbirders and others abducted.[20] Patteson, who wanted to take children away to be educated in a mission school, may have been perceived as a form of blackbirder. His death led to a crack-down on the abusive aspects of the practice. Author Jack London wrote in his book The Cruise of the Snark that in 1907 at Langa Langa Lagoon Malaita, Solomon Islands a "recruiting" ship encountered resistance to the attempted "kidnapping": "..still bore the tomahawk marks where the Malaitans at Langa Langa several months before broke in for the trove of rifles and ammunition locked therein, after bloodily slaughtering Jansen's predecessor, Captain Mackenzie. The burning of the vessel was somehow prevented by the black crew, but this was so unprecedented that the owner feared some complicity between them and the attacking party. However, it could not be proved, and we sailed with the majority of this same crew. The present skipper smilingly warned us that the same tribe still required two more heads from the Minota, to square up for deaths on the Ysabel plantation. (p 387)[21]


"Three fruitless days were spent at Su'u. The Minota got no recruits from the bush and the bushmen got no heads from the Minota. We towed out with a whaleboat and ran along the coast to Langa Langa, a large village of salt-water people built with labour on a sand bank - literally built up"[22]



Slavery South Sea Islander Coolies Mal Meninga Kanakas Shanghaiing Impressment, the formal term for pressganging Bully Hayes Ben Pease



^ Emma Christopher, Cassandra Pybus and Marcus Buford Rediker (2007). Many Middle Passages: Forced Migration and the Making of the Modern World, University of California Press, pp 188 190. ISBN 0-520-25206-3.

2. 3.

a b

H.E. Maude, Slavers in Paradise, Institute of Pacific Studies (1981)

^ Willoughby, Emma. "Our Federation Journey 19012001" (PDF). Museum Victoria. Retrieved 200606-14.



^ Reid Mortensen, (2009), Slaving In Australian Courts: Blackbirding Cases, 18691871, Journal of South Pacific Law, 13:1 accessed 7 October 2010


^ J Timmons Roberts and Nikki Demetria Thanos (2003). Trouble in Paradise: Globalization and Environmental Crises in Latin America. Routledge, London and New York. p. vii.

6. 7. 8.

^ Quinion, Michael (2002-10-05). "Blackbirding". World Wide Words. Retrieved 2007-06-20. ^ Murray A.W., 1876. Forty Years' Mission Work. London Nisbet ^ the figure of 171 taken from Funafuti is given by Laumua Kofe, Palagi and Pastors, Tuvalu: A History, Ch. 15, Institute of Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific and Government of Tuvalu, 1983


^ the figure of 250 taken from Nukulaelae is given by Laumua Kofe, Palagi and Pastors, Tuvalu: A History, Ch. 15, U.S.P./Tuvalu (1983)

10. ^ W.F. Newton, The Early Population of the Ellice Islands, 76(2) (1967) The Journal of the Polynesian Society, 197204. 11. ^ the figure of 250 taken from Nukulaelae is stated by Richard Bedford, Barrie Macdonald & Doug Monro, Population Estimates for Kiribati and Tuvalu (1980) 89(1) J. of the Polynesian Society 199 12. ^
a b c

James A. Michener & A. Grove Day, Bully Hayes, South Sea Buccaneer, in Rascals in Paradise,

London: Secker & Warburg 1957 13. ^

a b

Tracey Flanagan, Meredith Wilkie, and Susanna Iuliano. Australian South Sea Islanders: A century

of race discrimination under Australian law, Australian Human Rights Commission. 14. ^ Queensland Government, Australian South Sea Islander Training Package at the Wayback Machine 15. ^ "Documenting Democracy". Foundingdocs.gov.au. Retrieved 2011-04-09. 16. ^ Jane Resture, The Story Of Blackbirding in the South Seas - Part 2 http://www.janesoceania.com/oceania_blackbirding1/index.htm


17. ^

a b

R. G. Elmslie, 'The Colonial Career of James Patrick Murray', Australian and New Zealand Journal

of Surgery, (1979) 49(1):154-62 18. ^ R. G. Elmslie, 'The Colonial Career of James Patrick Murray', Australian and New Zealand Journal of Surgery, (1979) 49(1):15462; Sydney Morning Herald, 2023 Nov 1872, 1 Mar 1873 19. ^ "Solomon Islands descendants win land case". Fijitimes.com. 2007-02-02. Retrieved 2011-04-09. 20. ^ Thorigeir Kolshus and Even Hovdhaugen, "Reassessing the death of Bishop John Coleridge Patteson", Journal of Pacific History, Dec 2010. 21. ^ "The Log of the Stark". Archive.org. Retrieved 2011-04-09. 22. ^ Jack London (1956). Tales of Adventure. Hanover House, University of Michigan.


Corris, Peter. (1973). Passage, Port and Plantation: A History of the Solomon Islands Labour Migration, 1870-1914. Melbourne, Australia: Melbourne University Press. ISBN 978-0-522-84050-6.

Docker, E. W. (1981). The Blackbirders: A Brutal Story of the Kanaka Slave-Trade. London: Angus & Robertson. ISBN 0-207-14069-3 Gravelle, Kim. (1979). A History of Fiji. Suva: Fiji Times Limited. Horne, Gerald. (2007). The White Pacific: U.S. Imperialism and Black Slavery in the South Seas after the Civil War. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press. ISBN 978-0-8248-3147-9 Maude, H. E. (1981). Slavers in Paradise. Fiji: Institute of Pacific Studies.



Background and history of the South Sea Islanders - Queensland Department of Premier and Cabinet


[1] Jane Resture, The Kanakas and the Cane Fields


Jane Resture The practice was called blackbirding, the stealing of young Melanesians to work in the cane fields of Australia and Fiji. Europeans in big ships with muskets, axes and mattocks would seduce naive islanders on board to look at other treasures. Sometimes they were offered a pleasure cruise that never came back. One account tells how recruiters in the bay of a missioned island stood on deck with hymn books, singing, until the islanders paddled out for a look. Told, falsely, that a Bishop was on board, they clambered up and were promptly thrown in the hold.

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Kanakas in the Queensland cane fields

During the late 1860s and early 1870s, "recruiters" ranged the South Seas in search of kanakas to work Queensland sugar and cotton plantations. Former South Seas trader Captain Robert Towns began this dubious practice in August 1873 when he imported 67 islanders from the Solomon Islands, New Hebrides (Vanuatu), Torres Strait Islands and Papua New Guinea.

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Captain Robert Towns, 1863 entrepreneur, brought first New Herbrideans (Vanuatu Islanders) to Queensland for work on his cotton plantation in the Logan district. One of his skippers was accused of kidnapping. Some recruiters dispensed with niceties and simply hauled men on board.

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Kanakas loading cane for Towns on his Ross Island plantation, Townsville, c. 1868.

Over almost 40 years, more than 800 ships scoured the waters of the South Seas, issuing about 62,000 contracts to people labelled kanakas - the Hawaiian name for "boy". It is a story of slavery, of how young men and women from exotic islands such as Pentecost, Tanna and Malaita in the Solomon Islands were taken, sometimes by force and sometimes by deception and shoved into the putrid hulls of ships and carried across to work in the cane fields of Australia and Fiji..

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Clearing land in preparation for planting

When they arrived in Australia, they were put to work clearing the land of white land owners who thought that white men would probably die if forced to labour in the tropical Queensland heat. As the kanakas toiled in the fields, they were watched over by overseers often on horseback and armed with stock whips - something intended for cattle and not for human beings.

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Islanders hoeing weeds in young cane

One vessel actively involved in the labour trade was the brig Carl which arrived at Levuka in Fiji in June 1871. The brig was partly owned by Dr. James Patrick Murray who, upon arrival at Levuka, promptly sacked the brig's entire crew of eleven - bar one, the mate, Joseph Armstrong whom he promoted to captain.

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The only thing motivating Dr. James Murray and his fellows was money, and friendly persuasion can take a lot of time. Controlling the vicious short-cuts frequently adopted by recruiters was no easy matter, and in waters where ships frequently changed owners, flags and appellations - often overnight vessels with the deceptively fragrant names of Daphne, Water Lily and Blossom were virtually free to ply a malodorous trade. Despite the constant presence of the Royal Navy's avenging Basilisk, Barrosa, Cossack, and Rosario, it was an immense area to police and the odds more often than not were against the custodians of the law.

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A week after he arrived in Fiji, Dr. Murray set sail for the New Hebrides (Vanuatu) to make his fortune and the tragic events that took place on board the brig Carl during this first recruiting voyage followed shortly after. The


brig followed the well established trading route through the New Hebrides until he reached the Solomon Islands some eight to nine days later. Dr. Murray devised a novel and ingenious technique to recruit labour - one that both overcame the language barrier and saved an enormous amount of time. Initially, a few overtures were made to the locals such as holding beads, paints, pipes and tobacco over the ship's side. Then bars of pig iron which were attached to ropes were thrown overboard into the circling canoes which either sank or were overturned and tipped their occupants into the water. Any natives that were stunned or not quick enough to escape were fished out by the brig's crew and thrown into the hold. And so it continued. From Santa Ana the Carl sailed north to the Florida Islands and on to the island of Ysabel - all in the Solomons - perfecting the pig iron technique as it went. The natives came on board "almost voluntarily", said Murray later, in a quaint turn of phrase.

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Murray had about sixty or seventy unsuspecting islanders securely in the hold by the time Bougainville came into sight. Here Murray met with rather more opposition, when "large, powerful men, armed with bows and arrows, and spears and clubs" came out to the brig. After a severe fight, forty were taken and shoved in the hold with the others.

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Up until that time, the crew had managed to keep the various groups apart - a sensible measure, given the internecine warfare between the various island groups, but a day after another forty captives were taken at Buka Island and the alarm was given that the natives below decks were in revolt; the Bougainville newcomers were, in fact, fighting with the older residents. It was then found that they were trying to set fire to the ship. At this time, some of the natives were allowed on board and those left behind in the hold were fired on by their captors. The firing continued at intervals all night, and in the morning the hatches were taken off and the dead and wounded brought on deck. There were, it is said about fifty dead and about twenty wounded who were all thrown overboard.


By the time HMS Rosario overhauled and boarded the brig as it proceeded to Levuka, the hold had been whitewashed to remove the smell, all rebellion had been quelled and everything seemed shipshape. It was left to another Royal Navy crew, at the end of the second voyage in April 1872, to pick out the bullets from the woodwork and to lay charges.

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Dr. Archibald Watson

The second recruiting voyage of the Carl began in December 1871 until April 1872. The brig left Levuka on 21st December 1871 with Dr. Archibald Watson


on board by invitation of the Captain, Joseph Armstrong. On the 20th January 1872, the brig anchored off the coast of Espiritu Santo. It then sailed north and sighted the Torres Group on Monday 22nd January. The next day the ship reached the western side of the northernmost island in the Torres Group and sighted the schooner Daphne.
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HMS Rosario overhauling the Slaver Carl

National Library of Australia

On Friday the 2nd February, they reached Onotoa Atoll (Kiribati) and stood out to sea that night. On Saturday the 3rd February, they sailed past


Tabiteuea Atoll (Kiribati) where a great many canoes came off. Many natives remained aboard during the day trading for tobacco and the following morning several canoes pulled alongside selling fish that have been caught overnight.
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Kanakas at work on a Queensland plantation

The Carl eventually reached Ovalau having recruited men in the Kingsmill Group, the Marshall Group and the Carolines. It was at the end of this second


recruiting voyage in April 1872, that charges of kidnapping and murder were laid against the Captain and crew of the Carl as a result of the tragic events of that first recruiting voyage. By the late 1890s in Australia, most of the really hard yakka (work) had been done and white labourers figured they could handle it from here. Deportation of the men and women who cleared and farmed Australia's sugar fields became one of the first acts of the newly federated nation of 1901. In the end, exemptions were won but most went back. By 1908, about 7,000 kanakas from across Queensland and New South Wales had returned to their islands. Officially, 1,654 kanakas stayed but the true figure is believed to be about 2,500.

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The last group of kanakas is returned to the Solomon Islands, 1895

Today, about 15,000 descendants of these sugar pioneers live throughout Australia, mostly in Queensland and northern New South Wales. They call themselves "the forgotten people" as discrimination and neglect are constants in their history, but they are resilient people who are determined to ensure their legacy is elevated to its proper position.

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The five images above represent the modern face of the kanaka people of Australia

There is little doubt that the use of kanaka labour obtained by force or deception constituted a form of slavery. The kidnapped Melanesians had no concept of indentured labour and no sanctions could hold them to a contract they simply did not understand. There is no doubt in the minds of the descendants of the original kanakas that this was most certainly the case. There is also little doubt however that this would be considered by many to be a very shameful part of Oceanic history and as such should never be allowed to be forgotten.


A Kanaka Cemetery
The story of the Kanakas is a sad chapter in Australian history, dating back to 1847. Blackbirded from their homes in the Solomon Islands and the New Hebrides, or brought to the country by deception, they were exploited as cheap labour in the sugar cane industry and on the cotton fields of Queensland and northern New South Wales. It was Australians themselves who eventually rebelled against the employment of Kanakas. however, they did so not out out of human sympathy, but fearing that the South Sea Islanders posed a threat to their standard of living. Just as, by the government's Indenture Scheme, the Kanakas had been brought to Australia against their wishes, so now, by an Act passed in 1901, they were largely forcefully repatriated. Some, however, were permitted to stay on even after 1906, the year fixed for their departure. they moved southward to the northern part of New south Wales, settling as free men on the Tweed river at Chinderah. Hard workers and good farmers, they started to grow their own sugar cane. hey and their descendants are buried in one of the smallest of cemeteries, almost tucked away in the bush. Their original burial place was part of an estate owned by the local undertaker. On his death his heirs sold the property, including the cemetery. to clear the land, the headstones were yanked out of the ground by means of chains, many of the monuments being broken in the process. The stones were then transferred to the small patch where they now sand. The actual graves were left unidentified. The inscriptions on the stones consist of a few telling words. Three


examples suffice: in loving memory of Willie Bucco native of Tongoa, New Hebrides, who died at Cudgen 22 October 1908 - aged 37 years. Harry Day who died (6 October 1911 - erected by his Oba Island friends aged 33. in loving memory of Sullivan Bololo native of Solomon Islands, died at Murwillumbah 4 November 1913 - aged 44 years.

Australia - The Kanaka System Oceania - The Second Recruiting Voyage of the Carl
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Australia Home Page

Pacific Islands Radio - Radio Melanesia Jane Resture's Oceania Page


Robert Towns
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Robert Towns, by unknown artist

Robert Towns (c. 1794 11 April 1873) was an Australian businessman, pastoralist, and founder of Townsville, Queensland. Towns was born at Longhorsley, Northumberland, England, on 10 November 1794. This is the date usually given, and it agrees with his death notice in the Sydney Morning Herald of 12 April 1873 which stated that he was then in his seventy-ninth year. The date given by the Australian Encyclopaedia, 1791, appears


however, to be more likely, as after being educated at a village school Towns went to sea, was a mate in 1811, and a master in the following year. In 1813 he was captain of a brig in the Mediterranean, and in 1827 he made his first voyage to Australia as captain of The Brothers. In 1833 he married the sister of W. C. Wentworth, and in 1842 established a mercantile and shipping business (Robert Towns & Co., General Merchants, Ship and Commission Agents ) at Sydney. In a letter to William de Salis dated Sydney, 4 January 1853 Towns describes a shipping issue: 'I am afraid our Coolie trade is over, the rascals have been so troublesome, nobody likes to employ them, and our laws are so defective & punishment so trifling for such offences that they laugh at the idea of being put in Gaol - It is possible she may get a Charter elsewhere with Coolies...' He afterwards bought station properties in Queensland, and about 1860 or a little later began growing cotton, employing South Sea islanders to do the cultivation and picking. Many attempts had been made to grow cotton in Australia before this time, but Towns was the first to do so on a large scale. Realizing that a port was needed on the Queensland coast north of Bowen, Towns arranged for explorations to be made from his stations, a suitable site was found at Cleveland Bay, and on to October 1865 it was gazetted as a port of entry and named Townsville. Towns had been a member of the legislative council from 1856, and, although he did not take a leading part in politics, his advice was much sought in matters affecting business. Working until near his death, Robert Towns died in Sydney on 11 April 1873. The memorial stone from his Sydney grave now stands atop a monument at Castle Hill, Townsville. He lived from 1864 to 1873 in Cranbrook House.


Robert Towns Monument atop Castle Hill, Townsville


Robert Towns Gravestone, Detail of monument atop Castle Hill, Townsville


Serle, Percival (1949). "Towns, Robert". Dictionary of Australian Biography. Sydney: Angus and Robertson.

An account of Towns that doesnt included his role in the slave trade:


The Merchant Prince of Old Sydney Mate to Master Mariner Robert Towns was born at Long Horsely, in the County of Northumberland (England), 11 November 1794 of respectable but comparatively humble parents and at the village school he received an elementary education.

As a youth Towns had a keen desire to become a sailor and he was apprenticed at the neighboring coal port of Shields to a collier plying between that centre and London. He quickly mastered the practical work of seamanship and when his vessel was in port he studied the theory of navigation from an old master mariner. At the early age of 16 years he was given a position of mate and at 17 he secured his master's certificate. He also obtained command of a coasting vessel and within a few years he was entrusted with a large ocean going brig trading in The Levant and other ports of the Mediterranean. English Entrepreneur He saved and accumulated sufficient capital to pay for the construction at Shields of a clipper ship of 355 tons, which he named "The Brothers". The British Government had also embarked upon a policy of emigration to Australia about the time that Towns was prepared to enter this trade with his new clipper.

209 The Imperial Authorities in London had offered grants of land to suitable applicants who possessed 500 and upwards. On arrival each settler in New South Wales would receive 500 to 2000 acres or land according to his capital, six months free rations from the Kings stores and cattle from the Kings herds which were to be repaid in kind at the end of seven years.

Bounty Immigrants This made an immediate appeal to large numbers of people in Great Britain, there was a great rush to secure passages to New South Wales. The shipping rates for passengers and cargo were greatly increased and seizing the opportunity Captain Towns entered the Australian trade with "The Brothers". He commanded his own vessel on the first voyage to Sydney in 1827 at the age of 33 years. Captain Robert Towns secured a large share of this trade and his ship was reputed to be the best managed and fastest sailing vessel on the run. In 1833 Captain Towns a close friend of the Australian statesman, William Charles Wentworth married Sophia his seventeen year old half sister who had come to Australia aboard "The Brothers" that year. The emigrant trade had proved profitable and the demand for agricultural labour from England had increased. This business was made more profitable when the Governor of New South Wales, Sir Richard Bourke allowed a bounty of 18 per head for each adult and 5 for each child. In 1842 the emigration boom showed signs of decreasing when Governor Sir George Gipps was

210 censured by the Imperial Government in London for excessive expenditure in bounties to skippers and he discontinued all forms of encouragement to those interests in the introduction of migrants.

Economic Opportunist That same year despite conditions that might well have dismayed the most hardy, Captain Towns established a mercantile and shipping agency in the name of "R. Towns". The company's first offices were located at Miller's Point, adjacent to what came to be known as Towns Wharf, a shipping centre and focus for trade. Despite the failure of the Bank of Australia in 1844 which cost the Australian economy 1,500,000, Towns expanded his business to large scale whaling operations and opened up trade with the Straits Settlements, modern day Indonesia, Manila and Hong Kong buying sandal wood, coconut oil and Beche-de-mer. The same year, Towns also took a leading part in inaugurating a Royal Mail Line between Sydney and England. In 1851 he took an active part in the reorganization of the bank of New South Wales. His genius for finance was such that he was appointed Chairman in 1853.

Pastoral Pursuits

211 At that time Towns had also taken up large tracts of pastoral land in Queensland discovered by Ludwig Leichhardt and Sir Thomas Mitchell during their expeditions of 1844 -45. On 11 October 1844, Dr. Ludwig Leichhardt set out from Jimbour Station, near Dalby on the Darling Downs with 8 men, 2 natives, horses and cattle on a 3,000 mile trek to Port Essington, Northern Territory. The fourteen month long expedition discovered many of the colony's major river systems and extensive pastoral areas in North Queensland which soon attracted the interests of Victoria and New South Wales pastoralists including that of Robert Towns. On 15 December 1845, two days after Leichhardt completed his epic journey, Major Thomas Mitchell, Surveyor General of New South Wales, believing Leichhardt to be long dead, began another expedition to find an overland route to Port Essington from Boree, near Orange. Although the expedition failed to reach the Northern Territory, Mitchell discovered more important river systems including the Maranoa, Upper Nogoa. Belando, Warrego and Barcoo Rivers. The opportunity presented by these new discoveries of well watered prime pastoral land was seized by Captain Towns and other traders.


Robert Towns M.L.C. Towns was a hard task master, quick to criticize, slow to praise but was well respected for his honesty, reliability and his irrepressible "speculative spirit". At the age of 70 he was urged to retire by business partner Sir Alexander Stuart. Towns ignored the advice and opened a Company branch in Dunedin, New Zealand. Photo: State Library of Queensland Neg. No. 19455


Sir Alexander Stuart Alexander Stuart, like "Bobbie" Towns was a merchant and politician. His efficiency and organizing ability impressed Towns and they formed a business partnership in 1853. Although dogged in determination Stewart, who was Premier of New South Wales from 1883 - 1885, had a reputation for procrastination and "want of resolute firmness". Image: Australian Town & Country Journal - 19 February 1876 - Page 293 - National Library of Australia.


Sir Augustus Gregory Queensland Surveyor-General Sir Augustus Gregory named Townsville in honour of Captain Robert Towns in 1864. It recognized the businessman's untiring efforts to make the port a thriving shipping center and economic hub for the region. The hard nosed Towns later conceded that the Government had paid him a compliment by naming the new northern settlement after him.


Photo: State Library of Queensland Neg. No. 145068 Expanding Business Empire His business operations had now become too vast for one man and in late 1853 he went into partnership with Alexander Stuart forming Robert Towns and Company. The business continued to expanded aided by progress on land and sea - the opening of the first railway between Sydney and Parramattain 1855 and the first foreign steamer, the "Golden Age", arriving in Sydney from the United States. Robert Towns and Co. became identified with a great number of enterprises. One of these was cotton growing in Queensland on the Logan River and later at Townsville. The Company worked a cotton plantation of 2,000 acres with 250 South Sea Islanders and a capital outlay of 20,000. They also engaged in meat preserving and tinning in New South Wales and Queensland. In 1856 Robert Towns was appointed a member of the first Legislative Council under responsible government and became the Hon. Robert Towns M.L.C. On June 17, 1863 he was reappointed to the Legislative Council under the life tenure system.

Gulf Pastoral Properties

216 In 1864 in conjunction with Sir Charles Cowper and Sir John Robertson, former Premiers of New South Wales, and the arduous effort of John Graham Macdonald, he acquired an immense station property "Floraville" on the Leichhardt River in the Gulf of Carpentaria. Still the mercantile side of the firm's business continued to grow. In 1860 the firm was offered and accepted an important agency for American tobacco, T. C. Williams Coy of Richmond Virginia, which they retained for almost fifty years.

Birth of Townsville In 1863 Robert Towns foreclosed on Fanning Downs, south of Ross River, Woodstock Station 25 miles south-west of Townsville and other pastoral properties between the Burdekin River and Cleveland Bay, retaining the previous owners as managers. John Melton Black, the pioneer of Fanning Downs, was appointed General Manager of the northern branch of Robert Towns and Company. The distance from Port Denison at Bowen to Woodstock Station was 100 miles, whereas the coast at Cleveland Bay could be reached in a quarter of that distance. The economics of a closer port was not lost on Black. The search for a suitable port on Cleveland Bay led to the discovery in 1864 of Ross River and Ross Creek by Andrew Ball and Mark Watt Reid, who were acting on behalf of John Melton Black.

217 This discovery was submitted to Robert Towns and soon afterwards the first wharf was constructed on Ross Creek off Flinders Street - in latter days, the site of Burns Philp and Co. Ltd. shipping offices.

First Land Sale The first land sale of allotments in the new township took place at Bowen 31 July 1865 and Towns and Black purchased a number of the allotments at auction. The new township was then named Townsville in honour of Captain Robert Towns. This name was selected by Sir Augustus C. Gregory, the Surveyor-General of Queensland. Townsville grew with remarkable rapidity as businessmen from Bowen and pastoralists on the Burdekin and Flinders Rivers were attracted to trade through the port. On 15 February1866, the Australian Steam Navigation Company's ship "Rangatira" arrived at Townsville for the first time with Robert Towns as a passenger. Towns financed a cotton plantation near Ross Creek (Hermit Park) Townsville, and erected a boiling down plant there. He also opened up coal mines at Redbank, in the Brisbane River district, and established meatworks in the same locality.

Stroke Victim

218 On 11 April 1873, Captain Robert Towns suffered a second stroke andpassed away peacefully at Cranbrook, his home at Rose Bay, Sydney. He was aged seventy nine years old. Towns was buried at Balmain Cemetery, 15 April 1873 following a service at St. Mark's Anglican Church, Darling Point, conducted by the Very Reverend Lord Bishop of Sydney, Frederick Barker assisted by Reverend Thomas Kemmis and Reverend Edward Rogers. Towns was survived by his wife Sophia, two sons Robert and Edward, and three daughters, Sophia, Sarah and Sabina. He left a personal estate of 74,000. The memorial stone from his Sydney grave was acquired by the Townsville Municipal Council in 1942 and now stands atop a monument at the summit of Castle Hill overlooking the city that bears his name.

Source: Trove Digitized Newspapers -The Townsville Daily Bulletin - 14 November 1946 Home | Family | Birth | Marriage | Death | History | Research | Contact Family photographs and information on this web site have been generously provided from "The Kitty Creevey Collection" by Kevin Creevey, Jandowae - Queensland and the McNamara Family's "Strathgyle Archives", Bell - Queensland. Copyright 2011 John A McNamara. All rights reserved.


History of Liverpool
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This article's lead section may not adequately summarize key points of its contents. Please consider expanding the lead to provide an accessible overview of all important aspects of the article. (August 2012)
The history of Liverpool can be traced back to 1190 when the place was known as 'Liuerpul', possibly meaning a pool or creek with muddy water. Other origins of the name have been suggested, including 'elverpool', a reference to the large number of eels in the Mersey, but the definitive origin is open to debate and is probably lost to history. A likely derivation is connected with the Welsh word "Llif" meaning a flood, often used as the proper name for the Atlantic Ocean, whilst "pool" is in general in place names in England derived from the late British or Welsh "Pwll" meaning variously, a pool, an inlet or a pit.

1 Origins 2 Elizabethan era and the Civil War 3 Transatlantic Trade 4 Slavery 5 Industrial revolution and commercial expansion 6 20th century

o o

6.1 1900-1938 6.2 1939-1945: World War II


o o o

6.3 1946-1979 6.4 1980s 6.5 1990s

7 Recent history 8 References 9 Further reading 10 External links

Although a small motte and bailey castle had earlier been built by the Normans at West Derby, the origins of the city of Liverpool are usually dated from 28 August 1207, when letters patent were issued by King John advertising the establishment of a new borough, "Livpul", and inviting settlers to come and take up holdings there. It is thought that the King wanted a port in the district that was free from the control of the Earl of Chester. Initially it served as a dispatch point for troops sent to Ireland, soon after the building around 1235 of Liverpool Castle, which was removed in 1726. St Nicholas Church was built by 1257, originally as a chapel within the parish of Walton-on-the-Hill.[1] With the formation of a market on the site of the later Town Hall, Liverpool became established as a small fishing and farming community, administered by burgesses and, slightly later, a mayor. There was probably some coastal trade around the Irish Sea, and there were occasional ferries across the Mersey. However, for several centuries it remained a small and relatively unimportant settlement, with a population of no more than 1,000 in the mid 14th century. By the early fifteenth century a period of economic decline set in, and the county gentry increased their power over the town, the Stanley family fortifying their house on Water


Street. In the middle of the 16th century the population of Liverpool had fallen to around 600, and the port was regarded as subordinate to Chester until the 1650s.


era and the Civil War

Liverpool in 1572.

In 1571 the inhabitants of Liverpool sent a memorial to Queen Elizabeth, praying relief from a subsidy which they thought themselves unable to bear, wherein they styled themselves " her majesty's poor decayed town of Liverpool." Some time towards the close of this reign, Henry Stanley, 4th Earl of Derby, on his way to the Isle of Man, stayed at his house, the Tower; at which the corporation erected a handsome hall or seat for him in the church, where he honoured them several times with his presence. By the end of the sixteenth century, the town began to be able to take advantage of economic revival and the silting of the River Dee to win trade, mainly from Chester, to Ireland, the Isle of Man and elsewhere. In 1626, King Charles I gave the town a new and improved charter.[1]


Liverpool in 1650.

Few remarkable occurrences are recorded of the town in this period, except for the eighteen-day siege of it by Prince Rupert of the Rhine, in the English Civil Wars in 1644. Some traces of this were discovered when the foundation of the Liverpool Infirmary was sunk, particularly the marks of the trenches thrown up by the prince, and some cartouches, etc., left behind by the besiegers.



The first cargo from the Americas was recorded in 1648. The development of the town accelerated after the Restoration of 1660, with the growth of trade with America and the West Indies. From that time may be traced the rapid progress of population and commerce, until Liverpool had become the second metropolis of Great Britain. Initially, cloth, coal and salt from Lancashire and Cheshire were exchanged for sugar and tobacco; the town's first sugar refinery was established in 1670. In 1699 Liverpool was made a parish on its own by Act of Parliament, separate from that of Walton-on-theHill, with two parish churches. At the same time it gained separate customs authority from Chester.[1]


On 3 October 1699, the very same year that Liverpool had been granted status as an independent parish, Liverpool's first 'recorded' slave ship, named "Liverpool Merchant", set sail for Africa, arriving in Barbados with a 'cargo' of 220 Africans, returning to Liverpool on 18 September 1700. The following month a second recorded ship, "The Blessing", set sail for the Gold Coast. The first wet dock in Britain was built in Liverpool and completed in 1715. It was the first commercial enclosed wet dock in the world and was constructed for a capacity of 100 ships. By the close of the 18th century 40% of the world's, and 80% of Britain's Atlantic slave activity was accounted for by slave ships that voyaged from the docks at Liverpool. Liverpool's black community dates from the building of the first dock in 1715 and grew rapidly, reaching a population of 10,000 within five years. This growth led to the opening of the Consulate of the United States in Liverpool in 1790, its first consulate anywhere in the world. Vast profits from the slave trade transformed Liverpool into one of Britain's foremost important cities. Liverpool became a financial centre, rivalled by Bristol, another slaving port, and beaten only by London. In the peak year of 1799, ships sailing from Liverpool carried over 45,000 slaves from Africa.[1] Many factors led to the demise of slavery including revolts, piracy, social unrest, and the repercussions of corruption such as slave insurance fraud, e.g. the Zong massacre case in 1783. Slavery in British colonies was finally abolished in 1833 and slave trading was made illegal in 1807 though some slavery apprenticeships ran until 1838. [2] However, many merchants managed to ignore the laws and continued to deal in underground slave trafficking, also underhandedly engaging in financial investments for slaving activities in the Americas.


revolution and commercial expansion


The dock system in 1832

Albert Dock

The international trade of the city grew, based, as well as on slaves, on a wide range of commodities including, in particular, cotton, for which the city became the leading world market, supplying the textile mills of Manchester and Lancashire. During the eighteenth century the town's population grew from some 6,000 to 80,000, and its land and water communications with its hinterland and other northern cities steadily improved. Liverpool was first linked by canal to Manchester in 1721, the St. Helens coalfield in 1755, and Leeds in 1816. In 1830,


Liverpool became home to the World's first inter-urban rail link to another city, Manchester, through the Liverpool and Manchester Railway Liverpool's importance was such that it was home to a number of World firsts, including gaining the World's first fully electrically powered overhead railway, the Liverpool Overhead Railway, which was opened in 1893 and so pre-dated those in both New York and Chicago. The built-up area grew rapidly from the eighteenth century on. The Bluecoat Hospital for poor children opened in 1718. With the demolition of the castle in 1726, only St Nicholas Church and the historic street plan - with Castle Street as the spine of the original settlement, and Paradise Street following the line of the Pool - remained to reflect the town's mediaeval origins. The Town Hall, with a covered exchange for merchants designed by architect John Wood, was built in 1754, and the first office buildings including the Corn Exchange were opened in about 1810. Throughout the 19th century Liverpool's trade and its population continued to expanded rapidly. Growth in the cotton trade was accompanied by the development of strong trading links with India and the Far East following the ending of the East India Company's monopoly in 1813. Over 140 acres (0.57 km2) of new docks, with 10 miles (16 km) of quay space, were opened between 1824 and 1858. [1]


Map of Liverpool from 1880

During the 1840s, Irish migrants began arriving by the thousands due to the Great Famine of 1845-1849. Almost 300,000 arrived in the year 1847 alone, and by 1851 approximately 25% of the city was Irish-born. The Irish influence is reflected in the unique place Liverpool occupies in UK and Irish political history, being the only place outside of Ireland to elect a member of parliament from the Irish Parliamentary Party to the British parliament in Westminster. T.P. O'Connor represented the constituency of Liverpool Scotland from 1885 to 1929. As the town become a leading port of the British Empire, a number of major buildings were constructed, including St. George's Hall (1854), and Lime Street Station. The Grand National steeplechase was first run at Aintree in 1837. Between 1851 and 1911, Liverpool attracted at least 20,000 people from Wales in each decade, peaking in the 1880s, and Welsh culture flourished. One of the first Welsh language journals, Yr Amserau, was


founded in Liverpool by William Rees (Gwilym Hiraethog), and there were over 50 Welsh chapels in the city.[3] When the American Civil War broke out Liverpool became a hotbed of intrigue. The last Confederate ship, the CSS Alabama, was built at Birkenhead on the Mersey and the CSS Shenandoah surrendered there (being the final surrender and end of the war). Liverpool was granted city status in 1880, and the following year its university was established. By 1901, the city's population had grown to over 700,000, and its boundaries had expanded to include Kirkdale, Everton,[4] Walton, West Derby, Toxteth andGarston.[1]



During the first part of the 20th century Liverpool continued to expand, pulling in immigrants from Europe. In 1903 an International Exhibition took place in Edge Lane. In 1904, the building of the Anglican Cathedral began, and by 1916 the three Pier Head buildings, including the Liver Building, were complete. This period marked the pinnacle of Liverpool's economic success, when it regarded itself as the "second city" of the British Empire.[1] The formerly independent urban districts of Allerton,Childwall, Little Woolton and Much Woolton were added in 1913, and the parish of Speke added in 1932.[5] Adolf Hitler's half-brother Alois and his Irish sister-in-law Bridget Dowling are known to have lived in Upper Stanhope Street in the 1910s. Bridget's alleged memoirs, which surfaced in the 1970s, said that Adolf stayed with them in 1912-13, although this is much disputed as many believe the memoirs to be a forgery.[6][7]


The maiden voyage of Titanic was originally planned to depart from Liverpool, as Liverpool was its port of registration and the home of owners White Star Line. However, it was changed to depart from Southampton instead. Aside from the large Irish community in Liverpool, there were other pockets of cultural diversity. The area of Gerard, Hunter, Lionel and Whale streets, off Scotland Road, was referred to as Little Italy. Inspired by an old Venetian custom, Liverpool was 'married to the sea' in September 1928. Liverpool was also home to a large Welsh population, and was sometimes referred to as the Capital of North Wales. In 1884, 1900 and 1929, Eisteddfods were held in Liverpool. The population of the city peaked at over 850,000 in the 1930s. Economic changes began in the first part of the 20th century, as falls in world demand for the North West's traditional export commodities contributed to stagnation and decline in the city. Unemployment was well above the national average as early as the 1920s, and the city became known nationally for its occasionally violent religious sectarianism.[1]


World War II

Main article: Liverpool Blitz During World War II, Liverpool was the control centre for the Battle of the Atlantic. There were eighty airraids on Merseyside, with an especially concentrated series of raids in May 1941 which interrupted operations at the docks for almost a week. Although 'only' 2,500 people were killed,[8]almost half the homes in the metropolitan area sustained some damage and 11,000 were totally destroyed. Over 70,000 people were made homeless.[1] John Lennon, one of the founding members of The Beatles, was born in Liverpool during an air-raid on 9 October 1940.



Tree stumps exposed by low water level of reservoir, at Capel Celyn, a Welsh village drowned to provide water for Liverpool.

Significant rebuilding followed the war, including massive housing estates and the Seaforth Dock, the largest dock project in Britain. However, the city has been suffering since the 1950s with the loss of numerous employers. By 1985 the population had fallen to 460,000. Declines in manufacturing and dock activity struck the city particularly hard. In 1955, the Labour Party, led locally by Jack and Bessie Braddock, came to power in the City Council for the first time.


In 1956, a private bill sponsored by Liverpool City Council was brought before Parliament to develop a water reservoir from the Tryweryn Valley. The development would include the flooding of Capel Celyn. By obtaining authority via an Act of Parliament, Liverpool City Council would not require planning consent from the relevant Welsh Local Authorities. This, together with the fact that the village was one of the last Welshonly speaking communities, ensured that the proposals became deeply controversial. Thirty five out of thirty six Welsh Members of Parliament (MPs) opposed the bill (the other did not vote), but in 1957 it was passed. The members of the community waged an eight-year effort, ultimately unsuccessful, to prevent the destruction of their homes, which finally occurred in 1965. The incident led to a massive rise in Welsh nationalism, and a year later, Gwynfor Evans of Plaid Cymru won the party's first seat in the Carmathen byelection. In the 1960s Liverpool became a centre of youth culture. The city produced the distinctive Merseybeat sound, and, most famously, The Beatles. From the 1970s onwards Liverpool's docks and traditional manufacturing industries went into further sharp decline. The advent of containerisation meant that Liverpool's docks ceased to be a major local employer. In 1974, Liverpool became ametropolitan district within the newly created metropolitan county of Merseyside.

The 1980s saw Liverpool's fortunes sink to their lowest point. In the early 1980s unemployment rates in Liverpool were amongst the highest in the UK, an average of 12,000 people each year were leaving the city, and some 15% of its land was vacant or derelict. [1] In 1981 the infamous Toxteth Riots took place, during which, for the first time in the UK outside Northern Ireland, tear gas was used by police against


civilians. In the same year, the Tate and Lyle sugar works, previously a mainstay of the city's manufacturing economy, closed down. Liverpool City Council was dominated by the far-left wing Militant group during the 1980s, under the de facto leadership of Derek Hatton (although Hatton was formally only Deputy Leader). The city council sank heavily into debt, as the City Council fought a campaign to prevent central government from reducing funding for local services. Ultimately this led to 49 of the City's Councillors being removed from office by the District Auditor for refusing to cut the budget, refusing to make good the deficit and forcing the City Council into virtual bankruptcy. In 1989, 96 Liverpool F.C. fans were fatally injured in the Hillsborough disaster at an FA Cup tie in Sheffield. This had a traumatic effect on people across the country, particularly in and around the city of Liverpool, and resulted in legally imposed changes in the way in which football fans have since been accommodated. In particular this led to strong feeling in Liverpool because it was widely reported in the media that the Liverpool fans were at fault (especially in the tabloid newspaper The Sun which led to a boycott of the paper in Liverpool that continues to this day). It has since become clear that South Yorkshire Police made a range of mistakes at the game, though the senior officer in charge of the event retired soon after. The success of Liverpool FC was some compensation for the city's economic misfortune during the 1970s and 1980s. The club, formed in 1892, had won five league titles by 1947, but enjoyed its first consistent run of success under the management of Bill Shankly between 1959 and 1974, winning a further three league titles as well as the club's first two FA Cups and its first European trophy in the shape of the UEFA Cup. Following Shankly's retirement, the club continued to dominate English football for nearly 20 years afterwards. By 1990, Liverpool FC had won more major trophies than any other English club - a total of 18


top division league titles, four FA Cups, four Football League Cups, four European Cups and two UEFA Cups.[9]The club's iconic red shirt had been worn by some of the biggest names in British sport of the 1970s and 1980s, including Kevin Keegan, Kenny Dalglish (who also served as manager from 1985 to 1991 and again from 2011 to 2012), Phil Neal, Ian Rush, Ian Callaghan and John Barnes.[10] Everton F.C., the city's other senior football club, also enjoyed a degree of success during the 1970s and 1980s. The club had enjoyed a consistent run of success during the interwar years and again in the 1960s, but after winning the league title in 1970 went 14 years without winning a major trophy. Then, in 1984, Everton won the FA Cup.[11]A league title win followed in 1985, along with the club's first European trophy the European Cup Winners' Cup.[12]By 1986, the city's two clubs were firmly established as the leading club sides in England as Liverpool finished league champions and Everton runners-up, and the two sides also met for the FA Cup final, which Liverpool won 3-1.[13]Everton added another league title in 1987, with Liverpool finishing runners-up.[14] Another all-Merseyside FA Cup final 1989 saw Liverpool beat Everton 3-2.[15]

A similar outpouring of grief and shock occurred in 1993 when James Bulger was killed by two ten year-old boys, Jon Venables and Robert Thompson.



A general economic and civic revival has been underway since the mid-nineties. Liverpool's economy has grown faster than the national average and its crime levels have remained lower than most other metropolitan areas in England and Wales, with recorded crime per head in Merseyside comparable to the national average unusually low for an urban area.


In recent years, the city has emphasised its cultural attractions. Tourism has become a significant factor in Liverpool's economy, capitalising on the popularity of The Beatles and other groups of the Merseybeat era. In June 2003, Liverpool won the right to be named European Capital of Culture for 2008, beating other British cities such as Newcastle and Birmingham to the coveted title. The riverfront of the city was also designated as a World Heritage Site in 2004. In October 2005, Liverpool City Council passed a public apology for the flooding Capel Celyn in Wales.[16] The full statement reads -

The Council acknowledges its debt to the many thousands of Welsh people who have made their homes in the City. They have, in so many ways, enriched the life of the City. We know that Liverpool, especially in the fields of medicine and education, has been of real service to the people of Wales. We realise the hurt of forty years ago when the Tryweryn Valley was transformed into a reservoir to help meet the water needs of Liverpool. For any insensitivity by our predecessor Council at that time, we apologise and hope that the historic and sound relationship between Liverpool and Wales can be completely restored.

In October 2007, Liverpool and London continued with wildcat strikes after the end of the official CWU strikes that had been ongoing since June in a dispute with the Royal Mail over pay, pensions, and hours.




a b c d e f g h i j

John Belchem (ed.), Liverpool 800: Culture, Character & History, 2006, ISBN 1-84631-

035-0 2. 3. 4. 5. ^ BBC - Liverpool Local History - American Connections - Slavery Timeline ^ John Davies, A History of Wales, 1993, ISBN 0-14-028475-3 ^ Liverpool: Our City, Our Heritage 1990, by Freddy O'Connor. ISBN 0-9516188-0-6 ^ Liverpool CB/MB Lancashire through time | Administrative history of Local Government District: hierarchies, boundaries 6. 7. ^ Mike Royden's Local History Pages - Hitler in Liverpool?
[dead link]

^ BBC - Legacies - Myths and Legends - England - Liverpool - Adolf Hitler - did he visit Liverpool during 1912-13? - By M W Royden

8. 9.

^ Some sources state 4,000 ^ [1]

10. ^ [2] 11. ^ [3] 12. ^ [4] 13. ^ [5] 14. ^ [6] 15. ^ [7] 16. ^ Flooding Apology Where I Live:Liverpool, BBC website



Published in the 19th century


"Liverpool", Black's Picturesque Tourist and Road-book of England and Wales (3rd ed.), Edinburgh: Adam and Charles Black, 1853

George Measom (1859), "Liverpool", Official Illustrated Guide to the North-Western Railway, London: W.H. Smith and Son

"Portsmouth", Great Britain (4th ed.), Leipsic: Karl Baedeker, 1897, OCLC 6430424

Published in the 20th-21st century

"Liverpool", The Encyclopaedia Britannica (11th ed.), New York: Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1910, OCLC 14782424

Belchem, John (2007). Irish, Catholic and Scouse: The History of the Liverpool-Irish, 1800-1939. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press.



Various tales from Liverpool's history Liverpool Slavery Remembrance Initiative British History Online Mersey Gateway Liverpool John Moores University BBC Local History Local Histories Liverpool and the American Civil War


"Liverpool and the Slave Trade", lecture by Anthony Tibbles at Gresham College, 19 March 2007 (available for download as video or audio files) Liverpool The Gateway To America Recollections of Old Liverpool, by A Nonagenarian, published 1836, from Project Gutenberg Ward Lock Guide to Liverpool, excerpts, published 1949

History of Ghana
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Part of a series on the

History of Ghana


Akan people




Ashanti Empire

Portuguese Gold Coast

Dutch Gold Coast

British Colonial Period

Commonwealth of Ghana

Kwame Nkrumah


Convention People's Party

1966 coup d'etat


National Redemption Council

Return to Democracy

Modern era

Ghana portal

The Republic of Ghana is named after the medieval West African Ghana Empire,[1] The Empire became known in Europe and Arabia as the Ghana Empire by the title of its emperor, the Ghana. The Empire appears to have broken up following the 1076 conquest by the Almoravid General Abu-Bakr Ibn-Umar. A reduced kingdom continued to exist after Almoravid rule ended, and the Kingdom was later incorporated into subsequent Sahelian empires, such as the Mali Empire several centuries later. Geographically, the ancient Ghana Empire was approximately 500 miles (800 km) north and west of the modern state of Ghana, and controlled territories in the area of the Sngal river and east towards the Niger rivers, in modern Senegal, Mauritania and Mali.


Historically, modern Ghanaian territory was the core of the Empire of Ashanti, which was one of the most advanced states in sub-Sahara Africa in the 1819th centuries, before colonial rule. It is said that at its peak, the King of Ashanti could field 500,000 troops. For most of central sub-Saharan Africa, agricultural expansion marked the period before 500. Farming began earliest on the southern tips of the Sahara, eventually giving rise to village settlements. Toward the end of the classical era, larger regional kingdoms had formed in West Africa, one of which was the Kingdom of Ghana, north of what is today the nation of Ghana. Before its fall, at the beginning of the 10th century Akan migrants moved southward then founded several nation-states including the first great Akan empire of the Bono founded in the 11th Century and for which the Brong-Ahafo Region of Akanland is named after. Later Akan groups such as the Ashanti federation and Fante states are thought to possibly have roots in the original Bono settlement at Bono manso. Much of the area was united under the Empire of Ashanti by the 16th century. The Ashanti government operated first as a loose network and eventually as a centralized kingdom with an advanced, highly specialized bureaucracy centered in Kumasi.

1 Precolonial period 2 Rise of the Ashanti 3 Early European contact and the slave trade 4 British Gold Coast

o o

4.1 Britain and the Gold Coast: the early years 4.2 British rule of the Gold Coast: the colonial era


4.2.1 Colonial administration 4.2.2 Economic and social development

4.3 The growth of nationalism and the end of colonial rule

4.3.1 Early manifestations of nationalism in Ghana 4.3.2 Politics of the independence movements

5 Independent Ghana

o o

5.1 Nkrumah, Ghana, and Africa 5.2 Growth of opposition to Nkrumah

o o

5.2.1 Single-party state 5.2.2 Fall of the Nkrumah regime and its aftermath

5.3 National Redemption Council years, 19721979 5.4 The Rawlings era

5.4.1 The second coming of Rawlings: the first six years, 19821987 5.4.2 District assemblies 5.4.3 End of single-party state

5.5 The Fourth Republic

6 See also 7 References




16th-17th Century AkanTerracotta, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

By the end of the 16th century, most of the ethnic groups constituting the modern Ghanaian population had settled in their present locations. Archaeological remains found in the coastal zone indicate that the area has been inhabited since the Bronze Age (ca. 2000 BC), but these societies, based on fishing in the extensive lagoons and rivers, have left few traces. Archaeological work also suggests that central Ghana north of the forest zone was inhabited as early as 3,000 to 4,000 years ago. Oral history and other sources suggest that the ancestors of Ghana's residents, the Akan entered the area at least as early as the 10th century AD, and that migration from the north by the Dagomba continued thereafter.[2] These migrations resulted in part from the formation and disintegration of a series of large states in the western Sudan (the region north of modern Ghana drained by the Niger River). Strictly speaking, ghana was the title of the king, but the Arabs, who left records of the kingdom, applied the term to the king, the capital, and the state. The 9th-century Berber historian/geographer Al Yaqubi described


ancient Ghana as one of the three most organized states in the region (the others being Gao and Kanem in the central Sudan). Its rulers were renowned for their wealth in gold, the opulence of their courts, and their warrior/hunting skills. They were also masters of the trade in gold, which drew North African merchants to the western Sudan. The military achievements of these and later western Sudanic rulers, and their control over the region's gold mines, constituted the nexus of their historical relations with merchants and rulers in North Africa and the Mediterranean.[2] Ghana succumbed to attacks by its neighbors in the 11th century, but its name and reputation endured. In 1957, when the leaders of the former British colony of the Gold Coast sought an appropriate name for their newly independent statethe first black African nation to gain its independence from colonial rulethey named their new country after ancient Ghana. The choice was more than merely symbolic, because modern Ghana, like its namesake, was equally famed for its wealth and trade in gold. [2] Although none of the states of the western Sudan controlled territories in the area that is modern Ghana, several small kingdoms that later developed such as Bonoman, were ruled by nobles believed to have immigrated from that region. The trans-Saharan trade that contributed to the expansion of kingdoms in the western Sudan also led to the development of contacts with regions in northern modern Ghana, and in the forest to the south.[2] The growth of trade stimulated the development of early Akan states located on the trade route to the goldfields, in the forest zone of the south. The forest itself was thinly populated, but Akan-speaking peoples began to move into it toward the end of the 15th century, with the arrival of crops from Southeast Asia and the New World that could be adapted to forest conditions. These new crops included sorghum, bananas, and cassava. By the beginning of the 16th century, European sources noted the existence of the gold-rich states of Akan and Twifu in the Ofin River Valley.[2]


Image of an Ashanti home before British colonization

It seems clear from oral traditions, as well as from archaeological evidence, that after the establishment of the Akan kingdom states in the 11th century, the Dagomba states, was the earliest kingdom to emerge in modern Ghana, being well established by the close of the 16th century. [2] Although the rulers of the Dagomba states were not usually Muslim, they brought with them, or welcomed, Muslims as scribes and medicine men. As a result of their presence, Islam influenced the north. Muslim influence, spread by the activities of merchants and clerics.[2] In the broad belt of rugged country between the northern boundaries of the Muslim-influenced state of Dagomba, and the southernmost outposts of the Mossi kingdoms (of what is today the southern Burkina Faso and northern Ghana border), were peoples who were not incorporated into the Dagomba entity. Among these peoples were the Kassena agriculturalists. They lived in a so-called segmented society, bound together by kinship tie, and ruled by the head of their clan. Trade between Akan kingdoms and the Mossi kingdoms to the north (of what is today the northern Ghana and southern Burkina Faso border) flowed through their homeland, subjecting them to Islamic influence, and to the depredations of these more powerful neighbors.[2]



of the Ashanti

Under Chief Oti Akenten (r. ca. 163060), a series of successful military operations against neighboring Akan states brought a larger surrounding territory into alliance with Ashanti. At the end of the 17th century, Osei Tutu (died 1712 or 1717) became asantehene (king of Ashanti). Under Osei Tutu's rule, the confederacy of Ashanti states was transformed into an empire with its capital at Kumasi. Political and military consolidation ensued, resulting in firmly established centralized authority. [3] Osei Tutu was strongly influenced by the high priest, Anokye, who, tradition asserts, caused a stool of gold to descend from the sky to seal the union of Ashanti states. Stools already functioned as traditional symbols of chieftainship, but the Golden Stool represented the united spirit of all the allied states and established a dual allegiance that superimposed the confederacy over the individual component states. The Golden Stool remains a respected national symbol of the traditional past and figures extensively in Asante ritual. [2] Osei Tutu permitted newly conquered territories that joined the confederation to retain their own customs and chiefs, who were given seats on the Ashanti state council. Tutu's gesture made the process relatively easy and nondisruptive, because most of the earlier conquests had subjugated other Akan peoples. Within the Ashanti portions of the confederacy, each minor state continued to exercise internal self-rule, and its chief jealously guarded the state's prerogatives against encroachment by the central authority. A strong unity developed, however, as the various communities subordinated their individual interests to central authority in matters of national concern. [2] By the mid-18th century, Ashanti was a highly organized state. The wars of expansion that brought the northern states of Dagomba,[4] Mamprusi, and Gonja[5] under Ashanti influence were won during the reign of Opoku Ware I (died 1750), successor to Osei Kofi Tutu I. By the 1820s, successive rulers had extended Ashanti boundaries southward. Although the northern expansions linked Ashanti with trade networks


across the desert and in Hausaland to the east, movements into the south brought the Ashanti into contact, sometimes antagonistic, with the coastal Fante, as well as with the various European merchants whose fortresses dotted the Gold Coast. [2]


Gold Coast

Main article: Gold Coast (British colony)


European contact and the slave trade

See also: Portuguese Gold Coast When the first Europeans arrived in the late 15th century, many inhabitants of the Gold Coast area were striving to consolidate their newly acquired territories and to settle into a secure and permanent environment. Initially, the Gold Coast did not participate in the export slave trade, rather asIvor Wilks, a leading historian of Ghana, noted, the Akan purchased slaves from Portuguese traders operating from other parts of Africa, including the Congo and Benin in order to augment the labor needed for the state formation that was characteristic of this period. [6] The Portuguese were the first Europeans to arrive. By 1471, they had reached the area that was to become known as the Gold Coast. [7] The Gold Coast was so-named because it was an important source of gold.[8] The Portuguese interest in trading for gold, ivory, and pepper so increased that in 1482 the Portuguese built their first permanent trading post on the western coast of present-day Ghana. This fortress, a trade castle called So Jorge da Mina (later called Elmina Castle), was constructed to protect Portuguese trade from European competitors, and after frequent rebuildings and modifications, still stands.[6]


The Portuguese position on the Gold Coast remained secure for over a century. During that time, Lisbon sought to monopolize all trade in the region in royal hands, though appointed officials at So Jorge, and used force to prevent English, French, and Flemish efforts to trade on the coast. By 1598, the Dutch began trading on the Gold Coast. [9] The Dutch built forts at Komenda and Kormantsi by 1612. In 1637 they captured Elmina Castle from the Portuguese and Axim in 1642 (Fort St Anthony). Other European traders joined in by the mid 17th century, largely English, Danes, and Swedes. The coastline was dotted by more than 30 forts and castles built by Dutch, British, and Danish merchants primarily to protect their interests from other Europeans and pirates. The Gold Coast became the highest concentration of European military architecture outside of Europe. Sometimes they were also drawn into conflicts with local inhabitants as Europeans developed commercial alliances with local political authorities. These alliances, often complicated, involved both Europeans attempting to enlist or persuade their closest allies to attack rival European ports and their African allies, or conversely, various African powers seeking to recruit Europeans as mercenaries in their inter-state wars, or as diplomats to resolve conflicts.[6]

Historic map of the Swedish Gold Coast

Forts were built, abandoned, attacked, captured, sold, and exchanged, and many sites were selected at one time or another for fortified positions by contending European nations. [6]


The Dutch West India Company operated throughout most of the 18th century. The British African Company of Merchants, founded in 1750, was the successor to several earlier organizations of this type. These enterprises built and manned new installations as the companies pursued their trading activities and defended their respective jurisdictions with varying degrees of government backing. There were short-lived ventures by the Swedes and the Prussians. The Danes remained until 1850, when they withdrew from the Gold Coast. The British gained possession of all Dutch coastal forts by the last quarter of the 19th century, thus making them the dominant European power on the Gold Coast. [6] In the late seventeenth century, social changes within the polities of the Gold Coast led to transformations in warfare, and to the shift from being a gold exporting and slave importing economy to being a minor local slave exporting economy.[10]To be sure, slavery and slave trading were already firmly entrenched in many African societies before their contact with Europe. In most situations, men as well as women captured in local warfare became slaves. In general, however, slaves in African communities were often treated as members of the society with specific rights, and many were ultimately absorbed into their masters' families as full members. Given traditional methods of agricultural production in Africa, slavery in Africa was quite different from that which existed in the commercial plantation environments of the New World. [6]


Triangular Atlantic slave trade routes

Some scholars have challenged the premise that rulers on the Gold Coast engaged in wars of expansion for the sole purpose of acquiring slaves for the export market. For example, the Ashanti waged war mainly to pacify territories that in were under Ashanti control, to exact tribute payments from subordinate kingdoms, and to secure access to trade routes particularly those that connected the interior with the coast.[6] It is important to mention, however, that the supply of slaves to the Gold Coast was entirely in African hands. Most rulers, such as the kings of various Akan states engaged in the slave trade, as well as individual local merchants.[6] A good number of the Slaves were also brought from various countries in the region and sold to middle men. The demographic impact of the slave trade on West Africa was probably substantially greater than the number actually enslaved because a significant number of Africans perished during wars and bandit attacks or while in captivity awaiting transshipment. All nations with an interest in West Africa participated in the slave trade. Relations between the Europeans and the local populations were often strained, and distrust led to frequent clashes. Disease caused high losses among the Europeans engaged in the slave trade, but the profits realized from the trade continued to attract them. [6] The growth of anti-slavery sentiment among Europeans made slow progress against vested African and European interests that were reaping profits from the traffic. Although individual clergymen condemned the slave trade as early as the 17th century, major Christian denominations did little to further early efforts at abolition. The Quakers, however, publicly declared themselves against slavery as early as 1727. Later in the century, the Danes stopped trading in slaves; Sweden and the Netherlands soon followed. [6]


In 1807, Britain used its naval power and its diplomatic muscle to outlaw trade in slaves by its citizens and to begin a campaign to stop the international trade in slaves. [11] The importation of slaves into the United States was outlawed in 1808. These efforts, however, were not successful until the 1860s because of the continued demand for plantation labor in the New World.[6] Because it took decades to end the trade in slaves, some historians doubt that the humanitarian impulse inspired the abolitionist movement. According to historian Eric Williams, for example, Europe abolished the trans-Atlantic slave trade only because its profitability was undermined by theIndustrial Revolution. Williams argued that mass unemployment caused by the new industrial machinery, the need for new raw materials, and European competition for markets for finished goods are the real factors that brought an end to the trade in human cargo and the beginning of competition for colonial territories in Africa. Other scholars, however, disagree with Williams, arguing that humanitarian concerns as well as social and economic factors were instrumental in ending the African slave trade. [6]


and the Gold Coast: the early years

Neighbouring British and Dutch forts atSekondi

By the latter part of 19th century the Dutch and the British were the only traders left and after the Dutch withdrew in 1874, Britain made the Gold Coast a protectoratea British Crown Colony. During the previous


few centuries parts of the area were controlled by British, Portuguese, and Scandinavian powers, with the British ultimately prevailing. These nation-states maintained varying alliances with the colonial powers and each other, which resulted in the 1806 Ashanti-Fante War, as well as an ongoing struggle by the Empire of Ashanti against the British, the four Anglo-Asante Wars. By the early 19th century, the British, acquired most of the forts along the coast. Two major factors laid the foundations of British rule and the eventual establishment of a colony on the Gold Coast: British reaction to the Asante wars and the resulting instability and disruption of trade, and Britain's increasing preoccupation with the suppression and elimination of the slave trade. [12] During most of the 19th century, Asante, the most powerful state of the Akan interior, sought to expand its rule and to promote and protect its trade. The first Ashanti invasion of the coastal regions took place in 1807; the Ashanti moved south again in 1811 and in 1814. These invasions, though not decisive, disrupted trade in such products as gold, timber, and palm oil, and threatened the security of the European forts. Local British, Dutch, and Danish authorities were all forced to come to terms with Asante, and in 1817 the African Company of Merchants signed a treaty of friendship that recognized Asante claims to sovereignty over large areas of the coast and its peoples.[12] The coastal people, primarily some of the Fante and the inhabitants of the new town of Accra came to rely on British protection against Asante incursions, but the ability of the merchant companies to provide this security was limited. The British Crown dissolved the company in 1821, giving authority over British forts on the Gold Coast to Governor Charles MacCarthy, governor of Sierra Leone. The British forts and Sierra Leone remained under common administration for the first half of the century. MacCarthy's mandate was to impose peace and to end the slave trade. He sought to do this by encouraging the coastal peoples to oppose Kumasi rule and by closing the great roads to the coast. Incidents and sporadic warfare continued,


however. In 1823, the First Anglo-Ashanti War broke out and lasted until 1831. [13] MacCarthy was killed, and most of his force was wiped out in a battle with Asante forces in 1824. [12] When the English government allowed control of the Gold Coast settlements to revert to the British African Company of Merchants in the late 1820s, relations with the Ashanti were still problematic. From the Asante point of view, the British had failed to control the activities of their local coastal allies. Had this been done, Asante might not have found it necessary to attempt to impose peace on the coastal peoples. MacCarthy's encouragement of coastal opposition to Asante and the subsequent 1824 British military attack further indicated to Asante authorities that the Europeans, especially the British, did not respect Asante. [12] In 1830 a London committee of merchants chose Captain George Maclean to become president of a local council of merchants. Although his formal jurisdiction was limited, Maclean's achievements were substantial; for example, a peace treaty was arranged with Asante in 1831. Maclean also supervised the coastal people by holding regular court in Cape Coast where he punished those found guilty of disturbing the peace. Between 1830 and 1843 while Maclean was in charge of affairs on the Gold Coast, no confrontations occurred with Asante, and the volume of trade reportedly increased threefold. Maclean's exercise of limited judicial power on the coast was so effective that a parliamentary committee recommended that the British government permanently administer its settlements and negotiate treaties with the coastal chiefs that would define Britain's relations with them. The government did so in 1843, the same year crown government was reinstated. Commander H. Worsley Hill was appointed first governor of the Gold Coast. Under Maclean's administration, several coastal tribes had submitted voluntarily to British protection. Hill proceeded to define the conditions and responsibilities of his jurisdiction over the protected areas. He negotiated a special treaty with a number of Fante and other local chiefs that became known as the Bond of 1844. This document obliged local leaders to submit serious crimes, such as murder and


robbery, to British jurisdiction and laid the legal foundation for subsequent British colonization of the coastal area.[12]

Major General Sir Garnet Wolseley

Additional coastal states as well as other states farther inland eventually signed the Bond, and British influence was accepted, strengthened, and expanded. Under the terms of the 1844 arrangement, the British gave the impression that they would protect the coastal areas; thus, an informal protectorate came into being. As responsibilities for defending local allies and managing the affairs of the coastal protectorate increased, the administration of the Gold Coast was separated from that of Sierra Leone in 1850. [12] At about the same time, growing acceptance of the advantages offered by the British presence led to the initiation of another important step. In April 1852, local chiefs and elders met at Cape Coast to consult with the governor on means of raising revenue. With the governor's approval, the council of chiefs constituted


itself as a legislative assembly. In approving its resolutions, the governor indicated that the assembly of chiefs should become a permanent fixture of the protectorate's constitutional machinery, but the assembly was given no specific constitutional authority to pass laws or to levy taxes without the consent of the people.[12] The Second Anglo-Ashanti War broke out in 1863 and lasted until 1864. In 1872, British influence over the Gold Coast increased further when Britain purchased Elmina Castle, the last of the Dutch forts along the coast.[14] The Asante, who for years had considered the Dutch at Elmina as their allies, thereby lost their last trade outlet to the sea. To prevent this loss and to ensure that revenue received from that post continued, the Asante staged their last invasion of the coast in 1873. After early successes, they finally came up against well-trained British forces who compelled them to retreat beyond the Pra River. Later attempts to negotiate a settlement of the conflict with the British were rejected by the commander of their forces, Major General Sir Garnet Wolseley. To settle the Asante problem permanently, the British invaded Asante with a sizable military force. This invasion initiated the Third Anglo-Ashanti War. The attack, which was launched in January 1874 by 2,500 British soldiers and large numbers of African auxiliaries, resulted in the occupation and burning of Kumasi, the Ashanti capital. [12] The subsequent peace treaty of 1875, required the Ashanti to renounce any claim to many southern territories. The Ashanti also had to keep the road to Kumasi open to trade. From this point on, Ashanti power steadily declined. The confederation slowly disintegrated as subject territories broke away and as protected regions defected to British rule. The warrior spirit of the nation was not entirely subdued, however, and enforcement of the treaty led to recurring difficulties and outbreaks of fighting. In 1896, the British dispatched another expedition that again occupied Kumasi and that forced Asante to become a protectorate of the British Crown. This became the Fourth Anglo-Ashanti War which lasted from 1894 until


1896. The position of "Asantehene" was abolished and the incumbent, Prempeh I, was exiled.[12] A British resident was installed at Kumasi.[15] The core of the Ashanti federation accepted these terms grudgingly. In 1900 the Asante rebelled again (the War of the Golden Stool) but were defeated the next year, and in 1902 the British proclaimed Asante a colony under the jurisdiction of the governor of the Gold Coast. [16] The annexation was made with misgivings and recriminations on both sides. With Asante, and golden district subdued and annexed, British colonization of the region became a reality. [12]


rule of the Gold Coast: the colonial era

Main articles: West Africa Campaign (World War I) and West Africa Campaign (World War II) Military confrontations between Ashanti and the Fante contributed to the growth of British influence on the Gold Coast, as the Fante states concerned about Ashanti activities on the coast signed the Bond of 1844 at Fomena-Adansi,that allowed the British to usurp judicial authority from African courts. As a result of the exercise of ever-expanding judicial powers on the coast and also to ensure that the coastal peoples remained firmly under control, the British proclaimed the existence of the Gold Coast Colony on July 24, 1874, which extended from the coast inland to the edge of Ashanti territory. Though the coastal peoples were unenthusiastic about this development, there was no popular resistance, likely because the British made no claim to any rights to the land. [17]


1896 Map of the British Gold Coast Colony.

In 1896, a British military force invaded Ashanti and overthrew the native asantehene named Prempeh I.[18] The deposed Ashanti leader was replaced by a British resident at Kumasi. [19] The British sphere of influence was, thus, extended to include Ashanti following their defeat in 1896. However, British Governor Hodgson went too far in his restrictions on the Ashanti, when, in 1900, he demanded the "Golden Stool," the symbol of Ashanti rule and independence for the Ashanti. This caused another revolt on the part of the Ashanti people against the British colonizers. [18] However, the Ashanti were defeated again in 1901. Once


the asantehene and his council had been exiled, the British appointed a resident commissioner to Ashanti. Each Ashanti state was administered as a separate entity and was ultimately responsible to the governor of the Gold Coast. In the meantime, the British became interested in the Northern Territories north of Ashanti, which they believed would forestall the advances of the French and the Germans. After 1896 protection was extended to northern areas whose trade with the coast had been controlled by Ashanti. In 1898 and 1899, European colonial powers amicably demarcated the boundaries between the Northern Territories and the surrounding French and German colonies. The Northern Territories were proclaimed a British protectorate in 1902. Like the Asante protectorate, the Northern Territories were placed under the authority of a resident commissioner who was responsible to the governor of the Gold Coast. The governor ruled both Asante and the Northern Territories by proclamations until 1946. [17] With the north under British control, the three territories of the Gold Coast the Colony (the coastal regions), Asante, and the Northern Territories became, for all practical purposes, a single political unit, or crown colony, known as the Gold Coast. The borders of present-day Ghana were realized in May 1956 when the people of the Volta region, known as British Mandated Togoland, a vote was made in a plebiscite on whether British Togoland should become part of modern Ghana; the Togoland Congress voted 42% against. 58% of votes opted for integration. [17]

[edit]Colonial administration
Beginning in 1850, the coastal regions increasingly came under control of the governor of the British fortresses, who was assisted by the Executive Council and the Legislative Council. The Executive Council was a small advisory body of European officials that recommended laws and voted taxes, subject to the governor's approval. The Legislative Council included the members of the Executive Council and unofficial


members initially chosen from British commercial interests. After 1900 three chiefs and three other Africans were added to the Legislative Council, though the inclusion of Africans from Asante and the Northern Territories did not take place until much later. [20] The gradual emergence of centralized colonial government brought about unified control over local services, although the actual administration of these services was still delegated to local authorities. Specific duties and responsibilities came to be clearly delineated, and the role of traditional states in local administration was also clarified. The structure of local government had its roots in traditional patterns of government. Village councils of chiefs and elders were responsible for the immediate needs of individual localities, including traditional law and order and the general welfare. The councils ruled by consent rather than by right: though chosen by the ruling class, a chief continued to rule because he was accepted by his people.[20]

The Portuguese-built Elmina Castle in Accra as purchased by Britain in 1873. It is now a World Heritage Site


British authorities adopted a system of indirect rule for colonial administration, wherein traditional chiefs maintained power but took instructions from their European supervisors. Indirect rule was cost-effective (by reducing the number of European officials needed), minimized local opposition to European rule, and guaranteed law and order. Though theoretically decentralizing, indirect rule in practice caused chiefs to look to Accra (the capital) rather than to their people for decisions. Many chiefs, who were rewarded with honors, decorations, and knighthood by government commissioners, came to regard themselves as a ruling aristocracy. In its preservation of traditional forms of power, indirect rule failed to provide opportunities for the country's growing population of educated young men. Other groups were dissatisfied because there was insufficient cooperation between the councils and the central government and because some felt that the local authorities were too dominated by the British district commissioners.[20] In 1925 provincial councils of chiefs were established in all three territories of the colony, partly to give the chiefs a colony-wide function. The 1927 Native Administration Ordinance clarified and regulated the powers and areas of jurisdiction of chiefs and councils. In 1935 the Native Authorities Ordinance combined the central colonial government and the local authorities into a single governing system. New native authorities, appointed by the governor, were given wide powers of local government under the supervision of the central government's provincial commissioners, who made sure that their policies would be those of the central government. The provincial councils and moves to strengthen them were not popular. Even by British standards, the chiefs were not given enough power to be effective instruments of indirect rule. Some Ghanaians believed that the reforms, by increasing the power of the chiefs at the expense of local initiative, permitted the colonial government to avoid movement toward any form of popular participation in the colony's government.[20]

[edit]Economic and social development


The years of British administration of the Gold Coast during the 20th century were an era of significant progress in social, economic, and educational development. Communications and railroads were greatly improved. New crops were introduced. A leading crop that was the result of an introduced crop was coffee.[21] However, most spectacular among these introduced crops was the cacao tree which had been indigenous to the New World and had been introduced in Africa by the Spanish and Portuguese. [22] Cacao had been introduced to the Gold Coast in 1879 by Tetteh Quashie a blacksmith from Gold Coast.[23] Cacao tree raising and farming became widely accepted in the eastern part of the Gold Coast. [22] In 1891, the Gold Coast exported only 80 lbs. of cacao worth no more than 4 pounds sterling. However, by the 1920s cacao exports had passed 200,000 tons and had reached a value of 4.7 million pounds sterling. By 1928, cacao exports had reached 11.7 million pounds sterling. [24] Thus, cacao production became a major part of the economy of the Gold coast and later a major part of Ghana's economy.[25] The colony's earnings increased further from the export of timber and gold. Revenue from export of the colony's natural resources financed internal improvements in infrastructure and social services. The foundation of an educational system more advanced than any other else in West Africa also resulted from mineral export revenue. It was through British-style education that a new Ghanaian elite gained the means and the desire to strive for independence. From beginnings in missionary schools, the early part of the 20th century saw the opening of secondary schools and the country's first institute of higher learning. [25] Many of the economic and social improvements in the Gold Coast in the early part of the current century have been attributed to the Canadian-born Gordon Guggisberg, governor from 1919 to 1927. [26] Within the first six weeks of his governorship, he presented a ten-year development program to the Legislative Council.[26] He suggested first the improvement of transportation. Then, in order of priority, his prescribed improvements included water supply, drainage, hydroelectric projects, public buildings, town


improvements, schools, hospitals, prisons, communication lines, and other services. Guggisberg also set a goal of filling half of the colony's technical positions with Africans as soon as they could be trained. His program has been described as the most ambitious ever proposed in West Africa up to that time. [25] The colony assisted Britain in both World War I and World War II. In the ensuing years, however, postwar inflation and instability severely hampered readjustment for returning veterans, who were in the forefront of growing discontent and unrest. Their war service and veterans' associations had broadened their horizons, making it difficult for them to return to the humble and circumscribed positions set aside for Africans by the colonial authorities.[25]


growth of nationalism and the end of colonial rule

As Ghana developed economically, education of the citizenry progressed apace. In 1890 there were only 5 government and 49 "assisted" mission schools in the whole of the Gold Coast with a total enrollment of only 5,000.[27] By 1920 there were 20 governmental schools, 188 "assisted" mission and 309 "unassisted" mission schools with a total enrollment of 43,00 pupils. [28] By 1940, there were 91,000 children attending Gold Coast schools. By 1950, the 279,000 children attending some 3,000 schools in the Gold Coast.[29] This meant that, in 1950, 43.6% of the school age children in the Gold Coast colony were attending school.[29] Thus by the end of the Second World War, the Gold Coast colony was the richest and most educated territories in West Africa.[29] Within this educated environment, the focus of government power gradually shifted from the hands of the governor and his officials into those of Ghanaians, themselves. The changes resulted from the gradual development of a strong spirit of nationalism and were to result eventually in independence. The development of national consciousness accelerated quickly in the post-World War II


era, when, in addition to ex-servicemen, a substantial group of urban African workers and traders emerged to lend mass support to the aspirations of a small educated minority.

[edit]Early manifestations of nationalism in Ghana

By the late 19th century, a growing number of educated Africans increasingly found unacceptable an arbitrary political system that placed almost all power in the hands of the governor through his appointment of council members. In the 1890s, some members of the educated coastal elite organized themselves into the Aborigines' Rights Protection Society to protest a land bill that threatened traditional land tenure. This protest helped lay the foundation for political action that would ultimately lead to independence. In 1920, one of the African members of the Legislative Council,Joseph E. Casely-Hayford, convened the National Congress of British West Africa. [30] The National Congress demanded a wide range of reforms and innovations for British West Africa. [31] The National Congress sent a delegation to London to urge the Colonial Office to consider the principle of elected representation. The group, which claimed to speak for all British West African colonies, represented the first expression of political solidarity between intellectuals and nationalists of the area. Though the delegation was not received in London (on the grounds that it represented only the interests of a small group of urbanized Africans), its actions aroused considerable support among the African elite at home. [32] Notwithstanding their call for elected representation as opposed to a system whereby the governor appointed council members, these nationalists insisted that they were loyal to the British Crown and that they merely sought an extension of British political and social practices to Africans. Notable leaders included Africanus Horton, the writer John Mensah Sarbah, and S.R.B. Attah-Ahoma. Such men gave the nationalist movement a distinctly elitist flavor that was to last until the late 1940s.[32]


The constitution of 8 April 1925, promulgated by Guggisberg, created provincial councils of paramount chiefs for all but the northern provinces of the colony. These councils in turn elected six chiefs as unofficial members of the Legislative Council, which however had an inbuilt British majority and whose powers were in any case purely advisory. Although the new constitution appeared to recognize some African sentiments, Guggisberg was concerned primarily with protecting British interests. For example, he provided Africans with a limited voice in the central government; yet, by limiting nominations to chiefs, he drove a wedge between chiefs and their educated subjects. The intellectuals believed that the chiefs, in return for British support, had allowed the provincial councils to fall completely under control of the government. By the mid1930s, however, a gradual rapprochement between chiefs and intellectuals had begun.[32]

Sir Arnold Hodson was Governor from 1934 to 1941.


Agitation for more adequate representation continued. Newspapers owned and managed by Africans played a major part in provoking this discontent six were being published in the 1930s. As a result of the call for broader representation, two more unofficial African members were added to the Executive Council in 1943. Changes in the Legislative Council, however, had to await a different political climate in London, which came about only with the postwar election of a British Labour Party government. [32] The new Gold Coast constitution of 29 March 1946 (also known as the Burns constitution after the governor of the time, Sir Alan Cuthbert Maxwell Burns) was a bold document. For the first time, the concept of an official majority was abandoned. The Legislative Council was now composed of six ex-officio members, six nominated members, and eighteen elected members, however the Legislative Council continued to have purely advisory powers - all executive power remained with the governor. The 1946 constitution also admitted representatives from Asante into the council for the first time. Even with a Labour Party government in power, however, the British continued to view the colonies as a source of raw materials that were needed to strengthen their crippled economy. Change that would place real power in African hands was not a priority among British leaders until after rioting and looting in Accra and other towns and cities in early 1948 over issues of pensions for ex-servicemen, the dominant role of foreigners in the economy, the shortage of housing, and other economic and political grievances. [32] With elected members in a decisive majority, Ghana had reached a level of political maturity unequaled anywhere in colonial Africa. The constitution did not, however, grant full self-government. Executive power remained in the hands of the governor, to whom the Legislative Council was responsible. Hence, the constitution, although greeted with enthusiasm as a significant milestone, soon encountered trouble. World War II had just ended, and many Gold Coast veterans who had served in British overseas expeditions returned to a country beset with shortages, inflation, unemployment, and black-market practices. There


veterans, along with discontented urban elements, formed a nucleus of malcontents ripe for disruptive action. They were now joined by farmers, who resented drastic governmental measures required to cut out diseased cacao trees in order to control an epidemic, and by many others who were unhappy that the end of the war had not been followed by economic improvements. [32]

[edit]Politics of the independence movements

Although political organizations had existed in the British colony, the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC), founded on 4 August 1947 by educated Ghanaians known as The Big Six, was the first nationalist movement with the aim of self-government "in the shortest possible time." It called for the replacement of chiefs on the Legislative Council with educated persons. They also demanded that, given their education, the colonial administration should respect them and accord them positions of responsibility. In particular, the UGCC leadership criticized the government for its failure to solve the problems of unemployment, inflation, and the disturbances that had come to characterize the society at the end of the war. Though they opposed the colonial administration, UGCC members did not seek drastic or revolutionary change. Public dissatisfaction with the UGCC expressed itself on 28 February 1948 as a demonstration of ex-servicemen organized by the ex-serviceman's union paraded through Accra.[33] To disperse the demonstrators, police fired on them killing three ex-servicemen and wounding sixty. Five days of violent disorder followed in Accra in response to the shooting and rioters broke into and looted the shops owned by Europeans and Syrians.[34] Rioting also broke out in Kumasi and other towns across the Gold Coast. The Big Six including Nkrumah were imprisoned by the British authorities from 12 March to 12 April 1948. The police shooting and the resultant riots indicated that the gentlemanly manner in which politics had been conducted by the UGCC was irrelevant in the new post-war world. This change in the dynamics of politics of the Gold Coast was not lost on Kwame Nkrumah who broke with the UGCC publically during its Easter Convention in 1949, and created his Convention People's Party (CPP) on 12 June 1949.[35]


After his brief tenure with the UGCC, the US- and British-educated Nkrumah broke with the organization over his frustration at the UGCC's weak attempts to solve the problems of the Gold Coast colony by negotiating another new conciliatory colonial constitution with the British colonial authority. [36] Unlike the UGCC's call for self- government "in the shortest possible time," Nkrumah and the CPP asked for "selfgovernment now." The party leadership identified itself more with ordinary working people than with the UGCC and its intelligentsia, and the movement found support among workers, farmers, youths, and market women. The politicized population consisted largely of ex-servicemen, literate persons, journalists, and elementary school teachers, all of whom had developed a taste for populist conceptions of democracy. A growing number of uneducated but urbanized industrial workers also formed part of the support group. By June 1949, Nkrumah had a mass following. [35] The constitution of 1 January 1951 resulted from the report of the Coussey Committee, created because of disturbances in Accra and other cities in 1948. In addition to giving the Executive Council a large majority of African ministers, it created an assembly, half the elected members of which were to come from the towns and rural districts and half from the traditional councils. Although it was an enormous step forward, the new constitution still fell far short of the CPP's call for full self-government. Executive power remained in British hands, and the legislature was tailored to permit control by traditionalist interests. [35] With increasing popular backing, the CPP in early 1950 initiated a campaign of "Positive Action" intended to instigate widespread strikes and nonviolent resistance. When some violent disorders occurred on 20 January 1950 Nkrumah was arrested and imprisoned for sedition. This merely established him as a leader and hero, building popular support, and when the first elections were held for the Legislative Assembly under the new constitution from 510 February 1951, Nkrumah (still in jail) won a seat, and the CPP won a two-thirds majority of votes cast winning 34 of the 38 elected seats in the Assembly. Nkrumah was


released from jail on 11 February 1951, and the following day accepted an invitation to form a government as "leader of government business," a position similar to that of prime minister. The start of Nkrumah's first term was marked by cooperation with the British governor. During the next few years, the government was gradually transformed into a full parliamentary system. The changes were opposed by the more traditionalist African elements, though opposition proved ineffective in the face of popular support for independence at an early date. [35] On 10 March 1952 the new position of prime minister was created, and Nkrumah was elected to the post by the Assembly. At the same time the Executive Council became the cabinet. The new constitution of 5 May 1954 ended the election of assembly members by the tribal councils. The Legislative Assembly increased in size, and all members were chosen by direct election from equal, single-member constituencies. Only defense and foreign policy remained in the hands of the governor; the elected assembly was given control of virtually all internal affairs of the colony. [35]The CPP won 71 of the 104 seats in the 15 June 1954 election. The CPP pursued a policy of political centralization, which encountered serious opposition. Shortly after the 15 June 1954 election, a new party, the Asante-based National Liberation Movement (NLM), was formed. The NLM advocated a federal form of government, with increased powers for the various regions. NLM leaders criticized the CPP for perceived dictatorial tendencies. The new party worked in cooperation with another regionalist group, the Northern People's Party. When these two regional parties walked out of discussions on a new constitution, the CPP feared that London might consider such disunity an indication that the colony was not yet ready for the next phase of self-government.[35] The British constitutional adviser, however, backed the CPP position. The governor dissolved the assembly in order to test popular support for the CPP demand for immediate independence. On 11 May 1956 the


British agreed to grant independence if so requested by a 'reasonable' majority of the new legislature.[37] New elections were held on 17 July 1956. In keenly contested elections, the CPP won 57 percent of the votes cast, but the fragmentation of the opposition gave the CPP every seat in the south as well as enough seats in Asante, the Northern Territories, and the Trans-Volta Region to hold a two-thirds majority by winning 72 of the 104 seats. [35] On 9 May 1956 a plebiscite was conducted under United Nations (UN) auspices to decide the future disposition of British Togoland and French Togoland. The British trusteeship, the western portion of the former German colony, had been linked to the Gold Coast since 1919 and was represented in its parliament. The dominant ethnic group, the Ewe people, were divided between the two Togos. A majority (58%) of British Togoland inhabitants voted in favor of union, and the area was absorbed into Akanland (Southern Gold Coast) and Dagbon (Northern Ghana). There was, however, vocal opposition to the incorporation from the Ewe people (42%) in British Togoland.[35]



Universal Newsreel about the independence of Ghana


On August 3, 1956, the new assembly passed a motion authorizing the government to request independence within the British Commonwealth.[38] The opposition did not attend the debate, and the vote was unanimous. The British government accepted this motion as clearly representing a reasonable majority, so on 18 September 1956 the British set 6 March 1957, the 113th anniversary of the Bond of 1844, as the date the former British colony of the Gold Coast was to become the independent state of Ghana, and the nation's Legislative Assembly was to become the National Assembly. [39] Nkrumah continued as prime minister, and Queen Elizabeth II as monarch, represented in the former colony by a governor general, SirCharles Noble Arden-Clarke. This status of Ghana as a Commonwealth realm would continue until 1960, when after a national referendum, Ghana was declared a republic. [40] The independence constitution of 1957 provided protection against easy amendment of a number of its clauses. It also granted a voice to chiefs and their tribal councils by providing for the creation of regional assemblies. No bill amending the entrenched clauses of the constitution or affecting the powers of the regional bodies or the privileges of the chiefs could become law except by a two-thirds vote of the National Assembly and by simple majority approval in two-thirds of the regional assemblies. When local CPP supporters gained control of enough regional assemblies, however, the Nkrumah government promptly secured passage of an act removing the special entrenchment protection clause in the constitution, a step that left the National Assembly with the power to effect any constitutional change the CPP deemed necessary.[40] Among the CPP's earliest acts was the outright abolition of regional assemblies. Another was the dilution of the clauses designed to ensure a nonpolitical and competitive civil service. This allowed Nkrumah to appoint his followers to positions throughout the upper ranks of public employment. Thereafter, unfettered


by constitutional restrictions and with an obedient party majority in the assembly, Nkrumah began his administration of the first newly independent African country south of the Sahara. [40]


Ghana, and Africa

Kwame Nkrumah has been described by author Peter Omari as a dictator who "made much of elections, when he was aware that they were not really free but rigged in his favor." According to Omari, the CPP administration of Ghana was one that manipulated the constitutional and electoral processes of democracy to justify Nkrumah's agenda. The extent to which the government would pursue that agenda constitutionally was demonstrated early in the administration's life when it succeeded in passing the Deportation Act of 1957, the same year that ethnic, religious, and regional parties were banned. The Deportation Act empowered the governor general and, therefore, subsequent heads of state, to expel persons whose presence in the country was deemed not in the interest of the public good. Although the act was to be applied only to non-Ghanaians, several people to whom it was later applied claimed to be citizens. [41] The Preventive Detention Act, passed in 1958, gave power to the prime minister to detain certain persons for up to five years without trial. Amended in 1959 and again in 1962, the act was seen by opponents of the CPP government as a flagrant restriction of individual freedom and human rights. Once it had been granted these legal powers, the CPP administration managed to silence its opponents. Dr. J.B. Danquah, a leading member of the UGCC, was detained until he died in prison in 1965. Dr. Kofi Abrefa Busia, leader of the opposition United Party (UP), formed by the NLM and other parties in response to Nkrumah's outlawing of so-called separatist parties in 1957, went into exile in London to escape detention, while other members still in the country joined the ruling party. [41] On July 1, 1960, Ghana became a republic, and Nkrumah won the presidential election that year. Shortly thereafter, Nkrumah was proclaimed president for life, and the CPP became the sole party of the state. Using the powers granted him by the party and the constitution,


Nkrumah by 1961 had detained an estimated 400 to 2,000 of his opponents. Nkrumah's critics pointed to the rigid hold of the CPP over the nation's political system and to numerous cases of human rights abuses. Others, however, defended Nkrumah's agenda and policies. [41] Nkrumah discussed his political views in his numerous writings, especially in Africa Must Unite (1963) and in NeoColonialism (1965). These writings show the impact of his stay in Britain in the mid-1940s. The PanAfricanist movement, which had held one of its annual conferences, attended by Nkrumah, at Manchester in 1945, was influenced by socialist ideologies. The movement sought unity among people of African descent and also improvement in the lives of workers who, it was alleged, had been exploited by capitalist enterprises in Africa. Western countries with colonial histories were identified as the exploiters. According to the socialists, "oppressed" people ought to identify with the socialist countries and organizations that best represented their interests; however, all the dominant world powers in the immediate post-1945 period, except the Soviet Union and the United States, had colonial ties with Africa. Nkrumah asserted that even the United States, which had never colonized any part of Africa, was in an advantageous position to exploit independent Africa unless preventive efforts were taken. [41] According to Nkrumah, his government, which represented the first black African nation to win independence, had an important role to play in the struggle against capitalist interests on the continent. As he put it, "the independence of Ghana would be meaningless unless it was tied to the total liberation of Africa." It was important, then, he said, for Ghanaians to "seek first the political kingdom." Economic benefits associated with independence were to be enjoyed later, proponents of Nkrumah's position argued. But Nkrumah needed strategies to pursue his goals. [41] On the domestic front, Nkrumah believed that rapid modernization of industries and communications was necessary and that it could be achieved if the workforce were completely Africanized and educated. Even


more important, however, Nkrumah believed that this domestic goal could be achieved faster if it were not hindered by reactionary politicians elites in the opposition parties and traditional chiefs who might compromise with Western imperialists. From such an ideological position, Nkrumah supporters justified the Deportation Act of 1957, the Detention Acts of 1958, 1959 and 1962, parliamentary intimidation of CPP opponents, the appointment of Nkrumah as president for life, the recognition of his party as the sole political organization of the state, the creation of the Young Pioneer Movement for the ideological education of the nation's youth, and the party's control of the civil service. Government expenditure on road building projects, mass education of adults and children, and health services, as well as the construction of the Akosombo Dam, were all important if Ghana were to play its leading role in Africa's liberation from colonial and neo-colonial domination.[41] On the continental level, Nkrumah sought to unite Africa so that it could defend its international economic interests and stand up against the political pressures from East and West that were a result of the Cold War. His dream for Africa was a continuation of the Pan-Africanist dream as expressed at the Manchester conference. The initial strategy was to encourage revolutionary political movements in Africa, beginning with a Ghana, Guinea, and Mali union, that would serve as the psychological and political impetus for the formation of a United States of Africa. Thus, when Nkrumah was criticized for paying little attention to Ghana or for wasting national resources in supporting external programs, he reversed the argument and accused his opponents of being short-sighted.[41] But the heavy financial burdens created by Nkrumah's development policies and Pan-African adventures created new sources of opposition. With the presentation in July 1961 of the country's first austerity budget, Ghana's workers and farmers became aware of and critical of the cost to them of Nkrumah's programs.


Their reaction set the model for the protests over taxes and benefits that were to dominate Ghanaian political crises for the next thirty years.[41] CPP backbenchers and UP representatives in the National Assembly sharply criticized the government's demand for increased taxes and, particularly, for a forced savings program. Urban workers began a protest strike, the most serious of a number of public outcries against government measures during 1961. Nkrumah's public demands for an end to corruption in the government and the party further undermined popular faith in the national government. A drop in the price paid to cocoa farmers by the government marketing board aroused resentment among a segment of the population that had always been Nkrumah's major opponent.[41]


of opposition to Nkrumah

Nkrumah's complete domination of political power had served to isolate lesser leaders, leaving each a real or imagined challenger to the ruler. After opposition parties were crushed, opponents came only from within the CPP hierarchy. Among its members was Tawia Adamafio, an Accra politician. Nkrumah had made him general secretary of the CPP for a brief time. Later, Adamafio was appointed minister of state for presidential affairs, the most important post in the president's staff at Flagstaff House, which gradually became the center for all decision making and much of the real administrative machinery for both the CPP and the government. The other leader with an apparently autonomous base was John Tettegah, leader of the Trade Union Congress. Neither, however, proved to have any power other than that granted to them by the president.[42] By 1961, however, the young and more radical members of the CPP leadership, led by Adamafio, had gained ascendancy over the original CPP leaders like Gbedemah. After a bomb attempt on Nkrumah's life in August 1962, Adamafio, Ako Adjei (then minister of foreign affairs), and Cofie Crabbe (all members of


the CPP) were jailed under the Preventive Detention Act. The first Inspector-General of Police, E.R.T Madjitey, from Asite in Manya-Krobo was also relieved of his post. The CPP newspapers charged them with complicity in the assassination attempt, offering as evidence only the fact that they had all chosen to ride in cars far behind the president's when the bomb was thrown. [42] For more than a year, the trial of the alleged plotters of the 1962 assassination attempt occupied center stage. The accused were brought to trial before the three-judge court for state security, headed by the chief justice, Sir Arku Korsah. When the court acquitted the accused, Nkrumah used his constitutional prerogative to dismiss Korsah. Nkrumah then obtained a vote from the parliament that allowed retrial of Adamafio and his associates. A new court, with a jury chosen by Nkrumah, found all the accused guilty and sentenced them to death. These sentences, however, were commuted to twenty years' imprisonment. [42]

[edit]Single-party state
In early 1964, in order to prevent future challenges from the judiciary and after another national referendum, Nkrumah obtained a constitutional amendment allowing him to dismiss any judge. Ghana officially became a single-party state and an act of parliament ensured that there would be only one candidate for president. Other parties having already been outlawed, no non-CPP candidates came forward to challenge the party slate in the general elections announced for June 1965. Nkrumah had been re-elected president of the country for less than a year when members of the National Liberation Council (NLC) overthrew the CPP government in a military coup on February 24, 1966. At the time, Nkrumah was in China. He took up asylum in Guinea, where he remained until he died in 1972. [42]

[edit]Fall of the Nkrumah regime and its aftermath

Main article: History of Ghana (1966-1979)


Leaders of the 1966 military coup justified their takeover by charging that the CPP administration was abusive and corrupt, that Nkrumah's involvement in African politics was overly aggressive, and that the nation lacked democratic practices. They claimed that the military coup of 1966 was a nationalist one because it liberated the nation from Nkrumah's dictatorship. Despite the vast political changes that were brought about by the overthrow of Kwame Nkrumah, many problems remained, including ethnic and regional divisions, the country's economic burdens, and mixed emotions about a resurgence of an overly strong central authority. A considerable portion of the population had become convinced that effective, honest government was incompatible with competitive political parties. Many Ghanaians remained committed to nonpolitical leadership for the nation, even in the form of military rule. The problems of the Busia administration, the country's first elected government after Nkrumah's fall, illustrated the problems Ghana would continue to face. [43] It has been argued that the coup was supported by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency;[44][45] The National Liberation Council (NLC), composed of four army officers and four police officers, assumed executive power. It appointed a cabinet of civil servants and promised to restore democratic government as quickly as possible. These moves culminated in the appointment of a representative assembly to draft a constitution for the Second Republic of Ghana. Political parties were allowed to operate beginning in late 1968. In Ghana's 1969 elections, the first competitive nationwide political contest since 1956, the major contenders were the Progress Party (PP), headed by Kofi Abrefa Busia, and the National Alliance of Liberals (NAL), led by Komla A. Gbedemah. The PP found much of its support among the old opponents of Nkrumah's CPP the educated middle class and traditionalists of Ashanti Region and the North. The NAL was seen as the successor of the CPP's right wing. Overall, the PP gained 59 percent of the popular vote and 74 percent of the seats in the National Assembly. [46]


Gbedemah, who was soon barred from taking his National Assembly seat by a Supreme Court decision, retired from politics, leaving the NAL without a strong leader. In October 1970, the NAL absorbed the members of three other minor parties in the assembly to form the Justice Party (JP) under the leadership of Joseph Appiah. Their combined strength constituted what amounted to a southern bloc with a solid constituency among most of the Ewe and the peoples of the coastal cities. [46] PP leader Busia became prime minister in September 1970. After a brief period under an interim threemember presidential commission, the electoral college chose as president Chief Justice Edward AkufoAddo, one of the leading nationalist politicians of the UGCC era and one of the judges dismissed by Nkrumah in 1964.[46] All attention, however, remained focused on Prime Minister Busia and his government. Much was expected of the Busia administration, because its parliamentarians were considered intellectuals and, therefore, more perceptive in their evaluations of what needed to be done. Many Ghanaians hoped that their decisions would be in the general interest of the nation, as compared with those made by the Nkrumah administration, which were judged to satisfy narrow party interests and, more important, Nkrumah's personal agenda. The NLC had given assurances that there would be more democracy, more political maturity, and more freedom in Ghana, because the politicians allowed to run for the 1969 elections were proponents of Western democracy. In fact, these were the same individuals who had suffered under the old regime and were, therefore, thought to understand the benefits of democracy. [46] Two early measures initiated by the Busia government were the expulsion of large numbers of non-citizens from the country and a companion measure to limit foreign involvement in small businesses. The moves were aimed at relieving the unemployment created by the country's precarious economic situation. The policies were popular because they forced out of the retail sector of the economy those foreigners,


especially Lebanese, Asians, and Nigerians, who were perceived as unfairly monopolizing trade to the disadvantage of Ghanaians. Many other Busia moves, however, were not popular. Busia's decision to introduce a loan program for university students, who had hitherto received free education, was challenged because it was interpreted as introducing a class system into the country's highest institutions of learning. Some observers even saw Busia's devaluation of the national currency and his encouragement of foreign investment in the industrial sector of the economy as conservative ideas that could undermine Ghana's sovereignty.[46] The opposition Justice Party's basic policies did not differ significantly from those of the Busia administration. Still, the party attempted to stress the importance of the central government rather than that of limited private enterprise in economic development, and it continued to emphasize programs of primary interest to the urban work force. The ruling PP emphasized the need for development in rural areas, both to slow the movement of population to the cities and to redress regional imbalance in levels of development. The JP and a growing number of PP members favored suspension of payment on some foreign debts of the Nkrumah era. This attitude grew more popular as debt payments became more difficult to meet. Both parties favored creation of a West African economic community or an economic union with the neighboring West African states.[46] Despite broad popular support garnered at its inception and strong foreign connections, the Busia government fell victim to an army coup within twenty-seven months. Neither ethnic nor class differences played a role in the overthrow of the PP government. The crucial causes were the country's continuing economic difficulties, both those stemming from the high foreign debts incurred by Nkrumah and those resulting from internal problems. The PP government had inherited US$580 million in medium- and longterm debts, an amount equal to 25 percent of the gross domestic product of 1969. By 1971 the US$580


million had been further inflated by US$72 million in accrued interest payments and US$296 million in short-term commercial credits. Within the country, an even larger internal debt fueled inflation. [46] Ghana's economy remained largely dependent upon the often difficult cultivation of and market for cocoa. Cocoa prices had always been volatile, but exports of this tropical crop normally provided about half of the country's foreign currency earnings. Beginning in the 1960s, however, a number of factors combined to limit severely this vital source of national income. These factors included foreign competition (particularly from neighboring Cte d'Ivoire), a lack of understanding of free-market forces (by the government in setting prices paid to farmers), accusations of bureaucratic incompetence in the Cocoa Marketing Board, and the smuggling of crops into Cte d'Ivoire. As a result, Ghana's income from cocoa exports continued to fall dramatically.[46] Austerity measures imposed by the Busia administration, although wise in the long run, alienated influential farmers, who until then had been PP supporters. These measures were part of Busia's economic structural adjustment efforts to put the country on a sounder financial base. The austerity programs had been recommended by the International Monetary Fund. The recovery measures also severely affected the middle class and the salaried work force, both of which faced wage freezes, tax increases, currency devaluations, and rising import prices. These measures precipitated protests from the Trade Union Congress. In response, the government sent the army to occupy the trade union headquarters and to block strike actionsa situation that some perceived as negating the government's claim to be operating democratically.[46] The army troops and officers upon whom Busia relied for support were themselves affected, both in their personal lives and in the tightening of the defense budget, by these same austerity measures. As the leader of the anti-Busia coup declared on January 13, 1972, even those amenities enjoyed by the army


during the Nkrumah regime were no longer available. Knowing that austerity had alienated the officers, the Busia government began to change the leadership of the army's combat elements. This, however, was the last straw. Lieutenant Colonel Ignatius Kutu Acheampong, temporarily commanding the First Brigade around Accra, led a bloodless coup that ended the Second Republic.[46]


Redemption Council years, 19721979

Despite its short existence, the Second Republic was significant in that the development problems the nation faced came clearly into focus. These included uneven distribution of investment funds and favoritism toward certain groups and regions. Important questions about developmental priorities remained unanswered, and after the failure of both the Nkrumah and the Busia regimes (one a one-party state, and the other a multiparty parliamentary democracy) Ghana's path to political stability was obscure. [47] Acheampong's National Redemption Council (NRC) claimed that it had to act to remove the ill effects of the currency devaluation of the previous government and thereby, at least in the short run, to improve living conditions for individual Ghanaians. To justify their takeover, coup leaders leveled charges of corruption against Busia and his ministers. The NRC sought to create a truly military government and did not outline any plan for the return of the nation to democratic rule.[47] In matters of economic policy, Busia's austerity measures were reversed, the Ghanaian currency was revalued upward, foreign debt was repudiated or unilaterally rescheduled, and all large foreign-owned companies were nationalized. The government also provided price supports for basic food imports, while seeking to encourage Ghanaians to become self-reliant in agriculture and the production of raw materials. These measures, while instantly popular, did nothing to solve the country's problems and in fact aggravated the problem of capital flow. Any economic successes were overridden by other basic economic factors. Industry and transportation suffered greatly as oil prices rose in 1974, and the lack of foreign exchange and


credit left the country without fuel. Basic food production continued to decline even as the population grew. Disillusionment with the government developed, and accusations of corruption began to surface.[47] The reorganization of the NRC into the Supreme Military Council (SMC) in 1975 may have been part of a face-saving attempt. Little input from the civilian sector was allowed, and military officers were put in charge of all ministries and state enterprises down to the local level. During the NRC's early years, these administrative changes led many Ghanaians to hope that the soldiers in command would improve the efficiency of the country's bloated bureaucracies.[47] Shortly after that time, the government sought to stifle opposition by issuing a decree forbidding the propagation of rumors and by banning a number of independent newspapers and detaining their journalists. Also, armed soldiers broke up student demonstrations, and the government repeatedly closed the universities, which had become important centers of opposition to NRC policies. The self-appointed Ashanti General, I.K. Acheampong seemed to have much sympathy for women than his ailing economic policies. As the Commissioner(Minister) of Finance, he signed Government checks to concubines and other ladies he barely knew. VW Gulf cars were imported and given to beautiful ladies he came across. Import licenses were given out to friends and ethnic affiliates with impunity. The SMC by 1977 found itself constrained by mounting nonviolent opposition. To be sure, discussions about the nation's political future and its relationship to the SMC had begun in earnest. Although the various opposition groups (university students, lawyers, and other organized civilian groups) called for a return to civilian constitutional rule, Acheampong and the SMC favored a union government a mixture of elected civilian and appointed military leaders but one in which party politics would be abolished. University students and many intellectuals criticized the union government idea, but others, such as Justice Gustav Koranteng-Addow, who chaired the seventeen-member ad hoc committee appointed by the


government to work out details of the plan, defended it as the solution to the nation's political problems. Supporters of the union government idea viewed multiparty political contests as the perpetrators of social tension and community conflict among classes, regions, and ethnic groups. Unionists argued that their plan had the potential to depoliticize public life and to allow the nation to concentrate its energies on economic problems.[47] A national referendum was held in March 1978 to allow the people to accept or reject the union government concept. A rejection of the union government meant a continuation of military rule. Given this choice, it was surprising that so narrow a margin voted in favor of union government. Opponents of the idea organized demonstrations against the government, arguing that the referendum vote had not been free or fair. The Acheampong government reacted by banning several organizations and by jailing as many as 300 of its opponents.[47] The agenda for change in the union government referendum called for the drafting of a new constitution by an SMC-appointed commission, the selection of a constituent assembly by November 1978, and general elections in June 1979. The ad hoc committee had recommended a nonparty election, an elected executive president, and a cabinet whose members would be drawn from outside a single- house National Assembly. The military council would then step down, although its members could run for office as individuals. [47] In July 1978, in a sudden move, the other SMC officers forced Acheampong to resign, replacing him with Lieutenant General Frederick W.K. Akuffo. The SMC apparently acted in response to continuing pressure to find a solution to the country's economic dilemma. Inflation was estimated to be as high as 300 percent that year. There were shortages of basic commodities, and cocoa production fell to half its 1964 peak. The council was also motivated by Acheampong's failure to dampen rising political pressure for changes.


Akuffo, the new SMC chairman, promised publicly to hand over political power to a new government to be elected by July 1, 1979.[47] Despite Akuffo's assurances, opposition to the SMC persisted. The call for the formation of political parties intensified. In an effort to gain support in the face of continuing strikes over economic and political issues, the Akuffo government at length announced that the formation of political parties would be allowed after January 1979. Akuffo also granted amnesty to former members of both Nkrumah's CPP and Busia's PP, as well as to all those convicted of subversion under Acheampong. The decree lifting the ban on party politics went into effect on January 1, 1979, as planned. The constitutional assembly that had been working on a new constitution presented an approved draft and adjourned in May All appeared set for a new attempt at constitutional government in July, when a group of young army officers overthrew the SMC government in June 1979.[47]


Rawlings era

On May 15, 1979, less than five weeks before constitutional elections were to be held, a group of junior officers led by Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings attempted a coup. Initially unsuccessful, the coup leaders were jailed and held for courtmartial. On June 4, however, sympathetic military officers overthrew the Akuffo regime and released Rawlings and his cohorts from prison fourteen days before the scheduled election. Although the SMC's pledge to return political power to civilian hands addressed the concerns of those who wanted civilian government, the young officers who had staged the June 4 coup insisted that issues critical to the image of the army and important for the stability of national politics had been ignored. Naomi Chazan, a leading analyst of Ghanaian politics, aptly assessed the significance of the 1979 coup in the following statement: [48]


Unlike the initial SMC II [the Akuffo period, 1978 1979] rehabilitation effort which focused on the power elite, this second attempt at reconstruction from a situation of disintegration was propelled by growing alienation. It strove, by reforming the guidelines of public behavior, to define anew the state power structure and to revise its inherent social obligations... In retrospect the most irreversible outcome of this phase was the systematic eradication of the SMC leadership... [Their] executions signaled not only the termination of the already fallacious myth of the nonviolence of Ghanaian politics, but, more to the point, the deadly serious determination of the new government to wipe the political slate clean. [48] Rawlings and the young officers formed the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC). The armed forces were purged of senior officers accused of corrupting the image of the military. In carrying out its goal, however, the AFRC was caught between two groups with conflicting interests, Chazan observed. These included the "soldier-supporters of the AFRC who were happy to lash out at all manifestations of the old regimes; and the now organized political parties who decried the undue violence and advocated change with restraint.[48] Despite the coup and the subsequent executions of former heads of military governments (Afrifa of the NLC; Acheampong and some of his associates of the NRC; and Akuffo and leading members of the SMC), the planned elections took place, and Ghana had returned to constitutional rule by the end of September 1979. Before power was granted to the elected government, however, the AFRC sent the unambiguous message that "people dealing with the public, in whatever capacity, are subject to popular supervision, must abide by fundamental notions of probity, and have an obligation to put the good of the community above personal objective." The AFRC position was that the nation's political leaders, at least those from within the military, had not been accountable to the people. The administration of Hilla Limann, inaugurated


on September 24, 1979, at the beginning of the Third Republic, was thus expected to measure up to the new standard advocated by the AFRC.[48] Limann's People's National Party (PNP) began the Third Republic with control of only seventy-one of the 140 legislative seats. The opposition Popular Front Party (PFP) won forty-two seats, while twenty-six elective positions were distributed among three lesser parties. The percentage of the electorate that voted had fallen to 40 percent. Unlike the country's previous elected leaders, Limann was a former diplomat and a noncharismatic figure with no personal following. As Limann himself observed, the ruling PNP included people of conflicting ideological orientations. They sometimes disagreed strongly among themselves on national policies. Many observers, therefore, wondered whether the new government was equal to the task confronting the state.[48] The most immediate threat to the Limann administration, however, was the AFRC, especially those officers who organized themselves into the "June 4 Movement" to monitor the civilian administration. In an effort to keep the AFRC from looking over its shoulder, the government ordered Rawlings and several other army and police officers associated with the AFRC into retirement; nevertheless, Rawlings and his associates remained a latent threat, particularly as the economy continued its decline. The first Limann budget, for fiscal year (FYsee Glossary) 1981, estimated the Ghanaian inflation rate at 70 percent for that year, with a budget deficit equal to 30 percent of the gross national product (GNPsee Glossary). The Trade Union Congress claimed that its workers were no longer earning enough to pay for food, let alone anything else. A rash of strikes, many considered illegal by the government, resulted, each one lowering productivity and therefore national income. In September the government announced that all striking public workers would be dismissed. These factors rapidly eroded the limited support the Limann government enjoyed among civilians and soldiers. The government fell on December 31, 1981, in another Rawlings-led coup.[48]


Rawlings and his colleagues suspended the 1979 constitution, dismissed the president and his cabinet, dissolved the parliament, and proscribed existing political parties. They established the Provisional National Defense Council (PNDC), initially composed of seven members with Rawlings as chairman, to exercise executive and legislative powers. The existing judicial system was preserved, but alongside it the PNDC created the National Investigation Committee to root out corruption and other economic offenses, the anonymous Citizens' Vetting Committee to punish tax evasion, and the Public Tribunals to try various crimes. The PNDC proclaimed its intent to allow the people to exercise political power through defense committees to be established in communities, workplaces, and in units of the armed forces and police. Under the PNDC, Ghana remained a unitary government. [48] In December 1982, the PNDC announced a plan to decentralize government from Accra to the regions, the districts, and local communities, but it maintained overall control by appointing regional and district secretaries who exercised executive powers and also chaired regional and district councils. Local councils, however, were expected progressively to take over the payment of salaries, with regions and districts assuming more powers from the national government. In 1984, the PNDC created a National Appeals Tribunal to hear appeals from the public tribunals, changed the Citizens' Vetting Committee into the Office of Revenue Collection and replaced the system of defense committees with Committees for the Defense of the Revolution.[48] In 1984, the PNDC also created a National Commission on Democracy to study ways to establish participatory democracy in Ghana. The commission issued a "Blue Book" in July 1987 outlining modalities for district-level elections, which were held in late 1988 and early 1989, for newly created district assemblies. One-third of the assembly members are appointed by the government. [48]

[edit]The second coming of Rawlings: the first six years, 19821987


The new government that took power on December 31, 1981, was the eighth in the fifteen years since the fall of Nkrumah. Calling itself the Provisional National Defense Council (PNDC), its membership included Rawlings as chairman, Brigadier Joseph Nunoo-Mensah (whom Limann had dismissed as army commander), two other officers, and three civilians. Despite its military connections, the PNDC made it clear that it was unlike other soldier-led governments. This was immediately proved by the appointment of fifteen civilians to cabinet positions.[49] In a radio broadcast on January 5, 1982, Rawlings presented a detailed statement explaining the factors that had necessitated termination of the Third Republic. The PNDC chairman assured the people that he had no intention of imposing himself on Ghanaians. Rather, he "wanted a chance for the people, farmers, workers, soldiers, the rich and the poor, to be part of the decision-making process." He described the two years since the AFRC had handed over power to a civilian government as a period of regression during which political parties attempted to divide the people in order to rule them. The ultimate purpose for the return of Rawlings was, therefore, to "restore human dignity to Ghanaians." In the chairman's words, the dedication of the PNDC to achieving its goals was different from any the country had ever known. It was for that reason that the takeover was not a military coup, but rather a "holy war" that would involve the people in the transformation of the socioeconomic structure of the society. The PNDC also served notice to friends and foes alike that any interference in the PNDC agenda would be "fiercely resisted." [49] Opposition to the PNDC administration developed nonetheless in different sectors of the political spectrum. The most obvious groups opposing the government were former PNP and PFP members. They argued that the Third Republic had not been given time to prove itself and that the PNDC administration was unconstitutional. Further opposition came from the Ghana Bar Association (GBA), which criticized the government's use of people's tribunals in the administration of justice. Members of the Trade Union


Congress were also angered when the PNDC ordered them to withdraw demands for increased wages. The National Union of Ghanaian Students (NUGS) went even farther, calling on the government to hand over power to the attorney general, who would supervise new elections. [49] By the end of June 1982, an attempted coup had been discovered, and those implicated had been executed. Many who disagreed with the PNDC administration were driven into exile, where they began organizing their opposition. They accused the government of human rights abuses and political intimidation, which forced the country, especially the press, into a "culture of silence." [49] Meanwhile, the PNDC was subjected to the influence of contrasting political philosophies and goals. Although the revolutionary leaders agreed on the need for radical change, they differed on the means of achieving it. For example, John Ndebugre, secretary for agriculture in the PNDC government, who was later appointed northern regional secretary (governor), belonged to the radical Kwame Nkrumah Revolutionary Guard, an extreme left-wing organization that advocated a Marxist-Leninist course for the PNDC. He was detained and jailed for most of the latter part of the 1980s. Other members of the PNDC, including Kojo Tsikata, P.V. Obeng, and Kwesi Botchwey, were believed to be united only by their determination either to uplift the country from its desperate conditions or to protect themselves from vocal opposition.[49] In keeping with Rawlings's commitment to populism as a political principle, the PNDC began to form governing coalitions and institutions that would incorporate the populace at large into the machinery of the national government. Workers' Defence Committees (WDCs), People's Defence Committees (PDCs), Citizens' Vetting Committees (CVCs), Regional Defence Committees (RDCs), and National Defence Committees (NDCs) were all created to ensure that those at the bottom of society were given the opportunity to participate in the decision-making process. These committees were to be involved in


community projects and community decisions, and individual members were expected to expose corruption and "anti- social activities." Public tribunals, which were established outside the normal legal system, were also created to try those accused of antigovernment acts. And a four-week workshop aimed at making these cadres morally and intellectually prepared for their part in the revolution was completed at the University of Ghana, Legon, in July and August 1983. [49] Various opposition groups criticized the PDCs and WDCs, however. The aggressiveness of certain WDCs, it was argued, interfered with management's ability to make the bold decisions needed for the recovery of the national economy. In response to such criticisms, the PNDC announced on December 1, 1984, the dissolution of all PDCs, WDCs, and NDCs, and their replacement with Committees for the Defence of the Revolution (CDRs). With regard to public boards and statutory corporations, excluding banks and financial institutions, Joint Consultative Committees (JCCs) that acted as advisory bodies to managing directors were created.[49] The public tribunals, however, despite their characterization as undemocratic by the GBA, were maintained. Although the tribunals had been established in 1982, the law providing for the creation of a national public tribunal to hear and determine appeals from, and decisions of, regional public tribunals was not passed until August 1984. Section 3 and Section 10 of the PNDC Establishment Proclamation limited public tribunals to cases of a political and an economic nature. The limitations placed on public tribunals by the government in 1984 may have been an attempt by the administration to redress certain weaknesses. The tribunals, however, were not abolished; rather, they were defended as "fundamental to a good legal system" that needed to be maintained in response to "growing legal consciousness on the part of the people."[49]


At the time when the foundations of these sociopolitical institutions were being laid, the PNDC was also engaged in a debate about how to finance the reconstruction of the national economy. The country had indeed suffered from what some described as the excessive and unwise, if not foolish, expenditures of the Nkrumah regime. The degree of decline under the NRC and the SMC had also been devastating. By December 1981, when the PNDC came to power, the inflation rate topped 200 percent, while real GDP had declined by 3 percent per annum for seven years. Not only cocoa production but even diamonds and timber exports had dropped dramatically. Gold production had also fallen to half its preindependence level.[49] Ghana's sorry economic condition, according to the PNDC, had resulted in part from the absence of good political leadership. In fact, as early as the AFRC administration in 1979, Rawlings and his associates had accused three former military leaders (generals Afrifa, Acheampong, and Akuffo) of corruption and greed and of thereby contributing to the national crisis and had executed them on the basis of this accusation. In other words, the AFRC in 1979 attributed the national crisis to internal, primarily political, causes. The overthrow of the Limann administration by the PNDC in 1981 was an attempt to prevent another inept administration from aggravating an already bad economic situation. By implication, the way to resolve some of the problems was to stabilize the political situation and to improve the economic conditions of the nation radically.[49] At the end of its first year in power, the PNDC announced a four-year program of economic austerity and sacrifice that was to be the first phase of an Economic Recovery Program (ERP). If the economy were to improve significantly, there was need for a large injection of capitala resource that could only be obtained from international financial institutions of the West. There were those on the PNDC's ideological left, however, who rejected consultation with such agencies because these institutions were blamed in part for


the nation's predicament. Precisely because some members of the government also held such views, the PNDC secretary for finance and economic planning, Kwesi Botchwey, felt the need to justify World Bank (see Glossary) assistance to Ghana in 1983: [49] It would be naive and unrealistic for certain sections of the Ghanaian society to think that the request for economic assistance from the World Bank and its affiliates means a sell-out of the aims and objectives of the Ghanaian revolution to the international community... It does not make sense for the country to become a member of the bank and the IMF and continue to pay its dues only to decline to utilize the resources of these two institutions.[49] The PNDC recognized that it could not depend on friendly nations such as Libya to address the economic problems of Ghana. The magnitude of the crisismade worse by widespread bush fires that devastated crop production in 19831984 and by the return of more than one million Ghanaians who had been expelled from Nigeria in 1983, which had intensified the unemployment situation called for monetary assistance from institutions with bigger financial chests. [49] Phase One of the ERP began in 1983. Its goal was economic stability. In broad terms, the government wanted to reduce inflation and to create confidence in the nation's ability to recover. By 1987 progress was clearly evident. The rate of inflation had dropped to 20 percent, and between 1983 and 1987, Ghana's economy reportedly grew at 6 percent per year. Official assistance from donor countries to Ghana's recovery program averaged US$430 million in 1987, more than double that of the preceding years. The PNDC administration also made a remarkable payment of more than US$500 million in loan arrears dating to before 1966. In recognition of these achievements, international agencies had pledged more than US$575 million to the country's future programs by May 1987. With these accomplishments in place, the


PNDC inaugurated Phase Two of the ERP, which envisioned privatization of state-owned assets, currency devaluation, and increased savings and investment, and which was to continue until 1990. [49] Notwithstanding the successes of Phase One of the ERP, many problems remained, and both friends and foes of the PNDC were quick to point them out. One commentator noted the high rate of Ghanaian unemployment as a result of the belt-tightening policies of the PNDC. In the absence of employment or redeployment policies to redress such problems, he wrote, the effects of the austerity programs might create circumstances that could derail the PNDC recovery agenda. [49] Unemployment was only one aspect of the political problems facing the PNDC government; another was the size and breadth of the PNDC's political base. The PNDC initially espoused a populist program that appealed to a wide variety of rural and urban constituents. Even so, the PNDC was the object of significant criticism from various groups that in one way or another called for a return to constitutional government. Much of this criticism came from student organizations, the GBA, and opposition groups in self- imposed exile, who questioned the legitimacy of the military government and its declared intention of returning the country to constitutional rule. So vocal was the outcry against the PNDC that it appeared on the surface as if the PNDC enjoyed little support among those groups who had historically molded and influenced Ghanaian public opinion. At a time when difficult policies were being implemented, the PNDC could ill afford the continued alienation and opposition of such prominent critics. [49] By the mid-1980s, therefore, it had become essential that the PNDC demonstrate that it was actively considering steps towards constitutionalism and civilian rule. This was true notwithstanding the recognition of Rawlings as an honest leader and the perception that the situation he was trying to redress was not of his creation. To move in the desired direction, the PNDC needed to weaken the influence and credibility of all antagonistic groups while it created the necessary political structures that would bring more and more


Ghanaians into the process of national reconstruction. The PNDC's solution to its dilemma was the proposal for district assemblies.[49]

[edit]District assemblies
Although the National Commission for Democracy (NCD) had existed as an agency of the PNDC since 1982, it was not until September 1984 that Justice Daniel F. Annan, himself a member of the ruling council, was appointed chairman. The official inauguration of the NCD in January 1985 signaled PNDC determination to move the nation in a new political direction. According to its mandate, the NCD was to devise a viable democratic system, utilizing public discussions. Annan explained the necessity for the commission's work by arguing that the political party system of the past lost track of the country's socioeconomic development processes. There was the need, therefore, to search for a new political order that would be functionally democratic. Constitutional rules of the past were not acceptable to the new revolutionary spirit, Annan continued, which saw the old political order as using the ballot box "merely to ensure that politicians got elected into power, after which communication between the electorate and their elected representative completely broke down."[50] After two years of deliberations and public hearings, the NCD recommended the formation of district assemblies as local governing institutions that would offer opportunities to the ordinary person to become involved in the political process. The PNDC scheduled elections of the proposed assemblies for the last quarter of 1988.[50] If, as Rawlings said, the PNDC revolution was a "holy war," then the proposed assemblies were part of a PNDC policy intended to annihilate enemy forces or, at least, to reduce them to impotence. The strategy was to deny the opposition a legitimate political forum within which it could articulate its objections to the government. It was for this reason, as much as it was for those stated by Annan, that a five-member District


Assembly Committee was created in each of the nation's 110 administrative districts and was charged by the NCD with ensuring that all candidates followed electoral rules. The district committees were to disqualify automatically any candidate who had a record of criminal activity, insanity, or imprisonment involving fraud or electoral offenses in the past, especially after 1979. Also barred from elections were all professionals accused of fraud, dishonesty, and malpractice. The ban on political parties, instituted at the time of the Rawlings coup, was to continue. [50] By barring candidates associated with corruption and mismanagement of national resources from running for district assembly positions, the PNDC hoped to establish new values to govern political behavior in Ghana. To do so effectively, the government also made it illegal for candidates to mount campaign platforms other than the one defined by the NCD. Every person qualified to vote in the district could propose candidates or be nominated as a candidate. Candidates could not be nominated by organizations and associations but had to run for district office on the basis of personal qualifications and service to their communities.[50] Once in session, an assembly was to become the highest political authority in each district. Assembly members were to be responsible for deliberation, evaluation, coordination, and implementation of programs accepted as appropriate for the district's economic development; however, district assemblies were to be subject to the general guidance and direction of the central government. To ensure that district developments were in line with national policies, one-third of assembly members were to be traditional authorities (chiefs) or their representatives; these members were to be approved by the PNDC in consultation with the traditional authorities and other "productive economic groups in the district." In other words, a degree of autonomy may have been granted to the assemblies in the determination of programs


most suited to the districts, but the PNDC left itself with the ultimate responsibility of making sure that such programs were in line with the national economic recovery program. [50] District assemblies as outlined in PNDC documents were widely discussed by friends and foes of the government. Some hailed the proposal as compatible with the goal of granting the people opportunities to manage their own affairs, but others (especially those of the political right) accused the government of masking its intention to remain in power. If the government's desire for democracy were genuine, a timetable for national elections should have been its priority rather than the preoccupation with local government, they argued. Some questioned the wisdom of incorporating traditional chiefs and the degree to which these traditional leaders would be committed to the district assembly idea, while others attacked the election guidelines as undemocratic and, therefore, as contributing to a culture of silence in Ghana. To such critics, the district assemblies were nothing but a move by the PNDC to consolidate its position. [50] Rawlings, however, responded to such criticism by restating the PNDC strategy and the rationale behind it:[50] Steps towards more formal political participation are being taken through the district-level elections that we will be holding throughout the country as part of our decentralisation policy. As I said in my nationwide broadcast on December 31, if we are to see a sturdy tree of democracy grow, we need to learn from the past and nurture very carefully and deliberately political institutions that will become the pillars upon which the people's power will be erected. A new sense of responsibility must be created in each workplace, each village, each district; we already see elements of this in the work of the CDRs, the December 31 Women's Movement, the June 4 Movement, Town and Village Development Committees, and other organizations through which the voice of the people is being heard.[50]


As for the categorization of certain PNDC policies as "leftist" and "rightist," Rawlings dismissed such allegations as "remarkably simplistic ... What is certain is that we are moving forward!" For the PNDC, therefore, the district elections constituted an obvious first step in a political process that was to culminate at the national level. [50] Rawlings's explanation notwithstanding, various opposition groups continued to describe the PNDCproposed district assemblies as a mere public relations ploy designed to give political legitimacy to a government that had come to power by unconstitutional means. Longtime observers of the Ghanaian political scene, however, identified two major issues at stake in the conflict between the government and its critics: the means by which political stability was to be achieved, and the problem of attaining sustained economic growth. Both had preoccupied the country since the era of Nkrumah. The economic recovery programs implemented by the PNDC in 1983 and the proposal for district assemblies in 1987 were major elements in the government's strategy to address these fundamental and persistent problems. Both were very much part of the national debate in Ghana in the late 1980s. [50]

[edit]End of single-party state


Ghana's 50th Independence Anniversary parade in Accra, March 2007.

Under international and domestic pressure for a return to democracy, the PNDC allowed the establishment of a 258-member Consultative Assembly made up of members representing geographic districts as well as established civic or business organizations. The assembly was charged to draw up a draft constitution to establish a fourth republic, using PNDC proposals. The PNDC accepted the final product without revision, and it was put to a national referendum on April 28, 1992, in which it received 92% approval. On May 18, 1992, the ban on party politics was lifted in preparation for multi-party elections. The PNDC and its supporters formed a new party, the National Democratic Congress(NDC), to contest the elections. Presidential elections were held on November 3 and parliamentary elections on December 29 of that year. Members of the opposition boycotted the parliamentary elections, however, which resulted in a 200 seat Parliament with only 17 opposition party members and two independents.


Fourth Republic


The Constitution entered into force on January 7, 1993, to found the Fourth Republic. On that day, Rawlings was inaugurated as President and members of Parliament swore their oaths of office. In 1996, the opposition fully contested the presidential and parliamentary elections, which were described as peaceful, free, and transparent by domestic and international observers. Rawlings was re-elected with 57% of the popular vote. In addition, Rawlings' NDC party won 133 of the Parliament's 200 seats, just one seat short of the two-thirds majority needed to amend the Constitution, although the election returns of two parliamentary seats faced legal challenges. In the presidential election of 2000, Jerry Rawlings endorsed his vice president, John Atta-Mills, as the candidate for the ruling NDC. John Kufuor stood for the New Patriotic Party (NPP), won the election, and became the president on January 7, 2001. The vice president was Aliu Mahama. The presidential election of 2000 was viewed as free and fair.[51] Kufuor won another term again in the presidential election in 2004. In the presidency of Kufuor saw several social reforms, such as the reform in the system of National Health Insurance of Ghana in 2003.[52] In 2005 started the Ghana School Feeding Programme, in which a free hot meal per day was provided in public schools and kindergartens in the poorest area. [53] Although some projects were criticised as unfinished or unfunded, the progress of Ghana was noted internationally.[54] President Kufuor soon gave up power in 2008. The ruling New Patriotic Party chose Nana Akuffo Addo, son of Edward Akuffo Addo as their candidate whilst National Democratic Congress's John Atta Mills stood for the third time. After a run-off, John Atta MIlls won the election. On the 24th of July, 2012, Ghana suffered a shocking blow when their president passed away. Power was then given to his vice-president, John Dramani Mahama. He chose the then Governor of the Bank of Ghana, Mr Amissah Arthur, as his vice. The National Democratic Congress won the 2012 election, making John Mahama rule again, his first term.




Heads of government of Ghana History of Africa History of West Africa List of Ghana governments List of heads of state of Ghana Politics of Ghana



^ http://encarta.msn.com/encyclopedia_761570799/Ghana.html Encarta article on Ghana "the new state took its name from that of the medieval empire of Ghana" is third line down from the top. Archived 2009-11-01.


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McLaughlin & Owusu-Ansah (1994), "The Pre-Colonial. Peter is a national citizen of

Ghana and is the dictator. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. ^ Robin Hallett, Africa to 1875 (University of Michigan Press: Ann Arbor, 1970) p. 69. ^ Robin Hallett, Africa to 1875, p. 153. ^ Robin Hallett, Africa to 1875, pp. 153-154. ^
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McLaughlin & Owusu-Ansah (1994), "Early European Contact and the Slave Trade".

^ Robin Hallett, Africa to 1875, p. 164. ^ Robin Hallett, Africa to 1875, p. 164 ^ Robin Hallett, Africa to 1875, p. 219.


10. ^ Walter Rodney, From Gold to Slaves on the Gold Coast,Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana 11. ^ Robin Hallett, Africa to 1875, p. 188. 12. ^
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McLaughlin & Owusu-Ansah (1994), "Britain and the Gold Coast: the Early Years".

13. ^ Robin Hallett, Africa to 1875, p. 188 14. ^ Robin Hallett, Africa Since 1875 (University of Michigan Press: Ann Arbor, 1974) p. 279. 15. ^ Robin Hallett, Africa Since 1875, p. 281. 16. ^ Robin Hallett, Africa Since 1875", p. 281. 17. ^ 18. ^
a b c a b

McLaughlin & Owusu-Ansah (1994), "The Colonial Era: British Rule of the Gold Coast".

Robin Hallett, Africa Since 1875: A Modern History, p. 281.

19. ^ Robin Hallett, Africa since 1875: A Modern History, p. 281. 20. ^
a b c d

McLaughlin & Owusu-Ansah (1994), "Colonial Administration".

21. ^ Robin Hallett, Africa since 1875: A Modern History, p. 327. 22. ^
a b

Robin Hallett, Africa Since 1875: A Modern History, p. 327.

23. ^ Robin Hallett, Africa Since 1875, pp. 327-328. 24. ^ Robin Hallett, Africa Since 1875: A Modern History, p. 328. 25. ^ 26. ^
a b c d a b

McLaughlin & Owusu-Ansah (1994), "Economic and Social Development".

Robin Hallett, Africa Since 1875: a Modern History, p. 303.

27. ^ Robin Hallett, Africa Since 1875: a Modern History, p. 341. 28. ^ Robin Hallett, Africa since 1875: A Modern History, p. 341. 29. ^
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Robin Hallett, Africa Since 1875: A Modern History, p. 341.

30. ^ Robin Hallett, Africa Since 1875: A Modern History, p. 353.


31. ^ Robin Hallett, Africa Since 1875: A Modern History, p.353. 32. ^
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McLaughlin & Owusu-Ansah (1994), "Early Manifestations of Nationalism".

33. ^ Robin Hallett, Africa Since 1875: A Modern History, pp. 364-365. 34. ^ Robin Hallet, Africa Since 1875: A Modern History, p. 365. 35. ^
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McLaughlin & Owusu-Ansah (1994), "The Politics of the Independence Movements".

36. ^ Robin Hallett, Africa Since 1875: A Modern History, p. 365. 37. ^ http://select.nytimes.com/mem/archive/pdf?res=F40616FC3D5F107A93C0A8178ED85F428585F9 38. ^ http://select.nytimes.com/mem/archive/pdf?res=FA0E16F8395C127A93C6A91783D85F428585F9 39. ^ http://select.nytimes.com/mem/archive/pdf?res=F10813FB3C5A177B93CBA81782D85F428585F9 40. ^ 41. ^ 42. ^
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McLaughlin & Owusu-Ansah (1994), "Independent Ghana". McLaughlin & Owusu-Ansah (1994), "Nkrumah, Ghana, and Africa".

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McLaughlin & Owusu-Ansah (1994), "The Growth of Opposition to Nkrumah".

43. ^ McLaughlin & Owusu-Ansah (1994), "The Fall of the Nkrumah Regime and its Aftermath". 44. ^ Interview with John Stockwell in Pandora's Box: Black Power (Adam Curtis, BBC Two, June 22, 1992) 45. ^ Foreign Relations of The United States 1964-1968, Volume XXIV. United States Department of State, Richard Helms (CIA) file on Nkrumah. ghanaweb.com, 4th February - A Dark Day In Our National History. ghanaweb.com. 24 February 2005, On Nkrumah assassination by CIA: Gaines, Kevin (2006) American Africans in Ghana, Black expatriates and the Civil Rights Era, The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill. 46. ^
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McLaughlin & Owusu-Ansah (1994), "The National Liberation Council and the Busia

Years, 196671".


47. ^

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McLaughlin & Owusu-Ansah (1994), "The National Redemption Council Years, 1972

79". 48. ^ 49. ^

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McLaughlin & Owusu-Ansah (1994), "Ghana and the Rawlings Era". McLaughlin & Owusu-Ansah (1994), "The second coming of Rawlings: the

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first six years, 198287". 50. ^

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McLaughlin & Owusu-Ansah (1994), "The District Assemblies".

51. ^ Defending Democracy: A Global Survey of Foreign Policy Trends 1992-2002 Democracy Coalition Project. demcoalition.org. 52. ^ Pflanz, Mike. Ghana says goodbye to President John Kufuor a good man in Africa. The Daily Telegraph. 7 December 2008. 53. ^ The Ghana School Feeding Programme. SNV Netherlands Development Organisation. 54. ^ Ghana: From Kufuor to Mills. House of Commons Library.

History of Africa

Bantu peoples

301 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Bantu

Approximate distribution of Bantu peoples divided into zones according to the Guthrie classification of Bantu languages Regions with significant populations Sub-Saharan Africa Languages


Bantu languages (over 140) Religion Christianity, Islam, Animism Bantu is used as a general label for the 300600 ethnic groups in Africa who speak Bantu languages, distributed from Cameroon east across Central Africa and Eastern Africa to Southern Africa. There are about 250 Bantu languages by the criterion of mutual intelligibility,[1] though the distinction between language and dialect is often unclear, and Ethnologue counts 535 languages.[2] The Bantu family is fragmented into hundreds of individual groups, none of them larger than a few million people (the largest being the Zulu with some 10 million). The Bantu language Swahili with its 5-10 million native speakers is of super-regional importance as tens of millions fluently command it as a second language. Contents [hide]

1 Etymology 2 Origins and expansion 3 Use of the term "Bantu" in South Africa 4 See also


5 Notes 6 References

[edit]Etymology Bantu or its various forms means the people or humans. The word appears in all Bantu languages in various forms. For example, as watu in Swahili, batu in Lingala, bato in Duala, abantu in Zulu and Ganda, Vanhu in Shona and Van du in someLuhya dialects. [edit]Origins and expansion Main article: Bantu expansion

Kongo youth and adults in Kinshasa,Democratic Republic of Congo Current scholarly understanding places the ancestral proto-Bantu homeland near the southwestern modern boundary of Nigeria and Cameroon ca. 4,000 years ago (2000 B.C.), and regards the Bantu

304 languages as a branch of the NigerCongolanguage family.[3] This view represents a resolution of debates in the 1960s over competing theories advanced by Joseph Greenberg and Malcolm Guthrie, in favor of refinements of Greenberg's theory. Based on wide comparisons including non-Bantu languages, Greenberg argued that Proto-Bantu, the hypothetical ancestor of the Bantu languages, had strong ancestral affinities with a group of languages spoken in Southeastern Nigeria. He proposed that Bantu languages had spread east and south from there, to secondary centers of further dispersion, over hundreds of years.

A Kikuyu woman in Kenya

305 Using a different comparative method focused more exclusively on relationships among Bantu languages, Guthrie argued for a single central African dispersal point spreading at a roughly equal rate in all directions. Subsequent research on loanwords for adaptations in agriculture and animal husbandry and on the wider NigerCongo language family rendered that thesis untenable. In the 1990s Jan Vansinaproposed a modification of Greenberg's ideas, in which dispersions from secondary and tertiary centers resembled Guthrie's central node idea, but from a number of regional centers rather than just one, creating linguistic clusters.[4]


307 1 = 20001500 BC origin 2 = ca.1500 BC first migrations 2.a = Eastern Bantu, 2.b = Western Bantu 3 = 1000500 BC Urewe nucleus of Eastern Bantu 47 = southward advance 9 = 500 BC0 Congo nucleus 10 = 01000 AD last phase[5][6][7] It is unclear when exactly the spread of Bantu-speakers began from their core area as hypothesized ca. 5,000 years ago. By 3,500 years ago (1500 B.C.) in the west, Bantu-speaking communities had reached the great Central African rain forest, and by 2,500 years ago (500 B.C.) pioneering groups had emerged into the savannahs to the south, in what are now the Democratic Republic of Congo, Angolaand Zambia. Another stream of migration, moving east, by 3,000 years ago (1000 B.C.) was creating a major new population center near the Great Lakes of East Africa, where a rich environment supported a dense population. Movements by small groups to the southeast from the Great Lakes region were more rapid, with initial settlements widely dispersed near the coast and near rivers, due to comparatively harsh farming conditions in areas farther from water. Pioneering groups had reached modern KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa by A.D. 300 along the coast, and the modern Northern Province (encompassed within the former province of the Transvaal) by A.D. 500.[8]


A Makua mother and child. The Makua are the largest Bantu group inMozambique, a predominantly Bantu country. Before the expansion of farming and herding peoples, including those speaking Bantu languages, Africa south of the equator was populated by neolithic hunting and foraging peoples. Some of them were ancestral to modern Central African forest peoples (so-called Pygmies) who now speak Bantu languages. Others were proto-Khoisan-speaking peoples, whose few modern hunterforager and linguistic descendants today occupy the arid regions around the Kalahari desert. Many more Khoekhoe and San descendants have a Coloured identity in South Africa and Namibia, speaking Afrikaans and English. The small Hadza and Sandawe populations in Tanzania comprise the other modern hunter-forager remnant in Africa.


Early Iron Age findings in eastern and southern Africa Over a period of many centuries, most hunting-foraging peoples were displaced and absorbed by incoming Bantu-speaking communities, as well as by Ubangian, Nilotic and Central Sudanic languagespeakers in North Central and Eastern Africa. The Bantu expansion was a long series of physical migrations, a diffusion of language and knowledge out into and in from neighboring populations, and a creation of new societal groups involving inter-marriage among communities and small groups moving to communities and small groups moving to new areas.

310 After their movements from their original homeland in West Africa, Bantus also encountered in East Africa peoples of Cushitic origin. As cattle terminology in use amongst the few modern Bantupastoralist groups suggests, the Bantu migrants would acquire cattle from their new Cushitic neighbors. Linguistic evidence also indicates that Bantus likely borrowed the custom of milking cattle directly from Cushitic peoples in the area.[9] Later interactions between Bantu and Cushitic peoples resulted in Bantu groups with significant Cushitic admixture and culturo-linguistic influences, such as the Herero herdsmen of southern Africa.[10][11]

Bubi girls in Equatorial Guinea On the coastal section of East Africa, another mixed Bantu community developed through contact with Muslim Arab and Persian traders. The Swahili culture that emerged from these exchanges evinces many Arab and Islamic influences not seen in traditional Bantu culture, as do the many AfroArab members of the Bantu Swahili people. With its original speech community centered on the coastal parts of Zanzibar, Kenya and Tanzania -- a seaboard referred to as the Swahili Coast -- the Bantu Swahili language contains many Arabic loan-words as a consequence of these interactions.[12] Between the 14th and 15th centuries, Bantu-speaking states began to emerge in the Great Lakes region in the savannah south of the Central African rainforest. On the Zambezi river,

311 theMonomatapa kings built the famous Great Zimbabwe complex, a civilization whose origins and ethnic affiliations are uncertain. From the 16th century onward, the processes of state formation amongst Bantu peoples increased in frequency. This was probably due to denser population (which led to more specialized divisions of labor, including military power, while making emigration more difficult); to increased interaction amongst Bantu-speaking communities with Chinese, European, Indonesian and Arab traders on the coasts; to technological developments in economic activity; and to new techniques in the political-spiritual ritualization of royalty as the source of national strength and health.[13] [edit]Use of the term "Bantu" in South Africa Main article: Bantu-speaking peoples of South Africa


A Zulu traditional dancer in Southern Africa. In the 1920s relatively liberal white South Africans, missionaries and the small black intelligentsia began to use the term "Bantu" in preference to "Native" and more derogatory terms (such as "Kaffir") to refer collectively to Bantu-speaking South Africans. After World War II, the racialist National Party governments adopted that usage officially, while the growing African nationalist movement and its liberal white allies turned to the term "African" instead, so that

313 "Bantu" became identified with the policies of apartheid. By the 1970s this so discredited "Bantu" as an ethno-racial designation that the apartheid government switched to the term "Black" in its official racial categorizations, restricting it to Bantu-speaking Africans, at about the same time that the Black Consciousness Movementled by Steve Biko and others were defining "Black" to mean all racially oppressed South Africans (Africans, Coloureds and Indians). Examples of South African usages of "Bantu" include: 1. One of South Africa's politicians of recent times, General Bantubonke Harrington Holomisa (Bantubonke is a compound noun meaning "all the people"), is known as Bantu Holomisa. 2. The South African apartheid governments originally gave the name "bantustans" to the eleven rural reserve areas intended for a spurious, ersatz independence to deny Africans South African citizenship. "Bantustan" originally reflected an analogy to the various ethnic "stans" of Western and Central Asia. Again association with apartheid discredited the term, and the South African government shifted to the politically appealing but historically deceptive term "ethnic homelands". Meanwhile the anti-apartheid movement persisted in calling the areas bantustans, to drive home their political illegitimacy. 3. The abstract noun ubuntu, humanity or humaneness, is derived regularly from the Nguni noun stem -ntu in isiXhosa, isiZulu and siNdebele. In siSwati the stem is -ntfu and the noun is buntfu. 4. In the SothoTswana languages of southern Africa, batho is the cognate term to Nguni abantu, illustrating that such cognates need not actually look like the -ntu root exactly. The early African National Congress of South Africa had a newspaper called AbantuBatho from 19121933, which carried columns in English, isiZulu, Sesotho, and isiXhosa. [edit]See also


Bantu Educational Kinema Experiment Candombl Bantu Centre International des Civilisations Bantu

[edit]Notes 1. ^ Derek Nurse, 2006, "Bantu Languages", in the Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics 2. ^ Ethnologue report for Southern Bantoid. The figure of 535 includes the 13 Mbam languages considered Bantu in Guthrie's classification and thus counted by Nurse (2006) 3. ^ Erhet & Posnansky, eds. (1982), Newman (1995) 4. ^ Vansina (1995) 5. ^ The Chronological Evidence for the Introduction of Domestic Stock in Southern Africa 6. ^ A Brief History of Botswana 7. ^ On Bantu and Khoisan in (Southeastern) Zambia, (in German) 8. ^ Newman (1995), Ehret (1998), Shillington (2005) 9. ^ J. D. Fage, A history of Africa, Routledge, 2002, p.29 10. ^ Was there an interchange between Cushitic pastoralists and Khoisan speakers in the prehistory of Southern Africa and how can this be detected?

315 11. ^ Robert Gayre, Ethnological elements of Africa, (The Armorial, 1966), p.45 12. ^ Daniel Don Nanjira, African Foreign Policy and Diplomacy: From Antiquity to the 21st Century, ABC-CLIO, 2010, p.114 13. ^ Shillington (2005) [edit]References

Christopher Ehret, An African Classical Age: Eastern and Southern Africa in World History, 1000 B.C. to A.D. 400, James Currey, London, 1998 Christopher Ehret and Merrick Posnansky, eds., The Archaeological and Linguistic Reconstruction of African History, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1982 April A. Gordon and Donald L. Gordon, Understanding Contemporary Africa, Lynne Riener, London, 1996 John M. Janzen, Ngoma: Discourses of Healing in Central and Southern Africa, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1992 James L. Newman, The Peopling of Africa: A Geographic Interpretation, Yale University Press, New Haven, 1995. ISBN 0-300-07280-5. Kevin Shillington, History of Africa, 3rd ed. St. Martin's Press, New York, 2005 Jan Vansina, Paths in the Rainforest: Toward a History of Political Tradition in Equatorial Africa, University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, 1990


Jan Vansina, "New linguistic evidence on the expansion of Bantu", Journal of African History 36:173195, 1995


Bantu Ethnic groups in Africa

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Andaman Islands
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Andaman Islands

Location of the Andaman Islands. Geography Location Coordinates Bay of Bengal 1230N 9245ECoordinates: 1230N 9245E Andaman and Nicobar Islands



Total islands Major islands

572 North Andaman Island,Little Andaman, Middle Andaman Island 8,249 km2 (3,185 sq mi)


Highest elevation 732 m (2,402 ft) Highest point Country India Union Territory Capital city Demographics Population Density 343,125 (as of 2011) 48 /km2 (124 /sq mi) Andaman and Nicobar Islands Port Blair Saddle Peak


Ethnic groups

Mainland Indians Jarawa Onge Sentinelese Great Andamanese

Additional information Official website www.and.nic.in


325 Detailed map of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands The Andaman Islands are a group of Indian Ocean archipelagic islands in the Bay of Bengal, between the Indian peninsula to the west and Burma to the north and east. Most of the islands are part of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands Union Territory of India, while a small number in the north of the archipelago belong to Burma such as the Coco Islands. Contents [hide]

1 History
o o o o o

1.1 Early inhabitants 1.2 Traveler reports 1.3 Chola Empire 1.4 Maratha empire 1.5 British Colonization and Penal Colony

1.5.1 Japanese occupation

1.6 Recent history

2 Geography 3 Flora


3.1 Timber

4 Fauna
o o o

4.1 Mammals 4.2 Birds 4.3 Reptiles and amphibians

5 Demographics

5.1 Indigenous Andamanese

6 Government 7 Cultural references 8 Transportation 9 See also 10 Notes 11 References 12 External links



Comparative distributions of Andamanese indigenous peoples, pre-18C vs present-day [edit]Early inhabitants The Andaman islands have been inhabited for several thousand years, at the very least. The earliest archaeological evidence yet documented goes back some 2,200 years; however, the indications from genetic, cultural and isolation studies suggests that it may have been in the Middle Paleolithic.[1] The indigenous Andamanese people appear to have lived on the islands in substantial isolation from that time until the 18th century CE. The Andamans are theorized to be a key stepping stone in a great coastal migration of humans from Africa via the Arabian peninsula, along the coastal regions of the Indian mainland and towards Southeast Asia, Japan and Oceania.[2] [edit]Traveler reports

328 The name of the Andaman Islands is ancient. A theory that became prevalent since the late 19th century is that it derives from Hanuman, the Malay form of Hanuman, the Sanskrit name of the Indian monkey-god.[3][4] The name first appears in the work of Arab geographers of the 9th century (Soleyman in 851).[citation needed] It is possible that ancient geographers like Ptolemy also knew of the Andamans but referred to them by a different name. The Persiannavigator Buzurg ibn Shahriyar of Ramhormuz, in his 10nth century book Ajaib al-Hind (The wonders of India) described the islands as being inhabited by fierce cannibalistic tribes by. The book also mentions an island he called Andaman al-Kabir(Great Andaman).[5][6] The Andaman and Nicobar islands are called Timaittivu ("impure islands" in Tamil) in Chola Dynasty chronicles.[7] Marco Polo briefly mentions the Andamans (calling them Angamanain), though it is uncertain whether he visited the islands and if he did, whether he met the natives if he did, because he describes them as having heads like dogs.[8][9] Another Italian traveler, Niccol de' Conti (c. 1440), mentioned the islands and said that the name means "Island of Gold". [edit]Chola Empire From 800 to 1200 AD, the Tamil Chola Dynasty created an empire that eventually extended from southeastern peninsular India to parts of Malaysia.[10] Rajendra Chola I (1014 to 1042 CE) occupied the Andaman and Nicobar Islands to use them as a strategic naval base to launch a naval expedition against the Sriwijaya Empire (a Hindu-Malay empire based on the island of Sumatra, Indonesia). [edit]Maratha empire The Maratha admiral Kanhoji Angre used the Andamans as a base and "fought the British off these islands until his death in 1729." [11][12]

329 [edit]British Colonization and Penal Colony In 1789, the government of Bengal established a naval base and penal colony on Chatham Island in the southeast bay of Great Andaman. The settlement is now known as Port Blair (after the Bombay Marine lieutenant Archibald Blair who founded it). After two years, the colony was moved to the northeast part of Great Andaman and was named Port Cornwallis after Admiral William Cornwallis. However, there was much disease and death in the penal colony and the government ceased operating it in May 1796.[11] In 1824, Port Cornwallis was the rendezvous of the fleet carrying the army to the First Burmese War. In the 1830s and 1840s, shipwrecked crews who landed on the Andamans were often attacked and killed by the natives, alarming the British government. In 1855, the government proposed another settlement on the islands, including a convict establishment, but the Indian Rebellion of 1857 forced a delay in its construction. However, because the rebellion gave the British so many prisoners, it made the new Andaman settlement and prison urgently necessary. Construction began in November 1857 at Port Blair using inmates' labor, avoiding the vicinity of a salt swamp that seemed to have been the source of many of the earlier problems at Port Cornwallis. In 1867, the ship Nineveh wrecked on the reef of North Sentinel Island. The 86 survivors reached the beach in the ship's boats. On the third day, they were attacked with iron-tipped spears by naked islanders. One person from the ship escaped in a boat.[13] For some time, sickness and mortality were high, but swamp reclamation and extensive forest clearance continued. The Andaman colony became notorious with the murder of the Viceroy Richard Southwell Bourke, 6th Earl of Mayo, on a visit to the settlement (8 February 1872), by a Muslim convict, a Pathan from Afghanistan, Sher Ali. In the same year, the two island groups Andaman and Nicobar, were united under a chief commissioner residing at Port Blair.


The Ross Island Prison Headquarters, 1872 From the time of its development in 1858 under the direction of James Pattison Walker, and in response to the mutiny and rebellion of the previous year, the settlement was first and foremost a repository for political prisoners. The Cellular Jail at Port Blair when completed in 1910 included 698 cells designed for solitary confinement; each cell measured 4.5 m (15 ft) by 2.7 m (9 ft) with a single ventilation window 3 metres (10 ft) above the floor. A notable prisoner there was Vinayak Damodar Savarkar. The Indians imprisoned here referred to the Island and its prison as Kala Pani ("black water");[14] a 1996 film set on the island took that term as its title Kaalapani.[15]). The number of prisoners who died in this camp is estimated to be in the thousands.[16] Many more died of harsh treatment and the harsh living and working conditions in this camp.[17] The Viper Chain Gang Jail on Viper Island was reserved for troublemakers, and was also the site of hangings. In the 20th century, it became a convenient place to house prominent members of India's independence movement.

331 [edit]Japanese occupation

Ross Island in 2004

Andaman Islands The Andaman and Nicobar islands were occupied by Japan during World War II.[18] The islands were nominally put under the authority of the Arzi Hukumat-e-Azad Hind (Provisional Government of Free India) headed by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. Netaji visited the islands during the war, and renamed

332 them as Shaheed (Martyr) & Swaraj (Self-rule). On 30 December 1943, during the Japanese occupation, Subhas Chandra Bose, who was controversially allied with the Japanese, first raised the flag of Indian independence. General Loganathan, of the Indian National Army, was Governor of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, which had been annexed to the Provisional Government. Before leaving the islands, the Japanese rounded up and executed 750 civilians.[19] After the end of the war the islands briefly returned to British control, before becoming part of the newly independent state of India. At the close of the World War II, the British government announced its intention to abolish the penal settlement. The government proposed to employ former inmates in an initiative to develop the island's fisheries, timber, and agricultural resources. In exchange inmates would be granted return passage to the Indian mainland, or the right to settle on the islands. The penal colony was eventually closed on 15 August 1947 when India gained independence. It has since served as a museum to the independence movement. [edit]Recent history In April 1998, American photographer John S Callahan organized the first surfing project in the Andamans, starting from Phuket in Thailand with the assistance of Southeast Asia Liveaboards (SEAL), a UK owned dive charter company. With a crew of international professional surfers, they crossed the Andaman Sea on the yacht Crescent and cleared formalities in Port Blair. The group proceeded to Little Andaman Island, where they spent ten days surfing several spots for the first time, including Jarawa Point near Hut Bay and the long right reef point at the southwest tip of the island, named Kumari Point. The resulting article in SURFER Magazine, "Quest for Fire" by journalist Sam George, put the Andaman Islands on the surfing map for the first time.[20] Footage of the waves of the Andaman Islands also appeared in the film "Thicker than Water", shot by cinematographer Jack Johnson, who later achieved worldwide fame as a popular musician. Callahan

333 went on to make several more surfing projects in the Andamans, including a trip to the Nicobar Islands in 1999. On 26 December 2004, the coast of the Andaman Islands was devastated by a 10-metre (33 ft) high tsunami following the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake. Strong oral traditions in the area warned of the importance of moving inland after a quake and is credited with saving many lives. In the aftermath, more than 2,000 people were confirmed dead and more than 4,000 children were orphaned or had lost one parent. At least 40,000 residents were rendered homeless and were moved to relief camps.[21] On 11 August 2009, a magnitude 7 earthquake struck near the Andaman Islands, causing a tsunami warning to go into effect. On 30 March 2010, a magnitude 6.9 earthquake struck near the Andaman Islands. [edit]Geography

Sunset Point, Andaman


This photo was taken at the beach no.3 at Haveleck in the Andaman Islands . The Andaman Archipelago is an oceanic continuation of the Burmese Arakan Yoma range in the North and of the Indonesian Archipelago in the South. It has 325 islands which cover an area of 6,408 km2 (2,474 sq mi),[22] with the Andaman Sea to the east between the islands and the coast of Burma.[11] North Andaman Island is 285 kilometres (177 mi) south of Burma, although a few smaller Burmese islands are closer, including the three Coco Islands.

Chidiya Tapu, Andaman

335 The Ten Degree Channel separates the Andamans from the Nicobar Islands to the south. The highest point is located in North Andaman Island (Saddle Peak at 732 m (2,402 ft)).[22]:33 The subsoil of the Andaman islands consists essentially of Late Jurassic to Early Eocene ophiolites and sedimentary rocks (argillaceous and algal limestones), deformed by numerous deep faults and thrusts with ultramafic igneous intrusions.[23]There are at least 11 mud volcanoes on the islands.[23] The climate is typical of tropical islands of similar latitude. It is always warm, but with sea-breezes. Rainfall is irregular, but usually dry during the north-east, and very wet during the south-west, monsoons. [edit]Flora The Middle Andamans harbour mostly moist deciduous forests. North Andamans is characterized by the wet evergreen type, with plenty of woody climbers. The natural vegetation of the Andamans is tropical forest, with mangroves on the coast. The rainforests are similar in composition to those of the west coast of Burma. Most of the forests are evergreen, but there are areas of deciduous forest on North Andaman, Middle Andaman, Baratang and parts of South Andaman Island. The South Andaman forests have a profuse growth of epiphytic vegetation, mostly ferns and orchids. The Andaman forests are largely unspoiled, despite logging and the demands of the fast-growing population driven by immigration from the Indian mainland. There are protected areas on Little Andaman, Narcondam, North Andaman and South Andaman, but these are mainly aimed at preserving the coast and the marine wildlife rather than the rainforests.[24] Threats to wildlife come from introduced species including rats, dogs, cats and the elephants of Interview Island and North Andaman.

336 [edit]Timber

Andaman forests contain 200 or more timber producing species of trees, out of which about 30 varieties are considered to be commercial. Major commercial timber species are Gurjan (Dipterocarpus spp.) and Padauk (Pterocarpus dalbergioides). The following ornamental woods are noted for their pronounced grain formation:

Marble Wood (Diospyros marmorata) Padauk (Pterocarpus dalbergioides) Silver Grey (a special formation of wood in white utkarsh) Chooi (Sageraea elliptica) Kokko (Albizzia lebbeck)

Padauk wood is sturdier than teak and is widely used for furniture making. There are burr wood and buttress root formations in Andaman Padauk. The largest piece of buttress known from Andaman was a dining table of 13 ft 7 ft (4.0 m 2.1 m). The largest piece of burr wood was again a dining table for eight.

337 The holy Rudraksha (Elaeocarps sphaericus) and aromatic Dhoop resin trees also are found here. [edit]Fauna The Andaman islands are home to a number animals, many of them endemic. [edit]Mammals The island's endemic mammals include

Andaman spiny shrew (Crocidura hispida) Andaman shrew (Crocidura andamanensis) Jenkins' shrew (Crocidura jenkinsi) Andaman horseshoe bat (Rhinolophus cognatus) Andaman rat (Rattus stoicus)

The banded pig (Sus scrofa vittatus), also known as the Andaman wild boar and once thought to be an endemic subspecies,[25] is protected by the Wildlife Protection Act 1972 (Sch I). The spotted deer (Axis axis), the Indian muntjac (Muntiacus muntjak) and the sambar (Rusa unicolor) were all introduced to the Andaman islands, though the sambar did not survive. Interview Island (the largest wildlife sanctuary in the territory) in Middle Andaman holds a population of feral elephants, which were brought in for forest work by a timber company and released when the company went bankrupt. This population has been subject to research studies. [edit]Birds Endemic or near endemic birds include


Spilornis elgini,a serpent-eagle Rallina canningi, a crake (endemic; data-deficient per IUCN 2000) Columba palumboides, a wood-pigeon Macropygia rufipennis, a cuckoo dove Centropus andamanensis, a subspecies of Brown Coucal (endemic) Otus balli, the Scops Owl Ninox affinis, a hawk-owl Aceros narcondami, the Narcondam Hornbill Dryocopus hodgei, a woodpecker Dicrurus andamanensis, a drongo Dendrocitta bayleyi, a treepie Sturnus erythropygius, the White-headed Starling Collocalia esculenta, the Glossy Swiftlet Aerodramus fuciphagus, the Edible-nest Swiftlet

The islands' many caves, such as those at Chalis Ek are nesting grounds for the Edible-nest Swiftlet, whose nests are prized in China for bird's nest soup.[26] [edit]Reptiles and amphibians

339 The islands also have a number of endemic reptiles, toads and frogs, such as the South Andaman Krait (Bungarus andamanensis) and Andaman water monitor (Varanus salvator andamanensis). There is a sanctuary 45 miles from Havelock Island for saltwater crocodiles. Over the past 25 years there have been 24 crocodile attacks with 4 fatalities, including the death of American tourist Lauren Failla. The government has been criticized for failing to inform tourists of the crocodile sanctuary and danger, while simultaneously promoting tourism.[27] Crocodiles are not only found within the sanctuary, but throughout the island chain in varying densities. They are habitat restricted, so the population is stable but not large. Populations occur throughout available mangrove habitat on all major islands, including a few creeks on Havelock. The species uses the ocean as a means of travel between different rivers and estuaries, thus they are not as commonly observed in open ocean. It is best to avoid swimming near mangrove areas or the mouths of creeks; swimming in the open ocean should be safe, but it is best to have a spotter around.

The coral reef an Havelock in Andaman. [edit]Demographics

340 The population of the Andaman was 343,125 in 2011,[28] having grown from 50,000 in 1960. The bulk of the population originates from immigrants who came to the island since the colonial times, mainly of Bengali, Hindustani and Tamilbackgrounds.[29] [edit]Indigenous Andamanese Of the people who live in the Andaman Islands, a small minority of about 1,000 are the socalled Andamanese, the aboriginal inhabitants (adivasi) of the islands. By the 1850s when they first came into sustained contact by outside groups, there were estimated 7,000 Adamanese, divided into the following major groups:

Great Andamanese Jarawa Jangil (or Rutland Jarawa) Onge Sentinelese

As the numbers of settlers from the mainland increased (at first mostly prisoners and involuntary indentured labourers, later purposely recruited farmers), these indigenous people lost territory and numbers in the face of punitive expeditions by British troops, land encroachment and various epidemic diseases. Presently, there remain only approximately 400450 indigenous Andamanese. The Jangil were soon extinct. The Great Andamanese were originally 10 distinct tribes with 5,000 people in total; most of the tribes are extinct, and the survivors, now just 52, speak mostlyHindi.[30] The Onge are reduced to less than 100 people. Only the Jarawa and Sentinelese still maintain a steadfast independence and refuse most attempts at contact; their numbers are uncertain but estimated to be in the low hundreds.

341 [edit]Government Port Blair is the chief community on the islands, and the administrative centre of the Union Territory. The Andaman Islands form a single administrative district within the Union Territory, the Andaman district (the Nicobar Islands were separated and established as the new Nicobar district in 1974). [edit]Cultural references The islands are prominently featured in Arthur Conan Doyle's Sherlock Holmes mystery, The Sign of the Four, as well as in M. M. Kaye's "Death in the Andamans." The magistrate in Lady Gregory's play Spreading the News had formerly served in the islands. A principal character in the book "Six Suspects" (ISBN 0-385-60815-2) by Vikas Swarup is from the Andaman Islands. Kaalapani (Malayalam) and Sirai Chaalai (Tamil), a 1996 Indian film by Priyadarshan, depicts on freedom struggle and briefs on the lives of prisoners in Andaman Islands. [edit]Transportation The only airport in the islands is Vir Savarkar Airport in Port Blair, which has scheduled services to Kolkata and Chennai and Delhi, Banglore and Bhubaneswar. The airport is under control of the Indian Navy. Only Daytime flying is allowed. Due to the length of these routes and the small number of airlines flying to the islands, fares have traditionally been relatively expensive, although cheaper for locals than visitors. Fares are high during peak seasons of spring and winter, but fares have been decreased over the time due to large expansion of aviation industry in India. [edit]See also

Nicobar Islands


Endemic birds of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands List of islands List of trees of the Andaman Islands

[edit]Notes 1. ^ Palanichamy, Malliya G. Suraksha Agrawal, Yon-Gang Yao, Quing-Peng Kong, Chang Sun, Faisal Khan, Tapas Kumar Chaudhuri, and Ya-Ping Zhang. 2006. Comment on "Reconstructing the Origin of Andaman Islanders. Science 311:470 (27 January 2006). Andamanese,Tamil and Malayalam are the major languages spoken here. 2. ^ Spencer Wells (2002). The Journey of Man: A Genetic Odyssey. Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-11532-X. "... the population of south-east Asia prior to 6000 years ago was composed largely of groups of hunter-gatherers very similar to modern Negritos ... So, both the Y-chromosome and the mtDNA paint a clear picture of a coastal leap from Africa to south-east Asia, and onward to Australia ... DNA has given us a glimpse of the voyage, which almost certainly followed a coastal route va India ..." 3. ^ Temple, R. C. (Reprint: 1996). Imperial Gazetteer of India Provincial Series: Andaman and Nicobar Islands. New Delhi: Asian Educational Services. p. 6. ISBN 9788120608764. 4. ^ William Wilson Hunter, James Sutherland Cotton, Richard Burn, William Stevenson Meyer (1908). Imperial Gazetteer of India. Great Britain India Office, Clarendon Press. "... The name has always been in historical times some form of Andaman, which more than probably represents Handuman, the Malay from Hanuman,

343 treating the islands as the abode of the Hindu mythological monkey people or savage aboriginal ..." Unknown parameter |isbn-status=ignored (help) 5. ^ Adhir Chakravarti, Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya (1998). India and South-East Asia Socio-Econo-Cultural Contacts: Socio-econo-cultural Contacts. Punthi Pustak. ISBN 81-86791-14-0. Retrieved 2008-11-16. "... The Ajaib al- Hind of Buzurg (c. AD 1000) mentions an island named Andaman al-Kabir ..." Unknown parameter |isbn-status= ignored (help) 6. ^ Buzurg ibn Shahriyar, translated by: L. Marcel Devic and Peter Quennell (1928). The Book of the Marvels of India: from the Arabic. G. Routledge & sons 7. ^ Government of India (1908). The Andaman and Nicobar Islands: Local Gazetteer. Superintendent of Government Printing, Calcutta. "... In the great Tanjore inscription of 1050 AD, the Andamans are mentioned under a translated name along with the Nicobars, as Timaittivu, Islands of Impurity and as the abode of cannibals ..."Unknown parameter |isbn-status= ignored (help) 8. ^ Luigi Luca Cavalli-Sforza, Francesco Cavalli-Sforza (1995). The Great Human Diasporas: The History of Diversity and Evolution. Basic Books. ISBN 0-201-44231-0. "... Marco Polo said they were fearsome, but, because he also says they had dogs' heads, I doubt he had been to the islands himself ..." 9. ^ Marco Polo (Henry Yule, trans.). "The Travels of Marco Polo". "And I assure you all the men of this Island of Angamanain have heads like dogs, and teeth and eyes likewise; in fact, in the face they are all just like big mastiff dogs!" 10. ^ Woodbridge Bingham, Hilary Conroy, Frank William Ikl (1964). A History of Asia. Allyn and Bacon. "... Maldives, Nicobar, and Andaman islands all were brought under

344 the sway of its navy. In the Tamil peninsula itself Chola subdued the kingdoms of Pandya ..."Unknown parameter |isbn-status= ignored (help) 11. ^ a b c Olivier Blaise. Andaman Islands, India. PictureTank. "... Kanhoji Angre, a Maratha admiral had his base on the island in the early 18th century. From there, he attacked passing Portuguese, Dutch and English merchant vessels. Kanhoji Angre was never defeated. He died in 1729. The British established their first colony in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands in 1789, which was abandoned in 1796 ..." 12. ^ Asra Nomani (2004). Tantrika: Traveling the Road of Divine Love. HarperCollins. ISBN 0-06-251714-7. "... A Maratha admiral, Kanhoji Angre, fought the British off these islands until his death in 1729 ..." Unknown parameter |isbnstatus= ignored (help) 13. ^ "The Last Island of the Savages". American Scholar. 22 September 2000. 14. ^ "History of Andaman Cellular Jail". Andamancellularjail.org. Retrieved 2010-05-14. 15. ^ "Kala Pani (1996)". Imdb.com. Retrieved 2010-05-14. 16. ^ "Andaman Islands Political Prisoners". Andamancellularjail.org. Retrieved 2010-0514. 17. ^ "Opinion / News Analysis : Hundred years of the Andamans Cellular Jail". Chennai, India: The Hindu. 21 December 2005.Archived from the original on 11 May 2010. Retrieved 2010-05-14. 18. ^ L, Klemen (1999-2000). "The capture of the Andaman Islands, March 1942". Forgotten Campaign: The Dutch East Indies Campaign 1941-1942.

345 19. ^ Werner Gruhl, Imperial Japan's World War Two, 19311945, Transaction Publishers, 2007 ISBN 978-0-7658-0352-8 20. ^ By surfermag (22 July 2010). "SURFER Explores The Andaman Islands | SURFER Magazine". Surfermag.com. Retrieved 2011-12-28. 21. ^ Carl Strand and John Masek, ed. (2007). Sumatra-Andaman Islands Earthquake and Tsunami of December 26, 2004. Reston, VA: ASCE, Technical Council on Lifeline Earthquake Engineering.ISBN 9780784409510. 22. ^ a b Planning Commission of India (2008). Andaman and Nicobar Islands Development Report. State Development Report series (illustrated ed.). Academic Foundation. ISBN 81-7188-652-3. Retrieved 12 March 2011. 23. ^ a b P.Chakrabarti, A. Nag, S. B. Dutta, S Dasgupta, N. Gupta (2006)S & T Input: Earthquake and Tsunami Effects..., page 43. Chapter 5 in S. M. Ramasamy et al. (eds.), Geomatics in Tsunami, New India Publishing. ISBN 81-89422-31-6 24. ^ "Andaman Islands rain forests". Terrestrial Ecoregions. World Wildlife Fund. Retrieved 2011-12-28. 25. ^ Srinivasulu, C.; Srinivasulu, B. (2012). South Asian Mammals: Their Diversity, Distribution, and Status. Springer. p. 353.ISBN 9781461434498. 26. ^ R. Sankaran (1998), The impact of nest collection on the Edible-nest Swiftlet in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. Slim Ali Centre for Orithology and Natural History,Coimbatore, India. 27. ^ David Knowles Writer. "Crocodile Kills NJ Woman Lauren Failla Snorkeling in Indian Ocean". AOL News. Retrieved 2010-05-14.

346 28. ^ [1][dead link] 29. ^ "Andaman & Nicobar Islands at a glance". Andamandt.nic.in. Retrieved 2010-0514. 30. ^ Anosh Malekar, "The case for a linguisitic survey," Infochange Media, August 1, 2011. [edit]References

This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). Encyclopdia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. History & Culture. The Andaman Islands with destination quide India Home Department. The Andaman Islands: with notes on Barren Island. C.B. Lewis, Baptist Mission Press, 1859 read online or download

[edit]External links Look up andaman islands in Wiktionary, the free dictionary. Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Andaman Islands

Andaman Islands


Andaman Tourism Site Beaches & Historical Monuments in Andaman Official Andaman and Nicobar Tourism Website Andaman District (official site) Andaman Islands Tourism Andaman & Nicobar Islands: Tourism Portal Andaman & Nicobar Islands: Destination Guide Information Andaman & Nicobar Islands: Tourism Guide


Andaman and Nicobar Islands Islands of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands Volcanoes of India

348 Rottnest Island From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Rottnest Island Western Australia

Rottnest Island from space Population: 300 (up to 15,000 visitors at peak holiday periods)[1] 1830s 6161 46 m (151 ft) 19 km (7.3 sq mi)

Established: Postcode: Elevation: Area:

349 Time zone: Location: AWST (UTC+8) 19 km (12 mi) W of Fremantle A-class reserve administered by the Rottnest Island Authority Fremantle


State/territory electorate(s): Federal Division(s): Mean max temp 21.5 C

71 F

Fremantle Annual rainfall 702.3 mm

27.6 in

Mean min temp 14.9 C

59 F


320007S 1153101E


Rottnest Island Location of Rottnest Island in the Indian Ocean Rottnest Island is 18 kilometres (11 mi) off the Western Australian coast, near Fremantle. It is called Wadjemup by the Noongar people, meaning "place across the water". The island is 11 kilometres (6.8 mi) long, and 4.5 kilometres (2.8 mi) at its widest point. Its total land area is 19 square kilometres (7.3 sq mi). Rottnest Island has been a popular local holiday destination for over 50 years. The Western Australian vernacular diminutive is "Rotto", or "Rottnest".[2] In 1917 Rottnest Island was declared an A-Class Reserve under the Permanent Reserve Act 1899 and the Rottnest Board of Control was formed, known today as the Rottnest Island Authority. No private

351 ownership of land is allowed. The authority collects revenue by imposing a landing fee on all visitors to the island as well as managing holiday rental accommodation. Contents [hide]

1 History
o o o o o o o o o o

1.1 Pre-history 1.2 European exploration and settlement 1.3 Aboriginal prison 1.4 Boys reformatory 1.5 Fires 1.6 Pilot service 1.7 Internment camp 1.8 Military history 1.9 Communications 1.10 Administration

2 Flora and fauna


o o o

2.1 Birds 2.2 Other animals 2.3 Plants

3 Geographical features 4 Climate 5 Tourism and facilities

o o

5.1 Activities 5.2 Annual events

6 Services 7 Popular culture 8 See also 9 References 10 External links

[edit]History [edit]Pre-history See also: Australian Aboriginal prehistoric sites

353 Rottnest Island was inhabited by Aboriginal people until rising sea levels separated the island from the mainland of Western Australia about 7,000 years ago. The island features in Noongar Aboriginal mythology as Wadjemup, meaning "Place across the water".[3] Aboriginal artefacts on the island have been dated from 6,500 to more than 30,000 years ago.[4] However, recent evidence suggests human occupation significantly before 50,000, possibly as early as 70,000 BP.[5] There were no people on the island when European exploration began in the 17th century, and the Aboriginal people on the mainland did not have boats that could make the crossing, so the island had probably been uninhabited for several thousand years.[6] [edit]European exploration and settlement

Dolphin in Thomson Bay, Rottnest Island WA


The island's main settlement is located at Thomson Bay The island was observed by various Dutch sailors from 1610 Template:Ref required as the Brouwer route only become VOC policy from 1617, including Frederick de Houtman in 1619.[citation needed] The first Europeans known to land on the island were 13 Dutch sailors including Abraham Leeman from the Waeckende Boey who landed near Bathurst Point on 19 March 1658 while their ship was careened nearby. The ship had sailed from Batavia (Jakarta) in search of survivors of the missing Vergulde Draeck which was later found wrecked 80 km north near present day Ledge Point. Samuel Volkersenn, the skipper of the Waeckende Boey described the island in his journal: In slightly under 32 S. Lat. there is a large island, at about 3 miles' distance from the mainland of the South-land; this island has high mountains, with a good deal of brushwood and many thornbushes, so that it is hard to go over; here certain animals are found, since we saw many excrements, and

355 besides two seals and a wild cat, resembling a civet-cat, but with browner hair. This island is dangerous to touch at, owing to the rocky reefs which are level with the water and below the surface, almost along the whole length of the shore; between it and the mainland there are also numerous rocks and reefs, and slightly more to southward there is another small island. This large island to which we have been unwilling to give a name, leaving this matter to the Honourable Lord Governor-General's pleasure, may be seen at 7 or 8 miles' distance out at sea in fine weather. I surmise that brackish or fresh water might be obtainable there, and likewise good firewood, but not without great trouble.[7] In his 1681 chart the English captain John Daniel marked an island as Maiden's Isle, possibly referring to Rottnest. The name did not survive, however. The island was given the name "Rotte nest" (meaning "rat nest" in the 17th century Dutch language) by Dutch captain Willem de Vlamingh who spent six days exploring the island from 29 December 1696, mistaking the quokkas for giant rats. De Vlamingh led a fleet of three ships, De Geelvink, De Nijptang and Weseltje and anchored on the northern side of the island, near The Basin. He described the island as a "...a paradise on earth".[8] Other explorers who stopped at the island included members of the French expedition of Nicholas Baudin in the Naturaliste and the Geographe in 1801 (when he planted a flag and left a bottle with a letter[9]) and 1803, Phillip Parker King in 1822, and Captain James Stirling in 1827. Early visitors commonly reported that much of the island was heavily wooded, which is not the case today.[6] In 1831, shortly after the establishment of the British Swan River Colony at nearby Fremantle, William Clarke and Robert Thomson received land grants for town lots and pasture land on the island. Thomson moved to the island with his wife and seven children in 1837. He developed pasture land for hay production west of Herschel Lake as well as salt harvesting from the several salt

356 lakes which was then exported to the mainland settlement. Salt was an important commodity before the advent of refrigeration. [edit]Aboriginal prison

Visitors to the "Quod", early 1900s Six Aboriginal prisoners were sent to Rottnest Island in August 1838 under the superintendence of Mr. Welch and a small military force:[10] Helia for murder; Buoyeen for assault; Mollydobbin, Tyoocan, Goordap and Cogat for theft.[11] All six escaped shortly after their arrival by stealing Thomson's boat. Helia drowned during the crossing, but the others apparently survived. The Colonial Secretary Peter Broun announced in June 1839 that the island would be "converted to an Establishment for the Aborigines",[12] and between 1838 and 1931, except for the period 1849 to 1855, Rottnest was used as an Aboriginal prison. Henry Vincent, the Gaoler at Fremantle, was put in charge of the establishment. A quadrangular shaped building was constructed in 1863-64 and generally referred to as "the Quod". It is used today for tourist accommodation. There were about twenty prisoners there in 1844 and by 1880 there were 170. Vincent retired in 1867 after complaints

357 regarding cruelty to prisoners and he was replaced by William Jackson. In the early 1880s an influenza epidemic struck, killing about sixty inmates. Some 3,700 Aboriginal men and boys were imprisoned there during the life of the establishment,[13] and it has been estimated that there may be as many as 369 inmate graves on the island. One writer suggested 95% of the deaths were frominfluenza.[14] [edit]Boys reformatory A reformatory for boys was opened on 16 May 1881.[15] The reformatory buildings were adjacent to the Quod and included a workshop, a kitchen, two large dormitories, a school room and four small cells. Carpenter John Watson constructed the buildings and became Reformatory Superintendent for the life of the establishment. Watson taught the boys carpentry, joinery and gardening.[16][17] In May 1898 two boys disappeared, apparently drowned, after escaping from the reformatory and stealing a dinghy.[18] After twenty years of operation, the facility closed on 21 September 1901 when the remaining 14 inmates were transferred to an industrial school on the mainland. The reformatory buildings are now used as holiday accommodation as part of the Rottnest Lodge.[19] [edit]Fires In 1856, the settlement structures - the two-storey prison/workshop building, stables, barns and piggery were burnt down.[20] Their former locations are identified in the area between the shops in the settlement area. The fire was deliberately lit by the superintendent, Henry Vincent, after two prisoners had escaped into nearby bush.[21] Vincent lit the fire with the intent of flushing the prisoners out of their hiding place. The prevailing winds at the time were blowing away from the

358 buildings, however the wind changed direction which brought the flames into the settlement. About 50 tons of hay was also destroyed. Major bushfires have occurred in March 1894, January 1910, January 1917, March 1939 and February 1949.[citation needed] [edit]Pilot service In 1846 a Pilot service was established under Captain Edward Back. It continued for 56 years until 1903.[22] The Pilot's and crews quarters were located in at least three of the colonial buildings identified in Colonial buildings of Rottnest Island buildings 4, 5 and 6. [edit]Internment camp Rottnest was the site of internment camps in both World War I and World War II[23] In WWI it was mostly used for German and Austrian suspected enemy aliens, and was closed towards the end of the war due to poor living conditions. The camp was sited near the present day Caroline Thomson Camping Area. The World War II the camp was used exclusively for Italian enemy aliens and was situated near the airstrip.[24] It had capacity for 120 internees. It was closed about halfway through the war, and its occupants were sent to various other internment and work camps on the mainland.[25] [edit]Military history


BL 9.2 inch Mk X gun at Oliver's Hill Also during World War II, two 9.2-inch guns were installed near the middle of the island at Oliver Hill, and two 6-inch guns installed at Bickley Point, for defence of the Fremantle port. The location of the island was seen as being important to the defence of the important port of Fremantle, the major base for the Allies in the Indian Ocean, as bombardment of any attacking ships could be made from the island before the ships would come into range of the port. A light railway was built from the jetty at Kingstown Barracks on Thomson Bay, to transport materiel and munitions to the guns. The military fixtures including the barracks and railway became known as the "Rottnest Island Fortress". A number of concrete lookouts and bunkers were built around the island also. Near Wadjemup Lighthouse, a Battery Observation Post (BOP) was built as a lookout to coordinate aiming and firings from the Bickley and Oliver's Hill Batteries. A Signals Building, associated with the BOP and a Women's Army Barracks, built to house officers and staff who operated the BOP were constructed there also. The latter building is used nowadays for occasional accommodation for University and other scientific research groups working on the island.

360 After World War II the guns and infrastructure were decommissioned and parts of the railway removed. The 9.2-inch battery, however, was saved from disposal because the high cost of removing and shipping the guns to the mainland exceeded their value as scrap metal. In the 1990s the gun emplacements and railway were extensively reconstructed and today a popular tourist activity includes tours over the guns and the tunnels with the journey to the battery being made on a purpose-built train. [edit]Communications Prior to about 1880, communication with the mainland was primarily with semaphore flags and flares.[26] A manned lookout at Bathurst Point included a signalling station which relayed shipping information between Wadjemup Lighthouse at the centre of the island and Arthur Head at Fremantle. A heliograph was installed in 1879 at Signal Hill, the small rise overlooking the main settlement in Thomson Bay. A Frenchman by the name of Henri Courderot was the heliograph operator and was paid $10 per year to operate the service once a day weather permitting. A single circuit submarine communications cable was laid from Cottesloe in 1900, after which the heliograph service was discontinued.[26] This was replaced with a larger cable in 1935. [edit]Administration After Rottnest was proclaimed as an A-class Reserve in 1917, management was vested in the "Rottnest Board of Control" which continued until 1956.[27][28] Between 1956 and 1988 it was changed to the "Board of Management".[29] During this time the managing instrumentality was informally and generally referred to as the "Rottnest Island Board" (RIB). Des Sullivan was the administrator from 1959 to 1984.

361 In 1988 the current "Rottnest Island Authority" commenced operations. [edit]Flora and fauna

Naturally occurring salt lakes are a refuge for the abundant birdlife [edit]Birds Many coastal birds are frequently found in Rottnest. These include the Pied Cormorant, Osprey, Pied Oystercatcher, Silver Gull, Crested Tern, Fairy Tern, Bridled Tern, Rock Parrot and the Reef Heron. The island salt lakes contain brine shrimpwhich support birds such as the Red-necked Avocet, Banded Stilt, Ruddy Turnstone, Curlew Sandpiper, Red-capped Dotterel, Australian Shelduck, Red-necked Stint, Grey Plover, White-fronted Chat, Caspian Tern and the Crested Tern.[30] Several pairs of Osprey nest at Rottnest each year; one nest at Salmon Point is estimated to be 70 years old. Introduced peafowl are often seen near the main settlement. The island has been identified by BirdLife International as an Important Bird Area (IBA) because it supports important breeding populations of the Fairy Terns (200-300 breeding pairs), over 1% of the

362 non-breeding population of Banded Stilts (with up to 20,000 birds) and regionally significant numbers of Wedge-tailed Shearwaters and Red-necked Stints.[31] [edit]Other animals

A Rottnest quokka Rottnest is one of the few areas in the world where the native quokka can be found.[32] Its survival there is largely due to the exclusion of natural or introduced predators. Reptiles include dugite (Pseudonaja affinis), the Southern Blind Snake (Ramphotyphlops australis), King's Skink (Egernia kingii), Bobtail (Tiliqua rugosa), Marbled Gecko (Christinus marmoratus), West Coast Ctenotus (Ctenotus fallens) and Burton's Legless Lizard (Lialis burtonis).[33] There are three species of frogs: the Moaning Frog (Heleioporus eyrei), the Western Green Tree Frog (Litoria moorei) and the Sandplain Froglet (Crinia insignifera).

363 With the extensive reefs surrounding the island, many species of fish, crustaceans, and coral can be found. Cetaceans such as bottlenose dolphins and migrating humpback whales are occasionally seen. A colony of Australian Sea Lions reside at Dyer Island and a colony of New Zealand fur seals (Arctocephalus forsteri) reside at Cathedral Rocks.[34] [edit]Plants The island includes three endemic woodland tree species, the Rottnest Island Pine (Callitris preissii), the Rottnest Island Teatree (Melaleuca lanceolata) and Acacia rostellifera.[35] The Rottnest Island Daisy (Trachymene coerulea) is a commonly occurring flowering native which is also grown widely as an ornamental garden plant. Coastal dune flora include Searocket (Cakile), Beach spinifex (Spinifex longifolius) and Wild Rosemary (Olearia axillaris). A pinus insignis plantation was established by internees during World War I, roughly bordering the main settlement, The Basin and Bathurst.[14] Plantation remnants can be seen around the golf course. Rottnest was often described as heavily wooded by early explorers. Nearly 200 years of farmland clearing, firewood collection and bushfires has denuded much of the 19 square kilometres of large trees, and a fragile and fresh water scarce environment has limited natural recovery. A conservation program including limited reforestation is ongoing. [edit]Geographical features

See Geographical features of Rottnest Island

[edit]Climate [hide]Climate data for Rottnest Island 1983-2011



Jan 40.6 (105.1) 26.0 (78.8) 18.8 (65.8) 11.3 (52.3)

Feb 41.5 (106.7) 27.2 (81) 19.4 (66.9) 10.9 (51.6)

Mar 40.8 (105.4) 26.2 (79.2) 18.6 (65.5) 9.5 (49.1)

Apr 33.1 (91.6) 21.2 (70.2) 17.1 (62.8) 11.6 (52.9)

May 29.2 (84.6) 18.9 (66) 15.4 (59.7) 8.8 (47.8)

Jun 24.9 (76.8) 18.8 (65.8) 13.4 (56.1) 7.0 (44.6)

Jul 23.4 (74.1) 17.9 (64.2) 12.4 (54.3) 0.0 (32)

Record high C (F)

Average high C (F)

Average low C (F)

Record low C (F) Source: Weatherzone[36] [edit]Tourism and facilities

Rottnest Sea Eagle III ferry returning to Fremantle


The Basin and Bathurst Lighthouse

Rottnest's secondary settlement was constructed during the 1970s at Longreach (left) and Geordie Bays. The island became largely devoted to recreational use from the 1900s, aside from a brief period of exclusive military use during World War II. It is now visited annually by nearly 500,000 visitors, an average of 330,000 of those arriving by ferry or air taxi.[37] 70% of all visitors come for the day only. The majority of visitors arrive in summer, with nearly 20% of all visitors coming in January.

366 The main settlement is located at Thomson Bay, which is a protected north-easterly bay facing the mainland. Other settlements are located at Geordie Bay and Longreach Bay on the northern side of the island. All are sheltered bays and well suited for boating and swimming. Many other bays around the island have permanent boat moorings which can be leased from the Rottnest Island Authority. The island has accommodation for up to 2,850 visitors, while day-only visitors can number up to 5,000 at any one time.[38] Rottnest Island Authority accommodation options include 308 villas, units and cottages which sleep 4, 6 or 8 people and which are self-catering. This style of accommodation is reasonably basic. Demand for accommodation is very high during the summer months, with ballots held annually for accommodation during the January and Easter school holiday periods. Other accommodation options include the YHA and group accommodation at Kingstown Barracks, the Hotel Rottnest (formerly called the "Quokka Arms Hotel" and prior to that the Governor's residence), the Rottnest Lodge and a camping ground which includes campsites and as well as semi-permanent tents.[39] Most visitors arrive on one of the ferries from Fremantle, Perth, and Hillarys. These are operated by Boat Torque/Rottnest Express, Hillarys Fast Ferries and Oceanic Cruises. Rottnest Island Airport for light aircraft (YRTI) is located near the main settlement. The island is popular destination with Year-12 school leavers celebrating the end of their exams each November known in Western Australia as "Leavers week" or just "Leavers" the island is closed to the general public during this time. Identification and proof of being a current secondary school leaver is required to access the island during this period. Catering facilities in the Thomson Bay foreshore area include a Dome coffee shop, a seafood restaurant and the Hotel Rottnest. The main settlement has a general store, including a liquor outlet, a bakery, cafe/coffee shop, Subway and clothing stores. The Red Rooster store closed in 2011. The

367 Lodge includes several restaurants and bars also. Longreach includes a general store and liquor outlet. A luxury hotel was planned for the island, due to have opened by the 20082009 summer. In March 2009 negotiations between the Rottnest Island Authority and the developer, Broadwater Hotels, collapsed. The Authority stated that "The development of a new hotel at Mount Herschel remains a priority for the Authority, and we will be going to the market with a request for proposals in the next few months." [40] The Rottnest Society has criticised the state government over lack of public consultation over the development: "The government has let us all down in not keeping a written commitment to allow the Western Australian public to comment via a properly constituted public comment process on the concept plans for the proposed new hotel at Mount Herschel". The Society "... is seriously concerned that the introduction of "high-end" tourists may well bring pressure for more "up-market" facilities and services on the island, more coach tours, and a much greater disparity between "high-end" and "low-end" accommodation."[41] The island was the site of an important Australian High Court case. Nagle v Rottnest Island Authority (1993) 177 CLR 423 arose after a man, dove off a rock on Rottnest Island and became a quadriplegic.[42] It was held that, as the island authority had promoted the site as a venue for swimming and had not put up a warning notice, it was liable for causing the injury. [edit]Activities Diving is a popular activity at Rottnest. Its varied limestone reef terrain, and plentiful fish make it an interesting diving destination. In particular, diving for crayfish Western rock lobster, is popular in the summer months. The season opens on 15 November each year, and runs until 30 June. Crayfish may be caught in special traps or "pots", or when diving either by hand or by using a crayfish "loop". The loop is a spring-loaded steel cable attached to a long pole. It is illegal to use any means that might puncture the shell to catch the crayfish. The bag limit is 6 per license per day, with a maximum of 12 per boat per day.

368 A snorkel trail at Parker Point features underwater interpretative plaques that give information about the marine environments surrounding Rottnest. The island is the southernmost point along the Western Australian coastline at which coral grows.[citation needed] The Rottnest Island Wreck Trail was developed in conjunction with the Western Australian Museum in 1980 as the first underwater interpretative trail in the southern hemisphere. Visits to some of the Rottnest Island shipwrecks, in essence a museum-without-walls can be made by glass bottomed boat, or by scuba and snorkel. The SS Macedon site is one of the most visited wrecks in Australia.[citation needed] The island features historic buildings and pleasant beaches (all reachable via the many cycling tracks; cycling being the island's main mode of transport - private or hire cars are not allowed on the island). [edit]Annual events

The Rottnest Channel Swim is a long distance swimming event from Cottesloe Beach to Rottnest Island, is held annually. The Rottnest Marathon & Fun Run is an annual running event operated late each October by the West Australian Marathon Club. Event distances are 5 km, 10 km and Marathon (42.2 km). The "Rottnest Comedy & Short Film Festival" is an event showcasing Western Australian Short Comedy Films, Stand-Up Comedians and Musicians held annually from 2009. Leavers week (November) "Swim Thru Rottnest" is an annual 1600-metre swim held on the first Saturday in December. The event was first held in 1977. Competitors start on the east side of the Army Jetty in Thomson Bay, swim to the natural jetty and then return to the Army jetty. The event is run by the Cottesloe Crabs Winter Swimming Club.


"The Doctor" is a 23 km surfski and paddle race from the Army jetty to Scarborough Beach.[43] "Fremantle to Rottnest Big Splash" is a masters swimming race from Leighton Beach to Rottnest


Supply barge Spinifex loading at the main jetty Rottnest Island has few permanent residents, with most island workers commuting from the mainland. As Rottnest is isolated from the mainland, and has no fresh surface water, providing water, power and waste disposal has always been difficult and expensive. In 1996 Rottnest introduced the first public place recycling program in Western Australia. In 2000 the island won the 3R awards (reduce, reuse and recycle). A daily supply barge Spinifex makes a return trip from Fremantle, delivering supplies and removing rubbish.

370 For many years during the twentieth century, the water supply was rainwater harvested from several large bitumen sealed catchment areas behind Longreach Bay. In the 1970s fresh water was found underground and was used to supplement the rainfall supply. In 1995 the supply was further supplemented with desalinated groundwater, using a reverse osmosis plant producing up to 500 kL per day. Experimental wind turbines were commissioned in 1978;[44] however, high maintenance requirements and excessive power generation resulted in Diesel remaining the main power source. In 2004 a new 600 kW wind-Diesel system was erected; other works at the time included upgrades to the power station and the installation of low load Diesel generators.[45] The wind turbine delivers approximately 37% of Rottnest's power requirements and saves over 400,000 litres of Diesel fuel per year.[46] Two fully automated lighthouses operate on the island to aid passing maritime traffic: Bathurst Lighthouse and Wadjemup Lighthouse. An extensive network of flashing markers and transit beacons indicate safe passages through the rocky entrances to bays. [edit]Popular culture

The U.S. television show The Amazing Race 9 featured an episode with events on the island. The movie Under the Lighthouse Dancing was filmed on the island. An episode of the ABC TV program Surfing the Menu was filmed on the island. An eight-minute film, Amy Goes To Wadjemup Island, was shot on the island in 2006. An early film, Trip to Rottnest, made by the Australian Government to popularise Rottnest as a holiday destination, is thought to be one of the first of its kind.[47]


Rottnest features prominently in Robert Drewe's memoir The Shark Net. The West Australian poet and author Hal Gibson Pateshall Colebatch (whose father, Sir Hal Colebatch was the first Chairman of the Rottnest Island Board), has written many poems about Rottnest, especially in his collection The Light River (Connor Court publishers, 2007). Colebatch's 2011 novel "Countertstrike" (Acashic) also has scenes set on Rottnest, which is called Lighthouse Island in the book. West Australian author and Supreme Court Judge Nicholas Hasluck has also written poems and fictionalised accounts of Rottnest.


Map of Rottnest Island [edit]See also

Geographical features of Rottnest Island named geographical features usually found on Rottnest maps


Rottnest Island shipwrecks details on the twelve larger shipwrecks in close proximity to the island Colonial buildings of Rottnest Island

[edit]References 1. ^ Rottnest Police station details 2. ^ Mendes, Torrance (2006).The West Australian, 28 October 2009, page 68 (newspaper, Battye Library) 3. ^ Welcome to Wadjemup, The Sunday Times, page: 5, published: 24 October 2010, accessed: 25 October 2010 4. ^ "History and Culture". Rottnest Island Authority. 5. ^ Hesp, Patrick A., Murray-Wallace, Colin V. and C. E. Dortch, (1999), "Aboriginal occupation on Rottnest Island, Western Australia, provisionally dated by Aspartic Acid Racemisation assay of land snails to greater than 50 ka" (Australian Archaeology, No 49 (1999) 6. ^ a b Appleyard, R.T. and Manford, Toby (1979). The Beginning: European Discovery and Early Settlement of Swan River, Western Australia, University of Western Australia Press. ISBN 0-85564-146-0. 7. ^ Heeres, J. E. (1899). The Part Borne by the Dutch in the Discovery of Australia. London: Luzac and Co. p. 77. Retrieved 2006-12-12. 8. ^ VOC Historical Society - de Vlamingh

374 9. ^ "The History of Australian Exploration, Chapter 17". 10. ^ "The Western Australian Journal". The Perth Gazette and Western Australian Journal (WA : 1833 - 1847) (WA: National Library of Australia). 10 August 1839. p. 126. Retrieved 16 December 2011. 11. ^ "Escape of Native Prisoners From Rottnest". The Perth Gazette and Western Australian Journal (WA : 1833 - 1847) (WA: National Library of Australia). 1 September 1838. p. 138. Retrieved 16 December 2011. 12. ^ "Lands on the Island of Rottnest". The Perth Gazette and Western Australian Journal (WA : 1833 - 1847) (WA: National Library of Australia). 22 June 1839. p. 98. Retrieved 30 December 2011. 13. ^ "Corporate Information - Reconciliation Action Plan". Rottnest Island Authority. Retrieved 2011-12-19. 14. ^ a b "From a Prison Camp to Holiday Paradise". Sunday Times (Perth, WA : 1902 1954) (Perth, WA: National Library of Australia). 29 November 1936. p. 20. Retrieved 16 December 2011. 15. ^ "Answers to Correspondents". The West Australian (Perth, WA : 1879 1954) (Perth, WA: National Library of Australia). 22 February 1934. p. 14. Retrieved 7 November 2011. 16. ^ "Rottnest Island". The West Australian (Perth, WA : 1879 - 1954) (Perth, WA: National Library of Australia). 24 March 1934. p. 18. Retrieved 7 November 2011. 17. ^ "The Early Days". The West Australian (Perth, WA : 1879 - 1954) (Perth, WA: National Library of Australia). 5 June 1931. p. 20. Retrieved 7 November 2011.

375 18. ^ "The Rottnest Reformatory". The West Australian (Perth, WA : 1879 - 1954) (Perth, WA: National Library of Australia). 19 May 1898. p. 2. Retrieved 7 November 2011. 19. ^ "Heritage Icons - Rottnest Island". The Constitutional Centre of Western Australia. Retrieved 6 November 2011. 20. ^ Colonial Buildings of Thomson Bay on Rottnest Island pamphlet Rottnest Island Authority 2011 21. ^ "Local and Domestic Intelligence". The Inquirer & Commercial News (Perth, WA : 1855 - 1901) (Perth, WA: National Library of Australia). 13 February 1856. p. 2. Retrieved 19 December 2011. 22. ^ The following newspaper report includes suggestions that the service is no longer needed the service closed the same year. "Rottnest Pilot Service". The West Australian (Perth, WA : 18791954) (Perth, WA: National Library of Australia). 2 April 1903. p. 7. Retrieved 18 December 2011. 23. ^ "Prisoners Of War". The West Australian (Perth, WA : 18791954) (Perth, WA: National Library of Australia). 27 February 1930. p. 7. Retrieved 15 December 2011. 24. ^ "Rottnest island POW Hostel, WA, During WW2". ozatwar.com. Retrieved 2011-1216. 25. ^ "Rottnest Island, Western Australia (19141915 and 1940)". National Archives of Australia. Retrieved 2010-06-19. 26. ^ a b Moynihan, J. (John) (1988). All the News in a Flash. Rottnest Communications 1829-1979. Telecom Australia and the Institution of Engineers, Australia. ISBN 0-64212107-9.

376 27. ^ Rottnest Island Board of Control. The first Chairman was Hal Colebatch, who served from 13 May 1917 to 23 July 1956. Creating Legislation Permanent Reserves Act 1899; Parks and Reserves Act 1895. Agency Description: Rottnest Island was declared an A class reserve under the Permanent Reserves Act in May 1917. A Board was then appointed under the Parks and Reserves Act to control and manage the island (excluding the lighthouse and prison reserve). The Board of Control became a Body Corporate in 1956 and became a Board of Management.- source State Records Office entry http://aeon.sro.wa.gov.au/Investigator/Details/Agency_Detail.asp?Entity=Glo bal&Search=rottnest%20board%20of%20control&Op=All&Page=1&Id=1405&Search Page=Global 28. ^ Western Australia. Rottnest Board of Control (1923), Spend your vacation at Rottnest : Western Australia's ideal island holiday resort, Herald Print, Box & Carton Coy, retrieved 16 December 2011 29. ^ Start Date 24 Jul 1956 End Date 29 May 1988 Creating Legislation Permanent Reserves Act 1899; Parks and Reserves Act 1895-1955 Section 3, subsection 4 of the Parks and Reserves Act 1895-1955 provided legislative scope for the Rottnest Island Board of Control became a Body Corporate on 24 July 1956. The Rottnest Island Board of Control became the Rottnest Island Board of Management "with power to sue and be sued in its corporate name, to acquire, hold, lease and dispose of real and personal property, to borrow money with the approval of the Governor and to do and permit to be done all things which are required by the Act to the be done by the Board...". until 1988 at which time it became the Rottnest Island Authority came into being. source http://aeon.sro.wa.gov.au/Investigator/Details/Agency_Detail.asp?Entity=Gl

377 obal&Search=rottnest%20board%20of%20control&Op=All&Page=1&Id=681&Search Page=Global 30. ^ Kilpatrick, Alan G. (July 1932). The Emu http://www.publish.csiro.au/?act=view_file&file_id=MU932030.pdf. Text "Birds of Rottnest Island" ignored (help); Missing or empty |title= (help) 31. ^ "IBA: Rottnest Island". Birdata. Birds Australia. Retrieved 2011-10-01. 32. ^ "A close encounter of the furry kind". Australian Geographic. 2010. Retrieved 2010-04-22. 33. ^ "Reptiles and amphibians of Rottnest". Rottnest Island Authority. Retrieved 201010-18. 34. ^ "Seals making home on Rottnest may attract sharks to area". PerthNow. 6 March 2010. 35. ^ "Plants and wildflowers of Rottnest Island". Rottnest Island Authority. Retrieved 2010-06-19. 36. ^ "Climate statistics for Rottnest Island". Weatherzone. Retrieved 30 Oct 2011. 37. ^ "About Rottnest Island". Rottnest Island Authority. 2005. Retrieved 2006-07-18. 38. ^ "Rottnest Island Wastewater Treatment Plant". Human settlements / Corporate sustainability. Department of the Environment and Heritage (Australia). 1997 (2005). Retrieved 2006-07-18. 39. ^ "Accommodation - Rottnest Island". Rottnest Island Authority. 2005. Retrieved 2006-07-18.

378 40. ^ http://www.wabusinessnews.com.au/en-story/1/70962/Talks-break-down-overRottnest-hotel41. ^ "Rottnest Society statement on Mount Herschel development". 42. ^ "Nagle v Rottnest Island Authority [1993] HCA 76; 177 CLR 423; (1993) Aust Torts Reporter 81-211; (1993) 112 ALR 393; (1993) 67 ALJR 426 (21 April 1993)". Australasian Legal Information Institute. Retrieved 4 January 2011. 43. ^ "The Doctor". 44. ^ "Harnessing wind power". Verve Energy. Retrieved 14 August 2011. 45. ^ "Rottnest Island". Verve Energy. Retrieved 14 August 2011. 46. ^ Rottnest Island Environmental Initiatives The Rottnest Island Authority. Retrieved 17 October 2006. 47. ^ "A Trip to Rottnest [videorecording]". State Library of Western Australia. Retrieved 2010-07-24.

The Tiger War in Sri Lanka

We Tamils still have to plead with collaborators of the genocide for justice

379 [MISC, MONDAY, 5 MARCH 2012 12:49 NO COMMENT] ( By Paul NewmanBy Paul Newman) In January, the UK based Global Tamil Forum (GTF) led a 7 member delegation under Fr. S J Emmanuel to the centenary celebrations of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa. Peeved at the invitation to a Tamil diaspora group, the Sri Lankan government had declined to participate at the historic ANC function. The ANC invitation to GTF came as a morale booster for Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora groups fighting for self-determination rights. Last year, ministers of the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE) were invited to open an embassy in Southern Sudan. These two episodes and the growing support in the international community for an independent international investigation into allegations of human rights violations in Sri Lanka have raised hopes among Tamils all over the world of trying President Mahinda Rajapaksa for war crimes at the International Court of Justice. Emmanuel has written four books on the Tamil liberation struggle: Church, Politics and War in Sri Lanka, Let My People Fr. S J Emmanuel (right) with Canadian Tamil MP, Rathika Go, Agonies and Aspirations of the Sitsabaiesan Tamil Struggle, and Continuing Struggle of Eelam Tamils after Mullivaikal (in Tamil).

380 In October 2011, Emmanuel was refused entry on arrival in India at the Chennai International Airport, despite having a valid visa to India, issued by the Indian High Commission in Germany. He spoke to Dr. Paul Newman on wide-ranging issues relating to the Eelam struggle. Excerpts from the interview. A new political game of advocacy, lobbying and networking has emerged after May 2009, your thoughts on this? The UN and its sub-structures which were designed after the horrible experiences of two world wars for the future security and peace of the world by the powerful nations of the world are great and worthy milestones in the history of humanity. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, gave lot of hope for the future of emerging nations, especially after many centuries of colonialism, oppressions and discriminations. For us the Tamils of Sri Lanka, the last 64 years after the Declaration coincide exactly with our 64 years after independence. To our disappointment, all that we have suffered during these decades majoritarian- democracy, majoritarian-sovereignty, discriminations , state-terrorism and massmassacre have happened under the eyes of these structures. Hence the UN, its structures and the member-states have not lived up to the goal and spirit of the beginning. Corruption, self-interests, greed for super-power, have overtaken moral values like truth, justice and peace. Hence advocacy, lobbying and networking on our part, telling the true story of the victims and pleading for justice and peace have become a dirty-game of adjusting to the demands of the powerful, speaking only their diplomatic language and hoping against hope for the best.

381 Knowing very well that all the powerful of the world including the UN, converged into Mullivaikal to help Sri Lanka, with finance and weapon, to crush not only the militants but also 40,000 civilians, we Tamils still have to plead with collaborators (of the genocide) for justice and hope for a better world. How do you see the presence of other Diaspora Tamil groups post May 2009? In what way are you different from them? After May 2009, when the Sri Lankan Governmen and its supporters were having a series of celebrations, we Tamils all over the world, were in a shock and mourning over our dear ones. The sudden wipe-out of the Wanni-Leadership also created a great vacuum in the diaspora. With never-say-die spirit, we saw that a new phase of the struggle had to be continued. After a first phase of non-violent parliamentary struggle and a second phase of politico cum militant struggle, now a third phase of non-violent democratic and transparent struggle has to be led by the diaspora. As a first step the diaspora Tamils through a referendum held in various countries, converged to a consensus called the Vaddukoddai Resolution confirming our common goal that was overwhelmingly voted by the Eelam Tamils in 1976 at the end of the 1st phase of the struggle and carried forward by the LTTE leadership. There were already country organisations of Eelam Tamils for coordinating activities among themselves as well as to lobby support for the Tamil cause from foreign governments and peoples. The new concept of a Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE)was proposed as an organ of the Tamil Diaspora to take the Tamil Cause forward and members were elected for this government. In the meantime representatives from already functioning country-organisations came together to form a network, a global organisation to engage the international community for the Tamil Cause.

382 A Constitution for this global organisation was drafted to work as a democratic non-violent and transparent organization vis-a-vis the international community. The inauguration of the Global Tamil Forum within the British Parliament Buildings signalled the historic role of Britain in this conflict. Hence all the diaspora organisations function in parallel directions, having a strategy of their own to achieve the same goal of liberation and freedom for the Eelam Tamils and their Homeland. What according to you is the role of India in Sri Lanka? India has a vital and unquestionable role to play in resolving this conflict and establishing a peaceful co-existence of all peoples on that island. Historically we all must have moved down from India. But colonialism ended with a British-blunder of an unitary-state centralised in Colombo with all the powers in the hands of the majority Sinhalese. Consequently we Tamils suffered all forms of discriminations and deaths in the hands of the majority Sinhalese and their governments. Though we received sympathy and solidarity from Tamil Nadu, Delhi was interested in keeping relations with Colombo and preserving the unity of India without any separatist tendencies. Delhi also used us Tamils to checkmate Colombo to fall in line with its super-power mindset. The unsuccessful mission of Delhi in the form of Indian Peace Keeping Force, the unsuccessful attempt of the Sinhala naval on Rajiv Gandhis life, and later the unfortunate blunder of killing Rajiv Gandhi in Tamil Nadu, added to making Indias role in resolving the conflict more complex and difficult. Colombo, notwithstanding the unsuccessful attempt of the naval rate on Gandhis life, succeeded in making Delhi and the whole of India to see the Eelam Tamils as murderers of Rajiv Gandhi. We Eelam Tamils still look up to the India of Mahathma Gandhi as our beloved ancestral homeland and expect India to return to the moral and religious values which laid the foundation of

383 independent India and not to go pleasing and protecting neighbouring Sri Lanka even after the mass massacre of May 2009. Any idea why you were deported from India, despite your organization being a firm believer in democratic values and non-violence? As a catholic priest, and former Vicar General of Jaffna Diocese, I have been to India several times-to meet my Roman colleagues, some of them Bishops now. As an Asian theologian serving the Asian churches I have been to India to conduct and participate in many seminars during 1984-1986. I have known several Indian church leaders cardinals and bishops. And during my last visit in Feb.2011, I addressed the Tamil Nadu Bishops Conference and students of the University of Madras and Loyola College explaining our plight to them. I have never taken part in any political meeting or had met Indian politicians. Still shockingly on the 11th Oct.2011, while holding a multi-entry visa for India I was refused entry into Chennai without any reason! I have written to the Governor of Tamil Nadu, the Immigration Authorities in Chennai and to the Indian High commissioner in Berlin, but I have got no reply from any of them giving a reason for denying entry. I was elected President of the Global Tamil Forum in Feb 2010 and I have visited India twice after that without any difficulty. The only reason I could imagine for the refusal of entry is the latest malicious propaganda of the Sri Lankan government through DVDs depicting me as a supporter of terrorism. I am still a catholic priest working in the German diocese of Mnster. Anyone can check my identity.

384 I look forward to visiting India, not as a politician, but as a priest victim and witness to present the Tamil-cause to New Delhi and get Indias support for our cause. Can you share your experience of leading a team to the centenary celebrations of the ANC? I have been to South Africa several times from 1997. I have met Archbishop Desmond Tutu and got the support of this Nobel Peace Laureate for peace and through him contacted the Government in Pretoria for possible South African mediation in our conflict. But the Sri Lankan media even then said that I had gone to collect finance for the LTTE! I was in Durban for the World Conference against Racism. The GTF invited the ANC to be at its Inauguration in Feb 2010 in the British Parliament. Since then we have been in contact with one another and with some ministers of the government. We gladly accepted the invitation to attend their centenary celebrations. It is alleged that the Sri Lankan Govt. was displeased and decided not to come there for the celebrations. The Tamil National Alliance ( TNA) was also invited and both the TNA and the GTF met with some VIPs from the Government as well as from the ANC and NGOs to discuss events in Sri Lanka and how the South African government could help at the international level towards a peaceful solution to the conflict. South Africa and its leaders like Nelson Mandela and Archbishop Tutu have gained a unique name especially among the non-aligned nations for their valuable help to smaller nations which are still struggling. How do you compare the report of the UN Panel of Experts with the report of the Sri Lankan governments Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC)? There can be no true comparison between the two. The UN Panel Report stands out for its independence, international composition of authors, and the free and open manner in which

385 objective evidence was collected and the right advisory manner it was written to help resolving the conflict and war on the basis of truth, justice and accountability. But the LLRC is the report of a Commission, appointed later in the midst of cries for accountability, by the President himself the prime culprit who got former government servants like the Attorney general to study the matter without probing any crimes with respect to the war, but to collect lessons from looking into a limited period of the conflict. What is your expectations from the 19th Sessions of the UNHRC? From my experience of how resolutions are passed in the UNHRC sessions, I do not expect much out of these Sessions. In May 2009 all the nations consented and converged into helping Sri Lanka with finance and weapons to crush, even with questionable methods and weapons, the LTTE leadership and the 40,000 civilians at Mullivaikal. Soon afterwards these nations, realising foul-play during the last stages of war on the part of the fighting forces, brought a resolution against Sri Lanka questioning alleged criminal activities. But Sri Lanka took a position with Russia, China and anti-western forces to defeat the western world. The western world was humiliated and defeated. But we Tamils have only one position- the position of Truth and Justice. Hence we go on with our struggle watching and supporting new attempts in our favour however little they may be. Our desired objective is that the UNHRC tables the UN Panel Report for discussion and calls for an independent international investigation of war crimes by both sides of the conflict. Sri Lanka does not want to face the whole truth nor does it want to implement its own Report in full. Only international pressure can help resolve the conflict in Sri Lanka. We will continue to question the conscience of the international community for justice.

386 What is your future course of action towards seeking justice for the Tamils of Sri Lanka? The Tamil Struggle is born out of the collective conscience of a people, oppressed and denied their basic human rights. It is independent of the man-made structures for security, governance, worldorder etc. It is based on divine values of truth and justice and will go on beyond the walls of institutions, crying out, and hurting the conscience of the powers that be. Dr. Paul Newman holds a Doctorate of Philosophy on Internal Displacement and Human Rights situation in Northern Sri Lanka from Bangalore University. He was one of the four public speakers at the Permanent Peoples Tribunal on War Crimes against Sri Lanka (theweekendleader.com) [Full Coverage]

London-based GTF and AI common location, common agenda. Which came first? Answer: AI, founded by Jewish-British lawyer Peter Benenson in 1960-1961. Brian Senewiratne was an early employee of Amnesty International, and claims to have been there when the Cold War human rights organization was floated in 1962 making extra money by writing copies of letters for mail-outs from London to politicians and world leaders.

So, what is the history of Emmanuel and the Global Tamil Foundation he heads?

387 This Is The Gist Of What I Had To Say In Westminster March 7, 2013 | Filed under: Colombo Telegraph,Opinion,Popular | Posted by: COLOMBO_TELEGRAPH

By Gordon Weiss -

Gordon Weiss In the past few years, Ive largely avoided junkets from Sri Lankan diaspora groups, for fear of being tarred with various brushes. The two exceptions (not junkets of course) were from Torontos Sri Lankans Without Borders , a group dedicated to building common ground between all of Lankas communities, and now the Global Tamil Forum, who persuaded me to travel to London for their third annual conference. Sunday I was laying in the sun in Australia, trying to heal a herniated disk in my back. That evening, I decided to catch a plane the next morning. I was convinced by the line-up of speakers: the UKs Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg; current and former UK foreign secretaries Douglas Alexander and David Milliband; current opposition leader Ed Milliband; Conservative leader in the Lords, Baroness Warsi; former Norwegian government minister

388 Erik Solheim; leading international lawyer and academic, Professor Bill Schabas; the redoubtable Judge Yasmin Sooka, one of the three panellists on the UNs Panel of Experts report, and Commissioner on South Africas Truth and Reconciliation Commission;Callum Macrae, the producer and director of all three Channel 4 films, including his latest No Fire Zone which will be shown for the first time this Friday at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva; and representatives from the African National Congress; International Crisis group, Amnesty, Human Rights Watch, and Civicus. This is quite apart from the other remarkable people Ive met while here. Sri Lankan academic and writer, the wry Kumar David; the courageous M.M. Rajani Iqbal who, along with her husband, has done so much to document disappearances; the eloquent M.A. Sumanthiran, MP in the Sri Lankan parliament, and reputedly one of the best practising lawyers on the island; the doughty and irrepressible MP Rajavarothiam Sampanthan; and Father Emmanuelle, a theologian and scholar much disliked by the islands regime. This is the gist of what I had to say in the ten minutes I was given Incidentally, my journey was funded by a European government. Thanks to the Tamil Global Forum for persuading me to be here. Im grateful, considering the very persuasive group of Britains leading decision-makers who have fronted up today to lend their heft to this subject, turning their minds to reconciliation in Sri Lanka, supporting an end to the string of violent conflicts that has dominated this beautiful countrys last four decades. I have said elsewhere that in the war in Sri Lanka, I had no dog in the fight. No Tamil wife, or cousin, no Sinhalese brother-in-law, or best friend. So I have always fancied that I am very much an outsider, an ordinary man if you will, with ordinary responses, and an impartial observer. On Sunday I was lounging on the beach in Australia, trying to recover from a herniated disk, and it was very much a last minute decision to be here. I drove from my home to the airport on Monday, and flew via Beijing, thinking once again of my daughters

389 I am not a human rights professional, and I have emphasized before that my response to the final page of Sri Lankas war was very much that of an ordinary person, despite my professional role and responsibilities as the UNs spokesperson in Colombo at that time. When I set out to write my book, The Cage, it was because as an ordinary man I simply felt the unfairness, the indecency of what had happened. When in 2009, during the war, I returned from work at night time in Colombo to see my daughters comfortably sleeping, I would think of the thousands of children in the north, living through the terror of a siege, and of their parents who were unable to medicate them when they were suffering from from common illnesses, or to save then when they were injured by shrapnel, or when their limbs were torn by high-powered bullets. I have repeated many times that I went to Sri Lanka as a supporter of the governments right to reclaim its sovereign territory. The LTTE, a revolutionary organization whose brand of ruthless ultraviolence had effectively subverted the justice of its cause, had to be taken on. The government military campaign was a relatively disciplined fight, up until the end. And it is that end with which I have taken exception, and for which I have worked to explain. In dealing with extra-state groups, sovereign states have a standard of responsibility that must be adhered to. As we have learned from the years of emerging evidence of war crimes, the so-called Sri Lanka model is no model at all to be followed. The understanding, or full comprehension of what happened in Sri Lanka has come a long way since 2009. I ought to say that British leaders such as David Milliband, then Foreign Secretary and who has spoken today, already knew full well that the version propagated by the government of Sri Lanka was not the truth. But for the broader public, the lines of the Sri Lankan government, things such as not a drop of civilian blood was spilled, rang somehow true.

390 There had been no bombing of hospitals or schools. No bombardment of civilian concentrations and bread lines. No withholding of precious medicines and food. No battlefield executions, and no rape and killing of captured Tamil Tiger female fighters, or of children. The commonly accepted coin was that India would never shift from the rock-solid support that it had shown for Sri Lanka, so obvious in the Human Rights Council resolution of 2009. So too it has always been the common coin that China will never shift its support from Sri Lanka, an analysis that I dispute. At the time, there had been no International Crisis group report of the final stages of the war, there was no UN Panel of Experts report, no Channel 4 documentaries, and nor was there the flurry of news reports wherein it is now accepted that a great many people died while the worlds press was so successfully excluded from the battlefield by the government of Sri Lanka. Today it is generally accepted, as irrefutable evidence has gradually emerged and accumulated, that a great many civilians died, that their deaths were probably needless and egregious even given the circumstances of this terrible final chapter, and that war crimes were committed by both sides. So here, while we sit in the Gladstone room, off the ancient Westminster Hall, we are surrounded by the portraits and statues of the great, those who constructed and presided over the Courts of Justice for 500 years. But I also find a neat metaphor in the marks of the stonemasons who built this great hall, ordinary men who left their marks in the chips and scrapes on these walls. For fairness, and a sense of common decency, is an ordinary quality common to all people. It is this innate sense of fairness that builds systems of justice, and which inspires just outcomes. It is this decency that was once written about by Vaclav Havel, the former dissident and President of the Czech Republic, a sense of decency that is ultimately, I believe, bound to prevail over those who would shroud the truth, compel us to forget, and whose interests do not lie with justice for all. It is

391 this sense of decency which results in organizations like the ANC or CIVICUS, and which I believe will result in a truth process in Sri Lanka that will support reconciliation and a lasting peace. Id like to refer to three words raised by Father Emmanuelle: The first is sincerity. The Tamil community needs to work to actively dispel the murky past that characterized the Tamil struggle for equal rights. That is not to say that it didnt have its place, or that it was not part of a legitimate struggle. It was. When faced with an unbending violence, sometimes the answer will be violence. But at some stage, that answer became an anachronism, and no longer suited to a post-9/11 world. The second is consistency. Tamils need to build a common platform, based on shared political and social aims, to replace the confusing proliferation of Tamil groups that have flourished since the demise of the LTTE. Tamils need to have unity of purpose expressed in a common voice, if policymakers are to be able to act on their behalf. Thirdly, Tamils need to understand what will work and what wont today, in 2013, and to recognize what will achieve a listening from political leaders and broader publics throughout the world. Finally, Father Emmanuelle mentioned freedom based on truth and justice, and it is here that I want to raise the prospect of an historic opportunity for the Tamil diaspora. The Tamil diaspora, linked with the leadership of Tamils who live in Sri Lanka today, and who must find an accommodation with the current government, have an historic opportunity. You must recognize and seize this chance. To resort to some Australian-isms for a moment: the cloth-eared, kack-handed, woolly-headed approach of the current Sri Lankan government has presented the Tamil community with a golden opportunity. The government of Sri Lanka has squandered so much goodwill, and has proven itself so untrustworthy, that they have opened a wide void for an opposition, which is not being effectively occupied.

392 But the Tamil diaspora, this incredibly well-organized group professional, well-educated, and wellconnected in politics and finance has the opportunity to speak not only on behalf of Tamils, but also on behalf of all those who are excluded from meaningful participation in Sri Lankan political life today. That includes the Muslims, Sinhalese oppositionists, the media, lawyers, Budddhist priests who do not share the extremities of their brethren, and dare I say other minorities such as homosexuals. In the words of a famous Czech artist whose name I have forgotten but whose words have stayed with me, In supporting the freedom of others, I find my own. At a time of growing oppression in Sri Lanka, there has perhaps never been a better moment for the Tamil Diaspora to support the freedom of others, thereby finding their own. Thank you for your kind attention. *This article was first published by the gordonweissauthor.com

60 Responses to This Is The Gist Of What I Had To Say In Westminster 1. Hi Gordon Imagine a Global German Forum 3 years after their well deserved defeat in the 2nd World War. Allied forces commited gigantic war crimes in their push to unseat Hitler and Nazis. Would you have gone to that summit too? How about Global Vietnam Forum? How many British leaders would dropped by? Not to forget Global Iraq and Afganistan Forums.

393 BTW, see how much so called impressive British leaders have contributed to peace around the world. Jewel in the Crown being the cration of Israel inside Palestine. And we know all about David Milibands enthusiasm. it is based on shallow electoral interests of the Labour Party. Thank you Wikileaks. Gordon, BTF is run by the cunning LTTE rump in the UK. People who built the LTTE that caused the bloody Ealam War IV outcome. How about accountability of the support BTF members provided the LTTE for 30 long years?

Ben Hurling - March 7, 2013 1:06 am Reply


Ben Hurling: It didnt take long for the conspiracy theorists and the masters of obfuscation to emerge and surprise, surprise heres the last-born of the Jewish tribes trotting out that very old and tired claim that THEY DID IT FIRST, SO ITS OKAY FOR US TO DO THE SAME!

Aney Apochchi! - March 7, 2013 2:04 am Reply


Exactly which part of response is a conspiracy theory?

Again, all I can say is Aney Apochchi!

Ben Hurling - March 7, 2013 11:52 pm Reply

Its not about them doing it first, Aney, but about them continuing to do it with impunity.

David Blacker - March 8, 2013 4:23 am Reply


There is but one regime, as brutal as the SL regime, that comes to mind in the way it decimated its own citizens/civilians on such horrific proportion the Pol Pot regime. All those whom you have cited did so to their enemies but after WW2, the SL regime stands ashamed of suc horrific atrocities against its own citizens, including Sinhala youths.

395 jansee - March 7, 2013 8:16 am Reply

Jansee, Youre getting confused with your regimes. The ones who destroyed the JVP (to prevent SL going the way of a Pol Pot type situation) was the UNP. Those days Mahinda was off to Geneva to protest about human rights abuses. Neither the UNP or the current mob are particularly ashamed of what was done and what had to be done. http://tinyurl.com/alpkl9t

Mango - March 7, 2013 1:39 pm Reply


You are confused Ben. The war criminals who committed crimes against humanity are Sinhalese similar to the Nazis. The riots and killings of 1956, 1958, 1961, 1977, and July 1983 as well as the subsequent killings, rape, torture and concentration camps were committed by the Sinhalese. Your attempts of attack on Mr. Gordon is woefully consistent and pathetic.

396 Of course, Mr. Gordon is guilty of doing nothing when most of the crimes he now speaks of so eloquently, when he was based in Sri Lanka as a well paid UN official. He witnessed those crimes. He remained silent for many years after until he wrote the book. However, his work not to expose the Truth, and bring about Justice is very much appreciated by not only Tamils but other well meaning citizens of the word. None of us want this to repeated to other minorities like the Tamil speaking Muslims or elsewhere in the world. Global Tamil Forum or other Tamil organizations will flourish among the 1 million Tamil diaspora and other Tamils around the world who lend their support in different ways. Tamils do not have the Nazi Syndrome. It is the Sinhalese who have that problem and go about attacking and slandering any one who speak up for the Tamils and Justice. Some websites and editors (Sinhalese) allow and encourage such personal attacks under bogus names even on this website.

Donald J Gnanakone - March 7, 2013 12:01 pm Reply

Dear Donald, Of these millions of overseas Tamil youth, how many answered the Glorious Leaders appeal from 2006 to 2009 for more manpower with which to fight the advancing SLA? The answer is a big fat ZERO.

397 Compare the lack of commitment displayed by the overseas Tamils to risk their skins with the commitment shown by hundreds of British-born Muslims whove gone off to Libya and Syria to fight and die for their cause. You had your chance to show your commitment to the cause and you blew it. The world saw your brave demonstrations in London and Toronto and a strange unwillingness to act. Any idea why this was so?

Mango - March 7, 2013 2:45 pm Reply

Dear Donald

Move beyond your Tamil only cubicle you have restricted yourself into. It is a large world. This is the 21st century. Tamil ethnic tribalism you display is not so hip anymore. Nor is Sinhala nationalism. There are many ethnic groups in Sri Lanka. Tamils are one of them. Sinhalese happen to be the majority. We want to build a nation where all are equal Sri Lankans before the law. Our diversity is a strength. Not a threat. Do not fear our differences or our common future. Do not be so narrow minded. Does that sound like Nazism to you? Or you just love being paranoid anyway?


Ben Hurling - March 7, 2013 6:16 pm Reply

Ben Hurling, Why dont you give some advice to BBS(Bodu Bala Sena) not to antagonise the Muslims, which if not checked will result in many Muslim countries being unfrienly with our country. This will lead to no more recruitment of labour from SL, including House-maids, who bring in the much needed foreign excahange to sustain our finances.

Sarath - March 7, 2013 7:50 pm Reply


Here is my take on that matter. They are a Balu Sena. They are a terrible shame to Buddhism and to Sri Lanka.

399 Yet, they have the potential to destroy our beautiful country one more time. Including much needed international support and income. Therefore we must engauge them seriously in debate. Fighting Balu Sena is not my responsibility alone. A collective duty of a nation. I will do my part, to help put Balu Sena in their rightful place. I believe decent Sri Lankans must now stand upto Balu Sena in defence of our citizens, who happen to be of Muslim faith. Balu Sena kind of situation or ultra right-wing extremism is not unique to SL. West has serious problems with unjustified Islamophobia as well. I think the solution is to defeat Balu Senas intolerant, racist ideology on the public stage. Once and forever. Sri Lanka must prevail over Balu Sena.

Ben Hurling - March 8, 2013 12:10 am Reply 2. This is how Gordon Weiss ends his speech: In the words of a famous Czech artist whose name I have forgotten but whose words have stayed with me, In supporting the freedom of others, I find my own. In the words of the infamous despot who rules this country with his family of 300 plus: Awa balawa! Come and see! Not a single drop of civilian blood was spilled in the worlds largest

400 hostage rescue humanitarian operation. Our humanitarian peacekeepers went on this peace mission with the human rights charter in one hand, a gun in the other hand and a camera phone to take pictures for posterity. There was no bombing of hospitals or schools. No bombardment of civilian concentrations and bread lines. No withholding of precious medicines and food. No battlefield executions, and no rape and killing of captured Tamil Tiger female fighters, or of children. Prabahakarans 12 year old son Balachandran was unfortunately killed when he was struck on the head by a meteorite while having a snack in a holiday bunker suite. The 3,00,000 survivors were given 5 star food and facilities in Welfare Holiday Camps and when the holiday was over, none of them wanted to go back to their homes because they felt so happy and safe to be protected by barbed wire fences and unarmed peacekeepers who kept away prying reporters and media people from disrupting their holiday. This is the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truthand may humanitarian lightning strike me down if I am lying! http://youtu.be/Pb28kdYhKFU

PresiDunce Bean - March 7, 2013 1:11 am Reply


But Jarapassa and clan said there is no Truth with all this, BUT HALF TRUTHs.

I wander What Half They are talking about?.

401 Did they forgot to Salvage some more precious things in NORTH AND EAST, After war is over?. is that half truth????????????.

JULAAMPITYE AMARAYA - March 7, 2013 6:32 am Reply 3. This is actually quite a sensible piece from Weiss. Unfortunately the overseas LTTE (i.e. GTF, BTF, WTF and the rest of the alphabet) wont take Gordons good advice. 1. Theyll never explicitly criticise the LTTE or even engage in any sort of self-criticism of their own actions. They havent even admitted to having lost the war and instead behave as if this is long tea break before the next innings. 2. There wont even be a shred of unity, because there isnt a Prabha figure with a gun in the background to instil discipline through fear. The Tamils are after all, real Sri Lankans, which means they cant agree on anything. 3. The LTTE diaspora isnt interested in reaching an accommodation with GoSL. Some of its saner members maybe, but the nutters hold the whip hand, always ready to brand anyone who wants to accommodate GoSL, a traitor. If the LTTE diaspora really wanted to discomfort GoSL, theyll start waving the SL flag at their next rally/hunger strike, Facebook campaign. Oh, and as long as the LTTE disapora shields itself with Western politicians who were self-admitted Fluffers for Eelam and beat the war crimes drum, theyll never get a hearing in SL.

402 p.s. I never knew that Father Emmanuel had taken part in the infamous series of Emmanuelle films. Who knew that he had such an interesting hinterland?

Mango - March 7, 2013 1:23 am Reply


Many Tamils have chided the LTTE. If you have not read about it or pretend to be one, then it is your problem.

If you want to be a lapdog of the GOSL, be one. What kind of accomodation are you talking about? There was this talk from the Tamil leaders in SL of this kind of accomodation immediately after the war. MR and his gang got carried away in the euphoria of triumphalism and politics and I just dont know where were you people then. The talk/time of accomodation has long disappeared. Coming to grips with so much of loss of life and limbs, our women and girls brutally raped and murdered, thousands of children bombed to shreds, hospitals bombed, herding into the so-called treacherous no-fire-zones and bombing them to pulp, caging them like animals with guns to their heads, the colossal devastation, etc, yes, we have a score to settle with the SL regime. You take a hard look at yourself in the mirror and ask yourself of a wife, sister and mother of yours brutally being raped and murdered and there is nothing you can do about it. And incidentally, this was happening long before LTTE came into the scene and it was this reason that the Tamils were left with no choice but to support the LTTE. The way you write points to your belief that all Tamils are your enemies, not just the LTTE. Do you think the Tamils would be in so much pain if the regime had settled its scores with the LTTE, and LTTE

403 alone who was its adversary. I know that most of you Sinhalese praise this regime and believe every dubious word this regime tells. That is the reason we have to go outside the country to smoke out the foxes. You talk of accomodation. We have no problem with that. Instead of having a skewed view of the Tamils who have lost so much because of a regime bathing in a heap of lies and blood, we can still join hands to get this regime to answer for its crimes. Both of our races have a trust deficit so let us have an independent international investigation and then wherever lies the truth, everyone has to to accept it, be it the Tamils or the Sinhalese. Are you game for it? Tell your masters, just the mention of it will send shivers through their spine. You are fools I am not saying these, the regime knows this and is just hiding behind this folly.

jansee - March 7, 2013 8:39 am Reply

Jansee, Individual Tamils chiding the LTTE isnt the issue. Weiss was talking to the various overseas groups who claim to act on behalf of all Tamils. Show me any evidence of them having undertaken any kind of objective analysis of why the LTTE failed, the damage the LTTE did to the Tamil people during its slow death rattle and any admission of these groups culpability for the deaths of Tamil civilians in 2009.

We know that the overseas LTTE didnt give a damn about the well-being of Tamil civilians in the North & East. They wanted them to die in very large numbers. We know this thanks to Wikileaks.

404 Ambassador [Blake] briefed the minister on the results of the meeting Asst Sec Boucher had hosted with American (SL Tamil) Diaspora representatives. He explained that the Diaspora had rejected U.S. calls for them to urge the release of civilians. http://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/wikileaksdiaspora-had-rejected-u-s-calls-for-themto-urge-the-release-of-civilians/ As for international investigations, can you provide answers to these basic questions: Who will comprise this foreign independent panel acceptable to all parties? Which period should they cover? Which countries should they investigate, other than SL? Should they be able to indict SL Tamils currently living in the West who can be proved to have supported the LTTE? [I expect to see Aunty Adele and a plane loads surviving senior LTTE officials arriving in CMB] Will they indict and prosecute Western supporters of the LTTE, including some dodgy NGOs? But before we get there, we should investigate and provide accountability for the dead and disappeared of JVP 1, JVP 2, Eelam Wars 1-4 and the perpetrators of Black July. Atrocities should be dealt with in strict temporal sequence. But before any of that, any international investigating body must apply the same principals of justice and accountability to far greater war crimes. So let them start with the biggest enablers of civilian deaths in the last two decades, the UK & US (remember Iraq sanctions in Gulf War 1, then Iraq 2 and currently AfPak quagmire?), then on to Russia (Chechnya) and then perhaps India (too many insurgencies and atrocities to list Punjab, Kashmir etc) oh.. and Israel of course and then by all means prosecute Sri Lanka.

405 After all, for justice to be done, it must be done impartially, no?

Mango - March 7, 2013 1:47 pm Reply

Whatever happened to the pronouncement of a humanitarian operation? Although the adversary ought to have been the LTTE, the killing of thousands of civilians, which you implicitly admit, is clear genocide. It is laughable to cite others for the genocide caused by the regime. Again, the regimes adversary was the LTTE. Pray tell me what do understand by the regimes claim of a humanitarian operation?

This is the problem with guys like you. Even if we go by your argument that the diaspora Tamils funded the LTTE operations, for whatever reason(s), how does this legitimise the genocide of civilians? How more stupid can this get particularly when the regime mounted the operation to free the civilians from the clutches of the LTTE? Do you still have your head in the sand? The SL regime is the accused party again this sounds so stupid it has been alleged of serious war crimes. It has limited or no leverage in this matter to dictate the whos and whats of the investigation. It had four years to initiate credible investigations within the country but it continued bluffing and took everyone on a wild goose chase. This regime stands in no position to dictate terms anymore. As you know by now, it has tried all the tricks in the bag but still the noose is getting tighter.

406 There should be no problem in trying the LTTE (or the remnants) in a similar vein as the regime. We can start with Karuna, KP and Pillaiyan. What do you think? What temporal sequence are you talking about? How many inquiries and commissions has the regimes of SL appointed to investigate the crimes you have mentioned. I have no qualms in mentioning that you are one hell of a liar. It is because of the total distrust on SL that external investigations have to be initiated. Again, you dont dictate the terms anymore. Dont you get it much as you and SL wanted or wished, this matter has gone beyond the borders of SL. You are not in a position to set terms and conditions. That time is past already. See what you can do about the current proposed resolution in the UNHRC?

jansee - March 8, 2013 12:10 pm Reply

Jansee, Youre unable to answer my simple question about who will set up the international investigation acceptable to all and whine about genocide. Typical. Ive never ever denied that thousands of Tamil civilians died. And the blame for their rests with the LTTE who used them as a civilian shield, which you are unable to admit. Why? What are you scared of?

407 If GoSL was intent on genocide, why werent thousands of Tamil civilians killed in defeating the LTTE during the Eastern campaign? The answer is that the LTTE never managed to corral the civilians into a convenient, mobile human shield. It makes absolute sense for KP, Karuna and ex-JVPers etc to be brought into the mainstream, despite their previous misdeeds. Thats what has to happen after a war. You have to make peace with your erstwhile enemies. A good example from Northern Ireland is Martin McGuiness. He was a senior IRA commander during the IRA insurgency, he ordered the deaths of many British soldiers, planned countless bombings and tried (and failed) to kill Mrs Tatcher and her cabinet in the1984 Brighton Grand Hotel bombing. Martin McGuiness is now Northern Irelands Deputy First Minister (Prime Minister). Only weak, failed states allow investigations by external bodies of internal matters. e.g. Kosovo, DRC, CAR, etc. Despite the way that MR has behaved, (alienating SLs friends, the chief justice affair etc), its extremely unlikely that hell be on his way to the Hague. Let me explain how that process works. Just memorise this and we can stop wasting time on this futile posturing about the ICC impeaching MR and his family of thieves. There are three sets of circumstances under which the ICC can launch a prosecution. 1. It can be invited in by a government which has ratified the treaty setting up the court, as in the ICCs current prosecutions in Uganda, Democratic Republic of Congo, and the Central African Republic. 2. It can have a case referred to it by the UN Security Council, as with its prosecution of Sudanese president Omar al Bashir. 3. It can launch an investigation on its own initiative, as it has done in Kenya, but only in relation to states which recognise its jurisdiction and national courts are unable or unwilling to prosecute.

408 Theres a further catch. The UN Security Council can halt any investigation it doesnt wish to proceed. This is initially for a year, but is actually renewable indefinitely.Permanent members of the UN Security Council such as the United States, China, Russia & UK are never likely to face prosecution, and could stop any investigation dead in its tracks. So, China and Russia will block any ICC/UNSC investigations against MR. Unless GoSL does something really, really stupid, [which given their recent performance is possible] impeachment will remain a figment of your fevered imagination. http://www.battleofideas.org.uk/index.php/2011/battles/5400/ MR & his family rule will have to be defeated by the SL voter and not by expat LTTE groups.

Mango - March 8, 2013 12:58 pm Reply

Lies belong to the province of the SL regimes and the lackeys napping with them.

You still havent answered my question what kind of a humanitarian operation was this when hospitals were bombed, food and medicine was denied and over 140,000 civilians were killed? Lies, lies and lies. In short, what you are telling is that the UNHRC is wasting its time. Then pray tell me why the regime is getting so excited over the resolutions? Just ignore them and there is no need even to send

409 Mahinda Samarasinghe. Just sleep at home and all is well. Wish MR would not make the terrible mistake of appointing you as his advisor.

jansee - March 9, 2013 3:09 am

Jansee, Is that the best you can do to avoid answering my questions? Your whines include: what kind of a humanitarian operation was this when hospitals were bombed, food and medicine was denied and over 140,000 civilians were killed? Lies, lies and lies.

Hospitals: Hospitals were bombed because the LTTE used their environs from which situate their own artillery and fire at the advancing forces. Horrible, but true. The presence of a protected person [i.e. civilian hostages] may not be used to render certain points (e.g. hospitals) or areas immune from military operations.4th Geneva Convention, Article 28. Food & Medicine: Despite attacks by the LTTE on food/medical convoys supplies were still getting through to the trapped civilians. When they got through, the LTTE used the stock for their cadres, first before the unlucky civilians got the rest. LTTE Sea Tiger suicide boats attacked MV Ruhuna and MV Malawa, which were carrying food supplies to the North.

410 http://www.marsec4.com/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2011/03/Suicide-WBIED-Attack-offJaffna-SriLanka-10-08.pdf The ICRC even congratulated the Navy for its sterling work in evacuating civilians under difficult conditions; http://www.colombopage.com/imgs_11A/SriLanka_ICRC_Feb14_2009.pdf 140,000 civilians killed: Why only 140,000? Why not 250,000 or 180,000 dead? GoSL are known and proven liars whove met their match in the distraught Eelamists. Now, lets see if youre brave enough to answer my questions.

Mango - March 9, 2013 11:32 am 4. Tamil leaders, here and in self-exile, accept the good advice proffered by Gordon Weiss. Throw in your lot with those engaged in the struggle for restoration of democracy and the rule of law in Sri Lanka. But shun the so called opposition leader Ranil Wickremesinghe who is part of this corrupt regime. This country is too small for division. People are prepared to live together in harmony. It is the politicians who whip up communal and ethnic tensions. Dont trust the present leaders of the `Old Left. They have sold their souls for a mess of pottage! Monsters raise their ugly heads from time to time. The latest monster is the Bodu Bala Sena. These monsters cannot survive if peoples from all communities unite to challenge them. I invite political leaders in the South like Karu Jayasuriya, Sajith Premadasa, Sarath Fonseka, Lakshman Kirielle, upcoming leaders like Dayasiri Jayasekera, Harin Fernando,

411 Range Bandara and also respected Buddhist religious dignitaries like Ven. Maduluwawe Sobhita Thera to extend their hand of friendship to Tamil leaders and get on with the task of rebuilding national unity!

Saman Wijesiri - March 7, 2013 1:35 am Reply


I can reason in this. Shiranee (CJ) sacrificed everything, though indirectly, in support of the Provincial Councils. So, I cannot turn the other side when there is goo emanating from any side, tamils or sinhalese but how does Sarath Fonseka figure in this? Isnt he a war criminal?

jansee - March 7, 2013 8:42 am Reply 5. The real issue is that the SL Government has steadfastly refused to accept that there were civilian casualties. That is why the GTF and Channel4 etc are thriving.

412 If that issue can be resolved, one way or another, then progress in reconciliation can begin. Such resolution would probably inspire the Diaspora to productively invest in the north and east to augment the governments current efforts of development and rehabilitation in those areas. Confrontational battles will not help the cause. Acrimony, distrust and destabilsation efforts against SL will continue until such time cool heads emerge and accountabilty issues are dealt with amicably. With the current intransigence on both sides, the only losers in this battle for the foreseeable future are only the Tamils.

MNZ - March 7, 2013 2:00 am Reply 6. If only the detractors can stop pointing fingers at other situations, other culprits, stop attacking the messenger/writer, and spewing the government rhetoric, they can see that this is a well written article from a neutral point of view. Every article written by any journalist is immediately branded coming from an LTTE sympathizer it seems there arent any independent thinkers who may write based on their independent thoughts and perspectives. It seems no writer can question a supposed to be democratic governments strange behavior of stalling, lying, and refusing all evidence, which by itself can be deemed guilty by action.

413 Thank you for this article. Now perhaps it may give those with blind loyalty to a government with absolutely NO integrity to answer to the investigations, questions, and blind to the crimes that continue to go unsolved, something food for thought if they are capable of such thought. It is easy to stay loyal, and apathetic, when your loved one is not among the killed or missing.

Mimi - March 7, 2013 2:12 am Reply 7. The carnage,destruction, misery,loss of thousands of Tamil lives so far have clearly shown that the communalism embedded in Sinhalese community will not just wither away, as we all wish. Tamil leadership have always led campaigns even before independence for freedom based on truth and justice. What Sinhalese gave them was unbending violence. Oppressed Tamils had to meet this unbending genocidal violence, with equal force of violence and destruction. Father Emmanuel himself martyred the Tamil freedom fighters when he said in the past The church refused to let suicides have a Christian burial. But for us, these boys and girls arent suicides, theyre martyrs. They are giving up their lives for a higher cause, the way Jesus Christ did. What Gordon Weiss fails to see here is that the new vigor and strong commitment(as never before in the history) to justice and truth by the international community (as shown by impressive leaders represented in the GTF Forum). We shave seen that these leaders of the international community will not shy away from taking any drastic action to regimes similar to Rajapkshas in seeking truth and justice as in Iraq,Libya,Sudan,Syria etc.

414 Tamil diaspora cannot forge a credible opposition without drawing lessons from these rich experiences. Weiss is right to dispute China will never shift its support from Sri Lanka. Tamil diaspora is in a better position than any other national liberation movement (compared to similar movements (in relation Iraq,Libya,Sudan,Syria etc) as it has the incredibly well-organized group professional, well-educated, and well-connected in politics and finance in the international arena. Already in the eyes of billions of workers, oppressed people around the globe, the genocidal campaign of Sinhalese have proved beyond any doubt.The next step is the continuation of the struggle along the same line as always it has been in the past not to to seek illusory accommodation with the current *Sinhalese+government. Unlike in the past, Tamils now have the international public opinion on our side.

Loka Viplavaya - March 7, 2013 2:53 am Reply 8. Gordon Weiss is indeed becoming wiser with time. He is beginning to identify the stupidity and preach sanity. He is becoming a part of the solution, from being part of the festering problem. His advice to the vocal and organised segments of the Tamil Diaspora, should be considered a much needed purgative. I am sure GW will sound wiser the next time around, if he is invited and also funded by THE European country. I have my doubts whether he will be welcome next year around. I however wish he is, because I want hear what he will have to say. Dr.Rajasingham Narendran


Dr.Rajasingham Narendran - March 7, 2013 3:02 am Reply


Looks like you are very, very sore that you were not invited. Perhaps, it is not that difficult to see the face behind the mask.

jansee - March 7, 2013 8:45 am Reply

He will not be INVITED .

Anpu - March 7, 2013 10:30 am Reply


Gordons speech was good and please be rest assured that he will be invited by Tamil diaspora associations.

416 He did not say anything which Tamils in the diaspora need to be upset about. One cannot please every body. I wish Gordon spoke about the violations in 2009 and 2010 and not after his book. But better late than never.

Donald J Gnanakone - March 7, 2013 12:07 pm Reply


Of course he is sore, a man with the ego so large everything and anything has to me about him

Dev - March 7, 2013 12:33 pm Reply 9. Hey Gorden Refer below to your statement But the Tamil diaspora, this incredibly well-organized group professional, well-educated, and wellconnected in politics and finance has the opportunity to speak not only on behalf of Tamils, but also on behalf of all those who are excluded from meaningful participation in Sri Lankan political life today. That includes the Muslims, Sinhalese oppositionists, the media, lawyers, Budddhist priests

417 who do not share the extremities of their brethren, and dare I say other minorities such as homosexuals. Are you trying to hand over the SL future for this tamil diaspora organisation, are you mad, they are the same group who funded milions of dollars to LTTE kill thier own people and other singalese people

kris - March 7, 2013 3:13 am Reply


King Mahinda is going to be your deliverer. With everyone punding on him, he certainly requires saviours like you.

jansee - March 7, 2013 8:48 am Reply 10. Gordon the unwise, at least you have daughters and hope you live long enough to grow them to adulthood.

418 Watcher - March 7, 2013 3:59 am Reply 11. Instead of criticizing & writing rubbish, I commend this writer.

Jim Hardy - March 7, 2013 5:15 am Reply 12. I am in complete agreement with the author. For there to be effective action against the lack of Justice and law and order in Sri Lanka that most Sri Lankans are in agreement with, the Diaspora, must represent all oppressed groups in Sri Lanka. The mere fact that they represent just the Tamil people who have suffered gives enough ammunition for the Government to call them LTTE apologists and muster a huge opposition backed up by national sentiment. This was amply seen just yesterday, when whilst the Tamils were demonstrating about lack of information about the disappeared, other communities also (presumably with Govt. backing) had a counter demo about non Tamil disappeared who also need closure. It does not matter if you are a mother of a disappeared, whether the mother is Sinhala Tamil or Muslim, the suffering is no less. So when the Diaspora fight for only the Tamil, and no one represents the other, the non Tamil mother says to herself what about my son who disappeared. I dont know what happened to him!

419 So be understanding that mustering all opposition against this brutal regime is the way to go, and not be selective for personal goals which with the LTTE history will not achieve traction anywhere, no matter how hard one tries and spends all this money. In the end the lobbyists the recipients of the largess of speaking fees and invitational dinners are the beneficiaries of your hard earned money, with no results just another ineffective speech. Thanks for reminding the world and your audience that there is more to the issue than a Tamil one. It is a personal fight against injustice to all where no laws are enforced, and crime is the preserve of the governing class.

Patta Pal - March 7, 2013 5:39 am Reply 13. There is so much sense in what Gordon Weiss says. I think that the Tamil diaspora, which he describes as an incredibly well-organized .. and wellconnected group, must seize the opportunity to lead the restoration of Sri Lankan Tamils to their rightful place in the island. Although this does not mean an independent homeland, any solution must recognise that Tamil speaking peoples have the same rights as the Sinhalese and all other ethnic and religious groups who give Sri Lanka its unique identity. With regard to GWs opinion that the Tamils need to build a common platform. It is unlikely that they would achieve the buy-in of ex-LTTE of nutters who, as another commentator put it, are on a

420 long tea break between innings. The GTF needs to make do with the unity that they have achieved to-date. The biggest obstacles to any solution, however, are the murderous thugs who run the country today. Relinquishing power would not only result in loss of the corrupt, nice-little-earners that they have going, but also result in their being tried as war criminals. It is, therefore, unlikely that they will vacate they positions any time soon.

Gerard Thurai - March 7, 2013 7:23 am Reply 14. The government military campaign was a relatively disciplined fight, up until the end. And it is that end with which I have taken exception, and for which I have worked to explain. In dealing with extra-state groups, sovereign states have a standard of responsibility that must be adhered to. As we have learned from the years of emerging evidence of war crimes, the so-called Sri Lanka model is no model at all to be followed. This about sums up where the govt went wrong and four years later we are still lost in the web of injustice and suffering caused. There can be no victory without justice and recompense for the victims, the message is now being said loud an clear by many people throughout the world.

421 Safa - March 7, 2013 8:06 am Reply 15. I have repeated many times that I went to Sri Lanka as a supporter of the governments right to reclaim its sovereign territory. This GORDON would he say his forefathers committed GENOCIDE. Where are the ABORIGINEAS of Austaralia? He is from a group of people beliving Captian Cook discovered Australia.

Anpu - March 7, 2013 10:40 am Reply 16. The Rajapakses priority is to establish, more to the consumption of the world and the uncontgrollable Sinhala extremists at home, there is a direct and definitive link with Prabakarans LTTE and the Tamil resistance both within and without the Island. So the entire Tamil diaspora, the TNA and the Tamil leadership (with the exception of quislings Devananda, Karuna & Co) are, invariably, called and asked to be called LTTE proxies Even an 8th standard student of politics knows the TNA and its preceding leadership were all in the elimination list of the LTTE. Many of its leaders were shot to death by the LTTE. So how can they be willing collaborators of the fascist outfit? The sincere that is what it appeared to me and frank interview Father Emmanuel (not Emmanuelle, the sex symbol as Weiss spells) gave an English media unit in Colombo where he called the Sinhalese his friends and brothers. Father referred to the many years he spent in Kandy to build Sinhala-Tamil rapport. All this was surprisingly

422 ignored. What was in effect was the reality of the dog bites man is not news but man bites dog is that the local media and the regime were following. The sooner the Rajapakses realise their act is up the better for the country. Setting up the Sinhalese against the resourceful and productive smaller Muslim community will not bring them gains in the long run. It will only add to their list of critics. It is good some form of assurance is given to a September PC elections in the North. But the more important feature here is neither State, the army or the States armed Tamil proxies should in no way engage in violence or inflict other illegalities to render the integrity of the election to lose its validity. The proposed election is a step in the right direction. Senguttuvan

Senguttuvan - March 7, 2013 2:21 pm Reply 17. The following two phrases Gorden Weiss writes are the crucial points to be taken into consideration.They are 1) The government military campaign was a relatively disciplined fight, up until the end. And it is that end with which I have taken exception, and for which I have worked to explain. In dealing with extra-state groups, sovereign states have a standard of responsibility that must be adhered to. As we have learned from the years of emerging evidence of war crimes, the so-called Sri Lanka model is no model at all to be followed.

423 2) At the time, there had been no International Crisis group report of the final stages of the war, there was no UN Panel of Experts report, no Channel 4 documentaries, and nor was there the flurry of news reports wherein it is now accepted that a great many people died while the worlds press was so successfully excluded from the battlefield by the government of Sri Lanka. We all know upto until end of war, it was Gen. Sarath Fonseka who was in charge of executing,discharging and co-ordinating all duties to ground, air and sea commanders. Gen.Sarath Fonseka always assured that under his command, there was no violations of War crimes took place and Gordon Weiss say the Troops were discipline until the last stages of war. We all know during the final days of war Gen Sarath Fonseka went to China to procure weapons and was absent from the battle field during the final days of war, but was communicating with field commanders. During SFs absense, Govt.asked the UN and International aid groups and the reporters to pack up and leave war zoneand this is confirmed by Gordon Weisss above second phrase. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CIJav9HgEwc Therefore what we have to do is to put together the dots..as to. 1)Who was incharge of the final days of warduring Gen.Sarath Fonsekas absense.. 2)Whose commands the ground deputy Commanders were executing when Gen.Sarath Fonseka was away. 3)Why Govt.sent Gen.Fonseka to China to Procrue arms during the last remaining days of war knowing its going to win the war..and the delivery of arms take time to arrive and by that time the war has already ended.

424 4)Although Gen.SF was communicating with ground staffdid they really carried out his commands.or was taking commands from a Govt. P_olitical authority. 5)Who are the ground commanders who were communicating with Gen.SF in China to assure him that they were following his instructions and nobody else. 6)Why President went to Embilipitiya and avoided David Miliband when he came to Sri Lanka to discus about Tamil civilian casualties. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rm0BatLHFSk 7)What made Govt.to chase away the UN staff and the Reporters from battle field during the final days of war. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5nzzK5f-02Y&feature=endscreen&NR=1 7)Who assured UN that Civilians will be safe and no need of UN inspectors in Nanthikandal. Was it from Colombo DS office and if so to which ground commanders it conveyed this message. Did Gen.SF know about this assurance.and if so did he check with the ground commanders if they adhere to this principle. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5_c-Ieq6Mcs 8)was this assurance was carried out by the Ground commanders and whose commands they were carrying out. Is it from Colombo Diffense Secretarys office or army commander Gen.SF http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sUFSfQIPlmM&NR=1&feature=endscreen 9)Where are the Video or Camera footages of LTTE soldiers and Civilians coming out from Nanthikandal carrying white flags with them to surrender to Govt.soldiers. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DMKJaJH9BR8 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4dFmlVw-uxI

425 10)Why Gen SF said that Defense Secretary ordered Ground commanders to kill LTTE rebels who come with white flags to surrender. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oggCA19H9Oc http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Pwz_umDr5ig http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A9_nZmOKMcI WHO IS THE REAL MURDERER HERE..IS IT DS WHO AUTHORIZED GROUND FORCES TO KILL ALL LTTE MEMBERS WHO CAME WITH A WHITE FLAG TO SURRENDER OR.. GEN.SF WHO REVEALED THIS TO MEDIA AND PEOPLE DURING ELECTION CAMPAIGN AND PAID THE PRICE IN PRISON. IT IS TIME SOMEONE SHOULD IMPARTIALLY INVESTIGATE THE ABOVE AND REVEAL THE TRUTH TO THE WORLD.

Jayantha - March 7, 2013 4:08 pm Reply 18. Having paid for and attending the Sri Lanka Human Rights and Australia meeting organised by the Human Rights Law Centre yesterday in Melbourne. What I gathered of Gordon Weiss (GW) and this meeting is:That this meeting was high jacked by the SL high commissioners official and unofficial representatives of half a dozen or more given front row reserved seats. The chief spokesman distributed a pamphlet under the title of ARE THE TAMILS (NOT CAMELS) REALLY COMING?

426 Where-in the SL population was given as 14 million when it is almost the same as Australia these days. The SBS famed Mark Davis seemed to be side kick and a side show seated at the extreme left of the panel whose primary mission seemed to help promote Gordon Weiss and upcoming 2nd book as well. Its going to bear the title of something like the last days of the LTTE. GW appeared to me to be an arrogant, self righteous autocrat who was more interested in not only selling his books and less in the truth and/or fairness even in the partisan conduct of this meeting so as not to jeopardise his main interests. This I suspect was more due to fear of the sales numbers of his books and the SL high commissioners men who acted as law unto themselves and had the proceeding of this meeting completely high jacked that this meeting without an itinerary or agenda prematurely finished in about 50 to 55 minutes having charged $25.00 and 15.00 concessions. The meeting commenced. The organisers did have a low profile presence of the police as well at this meeting. I was not allowed to speak at this meeting though at the end of it I spoke to all concerned and clarified matters to myself. This was including asking GW whether he was there more to sell his books. As that was the overall impression I got from this meeting. To this question GW looked up to another lady and asked her did I sell any? When I in response looked at her she was silent and gave me a great smile that disarmed me from any more verbal conflict. I saw many buying The cage and the other Still counting the dead. I told them this and more in person when we were all in the same lift that was bringing us down to the GF. Today I spoke to the HRLC and requested them to lift their game if they wanted to be taken seriously. The HRLC changed its venue for Sydney meeting today. This I suspect is mostly likely to cope better with SL HCs official and unofficial proxies.


m c spencer - March 8, 2013 2:57 am Reply 19. A correction in the 4th para that should read The meeting commenced almost half an hour late as I gathered from the HR lawyer Ambihaiplalan who asked me to sit next to him in the 3 row when I was earlier seated at the extreme right of the 2nd row which according to him was also fully reserved without clear markings on all seats of that row as well.

m c spencer - March 8, 2013 3:08 am Reply 20. An excellent piece by Gordon Weiss. Notice how he avoids extreme words and phrases like terrorism, humanitarian operation, and homegrown solution. The (Sinhalese) media is hopeless when it comes to doing the same. Even the Sri Lankan diplomatic corps (Rajiva, Dayan, Ravinatha) fail miserably. You can go pretty far when the language is low-key, although the likes of Dayan think the optimum strategy is to bribe the big powers with bad human rights records China, Russia. That strategy may work temporarily in the UN, but in the long-term, Rajapakse becomes a pariah in the Western world, which has unwanted economic implications, e.g. loss of GSP+ concessions, foreign investment, etc.


Lester - March 8, 2013 1:37 pm Reply


I truly agree with Lester. I dont know who conduct the workshops to our Foreign Ministry and Sri Lanka UNHR representatives. They all look and talk more arrogant, more offensive and no compromise or ready to listen to others opinions.

They never behaved like this before the end of LTTE war. Everything changed after winning the LTTE war. This brings a negative picture to Sri Lanka, and our macho behaviour will only discredit SL in international community. Thug culture prevails in Jungles and not at UN. Its time to re-shape and re-focus our Foreign Ministry and UN representatives.

Jayantha - March 9, 2013 1:12 am Reply 21. It is quite apparent from Gordon Weiss own account that his speech was biased. He is very blatant and simplistic when criticizing the GOSL, but diplomatic and circumventing when he

429 is criticizing the LTTE. Yet the LTTE rump must have found even this muffled criticism unpalatable. Gordon makes three valid criticisms: 1) The Tamil community must dispel the murky past of LTTE violence. He says it is no longer suited to a post-9/11 world. By mentioning 9/11 in the same sentence Gordon is indirectly telling that the LTTE was a terrorist organization. 2) He criticizes the confusing proliferation of Tamil groups that have flourished since the demise of the LTTE. Poor Gordon doesnt know disunity has always been a hallmark of the Tamil struggle in Sri Lanka. It is only natural that many self-serving leaders will emerge when the motivation is not any genuine concern for the people but greed for the spoils. 3) Gordon totally rejects Tamil Eelam. He puts it nicely, Tamils need to understand what will work and what wont today in 2013. But what was more interesting to me was the joke with which he ends his speech. Gordon declares disingenuously that the LTTE rump has the opportunity to speak not only on behalf of Tamils but also on behalf of all those who are excluded from meaningful participation in Sri Lankan political life today. The LTTE never allowed even its own Tamil people to participate meaningfully in any social activity let alone politics. And Gordons punchline was that he was inspired by Father Emmanuelle to make the above solemn declaration. But even Emmanuelle himself will agree he is a father from hell.

430 Ajay - March 9, 2013 5:01 am Reply 22. mango: Lies are the coveted possessions of the SL regime, as you are, too. It started with zero civilian casualties and this was the regimes official position even with mounting evidence until there were chorus of voices within SL itself to stop being silly in denying that was staring at the regimes face. Doesnt that sound silly a humanitarian operation? I am also aware of the hospitals being legitimate targets but with a regime lying through its teeth we want independent verification and not what the SL regime keeps saying/lying. From our sources it appears that the SL regime was targeting the hospitals indiscriminately and with a cynical and devious purpose. Ah, that preposterous claim of only about 70,000 people left in the war area and food and medicine being sent to only that number when in actuality there were close to 300,000 people held there. And dont keep lying of what the SL regime claimed all the while. Now, information has recently surfaced that the claim of sending the food and medicine itself was a lie. Using the confused war situation, the food and medicine were actually sent to the soldiers and IRCS was removed from the scene for a while to hide this fact. It looks like the SL regime had forged documents to make the world believe that it did send food and medicine but that now appears as a blatant lie. So, just like this bloody regime, you think we will be cowed by you. We are not cowards like you or the regime, hiding in SL and refusing to allow an independent investigation total and pathetic cowards because the truth will come out. Despite all the machinations we have and will continue to haunt this regime with more evidence of its crimes. It once hid behind the Congress regime in India, which has its share and part in this bloody mess. That mask has worn off and glee once the

431 Congress regime gets booted out of power, and with the only saviour of this regime out of the scene, then the actual ground zero will start. What you are seeing now is just a rehearsal. And, in that, you or what this regime claims or does means nothing to us. On your part you can drag Prabhakaran to answer for his crimes form wherever he is that is for you to figure out but we know where the Rajapakses are and we want them to answer for their crimes through an international constituted independent investigation.

jansee - March 9, 2013 1:18 pm Reply


Jansee, Another tedious rambling diatribe to disguise your tactical withdrawal. Show me your bravery and answer my questions.

1. Who will comprise this foreign independent panel acceptable to all parties? 2. Which period should they cover? 3. Which countries should they investigate, other than SL? 4 .Should they be able to indict SL Tamils currently living in the West who can be proved to have supported the LTTE? [I expect to see Aunty Adele and a plane loads surviving senior LTTE officials arriving in CMB] 5. Will they indict and prosecute Western supporters of the LTTE, including some dodgy NGOs?

432 Mango - March 9, 2013 3:16 pm Reply


You have posed very important questions to Jansee. In turn let me pose few of mine: 1. Who will comprise this foreign independent panel acceptable to all parties? Whom do you have in mind, will comprise your internal independent panel acceptable to all parties? 2. Which period should they cover? My position is it should cover the period from 5th April 1971 to date. Do you have any problem with this? 3. Which countries should they investigate, other than SL? India, for its part in IPKFs atrocities. There are other countries which covertly or overtly colluded with Sri Lanka in the last war, including India, Pakistan, USA, China 4 .Should they be able to indict SL Tamils currently living in the West who can be proved to have supported the LTTE? [I expect to see Aunty Adele and a plane loads surviving senior LTTE officials arriving in CMB] I have no problem with investigating whoever is suspected of being war criminals. Where I depart from conventional investigation is that punishing the criminal is unnecessary and counter productive.

433 Therefore let us have an investigation modeled on South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission. 5. Will they indict and prosecute Western supporters of the LTTE, including some dodgy NGOs? Would your internal investigators have the resources, infrastructure, neutrality, sufficient power to call all witnesses and perpetrators without fear or favour, giving justice to the victims,.? Please prove to us whether you are with the victims or with perpetrators. It is always morally safe to be with the victims when natural justice is only seconds away from you. An independent investigation is non negotiable whether it will come about tomorrow or in about 40 years.

Native Vedda - March 10, 2013 12:25 pm Reply 23. mango: Dont sidetrack or beat around the bush. The time for you and SL to bargain and set conditions is past. When Ban (SG) appointed the Darusman and Petrie Panel, SL made a lot of noise. It cried foul when the Darusman Report was sent to the UNHRC. It vowed not to let any UN panel into SL but now is begging Navi Pillay to visit SL. Do you really have choice in this matter anymore. So, stop fooling around with these questions as you will get nowhere. It is time now for us to ask the questions.


jansee - March 9, 2013 4:12 pm Reply


Jansee, Thanks for admitting that you dont have a clue about how to answer my simple questions about who will carry out these international investigations. All you can do is to spout inane slogans.

Who is the us that is now asking questions?

Mango - March 9, 2013 4:38 pm Reply


Thanks for getting tired of your lies and giving up. I see the same pattern emerging from the Rajapakses. When the world is talking about accountability, Mahinda Samarasinghe talks about roads. No wonder the Rajapakses are treating you all like fools.

435 jansee - March 10, 2013 1:20 am Reply

Jansee, Show me the lies Ive told. You, on the other hand dodge and run, without having the courage of your convictions to answer my questions, because we both know that if you were answer them honestly, your fantasy would collapse on itself.

Lets try again to see you run away from answering my questions. 1. Show me any evidence of them [overseas LTTE groups] having undertaken any kind of objective analysis of why the LTTE failed, the damage the LTTE did to the Tamil people during its slow death rattle and any admission of these groups culpability for the deaths of Tamil civilians in 2009. =You ran away avoiding the question. 2. Who will comprise this foreign independent panel acceptable to all parties? = You ran away avoiding the question. 3. Which period should they cover? = You ran away avoiding the question. 4. Which countries should they investigate, other than SL? =You ran away avoiding the question. 5. Should they be able to indict SL Tamils currently living in the West who can be proved to have supported the LTTE? [I expect to see Aunty Adele and a plane loads surviving senior LTTE officials arriving in CMB] = You ran away avoiding the question. 6. Will they indict and prosecute Western supporters of the LTTE, including some dodgy NGOs? = You ran away avoiding the question.

436 7. Who exactly is taking part in our journey to see MR & co pay for their war crimes. = You ran away avoiding the question.

Mango - March 10, 2013 10:59 am Reply


Why are you still beating around the bush? It appears that Mahinda Samarasinghe and G L Peiris have trained you well to keep on shifting the goalposts and lying through their teeth. Let me put it in simple English the time for you to set terms and conditions is past already. So, you dont ask the questions. It is the turn of the US, UK, EU, UNHRC, etc. If you start playing the same games as you are doing now, thinking that you are fooling everyone, then the resolutions will get more stringent. Those who commit murders and genocide do not get to ask questions, just like Charles Taylor.

jansee - March 10, 2013 4:22 pm Reply

Jansee, Still avoiding answering my questions, no? What are you afraid of? Are they too traumatic for

437 you? If Im lying, show me where Ive lied instead of making tactical withdrawals. As a general rule, Losers dont get to try the Winners for War Crimes, although in this instance GoSL may prove the exception to the rule, because of their sheer stupidity.

Mango - March 10, 2013 7:16 pm


The vanquished dont get to dictate terms. Its your turn to listen.

Ajay - March 9, 2013 4:59 pm Reply


You are telling this to us, or the US or the UNHRC? Sometimes you are very hilarious. I like it

438 jansee - March 10, 2013 11:11 am Reply


The vanquished dont get to dictate terms. Its your turn to listen. I hate to agree with you however I would qualify my agreement with not immediately. No need to listen to the gloating of a feudal army and its peasant masters.

Native Vedda - March 10, 2013 12:40 pm Reply 24. Avoid junkets but suckered in by the irresistable offer by the Global Tamil Forum. That herniated disck on your back will very soom emerge from your head as well. Vote grabbers, vultures all gathered over the ltte prey. Gerard Thurai What is this rightful plae of SL Tamils you refer to ?

439 Dickie Bird - March 9, 2013 4:51 pm Reply 25. mango: You see what I mean. When you look for the four fingers, you can never see the eight. Now, at least you see the point that an exception does exist but to the stupidity of the Rajapakses I will also add the word greed. When the regime vehemently protested the appointment of the SG Panel, adding that it was not in conformity with the UN provisions. It refused to have anything with the Panel but secretly went to meet the Panel nevertheless. As now, it has refuted resolution 19/2 and protested it does not recognise but yet allowed the UNHRC team for the evaluation. Now Ravinatha Aryasinha and Mahinda Samarasinghe are protesting that Navi Pillay has exceeded her mandate but still the resolution is still on the table and it looks like there will be more takers than than the last time. So, I hope you get the drift. But the best part is not what I have stated above. The one person who got the grips of it in India, and particularly Tamilnadu is Jayalalitha. While the wheels of justice was moving, albeit slowly, with all the inherent obstacles that you have elucidated as posers, she shot off the first real missile economic sanctions. I am not sure whether this has anything to do with Hillary Clintons visit to Tamilnadu but this is double whammy for SL. You see, the bulk of SLs business is not with Russia or even China. It is the USA and the EU. There is no more Gaddafi or Chavez to help SL. The moment the US imposes sanctions on SL, the EU will follow suit. It does not need another evaluation as the one for the GSP is still around. When that happens India will have no choice but to follow suit because that is how compulsion politics works in India. Either the Congress will be dumped unceremoniously because of its excesses and even if it wins it cannot form a govt without regional parties support and now Congresss breathing lifeline is from DMK in the south.

440 So, when Jayalalitha aimed at the economic sanctions, she knew what she was doing. With the refusal to hold even the asian athletics event, she has drove home her point. With the on-goings in Geneva and the looming economic sanctions, that is a real double whammy for SL. Sometimes, it is not pointedly as black and white and we know that, too. While the Rajapakses may up the euphoria to muster the people behind them with the actions of the UNHRC, economic sanctions are different ballgame altogether. From the height of power when one is unceremoniously dumped and dragged through the streets, nothing can be more severe a punishment than that as Saratha Fonseka sadly found out. The erratic behaviour of the Rajapakses have started showing and they are doing all the right things to push themselves into a corner. You know mango, MR had the opportunity of a lifetime, call it a divine gift to become a statesman. I d not want to go into the semantics. Sampanthan offered him that opportunity on a silver platter and believe me the diaspora were ever willing to support Sampanthan in his initiatives but after inflicting so much of pain to the Tamils, for whatever reason(s) and with so much of loss of lives and limbs, on both sides, Sampanthan had all the magnanimity, even going against his own colleagues to sit down with the regime and he was very aware of the realities. When he met the President, he pleaded with him to work together and he will make the problems go away and investments will pour in. For all their ignorance and ego, all the Rajapakses have to do is to genuinely discuss with Sampanthan and you will be surprised, if Sampanthan agrees, the US, EU, even India and the diaspora will fall in line. That much of trust he has earned and after all he is not someone who dropped from the sky but an elected rep and whom the Tamils consider and recognise as someone who can take this forward in a genuine and amicable way. Instead of that the Rajapakse regime is going half the world to plead its case when the answer is right at the doorstep. I hope, even at this late stage, the Rajapakses will come to their senses because when the sort of noose is tightening around their necks, it is not Wimal Weerawansa of Champika Ranawaka who will be able to save them.


jansee - March 11, 2013 2:26 am Reply


Jansee, I agree with you that MR had the chance to go down in history as one of the great peacemaking statesmen and instead chose the path of cementing a dynastic kleptocracy. But if you look at the situation dispassionately, theres no chance of MR taking a one-way trip to the Hague for the reasons Ive already given, above. You might wish that with all your heart, but that doesnt mean its going to happen.

And as Weiss has already shown, the expat LTTE crowd shows no self-awareness or insight, preferring instead cloak themselves as human rights defenders. In this, they help MR & co. They still havent admitted that the current regime is the only game in town and they cant gain through war crimes trials nonsense, what they lost when they lost the war. Oh, and if you think sanctions will bring down this regime, thats even more delusional. The poor, unemployed and dispossessed will suffer disproportionately which means the war-affected Tamil people in North & East will again suffer on behalf of the canap munching diaspora.

442 Mango - March 11, 2013 12:54 pm Reply

From left: Doctor Brian Senewiratne, Father Emmanuel, Historian Adrian Wijemanne and LTTE-organizer Thamoderam.

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556 id="hdtb-mn-gp"></div><div class="hdtb-mn-hd" tabindex="0" role="button" ariahaspopup="true"><div class="mn-hd-txt">Size</div><span class="mn-dwnarw"></span></div><ul class="hdtbU hdtb-mn-c"><li class="hdtbItm hdtbSel" id="isz_">Any size</li><li class="hdtbItm" id="isz_l"><a class="q qs" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,isz:l&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp;sa=X&am p;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CBkQpwUoAQ&amp;biw=1920&amp;bih=622 ">Large</a></li><li class="hdtbItm" id="isz_m"><a class="q qs" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,isz:m&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp;sa=X&a mp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CBoQpwUoAg&amp;biw=1920&amp;bih=6 22">Medium</a></li><li class="hdtbItm" id="isz_i"><a class="q qs" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,isz:i&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp;sa=X&am p;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CBsQpwUoAw&amp;biw=1920&amp;bih=622 ">Icon</a></li><li class="hdtbItm" id="isz_lt"><a class="tnv-lt-m">Larger than...</a><span class="hdtb-mn-c tnv-lt-sm jfk-scrollbar"><a class="hdtb_mitem" id="iszlt_qsvga" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,isz:lt,islt:qsvga&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp ;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CBwQpwU&amp;biw=1920&amp;bi h=622">400300</a><a class="hdtb_mitem" id="iszlt_vga" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,isz:lt,islt:vga&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp;s a=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CB0QpwU&amp;biw=1920&amp;bih =622">640480</a><a class="hdtb_mitem" id="iszlt_svga" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,isz:lt,islt:svga&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp;

557 sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CB4QpwU&amp;biw=1920&amp;bi h=622">800600</a><a class="hdtb_mitem" id="iszlt_xga" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,isz:lt,islt:xga&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp;s a=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CB8QpwU&amp;biw=1920&amp;bih =622">1024768</a><a class="hdtb_mitem" id="iszlt_2mp" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,isz:lt,islt:2mp&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp; sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CCAQpwU&amp;biw=1920&amp;bi h=622">2 MP (1600 1200)</a><a class="hdtb_mitem" id="iszlt_4mp" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,isz:lt,islt:4mp&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp; sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CCEQpwU&amp;biw=1920&amp;bih =622">4 MP (2272 1704)</a><a class="hdtb_mitem" id="iszlt_6mp" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,isz:lt,islt:6mp&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp; sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CCIQpwU&amp;biw=1920&amp;bih =622">6 MP (2816 2112)</a><a class="hdtb_mitem" id="iszlt_8mp" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,isz:lt,islt:8mp&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp; sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CCMQpwU&amp;biw=1920&amp;bi h=622">8 MP (3264 2448)</a><a class="hdtb_mitem" id="iszlt_10mp" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,isz:lt,islt:10mp&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp ;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CCQQpwU&amp;biw=1920&amp;bi h=622">10 MP (3648 2736)</a><a class="hdtb_mitem" id="iszlt_12mp" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg

558 :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,isz:lt,islt:12mp&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp ;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CCUQpwU&amp;biw=1920&amp;bi h=622">12 MP (4096 3072)</a><a class="hdtb_mitem" id="iszlt_15mp" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,isz:lt,islt:15mp&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp ;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CCYQpwU&amp;biw=1920&amp;bi h=622">15 MP (4480 3360)</a><a class="hdtb_mitem" id="iszlt_20mp" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,isz:lt,islt:20mp&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp ;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CCcQpwU&amp;biw=1920&amp;bi h=622">20 MP (5120 3840)</a><a class="hdtb_mitem" id="iszlt_40mp" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,isz:lt,islt:40mp&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp ;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CCgQpwU&amp;biw=1920&amp;bi h=622">40 MP (7216 5412)</a><a class="hdtb_mitem" id="iszlt_70mp" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,isz:lt,islt:70mp&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp ;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CCkQpwU&amp;biw=1920&amp;bi h=622">70 MP (9600 7200)</a></span><span class="tnv-lt-arw"></span></li><li class="hdtbItm" id="isz_ex"><a class="exylnk" jsaction="exy.showExactly">Exactly...</a><div class="exycont" style="display:none"><div class="exybg"></div><div class="exydlg"><div class="exyttl">Exact size</div><div class="exyfrm"><div class="exyhlt"></div><label class="exymml exywl" for="exyw">Width:</label><label class="exymml exyhl" for="exyh">Height:</label><label class="exypx exywpx" for="exyw">px</label><label class="exypx exyhpx" for="exyh">px</label><input class="ktf mini exymm exyw" value="" autocomplete="off" type="text"><input class="ktf mini exymm exyh" value="" autocomplete="off" type="text"><a

559 href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,isz:ex&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp;sa=X&a mp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CCoQpwUoBQ&amp;biw=1920&amp;bih=6 22" id="exyurl" style="display:none"></a><button class="ksb mini" id="exygo">Go</button></div><div class="exycls"></div></div></div></li></ul><div class="hdtb-mn-hd" tabindex="0" role="button" aria-haspopup="true"><div class="mn-hdtxt">Color</div><span class="mn-dwn-arw"></span></div><ul class="hdtbU hdtb-mn-c"><li class="hdtbItm hdtbSel" id="ic_">Any color</li><li class="hdtbItm" id="ic_color"><a class="q qs" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,ic:color&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp;sa=X& amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CC0QpwUoAQ&amp;biw=1920&amp;bih= 622">Full color</a></li><li class="hdtbItm" id="ic_gray"><a class="q qs" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,ic:gray&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp;sa=X& amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CC4QpwUoAg&amp;biw=1920&amp;bih= 622">Black and white</a></li><li class="hdtbItm" id="ic_trans"><a class="q qs" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,ic:trans&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp;sa=X& amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CC8QpwUoAw&amp;biw=1920&amp;bih= 622">Transparent</a></li><li class="hdtbItm" id="color-specific"><div id="sc-block"><div id="swatch0" class="sc"><a id="sl0" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,ic:specific,isc:red&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&a mp;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CDEQpwU&amp;biw=1920&am p;bih=622" style="background:#c00" title="Red"></a></div><div id="swatch1" class="sc"><a id="sl1"

560 href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,ic:specific,isc:orange&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt &amp;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CDIQpwU&amp;biw=1920&a mp;bih=622" style="background:#fb940b" title="Orange"></a></div><div id="swatch2" class="sc"><a id="sl2" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,ic:specific,isc:yellow&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt &amp;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CDMQpwU&amp;biw=1920& amp;bih=622" style="background:#ff0" title="Yellow"></a></div><div id="swatch3" class="sc"><a id="sl3" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,ic:specific,isc:green&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt &amp;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CDQQpwU&amp;biw=1920& amp;bih=622" style="background:#0c0" title="Green"></a></div><div id="swatch4" class="sc"><a id="sl4" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,ic:specific,isc:teal&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&a mp;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CDUQpwU&amp;biw=1920&am p;bih=622" style="background:#03c0c6" title="Teal"></a></div><div id="swatch5" class="sc"><a id="sl5" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,ic:specific,isc:blue&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt& amp;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CDYQpwU&amp;biw=1920&a mp;bih=622" style="background:#00f" title="Blue"></a></div><div id="swatch6" class="sc"><a id="sl6" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,ic:specific,isc:purple&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt

561 &amp;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CDcQpwU&amp;biw=1920&a mp;bih=622" style="background:#762ca7" title="Purple"></a></div><div id="swatch7" class="sc"><a id="sl7" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,ic:specific,isc:pink&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt& amp;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CDgQpwU&amp;biw=1920&a mp;bih=622" style="background:#ff98bf" title="Pink"></a></div><div id="swatch8" class="sc"><a id="sl8" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,ic:specific,isc:white&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt &amp;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CDkQpwU&amp;biw=1920&a mp;bih=622" style="background:#fff" title="White"></a></div><div id="swatch9" class="sc"><a id="sl9" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,ic:specific,isc:gray&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt& amp;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CDoQpwU&amp;biw=1920&a mp;bih=622" style="background:#999" title="Gray"></a></div><div id="swatch10" class="sc"><a id="sl10" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,ic:specific,isc:black&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt& amp;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CDsQpwU&amp;biw=1920&am p;bih=622" style="background:#000" title="Black"></a></div><div id="swatch11" class="sc"><a id="sl11" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,ic:specific,isc:brown&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt &amp;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CDwQpwU&amp;biw=1920& amp;bih=622" style="background:#885418" title="Brown"></a></div></div></li></ul><div

562 class="hdtb-mn-hd" tabindex="0" role="button" aria-haspopup="true"><div class="mn-hdtxt">Type</div><span class="mn-dwn-arw"></span></div><ul class="hdtbU hdtb-mn-c"><li class="hdtbItm hdtbSel" id="itp_">Any type</li><li class="hdtbItm" id="itp_face"><a class="q qs" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,itp:face&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp;sa=X& amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CD8QpwUoAQ&amp;biw=1920&amp;bih= 622">Face</a></li><li class="hdtbItm" id="itp_photo"><a class="q qs" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,itp:photo&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp;sa= X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CEAQpwUoAg&amp;biw=1920&amp;bi h=622">Photo</a></li><li class="hdtbItm" id="itp_clipart"><a class="q qs" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,itp:clipart&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp;sa= X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CEEQpwUoAw&amp;biw=1920&amp;bi h=622">Clip art</a></li><li class="hdtbItm" id="itp_lineart"><a class="q qs" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,itp:lineart&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp;sa= X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CEIQpwUoBA&amp;biw=1920&amp;bih =622">Line drawing</a></li><li class="hdtbItm" id="itp_animated"><a class="q qs" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,itp:animated&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp;s a=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CEMQpwUoBQ&amp;biw=1920&am p;bih=622">Animated</a></li></ul><div class="hdtb-mn-hd" tabindex="0" role="button" aria-haspopup="true"><div class="mn-hd-txt">Time</div><span class="mn-dwnarw"></span></div><ul class="hdtbU hdtb-mn-c"><li class="hdtbItm hdtbSel" id="qdr_">Any time</li><li class="hdtbItm" id="qdr_d"><a class="q qs"

563 href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,qdr:d&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp;sa=X&a mp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CEYQpwUoAQ&amp;biw=1920&amp;bih=6 22">Past 24 hours</a></li><li class="hdtbItm" id="qdr_w"><a class="q qs" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,qdr:w&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp;sa=X&a mp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CEcQpwUoAg&amp;biw=1920&amp;bih=62 2">Past week</a></li><li class="hdtbItm" id="cdr_opt"><div class="cdr_sep"></div><span class="q" id="cdrlnk" jsaction="ttbcdr.showCal">Custom range...</span><div style="display:none" class="cdr_cont"><div class="cdr_bg"></div><div class="cdr_dlg"><div class="cdr_ttl">Custom date range</div><label class="cdr_mml cdr_minl" for="cdr_min">From</label><label class="cdr_mml cdr_maxl" for="cdr_max">To</label><div class="cdr_cls"></div><div class="cdr_sft"><div class="cdr_highl"></div><form action="/search" method="get" class="cdr_frm"><input type="hidden" name="q" value="adrian wijemanne"><input type="hidden" name="hl" value="en"><input type="hidden" name="biw" value="1920"><input type="hidden" name="bih" value="622"><input type="hidden" name="sa" value="X"><input type="hidden" name="ei" value="WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ"><input type="hidden" name="ved" value="0CEgQpwUoAw"><input name="source" type="hidden" value="lnt"><input name="tbs" type="hidden" value="cdr:1,cd_min:x,cd_max:x" class="ctbs"><input name="tbm" type="hidden" value="isch"><input class="ktf mini cdr_mm cdr_min" type="text" autocomplete="off" value="" tabindex="1"><input class="ktf mini cdr_mm cdr_max" type="text" autocomplete="off" value="" tabindex="1"><input class="ksb mini cdr_go" type="submit" value="Go" tabindex="1" jsaction="tbt.scf"></form></div></div></div></li></ul><div class="hdtb-mn-hd hdtb-msel" tabindex="0" role="button" aria-haspopup="true"><div class="mn-hd-txt">Similar to...</div><span class="mn-dwn-arw"></span></div><ul class="hdtbU hdtb-mn-c"><li

564 class="hdtbItm" id="simg_"><a class="q qs" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbm=isch &amp;tbas=0&amp;source=lnt&amp;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved= 0CEoQpwUoAA&amp;biw=1920&amp;bih=622">All images</a></li><li class="hdtbItm hdtbSel" id="simg">Similar to...<div class="simg_thmb" style="margintop:5px;width:px;height:80px"><img style="width:122px;height:78px" src="https://encryptedtbn2.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcRPymj6vLcG2bx4XM9uM1jy0Q28YDWR_28UUsNzm SPeErX5bY5_EYN6IA"></div></li></ul><div class="hdtb-mn-hd" tabindex="0" role="button" aria-haspopup="true"><div class="mn-hd-txt">Visually similar</div><span class="mn-dwnarw"></span></div><ul class="hdtbU hdtb-mn-c"><li class="hdtbItm hdtbSel" id="simg_CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g">Visually similar</li><li class="hdtbItm" id="simg_CAQSEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g"><a class="q qs" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAQSEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp;sa=X&amp;ei =WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CE0QpwUoAQ&amp;biw=1920&amp;bih=622"> More sizes</a></li></ul><div class="hdtb-mn-hd" tabindex="0" role="button" ariahaspopup="true"><div class="mn-hd-txt">More tools</div><span class="mn-dwnarw"></span></div><ul class="hdtbU hdtb-mn-c"><li class="hdtbItm hdtbSel" id="isg_">All results</li><li class="hdtbItm" id="isg_to"><a class="q qs" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=isg:t o&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp;sa=X&amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;v ed=0CFAQpwUoAQ&amp;biw=1920&amp;bih=622">By subject</a></li><li class="hdtbItm" id="imgo_1"><a class="q qs" href="https://www.google.com.au/search?q=adrian+wijemanne&amp;hl=en&amp;tbs=simg :CAESEgns0B7MQP1tHSGlryahy3j_19g,imgo:1&amp;tbm=isch&amp;source=lnt&amp;sa=X& amp;ei=WCaUUYrpJ7GhiAfmnIDQAQ&amp;ved=0CFEQpwUoAg&amp;biw=1920&amp;bih=6

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