Confri butio,u to A Hil n Sfudi ($ , V(ll.

XV I
Masters of the Buddhist Occult:
The Burmese Weikzas
1
JOHN P. fERGUSON
Slalt Uni"mity of New York, Cobleskill, U. S.A.
E. MICHAEL MENDELSON
School of Orienlal Sludies, London, U. K.
IN BURMA, as in much of Southeast Asia, apparent realit y is ultimatel y
expl ained as metaphor , understandabl e a t vari ous level s depending upon one's
fasci nation with the unknown . For those who seck the esoteri c, Burmese
popular reli gion has a whole metaphori cal uni verse of the occult to explore.
A host of Burmese reli gious speciali sts exist to expl ai n the hidden mean
ings a nd causati ons behind "realit y." The most abstract and loft y expla na
ti ons are found in the Pali scriptures of the Theravada Buddhist canon, with
the monks the living teachers of the Buddha 's enli ght ened wi sdom, which is
considered the ultimate authorit y. Because the monks of Burma, however ,
exi st under no unifi ed eccl esiasti cal hierarchy that could define orthodoxy,
sects, splinter groups, a nd indi vidual monks are quite free to interpret the
Buddha's teachings with a lati tude onl y limited by the tolera nce of the lait y
who support and reed them'
Over the centuries , Burmese Buddhism, even under the strongest purify-
ing kings , has tolerated a n a mazing degree of doctrinal variance, incorpora ting
a number of Mahayani st , Sanskrit, Hi naya na, and Tantric beliefs. Rather
than exclude, Burmese Buddhism absorbs competing ideas but gi ves them a
Theravada int erpretati on, if possibl e, and it pl aces competing notions and
symbols int o a hiera rchy, with Pali Theravada beliefs considered the hi ghest
insight s.
Over the centuries thi s absorption process has preserved a great many an-
cient beliefs a nd symbols that a more ri gid reli gion would have rejected . Thus
we can find in Burma today old Hindu gods tra nsformed into Buddhist hi gher
nats or devas, the ancient Hindu Mount Mcru-cent ered cosmology inhabit ed
now by Buddhi st beings . the Vedi c lore of astrology a nd alchemy taught within
a semi-Buddhi st framework, ancient deiti es of pre-Buddhist times such as the
earlh goddess . the serpent orlhe deep. or animist n.ature spirit s all harnessed to
glorify Buddhism, the Tantric a nd yogic austerities of the Tibetan hermit s
adapt ed to Buddhist forest monk practices, the concept of the living, compas-
sionate Bodhi satt as translated int o special a rahals ...... ho del ay thei r extincti on in
Nirva na in order tu help the faithful today. or even the most terrifying forms of
whit e and black magic still ta ught under the umbrell a of popular Buddhi sm,'
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MASTERS OF THE BUDDHI ST OCCULT 63
Quit e at home in thi s amalgam of belief is the master of the Burmese occult ,
the wtikw (wti 'w) .'
Many in the West would rest ri ct the term wtiha to mythi cal bei ngs who in
popul ar belief are the subject of much fanciful literature and conve rsation but
who do not exi st in this world apart from the enthusiasti c imaginati ons of the
folk. In thi s paper we shall deal first wit h the idta of a weikza and then expl ain
how there are real individuals whom others bel ieve arc aClUali zati ons of the
idea. The concept s that cent er around the role of a weikza are very complex,
a nd it is not easy to define such a being, separating him from others with
supra normal powers.
Basicall y a wcikza is concei ved as a human who has acquired supranormal
powers through mastery of alchemy, astrology, spell s, signs, meditati on, or
other occult art s. He is always mal e, and hi s knowl edge is oft en acquired from
a " master" in a strict teacher-pupil rel ati onship. Sometimes, through a
mysterious process, the spirit of another weikza inhabits him or "elects" him
(his own soul or spirit temporarily is sent elsewhere) . Once a person has ac-
quired weikza knowledge, he can then postpone hi s soul's final ext inction for
thousands of years, he ca.n leave hi s body and use another's, he can remain in-
definit ely yout hful in appearance, he can cure and divine, he can speak many
tongues, he can fl y in the air to foreign lands or travel through the earth to
realms below, and , most import antl y, he can command and control a host of
lesser gods and dangerous spirits that pl ague the human condi tion'
Before deal ing with the weikza's hi storical evoluti on or his links with nor
mative Buddhi sm, we should point out that all his unusual powers are by no
means unique to hi s role. In Burmese belief, unusual powers can theoreti cally
be devel oped by many peopl e. Since Theravada Buddhist thinking reserves the
hi ghest prestige ir. the entire cosmology for the human beings who best ex
emplify the teachings of the Buddha, who himself was entirely human , it
follows logicall y that their gods, demons, spirit s, wit ches, a nd so forth , no mat
ter what powers such beings possess, can all be outdone by the perfected
human beings, the Buddhas, or by those holy monks who are mos t like him in
thought a nd deed . Humans can acquire unusual powers through medit ati on,
alchemy, astrology, charms and medici nes, recit ali on o f Buddhi st prayers over
a rosary. or li ving a pure life and using it as a "vow Of lrulh" to accomplish the
miracul ous. Orthodox beli ef, however , always eschews the use of any such
powers that the less scrupulous mi ght be tempt ed to test. Humans may be
a ided or harmed in miraculous ways by gods, spirit s, or other non-human
beings . In most cases, the acqui sit ion or miraculous powers is direct
ly proportional ( 0 one's progress in becoming a good Buddhi st. Miracul ous
power without Buddhi sm is beli eved to cause insanit y or death . Most Burmese
who embark upon the quest for miracul ous power consequentl y do so within
the broad sanctions of Buddhism. Even a layman seeking a charm to win at
poker must observe some addit ional Buddhist precepts if he expects result s. A
would-be weikza must exi sl within the same framework.
To understand clearl y the role of the weikza in Burma, one must deter-
nli ne how the role lays daim 10 miracul ous power that differs in any wa>r from
1
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64 J OHN P . FERCUSON AND E. MI CHAEl MENOELSON
powers attribut ed to others. Since the Buddhist monk is the society' s exemplar ,
we shall begin with distinguishing weikza powers from those attributed to
monks .
The critical difference is found to cent er around the concept of rebirth .
Even the best of monks-the arahal-can aspire only to final rel ease from fur-
ther rebirths in this human world of sensual auach_ment and eventual suffer-
ing. The personal '1 50ul " of such a monk becomes extinct , according 10 tradi-
tional thought , at hi s death, with hi s karmi c forces producing no new attach-
ment or debt s to thi s world. The arahat is free at last to enter the higher
heavens or Nirvana it self, never 10 return. For the average monk, a few or
many more rebirths will be necessary. In other words, final release, even for
monks will take a long time-a much longer time for the lait y, no matter how
much Buddhist merit in thi s life they earn by generously supporting the
reli gion. T he weikza , it would seem, seeks a shorter path to final release . In
essence, he hopes to keep his soul or personal identit y while his countrymen
lose theirs at death . He hopes to manipul ate his rebirths himsd, mat-
ters out of the hands of karmi c reckoning. Most import antl y, he hopes to
schedule his rebirths or extend hi s present life so that he is here on earth at the
same time the next Buddha arrives, popul ar beli ef asserting that all who hear
the next Buddha preach will have the opportunity to attain Nirvana at once.
6
At a glance it is obvious that such attempts to prolong individual identit y
fl y in the face of fundamental Theravada warnings that the sel f is an illusion
and cannot survi ve death . Popul ar belief, however, has long included the no-
ti on of rewards in heavens or punishment s aft er death as occurring to in-
dividuals not impersonal bundles of karmic consequences. Nals, of course, seem
to retain their personal identity over centuries, and some who are cricicaJ of
nat s doubt that many still exisl because they have passed on to another birth
(Mendelson 1963a: 98-105) . Furthermore, popular Buddhism has el aborated
belief in cert ain arahals, such as Shin Thiwali (sec Figure I), Uppagou, or
Kassapa, who have earned but not accepted Nirvana and thus remain as
guardi ans or support ers of the reli gion to whom the peopl e can turn for help
(Ferguson 1977b) . Weikzas can and do borrow a similar role for themselves as
guardi ans and helpers of the reli gion, thereby giving an altrui stic purpose to
what otherwi se mi ght be secn as an egotisti c quest. Weikzas in the sky are said
to be able to transmit promptings and messages to the faithful on earth-all for
the ostensible purpose of promoting the religion. The weikza consequentl y
cl aims a cont rol over rebirth that gives him powers onl y anribut ed to a handful
of monks in all of hi story. The Mahayani st Bodhisatt a aspect of hi s claimed
powers is quit e evident. 7
Other weikza powers, such as fl yi ng. curing, and providing protection
from evil spirits, may be amibut ed to non-arahat monks by their ardent
followers, despit e the fact that Ihe Buddha prohibit ed monks themselves from
claiming such talents . The more chari smati c and saintl y the monk. the more
hi s foll owers anribut c miracul ous abililies to him. Stori es of hi s magical fl ying
will be told; he will be expected to di spense charms of all kinds: and he will be
asked to aid the people in riddin!( their environment of evil forces . Particul arl y
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MASTERS Of THE BUDDHIST OCCULT 65
common targets of such intense popular expectati ons arc solitary forest monks,
meditating monks, and those skilled in alchemy, astrology, andlor folk
medicine. Despite the injunctions of the Vinaya, many monks catcr to such
needs of the people. The main difference between the monk and the weikza in
these areas is that whereas a monk must be modest, dignified, and somewhat
discreet in using what powers he has, the weikza can proudly claim to have all
such powers and quite openly publicize them to the world. The monk must re-
main within the range of tolerated behavior for members of the order. whereas
the weikza is more like the independent being who charts his own course, no
matter how eccentric and flamboyant it may become . 8
Most importantly, the weikza can orchestrate his bid for followers in a
pragmatic way that all ows him much more freedom than is available to a
monastery-bound monk who is required to observe the demanding rules of the
Vinaya . What is compulsory abstinence for the monk is volunt ary for the
weikza. A weikza can have a ,,,,ife but renounce sex, or he can keep as many
Buddhist precepts as lit his life style; he can travel where he wishes, eat when
and what he pleases, or handle money as he wishes. The monk has to live a
much more constricted life stylc, making it morc dimcult to attract and nurture
a following. In mher words, the monk exists within a monastic framework that
is 2,500 years old, whereas the weikza is, significantly, quite free of such tradi-
tions and can taifor his life style, his symbolic paraphernalia, and the construc-
tion of his cult centers to lit the expectations of his clientele. The weikza, then,
is ultimately a layman who lays claim to the miraculous powers of an arahat
but who can be eeclectic in how many of the monk's rules he observes. There is
also a tendency for the weikza of today to make a conspicuous virtue of
austerities normally taken for granted when practiced by monks'
If we compare the weikza's role and reputed powers with other Burmese
religious practitioners, wc lind that basically he claims superior ranking in the
hierarchy of such roles and has reputed powers that supersede or equal those of
his rivals. The practitioner most often thought of as mosl simi lar 10 a wcikza is
the zawgyi (zo:gyi) ; long known to the Burmese public as a dramatic personage
in theater presentations (pwts) or in puppet shows. Believed to be a Burmese
version of the Indian yogi , the zawgyi is generall y conceived as a red-robed
master of occult practices, particularly alchemy and charms, who uses his
powers for non-Buddhist ends, such as obtaining women. Conventionall y the
zawgyi is portrayed as respecting the Buddha, although it is not clear what he
does specilicall y to promote the fait.h. The zawgyi is rrequently a scape-goat for
anti-yogic sentiment . A popular ligure in literature, dance and theater,
iconography, and popular talcs, the zawgyi does not seem to be a role seriously
assumed by any living Burmese religious prat"titioncrs (see Figures 1 and 2) . In
any casc, whalever a zawgyi can be said to do, a weikza can be said 10 do
better, although skeptical monks may dismiss both as fatall y fascinated by the
female . 10
Much more evident in Burma arc the hermits, whose history closely
parallels that of the monks. Dressed in robes that range from brown to dark
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66 JOHN P . FERGUSON AND E. MICHAEL MENOElSON
red, holding beads, bowl, and cane, sometimes beating a brass triangular
gong, they are sccn both at popular religious pilgrimage centers and in lonely
forest or mounlain retreats . I! They arc virtually an unstudied aspect of
Burmese religion, either by the Burmese themselves or by outside scholars.
Ofren found near forest monasteries, their solitary existence in nature makes
them seem rather special and esmcric, with many people attributing 10 rheIn
special powers in alchemy, astrology, medicines , Of, particularly Vedic magic
(see Figures), 2, 3, and 4). Most keep eight to ten of the Buddhist precepts and
often provide menial services to monks and nuns, some working actively as
mediums for various weikzas. Hermits are particularly evident at the more
esoteric weikza and monasric centers, seemingly attracted to the realms where
the miraculous is believed most likely to occur. They seem 10 serve rather than
compete with weikzas, but our knowledge of their role is admittedly most in-
complete.
Much more competitive with weikzas and beller known 10 all observers of
Burma are the various lay soyos (masters of various arts) that exist all over Bur-
ma. Usually a saya (hso.yo) will become an expert in onc field , such as tradi-
tional medicine or astrology, but a few master a combination of skills , thereby
increasing their access to miraculous powers.
I
'2 As curers , diviners, and
exorcists, they play vital roles in helping the Burmese people deal with their
problems. Depending upon the degree of their successes, their fame will be
restricted (0 a village or can spread over a wide area that includes many ardent
followers . The more successful ones may make a bid for weikza status. Most,
however, remain well within the range of traditional semi-Buddhist practices,
keeping their rituals close to accepted Theravada expectations. Since they do
claim the powers to control nats and lesser spirits, they depend upon respect for
such expertise 10 accomplish much of their work, particularly in exorcising,
although they traditionally defer to monks in difficult cases. The sayas thus are
the most serious rivals to the weikzas, particularly since they work more com-
fortably within the established Buddhist framework , and their claims to power
are basically morc modest. In many ways, the weikza can be conceived as a
master saya.
This brief review of the weikza' s rival religious practitioners is intended to
illustrate the rather ambitious claims he makes for hi s powers and his place in
the Buddhist world. The weikza has become associated, particularly in modern
times, with more than religious mallers. He also has been linked with various
prophecies and traditions thal relate to popular belief in the fUlure king or
world emperor. I)
Even though the last king of the Konbaung dynast y was dethroned by the
British in 1885, many Burmese yearn for the restitution of the old ways. The
dynasty itself was founded by Alaungpaya, who was catapulted 10 power on the
belief of people in his native village that he was indeed the legendary strong
man of Buddhist virtue who would lead the country 10 greatness. When the
throne was his, he became known by a name that means" a being who will
become a Buddha. " Alaungpaya, in a sense, set the theme for the dynasty,
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MASTERS Of THE BUDDHIST OCCULT 67
which was to be a fascination with the ancient dream of the world emperor who
himself would also become the future Buddha. Alaungpaya chose as the leader
of the Sangha a monk named Atula, who evidently was not adverse to giving
the cuslOmary Buddhist sanction to such royal ambition."
h is quite possible that the origins of the modern beliefs in the weikzas arc
to be found in the complex events that surround Alaungpaya and hi s leading
monk Atula. That possibility is suggested by some very interesting details on
the life of Bo Bo Aung given by a Burmese informant at Pagan . Bo So Aung
(see figures I, 5, and 6), perhaps the most famous of all the modern weikzas,
was said to have gone to school with two companions, U Wain, who later
became King Bodawpaya, and another schoolmate who became the Taungpila
popularly associated with teaching qin (qin:) practices (the powers of
lelters and numbers) . While the story is strangely silent on the role of the
sayadaw, it relates how the king tri es later 10 kill his old friend Bo Bo Aung
when the latter becomes a powerful weikza. This same king, who was the son
of Alaungpaya, disrobed and banished his father 's monk, Atula, who traced
his monastic pupil-teacher lineage back to the Taungpila tradition at Sagaing.
Furthermore Bo Bo Aung is said to have been a monk at Sagaing when he first
discovered some powerful qin on a palmleaf manuscript. What these details
suggest is that the Bo Bo Aung tradition evolves out of a matrix at Sagaing, the
traditional base of meditating forest monks and hermit s, that could be related
to King Bodawpaya's futile but dramatic bid to force the monkhood to
recognize him as both the world emperor and the future Buddha. Because the
monkhood refused to sanction Bodawpaya's bid to fuse the emperor and Bud-
dha roles inlO his person, the king carried out a purge of the monkhood, in-
duding the disrobing of Atula."
When Bagyidaw, the son of Bodawpaya, became king in 1819, he tried to
pacify the badly splintered monkhood, even going so far as to appoint a
Ihalhanabaing (head of the Sangha) for the forest monks, who traditionally have
considered Sagaing as their stronghold (Pannasami 1861 : 144). While
Bagyidaw may have done much to unify the monkhood, he had to watch the
loss of much of hi s country 10 the British by 1826, and popular hope began to
center on Bagyidaw' s son, who was known as the Setkya (Sa .ca) prince.
Perhaps the Setkya would swoop out of Upper Burma and rout the enemy as
AJaungpaya had done a few years before. All such hopes were dashed when
Bagyidaw was overthrown by hi s brother Tharrawaddy, and the young Setkya
prince was done away with by hi s uncl e, using the velver sack into the river
method so favored by Burmese royalty. The populace thus lost their savior

prince .
Tales soon developed, however , that the Setkya prince had not been
drowned but had been rescued miraculously by Bo Bo Aung himself. Bo Bo
Aung had developed his weikza powers, left the monastery at Sagaing, put on
the white clothes of a layman who keeps more than the usual Buddhist
precepts, and had mastered the use of magi c signs and letters (qin:) to obtain
weikzahood. Using hi s weikza powers. Bo Bo Aung spirited the Setkya prince
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68 JOHN P. FERGUSON AND E. MICHAEL MENOELSON
to the heaven where the future kings are said to bide their time before coming
down to earth. The stage was thus set in popular belief for a host of future con-
tenders for the title as Burma lost its independence to a colonial power . Just as
the deadly use of royal power had created a host of nats in the history of Bur-
ma, King Tharrawaddy's palace purge created a new focus of national
belief-the faith in the Setkya prince who would soon come, with the aid of a
weikza, to deliver Burma into freedom and prosperity, perhaps soon to be
followed by the comi ng of the future Buddha as well (see Figures I and 2) .
Some peopl e, in their impatience, even fused the emperor-Buddha roles so that
the Setkya prince was seen as the being who himself was also the future Bud-
dha (Mcndclson 1961a; 196Ib). To accomplish all of this, the weikzas would
use their magi c powers, and in popular lithographic prints, Bo Bo Aung is seen
crowning the future king.
Biller national events followed the loss of the Setkya prince in 1837,
culminating in the humiliating deposition of King Thibaw in 1885 and the long
struggle for independence thereafter. During this cen.ury of s.ruggle, .he
Burmese people retained their faith in .he coming king and .he future Buddha .
Such faith was an e1abora.ion upon Pali orthodox Buddhism to fit the needs of
wretched times. Some monks, as has been \\!ell documen{cd, joined the
populace in belief in the messianic saviors (Mendelson 1975: 173-179). bu.
enough of the monkhood held to "orthodox" opinions so tha. the elabora.ion
of a new quasi- Buddhist weikza-emperor-future Buddha cult had to take place
at the periphery of normative Buddhism, Such developments occurred among
the fringe members of the Sangha, those who delved into forest austerities and
occult practices (alchemy, astrolob'Y, elc.) or who sought a qui ck rou.e.o Nir-
vana through meditation. Joining such monks were the hermits and sayas of
various sorts . Groups of lay people (gaings or gain:) eagerly followed monks or
lay masters who claimed varying supranormal powers, most cenrcred around
faith in the ",eikzas, such as Bo Bo Aung, who would reSlore .he royal tradi
tions and bring about Buddhi st paradise on earlh . 16
It would seem that the weikza cult s that exist IOday represent a relari\'ei y
modern development since the nineteenth century! (Q which have been added a
number of ancien! c1ements from the available patterns in the legacy of popular
Burmese religi on (see Figure 7) . Nationalistic and messianic needs were
answered by weikza cult s. and Burmese gaing leaders were quick to develop a
hi stol)' that validated their needs . Monasti c and lay chronicles were combed
for weikza-like personages. Esoteric works wefe likewise searched, as were
oral sayings and predictions . Out of the process came weikza "histories"
whi ch serve as charters for the believers .
We offer thi s as a working hypothesis on the origi ns of weikza beliefs, fullv
aware that in the ruture. evidence may be brought forward that makes our
positi on untcnablt: _ The most likel y sourct" or such cou nter evidence would be
addit ional knowledge about the Ari forest monks of Pagan fame, who existed for
centuries after the fall of Pagan." Infamous in Buddhist chronicles for dab-
bling with the occult, the Ari were accused or preserving many noo-Thcravada
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MASTERS OF THE BUDDHIST OCCULT 69
practices. They apparently fostered belief in the arahat Kassapa, who declined
Nirvana to help the religion umil the next Buddha comes, at which time he
will give his robe (actually the COIama Buddha's robe) to the Ariya Maitreya.
Such notions are closely allied 10 the conception of the dead but living Bo Bo
Aung. If the Ari did indeed represent the Mahayanist, Tantric, and Sanskrit
aspeclS of Buddhism, they did so as monks. What seems to us the critical issue is
that the weikza is a layman . Followers may claim a monk 10 be a weikza, but a
weikza himself never claims 10 be a monk. In the brief hislOrical review that
follows, the claimed predecessors of the weikzas, it will be noted, are all monks,
not lay persons. Modern weikzas, like Bo Bo Aung, tend to leave the
monkhood to achieve their goals. This assumption by the laity of prerogatives
once exclusive to monks we see as pan of a general paltern involving educa
tion, meditation, and abortive attempts of government to control the
monkhood (Mendelson 1975).
Most weikza hislOries recognize that non-Buddhist hermits ofJataka fame
preceded Gotama and that these hermits possessed magic powers. Such her-
mits are not considered weikzas, presumably because they are not Buddhists .
Most weikza histories begin with Ottamasiri (Qou'ta.ma.thi yi), a monk from
Prome who was shown a copper plate from a cave in which the hermit
Deikbasekkhu (Dei'ba.se'ku.) had fOllllely lived. " Ottamasiri had previously
practiced orthodox Vipassana meditation, but after deciphering the strange
alphabet on the plate, he turned to writing books on magic written chat illS
(qin:). In the eyes of the orthodox, Ottamasiri fell from the lists of the holy ones
(Htei : hlan 1937: 32), but to weikza cult people, he is a great writer on weikza
knowledge (Than: 1965: Imro. Ill).
It should be made clear at this point that not all weikza histories list the
same weikzas. One. for example, rather outrageously claims the famous refor-
mist monk Shin Arahan 10 have been a weikza because he gave a magic
alchemical mercury ball to a group of kings ofCeylon (Zo: ti.pala . 1952: 41) ,
but such a slOry is not confirmed at all by the Glass Palact ChronIC" (Pe Maung
Tin and Luce 1923: 89-90) . In Pagan times the alchemist Eizagona (Qi'za.go:
na.) is, however, usually considered as a weikza because he had discovered the
mercury ball that could turn base metals inlO gold; his knowledge is generally
believed nOt to have survived him when he achieved weikzahood at Mount
Papa (Mendelson 1963b: 796-797) . Other nameless weikza monks of the
Pagan period are referred to under the generic name of Shin Mahti . It is
significant that all Pagan "weikzas" are monks , usually dismissed by the or-
thodox writers as shameless Ari backsliders.
The next historical wcikzas usually mentioned are Dhammaceti and his
friend Dhammapala, who were both monks at Ava in the fifteenth century.
They are said to have been taught weikza powers (qin:) by the famous Mon
monk, the Bame Sayadaw (Ferguson 1975: 154, n. I) . In a popular dramatic
version of their lives, they use their great magic to abduct Queen Saw Bu from
Ava to Pegu, where she marries Dhammaceti after he doffs his monastic robes
(Htin Aung 1962: 55-57). Dhammapala lures the queen to him nightly using
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70 JOHN P. t"ERGUSQN AND E. MICHAEL MENDELSON
weikza lore until his old friend Dhammaceti destroys him by superior magic.
Again we see how weikza histories feature monks and, in this case, a monk who
is a weikza king as well. Interestingly, between the fifteenth century and the
early nineteenth century, when Ba BD Aung appears , there arc no nominations
for weikzahood from the available historical personages. In sum, the so-called
weikzas before Bo Bo Aung hardly seem part of a genuine tradition but rather
as an ad hoc collection of alchemical and qin: monks, either fictional or real
people who were slandered by chronicle writers or popular tradition (i .e.
Dhammaceti) . "
It is only when we deal with Bo Bo Aung that we begin to find a body of
legend that seems to have some kind of coherence and direction. Later
claimants to weikza status and their followers have elaborated upon the basic
Bo Bo Aung story to include a wide range of personages from the Buddhist
cosmology. A group of believers in weikzas , historical or present-day, is refer
red to in this paper as a gaing. Gaings in modern Burma have developed a con-
siderable body of literature that describes how certain higher nats or devas sup-
port the weikzas. Various claims are made for the help of the Burmanized ver-
sion of Sakka, known as the Thagya Min or Thija (Thi .ca:), who is the king of
the gods in the Tavatimsa heaven and protector of the religion during the next
2,500 years before the Ariya Maitreya comes. Weikza literature often portrays
Thija as working with the weikzas to promote the faith (Htun Hla Aung, n.d. :
17-18). Myanma Aye (Myan ma Qei : 1958: 48), the hapless contender for
weikza-world emperor status in the 1950's, even claimed that Thija was his
grandfather . Thija is also supposed to prepare the way for the future king and
the Buddha by punishing the bad and by releasing the guardian spirits of the
secret treasure troves so that they can bring their wealth to the future king to
achieve the paradise on earth. " As the celestial counterpart of the future king,
Thija is often portrayed in lithographic gaing prints as giving his blessing to the
day when Bo Ba Aung crowns the Setkya (see Figure 2) . In other words, Thija
works with the weikzas during this diffi cult period.
Further legitimization is claimed through Thuyathadi, one of the higher
nats or devas , who conventionally is thought of as guarding the Buddhist scrip-
tures and as promoting the welfare of scholars and writers. In gaing literature,
she also guards the Vedas and will be the mother of both the future king and
his bride Mya Sein Yaung (sce Figures 2 and 8). Spiro (1967: 152) was even
told that she would be reborn as a male and a Buddha . At a Bo Bo Aung shrine
near Pagan, the statue ofThuyalhadi riding her golden hintha bird is found in
a niche just behind and to the side of the weikza's image (see Figure 6).
Thuyathadi is a very importanl nat in Burma, ranked and honorcd as one of
the five great de vas and also as the oldest of all the nats. She is the wife of
Brahma, who, in Burma is the most important next to Thija as a supp0rler of
the religion. Claim for her support of gaing beliefs in weikzas would seem
designed to stress the higher Buddhist motivation of the weikzas. Because she
guards the Vedas-a traditional source of occult lore-and was once in India
the goddess Saraswati, who was accredited with inventing Sanskril, we can
t...1.II":'. 1""':1" ."1. H-I ~ 1 I ~ " "I:' Ll'<"l I: I - " " ~ '
MASTERS OF THE BUDDHIST OCCULT 71
speculate that she also symbolizes the debt that weikzas pay to the Sanskrit
Hinayana traditions. In some Hindu traditions she was the former wife of
Vishnu, which may explain her using Vishnu's bird mount as her own. One
gaing in Toungoo called itself the Thuyathadi or Wun Gaing and honored,
along with their namesake Thuyathadi, the four guardians (Lokapalas) and
four master weikzas (weikzas of mercury, iron, qin:, and medicine) . Her
reputed patronage adds both a Buddhist and scholarly air to weikza gaing
affairs.
21
Another nat, used by a rather special gaing, is Ahmadaw (Qi'ma. to), who
is seen as the sister of the gaing leader Maung Taw Gyi (Maun to ci : 1951:
102-103). In previous existences and in this one Maung Taw Gyi and the nat
work together as a team. Ahmadaw takes possession of various members of Ihe
gaing and helps the leader to elTect amazing cures, such as driving out witches
(soun: and zo: ga. n!) with the magic powers of his special stalT (gan da 'pa.
na'lhain:) (see Figure I). Maun Taw Gyi dresses up at gaing functions in the
royal regalia of Thija, including crown and flying sandals, and at their major
ritual occasion ofThingyan, many members of the gaing wear the dress of nats
and act OUI their roles . Thingyan, of course, celebrates the coming to earth of
the king of the nats to look over the human realm, and the gaing celebrates this
by acting out nat dramas. Any member can become possessed by the nats, and
membership is said to enable one to escape this cycle of existence with two
more rebirths (Maun to ci : 1951 : 85) . Because this gaing feels that only nats
will be able to benefit from the future Buddha' s preaching, their goal is also to
be among the audience of 100,000 crowned nats who will be the exclusive
listeners to the next Buddha. This gaing claims not to dabble with mantras,
charms, or medicines, and it identifies itself as a Gundari Ariya (Gun da.yi Qa
yi .ya) Weikza order, that is a group with goals on a higher path to Nirvana
than the worldly aims of many. While statues of weikzas such as Bo Bo Aung
and the more modern Bo Min Gaung are found honored in their gaing altar
area, this gaing is really a "nat weikza" group. That is, their main emphasis is
upon the powers of the devas, whose help they seek, who possess them, and
whom Ihey aspire to become. Interestingly, a number of monks seem to have
been associated with the organization, and members go as Buddhists to their
monasteries on holy days . '2'1
Other nats are seen as supportive of weikza endeavors, presumably
because of Ihe tradition asserting that when the Buddha left this world, he put
the nats in charge . The nats most often mentioned (excluding those just
discussed above) include the following: the nats of the four quarters, the
mother of Gotama the Buddha (Ma'to mi) , the nat of the royal umbrclla (Hti:
hce'saun.), the guardian of the oceans (Ma .ni mci hka .la), the sun nal (Nei),
the moon nat (La.), Irce nat s (You'hka.sou. ), " planet nats (Boun ma.sou:), a
heavenly weather nat (Qa ka tha .sou :), forest nalS (To: saun.), mountain nats
(Taun saun.) nats ofmantras (Man la ya :), nat s ofqin:, nalS of treasure troves
(thri'lha. main:), and stone and gas nat s (Cau'da'). The list does not include the
thirty-seven semi-historical or "ourer" nat s, Those nat s on the list are par-
t...1.III':I. 1".':1. ,"I. H-I ~ 1 1-. "I:" Ll'<'l I: I - . " ~
72 JOHN P. FERGUSON AND E. MI Cl-IAEL MF.NOLSON
ticularly important to a would-be emperor- Buddha, astrologer, alchemist. and
one who searches in nature for the raw materials necessary for magic. Wcikzas,
it is said, must make sure lhal nats who control such areas do not become
jealous of the weikza's superior powers. The tendency of weikza literature to
omit reference to lhe outer nats may possibly reflect the desire of most weikza
gaings to be known for taking the higher, purer palh. The nat wives and lower
path sayas, sometimes dabbling with liquor, killing animals, and dealing with
black magic. are seen as less prestigious than the more powerful and more
Buddhist-oriented weikzas. The nats referred to by the weikza literature seem
to be either at the very lOp or bottom of the nat hierarchy, the top stressing the
higher Buddhist quest and lhe bottom being a reminder of the magical world
that is utilized toward that quest.
We have now surveyed the complex symbolic world in which weikza
beliefs have evolved. With this background, we can return to the history of
weikzas in Burma, which we interrupted with the introduction of Bo Ba Aung
in the early nineteenth century. Because Bo Bo Aung's story has been more of
an oral than a literary tradition, there are many details about his hi story that
vary considerably . Some claim his gaing center is at Prome; others feel it is at
Mount Popa. There are a number of names by which he is known : U Aung.
Pataman U Aung, Yathe U Aung. Some, however, distinguish Bo Bo Aung
from Pataman U Aung from Prome, who is said to be a hermit who met with
olher weikzas in 188810 vow 10 protect the religion after the deposing of King
Thibaw (Po qu: 1952: 7) . Most informants agreed. however, Ihat Bo Bo Aung
was a masler of qin: of lhe sort taughl by the Bame Sayadaw. With Ihe acquis i'
lion of such power he became a maSler higher path weikza who is available for
hi s followers .
Hi s availabililY is in such a form Ihal , like a salellile in the sky, he exists as
something people can contact. Believers put a statue of him in their home .
Such an image usually shows him dressed in the while robes of a lay worship-
per, wearing white or red lurban. using prayer beads, and holding a red
weikza SI afT or wand ill onc hand and a mercury ball in the olher. He can send
instructions to his followers in dreams, or he can speak to one of his traveJing
sayas to give advice on even such mundane matters as new business ventures
or what friends far away are doing. Many of his instructions have involved
orders 10 build pagodas or vibrational pillars that are believed to have special
powers. For the gaing leaders and adepts. of course, he exists as a guide to th.
mOSI esoteric and diffi cult levels of knowledge. Mosl importantly, hi s followe"
await his signaJing Ihe coming of Ihe fUlure king."
If wc consiner Ba Bo Aung as Ihe archetype. then we are belter able to deal
with BD Min Gaung, who surfaces as (he successor in the evolution of popular
belief in weikzas.
25
Bo Min Gaung enters the ancient Burmese religious
cosmology wilh Ihe aid of modern media. Whereas Ba Bo AUllg is a legend Ihat
can only be capsulated 10 wooden or paper images, Bo Mill Gaung appears
with photographs, and a number of paperback books to su ppon
hiS or hIS foll owers conlenllon for welkzahood (see Figures 2 and 9) . The
t...1,'I":', 1.':1. ,.1. H-I 1:" Ll'<"l I:
MASTERS OF THE BUDDHIST OCCULT 73
modern weikza is bereft of wand and headgear-a layman (Everyman?) who
has found the higher path . In modern times, the weikza takes on new roles ,
new disguises. particularly those of the madcap. Feigning an eccentric,
Hamlet-like role. the modern weiha masks hi s occult powers to prevent
di scovery and exposure, since his royalist proclivities endanger him and he
seeks no personal glory.16
The detailed story of Bo Min Gaung has been told elsewhere (Mendelson
1963: 799) . He seems to evolve out of a complicated set of factors during the
colonial days . One factor concerns the hermit U Khanti, a former monk who
built up Mandalay Hill as a major shrine for pilgrims (see Figure 4) . U Khanti
was a highly successful raiser of funds to be used to build shrines, pagodas, and
pillars of vibration at almost fifty different sites in Burma . Maun to ci : (1952:
7) claims that he was directed by the same group of weikzas that had fOlllled in
1888 to protect the religion" Another factor in this period was U Awbatha,
sometimes also known as U Kun or the Yekkansin Sayadaw, who claims to
have thaught the hermit U Khanti . U Awbatha might best be thought of as a
weikza monk oflhe most eccentric sort, constantly traveling about, doing mad-
cap things such as turning himself to stone at Mandalay for awhile or building
nine looms that, when activated, would send out magic vibrations" He did
not see himself as directly linked to Bo Bo Aung but did spend three years at
Mount Popa, and his name is frequently mentioned in gaing literature . His
search for weikzahood seems to have included the full range of occult powers.
He looked everywhere, saying, "Snakes see the feet of other snakes." (Wei'za
1949: 16). Both U Khanti and U Awbatha represent the hermit-monk fringe
that is supported by many lay people whose donations help to construct
numerous cult centers, such as Taungelat at Popa and Mandalay Hill . At such
centers the stories of Bo Bo Aung and Bo Min Gaung are elaborated by fringe
monks, hermits, sayas, and devoted lay followers ."
By the time the Ba Min Gaung literature appears, his supporters have
blended together an amazingly wide variety of themes and claims. He is
related to other famous weikzas of the past, either by carrying out their direc-
tives or by claiming to have been one or more of them in previous lives. He
possesses powers of all kinds and even practices the arts of meditation, par-
ticularly the Vipassana technique which became so popular during the U Nu
period. Geographically, he is said to be everywhere-Popa, Moulmein,
Rangoon, foreign countries, or even Himawuntha, the Himalayan forest
where Queen Maya conceived Gotama the Buddha. ,. Greatest emphasis,
however, is placed upon the messianic aspects that were so stimulated by U
Nu's Sangayana that marked the mid-point in lhe 5,000 years between the last
Buddha and the next. It was believed that special powers and effort would be
called for as life was going to be increasingly diffi cult in the remaining years
before the next Buddha. Much capital was made from worry about dire predi c-
tions of the forces of war, di sease, povert y. and immorality that were to be let
loose upon the world " Faith in the weikzas could bring insurance against
these dangers . The worse things became in Burma, the more one needed the
t...1.III':I. 1".':1. ,"I. H-I ~ 1 I ~ . "I:" Ll'<'l I: I - . " ~
74 JOHN P . FERGUSON AND E. MICHAEl. MNOELSON
weikzas, and wcikza gaings continue to be widely supported to this day, many
led by monks .
Weikza beliefs have not suffered from modern exposure to the space age as
one might first think. There is such a wide spectrum of wei kza thinking that
notions such as relativity, change in atomic weights. space flight, or other
scientific conceptions can easily be compared to existing esoteric lore.
" - MC2" can be confirmation of the insubstantiality of all matler in
Theravada philosophy. Changing one element into another is, after all, the
alchemist's sublime goal . Space flight can be seen as a late Western discovery
of what any good meditating monk or weikza has mastered for centuries. And
so it goes. Weikza literature shows great resiliency in adapting to modem
ideas.
Modern political developments since the U Nu period may have diminish
ed outward expression of weikza beliefs. The Ne Win government, while it has
not succeeded in imposing a hierarchi cal structure of command over the monks
(Monks are able to develop gaings almost at will.) , has instituted censorship of
the press that has cut down publication of the more outlandish weikza
materials, but a few weikza books are still available in Burma, and gaing
lithographic prints are still being sold at pagoda stalls, although not openly.
Even though the Ne Win government may frown on nats and weikzas, man)'
military officers and wcll educatcd Burmese stil1 retain a strong interest in
weikza matters. What is not known is the degree to which it is possible today to
claim to be a weikza who is also the future king. The present regime's constant
concern with insurrections and its susceptibility to revolutionary charismatic
leaders of the Saya San type would seem to make it necessary for the expression
of only the most indirect and discreet claims of a millenial nature .
Deteriorating economic conditions and the lack of political freedom cenainly
are the soil from which messiani c weikza leaders could suddenly sprout.
In conclusion, we would suggest that, until evidence to the contrary is
available, the weikza cults in Burma may be considered a relatively late
development in Burmese Buddhism that incorporates intO a lay movement
many ancient beliefs and traditions (many held by the monkhood itSelf) . It can
be conceived as a symbolic reaction to the shock of colonialization." Clearly
the basic ingredients of weikza belief, such as faith in alchemy, astrology, writ-
ten charms, and mamras, have roots that antedate Buddhism itself, but the
weiha as a lay Buddhist personage distinguishable from nats, monks, hermits,
zawgyis, and master sayas would seem to evolve out of the Bo Bo Aung tradi -
tion . On a larger scale, the weiha represents a borrowing by the laity of sacred
matters that were previously the exclusive prerogative of the practitioners of
the sacred . As such the wcikza is symbolic of the process of modernization
which colonialism engendered. Modernization as a concept can precede its
mat erial dispensations , Therefore, in modern Burma, a pervasive and intense
helief in the miraculous cont inues to underlie the world view of Burmese Bud-
dhists. The wcikza has found , seemingl y, a permanent place in that world .
t...1.II":'. 1'.':1 .. 1. H-I ~ 1 1-. 1:' LlI.o1 I: I - . " ~
MASTERS OF THE BUDDHIST OCCULT 75
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