Vous êtes sur la page 1sur 315

GENESIS AND DEVELOPMENT OF TANTRISM

[Extract]
Edited by

Shingo EINOO

The Saiva Age


The Rise and Dominance of Saivism during the Early Medieval Period By

Alexis Sanderson

INSTITUTE OF ORIENTAL CULTURE UNIVERSITY OF TOKYO

G ENESIS AND D EVELOPMENT OF T ANTRISM

Edited by

Shingo E INOO

I NSTITUTE

OF

O RIENTAL C ULTURE
OF

U NIVERSITY

T OKYO

C ONTENTS

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Shingo E INOO : From kamas to siddhis Tendencies in the Development of Ritual towards Tantrism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Alexis S ANDERSON : The Saiva Age The Rise and Dominance of Saivism during the Early Medieval Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 The Dominance of Saivism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 The Incorporation of Saktism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 The Etiolation and Subsumption of the Cult of the Sun-God . 53 The Decline of Vais .n . avism and the Rise of the Tantric Pancar atra Following Saiva Models . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .58 Royal Patronage of Buddhism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 The Vis .n . ukun .d . is of Andhra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .70 The Maitrakas of Valabh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 The Karkot . as of Kashmir . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 The Licchavis of Nepal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 The T Kings of Nepal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 . hakur The Bhauma-Karas of Orissa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 The Candras of South-East Bengal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 The Khad . gas of Samatat . a . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 The Candras of Arakan and Miscellaneous Other Buddhist Kings of Eastern India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 The Pala Emperors and the Great Monasteries of Eastern India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 The Palas Engagement with Saivism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 Buddhist Kings of Eastern India and their Commitment to Brahmanism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 Joint Patronage of Buddhism and Saivism in the Kingdoms of the Khmers, Chams, and Javanese . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 The Development of Tantric Buddhism Through the Adoption akta and Adaptation of Saiva and S Saiva Models . . . . . . . . . . 124 The Parallel Repertoire of Rituals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124 The Mahavairocan abhisam sriya. bodhi, the Manju mulakalpa, and Buddhaguhya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

The Sarvatathagatattvasam . graha and the First Inroads akta of S Saivism: Possession, Goddesses, and the Sacralization of Sex . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132 The Guhyasamaja: Copulating Deities, Sexual Initiation Rites, and the Sacralization of Impurity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 The Sarvabuddhasamayogad jala sam . akin . vara: Heruka and his Yogin s, Kap alika iconography, the Gan . aman .d . alam, and the Beginning of Saiva-Buddhist Intertextuality . . . 145 The Yogin tantras and the Full Appropriation of Vidyap . tha Saivism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156 Chronology and Provenance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .158 Sam ah : . vara/Vajrarudra and Vajravar The Transformation of Bhairava and his consort . . 169 The Rise of the Goddess to Independence . . . . . . . . . . . 173 The Adoption of the Vidyap . thas Carya and Yoga . 179 The Incorporation of Text-passages from the Vidyap . tha . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186 Converting the Outsiders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220 aktism The Reux of Buddhist S into the Saktism of Bengal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 240 The Jains Adaptation of the Saiva Mantra sastra . . . . . . . . . . . 243 Saivism in the Brahmanical Substrate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249 The Causes of the Dominance of Saivism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 252 The Early Medieval Process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 252 Saivism and Monarchy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254 Saivism and the Royal Temple . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 274 Saivism and New Settlements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 280 Saivism and Irrigation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 282 Saivism and Social Integration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .284 The Saiva-brahmanical Order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301 Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 304 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305 Conventions in the Footnotes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .348 Dominic G OODALL : Who is Can sa ? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 351 .d . e -guhyasamajaman Kimiaki T ANAKA : Nagabodhis Sr a-vim ati-vidhi .d . alopayik .s The Sanskrit Text Restored from the Vajrac aryanayottama . . . . . . 425 Francesco S FERRA : The Laud of the Chosen Deity, the First Chapter of the Hevajratantrapin ka by Vajragarbha . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 435 .d . arthat . Taiken K YUMA : Superiority of Vajrayana Part I: Some Remarks on the 6

Vajrayan antadvayanir akaran sel ba) . a (rDo rje theg pai mtha gnis Ascribed to Jn ana sr . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .469 Ryugen T ANEMURA : Superiority of Vajrayana Part II: Superiority of the Tantric Practice Taught in the *Vajrayan antadvayanir akaran . a (rDo rje theg pai mtha gnis sel ba) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 487 Tsunehiko S UGIKI : The Structure and Traditions of the Systems of Holy Sites in Buddhist Sam . vara Cycle and Its Related Scriptural Cycles in Early Medieval South Asia The Geography of Esoteric Buddhism in the Eyes of the Compilers of the Scriptures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 515

The Saiva Age


The Rise and Dominance of Saivism During the Early Medieval Period Alexis S ANDERSON The early medieval period, from about the fth century to the thirteenth, saw a decline in the role of Srauta sacrice in the religious ceremonies undertaken by Indian rulers. But it was not that kings turned aside from the brahmanical tradition in a fundamental sense. They continued to uphold the brahmanical social order of the castes and disciplines (varn sramadharmah . a . ) and they were commonly commended in inscriptions from the fth to the eighth centuries for having rigorously imposed it on their subjects. We see this in the case of the aj adhir Gopacandra of Maukhari Harivarman in the fth century, the Mahar aja aja Sam Vanga and the Parivrajaka Mahar ks obha of D abh alar ajya in the sixth, . . . Prabhakaravardhana the Pus of Kanyakubja, Bhaskaravarman of Prag. yabhuti jyotis of Valabh , the Gurjara Dadda . a, the Maitraka Kharagraha II Dharmaditya III of Bharukaccha in the seventh, and the Licchavi Sivadeva of Nepal at the turn of the seventh and eighth.1 The same claim is seen in the account of the
1

CII 3, p. 220, ll. 12: varn sramavyavasthapanapravr . ttacakrah . a . [Harivarman], who set in motion the establishing of the distinctions between the caste-classes and disciplines; R AJAGURU 1962, ll. 69: varn sramavyavasthahetuh . ad . a . *saks (corr. R AJAGURU : saks . ad Ep.) dharma *ivopattajanm a (corr. : ivopantajanm a RA aj adhir JAGURU ) . . . paramamahe svaro mahar aj adhir aja sr gopacandra- Mahar aja Gopacandra, entirely devoted to Siva, who caused the distinctions between the caste-classes and disciplines to be established, as though he were Dharma incarnate; EI 8:28, ll. 1112: varn sramadharmasthapan abhiratena (Sam . ks . obha); . a EI 4:29, l. 3: varn sramavyavasthapanapravr EI . ttacakrah . a . (Prabhakaravardhana); 12:13, ll. 3435: bhagavata kamalasambhavenavak rn sramadharmapravi. avarn . a himbhag aya nirmito bhuvanapatir King [Bhaskaravarman], created by Brahma self to separate the caste-classes and disciplines that had abandoned their duties; CII 3, pp. 173ff., ll. 4344: saks . ad dharma iva samyagvyavasthapitava rn sramac arah . [Kharagraha II Dharmaditya], who established the observances . a of the the caste-classes and disciplines, as though he were Dharma in visible form; CII 4i:21, ll. 79: mahamunimanupran tapravacanadhigamavivekasva . dharmanus .. thana*prav n sramavyavasthon. o (em. M IRASHI : pravan . i Ep.) varn . a mulitasakalakalik al avalepa <h > [Dadda III], who uprooted all the taints of this . [degenerate] age of Kali by establishing the separation of the caste-classes and disciplines, well-versed in the execution of his duty [as the king] through discriminating understanding of the teachings authored by the great sage Manu; LKA 140, ll. 12: suvihitavarn sramasthitir licchavikulaketur . . . mahar aj adhir aja sr s ivade. a vah Mah ar aj adhir aja Sivadeva, war-banner of the Licchavi dynasty, who correctly . established the system of the caste-classes and disciplines; LKA 143, l. 1: sam yagviracitasakalavarn sramavyavasthah . a . [Sivadeva], who correctly fashioned the system of the distinct castes and disciplines.

41

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

history of Kashmir before the advent of the Karkot . a dynasty in the seventh century given in the twelfth by the Kashmirian historian Kalhan . a. His chronology for this early phase of his countrys history is confused, but it is likely that we should assign to the fth or sixth century the king Gopaditya whom he commends for having restored the rst and perfect Age through his regard for the castes and brahmanical disciplines.2 He also reports a popular belief of his time that in order to promote the orthodox brahmanical social order the Hephthalite Mihirakula, who ruled Kashmir in the early sixth century, had settled natives of Aryade sa in his kingdom, which was then, we are told, devoid of the true religion
3 (dharmah . ), being overrun by Dards and Tibetans. Seeing these claims of the royal imposition of the varn sramadharmah . a . one thinks of the non-geographical denition of territory t for brahmanical rites (yajniyo de sah during the ninth . ) formulated by Manus commentator Medhatithi

or tenth century, namely that it is any land in which a conquering brahmanical king settles the four caste-classes and imposes on the rest of the population the status of untouchables (can . ). This denition served, I propose, to accommo.d . alah date the fact of the territorial expansion of brahmanical society into new regions that was one of salient features of the early medieval period.4

Rajatara ngin . 1.339: jugopa gopadityo tha ks . sadv pam . tadatmajah . mam . | varn . a s ramapratyaveks sitadiyugodayah protected the earth . adar . Next his son Gopaditya and its continents, causing men to experience the arising of a [new] First Age through his attention to [the maintenance of] the caste-classes and disciplines. Rajatara ngin . 1.312313b: akr ante daradair bhaut tair mlecchair a sucikarmabhih .. . | vinas tadharme de se smin *pun arapravartane (conj. : pravartanam Ed.) | arya .. . yac de syan sa sam vyatanod darun . am . sthapya . tapah . *In order to (conj.) promote pious observance in this land that had been overrun by barbarians of impure conduct, Dards and Tibetans, and [so] had lost the [brahmanical] Dharma, he settled [brah mins] of Aryade sa. Thereafter he performed a terrible penance. S TEIN (1979, p. 46), no doubt faithfully reproducing the reading of the codex archetypus, gives pun . yacarapravartanam rather than pun arapravartane and this leaves him no alter. yac native other than to take not only darun . am . tapah . but also this as the object of the verb: he performed a terrible penance, and re-established pious observances. But the reading is unacceptable. For even if one can believe, as I cannot, that pun ara . yac pravartanam . as . vyatanot is not too inelegant an expression for an author of Kalhan calibre, there remains the fact that it requires us to believe also that vyatanot governs two objects even though the conjunction necessary for this interpretation is lacking. I have therefore emended to pun arapravartane , which, taken as an . yac instance of the use of the locative of purpose (nimittasaptam ), yields an entirely appropriate meaning and supposes a scribal error that is readily explained by the ease with which readers of the Kashmirian script can mistake -e for -am . , the common substitute for -am. Furthermore, S TEINs rendering of aryade syan sam . sthapya as after killing the inhabitants of Aryade sa is, in my view, much less probable than the alternative adopted here, which is to take the verb form sam in its . sthapya contextually more appropriate meaning, namely having settled. See S ANDERSON 2005a, pp. 400401, citing Medhatithi, Manusmr . ya p. 80, . tibhas

42

The Saiva Age

Thus the rst centuries of this period are presented in our sources as marked not by the decline of brahmanism but rather by its imposition, reinforcement, and expansion. Moreover, there is abundant epigraphical evidence of kings throughout this time bringing Vaidika brahmins into their kingdoms by making them grants of tax-exempt land,5 thereby extending the penetration of brahmanical culture while facilitating the administration of their territories and promoting agricultural development.6 Nonetheless, while kings continued to accept their role as the guardians of the brahmanical order (varn sramaguruh . a . ), their personal religious commitment generally took the form of Buddhism, Jainism, or, more commonly, devotion to Siva, Vis Aditya), or the Goddess (Bhagavat ), the deities . u, the Sun-God (Surya/ .n of the new initiatory religions, allegiances that were commonly declared in their inscriptions by the inclusion amid their royal titles of epithets that mean entirely

ll. 24-26 on 2.23: yadi katham adide sam api mleccha akrameyuh . cid brahmavart . tatraiva <ca> <svadharma?>vyavasthanam mlecchade sah . kuryuh . bhaved evasau .. tatha yadi ka s cit ks at yo raj a sadhv acaran parajayec catur . atriyadij . o mlecchan varn mleccham .s cary avarta iva can .d an vyavasthapayet so pi syad . yam . vasayen . al yajniyah If somehow foreigners were to invade such [pure] regions as that between . the Sarasvat and Dr rivers (Brahmavarta) <and> impose <their religion?>, .s . advat then even they would denitely become foreign lands [unt for sacrice]. By the same standard, if some king belonging to the Ks . atriya or other [suitable casteclass] and of orthodox [brahmanical] observance were to conquer foreigners [in their lands], settle communities of the four caste-classes [there], and impose on those foreigners the status of untouchables, just as in the brahmanical heartland of India avarta), north of the Vindhyas (Ary then those territories too would be t for the performance of [Vaidika] sacrices. On the duty of the king to donate [tax-free] land and other valuables to learned Vaidika brahmins (viprah .,s rotriyah . ) see, e.g., Yaj navalkyasmr . ti 1. 315320; 1. 323: natah . parataro dharmo nr p an am yad ran arjitam | viprebhyo d yate dravyam . . . . . ... There is no higher religious obligation for kings than that of bestowing the wealth they acquire through war on learned Vaidika brahmins . . . ; Vis . ti 3.8182: .n . usmr brahman s ca bhuvam . . . He should bestow land on brah. ebhya . pratipadayet mins. On the kings duty not to tax learned Vaidikas see Manusmr . ti 7.133ab: mriyaman . o py adad ta na raj a s rotriyat karam Even though dying [through poverty] a king may not levy a tax from a learned Vaidika. The giving of land to learned brahmins is already advocated at length as the kings religious duty in the Mahabh arata (Anu sasanaparvan , Adhyaya 61); and that passage includes an injunction that it should be read to the king immediately after his consecration (13.61.36: abhis ravayed imam agamam ). . patim . icyaiva nr . s For a study of land-grants to brahmins (brahmadeyam, agraharah ., s asanam ) during our period in a particular region, Orissa and northern Andhra Pradesh, see S INGH 1994, pp. 123243. For the same in the Far South in Pallava and Cola times see K ARASHIMA 1984, especially pp. 3, 3640, and 129; and S TEIN 1994, especially pp. 6389 and 141172. The migration of groups of north-Indian Vaidika brahmins as recipients of royal grants is the subject of D ATTA 1989. See also D UTTA 1995, pp. 97118 on the practice and implications of land-grants to brahmins in northern India c. 400700.

43

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

devoted to the founder or deity of whichever of these religions they favoured. THE DOMINANCE OF SAIVISM Among these alternatives devotion to Siva was the most commonly adopted. During this period the epithet paramamahe svarah . entirely devoted to Siva is the most frequently encountered in declarations of the religious adherence of rulers;7 and of the many temples surviving or reported in inscriptions that were established by rulers and other notables from the late sixth century onwards in the subcontinent, the Khmer realm, the Cham kingdoms of Indo-China, and the kingdoms of Java and Bali, those dedicated to the worship of this god are much the most numerous.8 The preponderance of Saivism during this period is also revealed by evidence that all the other religious traditions competing for patronage were colonized or
7

The royal epithet paramamahe svarah . rst appears in the epigraphical record in ala nk ayana aja Dethe fourth century in Andhra, in an inscription of the S Mahar ala pura (EI 9:7, ll. 17), probably the earliest of the S nk ayanas vavarman of Veng in our records since this inscription alone is in Prakrit: sir vijayaveng pura bhagavato cittarathasamip ad anujjh atassa bappabhat tarakap adabhattasya parama.. mahessarassa sala nk ayanassa asamedhayajino mahar ajasir vijayadevavammassa ala nk ayana, vayan ena . . . From victorious Ve ng pura: by the command of the S . aja Vijayadevawho has performed the A svamedha sacrice, the venerable Mahar varman, favoured by [his kuladevata , the Siva] Citrarathasvamin, loyal to [his] venerable father, entirely devoted to Siva . . . . It is mostly found in inscriptions but occasionally appears on coinage. Thus the coins of Kr the Kalacuri king .s . araja, .n . mat of Mahis , who ruled c. 550575, have on their reverse, (with corrected orthography): paramamahe svara mat apitr . pad anudhy ata s r kr (M IRASHI, CII 4i .s .n . araja p. clxxxi). This is the standard term, as is conrmed by its use in literary sources. at . aka But we also nd the synonym atyantamahe svarah . (e.g. CII 5:3, l. 8: Vak Pr thiv sena I, late fourth century), and, though very rarely and not to my knowledge . in any inscription, parama saivah . (P ETECH 1984, pp. 57 and 61: the twelfth-century Nepalese kings Indradeva and Anandadeva in the colophons of manuscripts). That the Taddhita mahe svarah svara . is to be understood as formed from the name Mahe in the meaning devoted to Mahe svara (mahe svarabhaktah . ), i.e. devoted to Siva, is proved beyond doubt by the occurrence in inscriptions of analytic renderings of parallel terms. Thus where the afliation is with Vis . u (/Bhagavat) we see not .n only paramabhagavatah . but also param . bhagavadbhaktah . and in the case of the Sun-god (Surya/ Aditya) we see both paramasaurah . and paramadityabhaktah . . And there are some cases in which the name of the deity precludes any but the analytic form. Thus where the deity is the Goddess or Mahabhairava we see param . bhagavat bhaktah abhairavabhaktah . and atyantasvamimah . . For all these epithets see M IRASHI CII 3, pp. 253254, n. 3. This can readily be observed by perusing the published volumes of EITA. On the pre-eminence of Saivism among the Khmers up to the fall of Angkor see S ANDER SON 2005a, pp. 402421. For the situation in Karnataka, where Saiva foundations greatly outnumbered others throughout the perod from the fth to fourteenth centuries see p. 298.For Kashmir see p. 298, and for Andhra see p. 300.

44

The Saiva Age

profoundly inuenced by it. In the rst part of this study I shall present this evidence for each religion in turn, but with particular attention to Buddhism. In the second I shall attempt to explain the factors that enabled Saivism to attain this dominant position. AKTISM S

T HE I NCORPORATION

OF

The worship of the Goddess was progressively subsumed within Saivism, being promoted by its adherents as a higher form of that religion.9 The Saiva mainstream was, as one might expect, focused on Siva. This is so in the earliest forms of the religion, which later Saivas would call the Atimarga, nc arthikas, practised by such Saiva ascetics as the Pa Lakulas, and So masiddhantins, and it continued to be so in the Siddhanta, the core tradition of the Mantramarga that emerged out of the Atimarga from about the fth century onwards, rst in the corpus of Ni svasa scriptures10 and then in a number of others, notable among which are the Parame svara (Paus svara), . karaparame the Svayambhuvas utrasam . graha, the Rauravasutrasam . graha, the Matangaparame svara, the Sarvajn anottara , the Kalottara in a number of redactions, the Kiran , the Mr , the Mayasam . gendra, the Br . hatkalottara . a, the Parakhya . graha, the Devyamata , and the Mohacud . ottara, the last three representing a sub-corpus of texts of more restricted application concerned with the rituals of the installation of images and the consecration of temples, an area in which ofciants of the Siddhanta were the dominant operatives. But as this Saiddhantika core grew it was progressively surrounded by a diverse array of related liturgical systems for the propitiation of various forms of the ferocious deity Bhairava, seen by his devotees as a higher, more esoteric manifestation of Siva, and of forms of the Goddess seen as embodiments of Sivas divine power (s aktih . ). The Saiva scriptures devoted to the cult of Bhairava came to be known collectively as the Mantrap t . ha or Mantra Corpus, headed by the Svacchandatantra, which teaches the cult of Svacchandabhairava and his consort Aghore svar , and the earlier t Corpus,11 among those devoted to cults of Goddesses as the Vidyap . ha or Vidya
9 10

11

akta On the S elements in Saivism see S ANDERSON 1988, 1995a, and 2007a. On the transitional character of the Ni svasa between the Lakula Atimarga and the mature Siddhanta see S ANDERSON 2006, and 2001, pp. 2931, fn. 32. On the probable date of its earliest part see G OODALL and I SAACSON 2007. For the use of the term p . tham in this context in the meaning corpus or collec tion see Tantraloka 37.18c19c1, quoting or paraphrasing the lost Ananda sastra : s r madananda sastr adau proktam bhagavat a kila sam uhah p t ham etac ca dvidh a . . . daks . in . avamatah . | mantro vidyeti The Lord has taught in such scriptures as the Ananda that p . tham [here means] the corpus [of the non-Saiddhantika Saiva scriptures]. It is divided into two, to the right and left [respectively], namely the

45

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

scheda, consisting headed by (1) the Jayadrathayamala , also known as the Sira of four parts called hexads (s . at . kam) because each is approximately six thousand in the rst verses in length, which teaches the cult of Kalasam or Kal . kars . . an and those of numerous goddesses worshipped as her esoteric embodiments in the remaining three parts, evidently added at a later dateclosely related to kula, Kal parts of this huge corpus are the scriptures of the Kal kulakramasadbhava , Kal kulapanca sataka and others, that were the scriptural basis of kula Kal cult known as the Krama, Mahanaya, the Kal or Mahartha, (2) the Parapar Siddhayoge svar mata, which teaches the cult of the goddesses Para, a, to which the Malin and Apara, vijayottara is related, the scripture taken as the akta foundation of the Trika variant of S Saivism expounded in the Tantraloka of the great Kashmirian Saiva Abhinavagupta (. c. 9751025), (3) the Picumata Kap alin and or Brahmayamala , which teaches the cult of the goddess Can .d .a numerous related Kalpas, and (4) the texts of the vamasrotah . , of which only the V n sikha has come down to us intact, which teach the cult of the four goddesses . a Vijaya, Jayant and Aparajit a, the sisters of the god Tumburu, Jaya, /Ajita, 12 venerated as an aspect of Siva.

12

t Mantra[p t . ha] and the Vidyap . ha. The terms right and left assigned to the two P t . has follow the common notion that these are the relative positions of the male/masculine and female/feminine, Mantras being masculine and the deities they being feminine and their deities female. embody male and Vidyas The distinction in terms of left and right between the two P t . has in the passage of the Ananda cited in the preceding footnote must not be confused with that between the right current (daks . in . asrotah . ) and the left current (vamasrotah . ) of the Saiva scriptures, which derives from the fact that these are thought to have siva, those emerged from the right and left faces of the ve-faced composite Sada of Aghora (Bhairava) and the feminine Vamadeva respectively. For of the texts of the two P t . has only those of the cult of the four sisters are assigned to the latter. The Siddhayoge svar mata and the Picumata are both assigned to the former, while according to itself the rst S is a hybrid of . at . ka of the Jayadrathayamala both (ubhayatmakam ); see S ANDERSON 2002, pp. 12. Of the other three faces the front and rear, the faces of Tatpurus are seen as the source of the . a and Sadyojata, . atantras and Bhutatantras, Garud texts concerned respectively with procedures for the curing of the effects of poisons and demonic possession, while the upper face, sana, that of I is seen as the source of the scriptures of the Siddhanta, revealing that this, unlike the distinction between the two P t system . has, is a Siddhanta-centric of classication. It is adapted by the non-Saiddhantika Abhinavagupta as the basis of his esoteric account of the nature of the Saiva canon in the Malin vijayavartika but only by adding a sixth, upper-upper current (urdhvordhvasrotah . ) above the akta) Siddhanta as the source of the non-dualistic Kaula (S revelation that he takes to be the ultimate ground of the entire canon. Malin vijayavartika 1.160163b: prakr dev visr ta s citrasamvidah tavat tad urdhvordhvam . tam .s . brumahe .. . | yavat . sroto yad bhedavarjitam 161 saurabharga sikhad ni tatah astr an . i tenire | uktam . s . bharga sikhay am . ca devena parames thin 162 urdhvasrotodbhavam anam .. .a . jn idam abhidh ayin a . tat paramam . priye | paramadhvaninordhvotthasam . vidrup

46

The Saiva Age

akta To these we may add the scriptures of two later S cults, those of the and Tripurasundar goddesses Kubjika . The scriptures of the former, the Kubjikamata and related texts such as the S , do not claim to be part of . at . sahasra t the Vidyap ha. But they are closely related to, and draw heavily on, the sub. t corpus of texts within the Vidyap svar mata . ha that is headed by the Siddhayoge and is asssociated with the Sakta system that would be developed under the name of the Trika: the Siddhayoge svar mata itself, the [Trika]kularatnamal a , the Tantrasadbhava , the Devyay amala , and the Tri sirobhairava. Also allied in character is the Nityas . od sikarn . ava or Vamake svar mata, the fundamental . a scripture of the cult of the goddess Tripurasundar . This, which became the most widely established of Indias Sakta cults, has no direct antecedents in the t Vidyap ha literature, but is rather an independent development out of an ear. in which lier Sakta tradition of the propitiation of goddesses known as the Nityas rites for success in love predominated.13 This early cult was eclipsed by its
s anavaktraniry at at siddhant ad bhedam adi sat I shall return now to the matter in hand. The nondualistic upper-upper stream is present when the various modes of consciousness are [still] in the state of [primal] emission within the Goddess [Para]. From this [state of fusion] are created the Saurabharga sikha and other such [nondualistic (Kaula) scriptures]. And the Supreme Lord has spoken [to this effect] in the Bharga sikha [itself], saying, This knowledge, O beloved, is the supreme product of the upper face. By using the word supreme [here] in reference to the nature of the consciousness that has arisen from this upper [face] he shows that he means some thing different from [and superior to] the Siddhanta, which has come forth from the sana. face of I The distinctness of this tradition is expressed in the Kumar khan .d . a of the Manthanabhairava in an account of the hierarchy of the various soteriolo above those of gies. It places those who follow the scripture(s) of the Nityas the Atimargic traditions (Mausula, Vaimala, Lakula) and below those of the Bhairava corpus comprising the scriptures of the left and right currents. Above akta this it places six S Tantras (paras . at . kam): three of the Trika (S . ad . ardha [=Malin vijayottara], Bhairava[kula], and V raval , then the Kal kula [texts] of the Krama, and nally itself, in two scriptural levels. It is signicant that akta cult on the level of its S it does not put the Nitya Tantras or even on that of the Bhairavatantras below them; see f. 213r37 (Muktisam , . grahasutra vv. 108114c): *musulayudhahast an am . (em. : mausulayudhahast an am . Cod.) may atattvam uddhajn anamay a vidya vaimalan am . param . param . padam | s . padam 109 as t apram an avedaj n a l akul arthavi s arad ah | vrate p a s upate caiva ai svaram .. . . . an am . s paramam 110 navanityagamaj n ivatattvam . padam . param . padam | tasyordhve *karan . an (em. : karan . ah . Cod.) panca tyaktva urdhvam . tu bhairava<h > 111 *s as t atantrat antrik an am (?) nity anandam param padam | . .. . . . samanantakal at tam 112 panktikramen . vamadaks . in . asam . sthitam . a moks . o sti satyam atra sam ayah paras . at . nasty .s . | tasya urdhve . kam . upary upari sam . sthitam 113 s yakam | v raval tr yam . t . ad . ardham . prathamam . bhedam . bhairavakhyam . dvit . tu caturtham k alik akulam 114 tatas tv ady avat aram tu tasya urdhvam an ahatam . . supatas,] those | s r matkulalik akhyam . The nal destination of the [Mausula Pa atattva. supata]s who carry a club in their hands, is May That of the Vaimala[pa supata] doctrine, is Suddhavidy a[tattva]. For those who are versed in the Lakula[p a

13

47

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

much more successful successor. But nonetheless evidence of it has survived, attesting two forms. One is taught in the Nityakaula , of which a single, in complete manuscript has come down to us in Nepal. Here the goddess Tripura goddesses is surrounded by a circle of twelve deities comprising eleven Nitya 14 and Kamadeva, the Indian Cupid. The other has been preserved in the eclectic Manthanabhairava , whose Siddhakhan .d . a contains detailed manual-like in and nine Nityas with Kamadeva structions for a Sakta cult of Tripura as her 15 cult is indicated by the fact that consort. The earlier prominence of the Nitya the *Cincin a syncretistic text of the cult of Kubjika, . matasarasamuccaya , contains a section drawn from the Nityakaula , or from some lost text closely related to it, in which it sets out this cult as the teaching of the southern or nc arthikap supatas, mastering the eight Praman . a scriptures, and for [those, the Pa a svara. For those supata observance, it is [the Tattva] of I who engage] in the Pa it is Sivatattva. versed in the scriptural tradition of the Nine Nityas Above that svara, and Vis is Bhairava, transcending [all] the ve Causes: Brahma, . u, Rudra, I .n siva]. This, eternal bliss, is the nal destination of the Tantrikas Sada of the Tantras of the eight [Bhairavas] [v. 132: the Nis . kala-Svacchandabhairava, the SakalaSvacchandabhairava, the Bahurupabhairava , the Aghor s abhairava, the Vyadhi bhaks anabhairava , the Tumburu. abhairava, the Candragarbhabhairava, the Vijn bhairava (perhaps =the V na sikha), and the Amr svarabhairava (=Netratantra)]. . te and is established in [the It is beyond the [universe] that culminates in Samana two divisions of the Bhairavatantras, those of] the left [current (vamasrotah . )] and [those of] the right [daks . in . asrotah . ]. The truththere is no [room for] doubt in this matteris that liberation is [attained in each these systems but] in the manner of ascending a ladder. Above that are the six ascending [divisions of the scrip The rst division is the S tures] of Para. vijaya, vv. 125a and . ad . ardha (=Malin 133cd), the second the Bhairava[kula] (=Klinnanvayayoga , v. 134a), the third the V raval (=V raval kulamn aya , v. 134c), and the fourth the Kal kula [scriptures] avat (=Kalik akrama , v. 134d). Above this is the Ady ara [of the Pa scimamn aya], and above that the Anahata [revelation] called Kulalik a[mn aya] . It is striking that this passage omits the Saiddhantikas. It is therefore likely that the text has lost a line or verse here. This suspicion is strengthened by the verses that follow. For in these the order of systems is repeated with s aivam, i.e. the Siddhantas scriptures, between the pa supatam and the eight Bhairavatantras (v. 128bcd: tatha pa supatam . aivam mahat | s ses .. takanirn . am . tu bhairavas . ayam). Since the passage also . tasya vi sivatattva it is probable that it was this level that was assigned to the omits Sada Saiddhantika system in the lost line or verse. To assign the Saiddhantikas to sivatattva would, of course, be to disdain their claim that their param Sada . padam is in fact Sivatattva. of this text are Hr Kledin Ks The eleven Nityas , Nanda, , . llekha, . obhan Niranjan Ragavat Dravan . Madanatur a, a, , Madanavat , Khekala, and Vegavat ; see Nityakaula , f. 2r72v1. are Manthanabhairava, Siddhakhan The nine Nityas .d . a, ff. 186v231r1. Vajre Kurukulla, Lalita, Bherun N a, Mangal Kulavidya, svar , Tvarita, lapatak a .d . a, continues to f. 252v and includes the and Vyomavyapin . The section on Tripura text of the Nityas . od sikarn . ava. The folio numbers are those of a palm-leaf manu. a script in private hands, to which I have had access through digital images kindly provided by my former pupil and present colleague Dr. Somdev Vasudeva.

14

15

48

The Saiva Age

the cult of der (daks ayah . ), grouping it with the cult of Kubjika, . in . agharamn (Kal kula) in a form attested in the Jayadrathayamala Kal and the related cor akta pus of the scriptures of the Krama or Mahanaya, and a form of S worship agreeing closely with that found in the Trika, calling these the teachings of the western, northern, and eastern orders respectively (Pa scimagharamn aya, Ut taragharamn aya, and Purvaghar amn aya). The Saktism of this tetradic schema of the directional Amn ayas can be dis t tinguished broadly from the earlier Saktism of the Vidyap . ha by a marked tendency to expurgate one of the most conspicuous features of the latter, namely alika its embeddedness in the intensely transgressive tradition of Kap asceti cism whose roots lie in the Somasiddhantin division of the Atimarga. Since the Saktism of the Amnayas refers to itself as Kaula we may use this term to des alika ignate these post-Kap developments. However, like most terms applied to traditions subject to change through time it serves at best to indicate a tendency rather than an absolute distinction. For while the cults of Tripurasundar and adhered to this mode of self-denition and the Trika that developed out Kubjika that came to of the Siddhayoge svar mata also came to do so,16 the cult of Kal constitute the Kaulas Northern Teaching (uttaramn ayah . ) remained both Kaula alika in its self-denition and rmly Kap in its practise.17
16

17

alika On the anti-Kap stance of the mature Trika see S ANDERSON 2005c, pp. 118 119, fn. 74. alika/Mah For the Kap avratin asceticism of practitioners of the Uttaramn aya, kula and Krama/Mahanaya, that is to say of the Kal see S ANDERSON 2007a, san , and Jaiyaka), 323 (Cakrapan . inatha, pp. 293294 (Cakrabhanu, I author of . inatha the Bhavopah arastotra ). Concerning the date of Cakrapan I was able to say in 2007a (p. 417) only that he was earlier than his commentator Ramyadeva, who was later than Ks which is to say, next to nothing. However, . emaraja, since then I have read a Nepalese manuscript, NGMPP C114/22, which contains his Bhavopah arastotra under the title Bhavopah arap uj a , and this enables us to include him among relatively early authors, since the manuscript is dated in 1158/9. To the Kashmirian exponents of the Krama identied as follow alika ers of the Kap observance in 2007a I now propose to add one more. According to a manuscript of the Chummasam . ketapraka sa that I had not seen at that time, which contains the nal verses of the work that are lacking in the one manuscript that I had seen then, the redactor of this text attributed to Nis was one Ananta sakti. He is described there as mudradharah . kriyananda . (A, f. 11r79): sam . sarasam . bhramacayapravibhagabandhasam . bandhasam . ks . aya*gatir (em. : gater Cod.) avikalpamurtih . | saks . ad anabiladhiy a laghuvakkramen .a mudradharas tu vidadhe tad ananta saktih . This expression I take to have . the same meaning as pancamudr adharah . wearer of the ve sect marks [of alika/Mah the Kap avratin]; see, e.g., Svayambhuvas utrasam . graha, Pat . ala 14 (s . at . samayabhedah . ), one of the chapters that is not part of the original work of this name, vv. 1920: caturda sapraman . ena yuktam alam ucyate | kap ale ca vratam . kap . mukhyam an mu. ntanam | tasmin vratam . sarvapapanikr . cared yas tu s . an . mas ktim apnuy at | pancamudr adharah antah arap alakah . s . samayac . ; and Kubjikamata

49

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

In general we may say that these non-Saiddhantika texts with their akta strongly S orientation emerged after the Siddhanta or at least after the emergence of its earliest scriptures. Thus, for example, it is clear in my view that the Svacchandatantra was redacted after the formation of the Saiddhantika Ni svasa corpus, the Tantrasadbhava after the Svacchanda, the Kubjikamata after the Tantrasadbhava ,18 the rst hexad of the Jayadrathayamala after the Kubjikamata ,19 and the remaining three hexads after the rst.20 However, I see no reason to conclude that all that is found in the non-Saiddhantika corpus is post-Saiddhantika and some grounds for thinking that some elements may be as old or older. This may be the case with the cult of the four sisters of Tumburu. For that is known to the Buddhist Dharmak rti (. c. 550650),21 and the rst two folios of a post-scriptural text on this cult, the *Dev tantrasadbhavas ara , a metre, have survived among the Buddhist written in learned style in the Ary manuscripts uncovered in Gilgit in 1931. They may be assigned on palaeographical grounds to around the middle of the sixth century.22 A second area

18 19 20 21 22

25.31cd: pancamudr adharo vapi bhasmanis tho digambarah .. . . He is probably one with the Ananta sakti who wrote the published commentary on the Kramas Vat ulan athas utra but probably not with the Ananta sakti who has left us a commentary (Vis amapadasam keta ), as yet unpublished, on the Bahurupagarbhastotra ; . . see S ANDERSON 2007a, p. 344. See the evidence for this sequence in S ANDERSON 2001, pp. 2035. See S ANDERSON 2002, p. 1 and note 4 on p. 21. See S ANDERSON 2002, p. 2 and note 13 on p. 22. See S ANDERSON 2001, pp. 1113, fn. 10. No title appears in the surviving fragment of this text. The title assigned here is a guess based on the unknown authors description of his work in verses 3 and 4. There he says that he is extracting the fundamentals (sarah . ) of the Essence of the Tantras (tantrasadbhavah . ) of the [four] Goddesses (dev nam ) that had been received from Siva by a sage identied only as the ornament of the lineage of Atri: 3 atreyava n satilakenoktam arvad avapya yat purvam . s . | suramuninarasur an . am . dev nam . tantrasadbhavam . 4 tasmad aham apy adhuna vaks . ye sam ary abhih tataraks . arapanktibhir avi saladhiy am . *prabodhaya . tya saram . hr . | spas .. (em. : pravodhata Cod.) The Essence of the Tantras of the Goddesses was received of old from Siva by the ornament of the lineage of Atri and taught to the gods, sages, men, and titans. I in turn have summarized its fundamentals and shall now declare a verses whose lines of syllables will be completely clear in meaning, for them in Ary arad the instruction of those of modest intellect. The script is the stage of proto-S a that Prof. Lore S ANDER has called Gilgit/Bamiyan type 2 and also Sonderschrift 1. I stumbled upon the rst folio (32213222) while searching the facsimiles of the Gilgit manuscripts for proto-Tantric Buddhist materials and communicated this unexpected discovery to Somdev VASUDEVA, then my student, who promptly located the second folio (33403341) and presented convincing palaeographical arguments for the date of the manuscript proposed here (email of 7.12.2000), pointing to the presence of the archaic tripartite ya ligature, the occurrence of the old style of hr ., and the Gupta style ru. The text teaches the Mantras of the four Dev s, who, it says, were made manifest at the beginning of creation so that men could attain supernat-

50

The Saiva Age

of the non-Saiddhantika canon that is likely to be very early in origin is that t of the Yamalatantras assigned to the Vidyap . ha, represented in our surviving manuscripts by the 12000-verse Picumata, also called the Brahmayamala . For the Skandapuran . a-Ambikakhan .d . a, whose earliest surviving manuscript was completed in 810, lists seven Yamala texts, beginning with the Brahmayamala , as Tantras of the Mother Goddesses (matr . tantran . i).23 The date of the text itself is still a matter of debate; but it is unlikely to have been composed later than the end of the seventh century or earlier than the sixth.24 It is certainly
ural accomplishments and liberation (v. 11cd: pradurbh ut a devyah . siddhyartham . s and muktaye caiva), their ancillaries (angamantr ah . ), their retinue of [four] Dut [four] Kinkaras (v. 16bc: dutyas sakinkar a <h . >), Tumburu (v. 17ab: pran . avam . . - PHAT sa (v. 18bc: sapran tum ah a +), and the Anku .. burusahitam . sarthav . avam . H UM viniyuktam anku sam etat). The V n sikha, our only complete surviving Tantra of . a the vamasrotah , teaches the four Dev s (vv. 30c32b), Tumburu (vv. 29c30b), and . sa (v. 41d etc.), but not the Dut s or Kinkaras. the Anku For the fuller pantheon see, e.g., Devyamata , f. 40r1: jaya ca vijaya caiva jayant capar ajit a | dutibhih . kinkaraih . sardham . tas *tumburuh . sam . vr . (corr : tumburum . Cod.) sthitah . ; Netratantra 11.1 arad 27; and S atilaka 19.87105b and Tantrasarasam . graha 23.3752 (with the four s but without the Kinkaras). Dut The expression sarthav ahah . the [international] trader in v. 17b (v. 17ab: pran ah a +) no doubt refers . avam . tum . burusahitam . sarthav to Tumburu, who is so described in the Buddhist version of this cult taught in the Manju sriyamulakalpa (47.29b, 52a, 54c, p. 413, l. 12, etc.). According to that source the four sisters and Tumburu are to be depicted sailing in a ship with Tumburu at the helm (47.24: nauyanasam ar ud . ha <h . sahapancam a <h . > sabhratr . > | karn . adharo *rthacit (tentative conj. : thacit Ed.) tas am . *tumburunamasam . (em. : tum. jnitah burur nama sam . Ed.). See also here p. 130. This depiction is also prescribed . jnitah in the Saiva Pingal amata , f. 28v56 (Citradhik ara , v. 35): jayady a s cakragas tadvat panktisth a va likhet | kramat nav ar ud . ha s ca va likhyas tumburuh karn adh arakah . . . Vijaya, Jayant a] forming a circle or in a He should depict Jaya[, ,] and [Aparajit line. Alternatively he may depict them on board a ship with Tumburu as the helmsman. For the early date of this cult see also here p. 129. See S ANDERSON 2001, pp. 67, fn. 4 and here p. 229 (171.127130b) and a discussion of the titles it contains. The oldest manuscript is dated in the year 234. For this date and its equivalence to A . D. 810 see A DRIAENSEN, B AKKER and I SAAC SON 1994, p. 326. That the era of the date is that of the Licchavi Manadeva uvarman) was rst proposed by W ITZEL (1986, p. 256, n. 9). The date of (=Am .s the commencement of this unnamed era which is seen in Nepalese inscriptions that begin during the reign of the Nepalese king Manadeva was determined to fall in A . D. 576 on the basis of Tibetan evidence by Luciano P ETECH (1961). Previously it had been assumed that the era was that of Hars . a (A . D. 606). Yuko Y OKOCHI has observed (1999a, pp. 8182) that the icon of the goddess Mahis seen in texts of the sixth and seventh centuries gives way to . asuramardin a new iconic type around the beginning of the eighth century and that this text belongs with the earlier sources in this regard. The same scholar has shown (1999b, pp. 6875) that the description of Mahis in 68.1023 of the text cor. asuramardin at responds most closely to the image of Mahis from Siddhi-k -Gupha . asuramardin Deogarh, an example of her Gupta subtype B2. She argues that this was carved in the middle of the sixth century or, at the latest, at its the end (pp. 7475). So, she concludes, the possibility that the text belongs to the same century can no longer

23

24

51

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

striking in this regard that it betrays no knowledge of the Siddhanta, its 25 Saivism being Atimargic, a circumstance which supports the hypothesis that akta the polarity seen in the Mantramarga between Saivism and S Saivism was already present in some form when the former was still in the Atimarga 26 stage. Royal devotion to Bhairava certainly goes back before the Siddhantas at . aka inscriptions to Rudrasena I, who ruled emergence, being attributed in Vak 27 aja Bhulun c. 335c. 360, and a copperplate decree issued by Mahar .d . a in 376 in Madhya Pradesh records a grant made to support the from Bagh (Valkha) worship of the Mothers in a temple of those deities established by an ofciant of supatac arya the Atimarga, the Pa Bhagavat Lokodadhi.28 aktism In the light of this evidence that S was extensively incorporated into and developed within Saivism it should not be surprising to discover that in spite of the prevalence of the worship of the Goddess in early medieval India kings identied in inscriptions as devotees of the Goddess (bhagavat bhaktah . ) rather than Siva are very rare. At present I am aware only of Nagabhat . a, Bhoja, and I in the ninth century among the Gurjara-Prat his successor Mah pala haras of Kanyakubja.29 Royal devotion to a goddess, typically as a dynastys lineage deity (kuladev , vam adev , gotradev ), was very common during our period, and such deities are .s often declared in inscriptions to be the source of a kings sovereignty and martial might.30 But this was not sufcient to mark out kings who worshipped such aktas. goddesses as S For such worship was common regardless of a kings reli-

25

26 27

28

29

30

be repudiated (p. 75). The Gupta type, in one subtype or another, was popular from the 5th century to the 8th. The Skandapuran . a-Ambikakhan in the sense that .d . a is not a text of the Atimarga . a its target it was written for initiates in one of its systems. For since it is a Puran supata audience is the uninitiated laity. However, the Saivism that it draws on is Pa rather than Mantramargic. This Atimargic background is conspicuous throughout the text; but see particularly Adhyayas 174183. Hypothesis rst proposed in S ANDERSON 1988, p. 667. See, e.g., the Tirod plates of Pravarasena II, r. c. 400c. 450, CII 5:11, ll. 36: . atyantasvamimah abhairavabhaktasya . . . mahar aja sr rudrasenasya. The same formula appears in all the other surviving copper-plates of this king that are complete at this point (CII 5:1, 4, 67, 10, 1314, 18). For these approximate regnal dates of Rudrasena I I am following B AKKER 1997, p. 169. R AMESH and T EWARI 1990:10, ll. 26: bhagavallokodadhipa supatac aryapratis tha .. pitakapinchik anakagr amam at . rsthanadevakulasya pinchik anakam eva gramam . saha bhadradattavat . akagramav at . akacchena devagr ah aram at r . ] balicaru.n . a[m sattradhupagandhapus aya .... . pamalyopayojyabhog EI 14:13, ll. 6, 7, 78: param bhagavat bhakto mahar aja sr nagabhat . adevas . . . param bhagavat bhakto mahar aja sr bhojadevas . . . param bhagavat bhakto mahar aja sr mahendrapaladevas ... For some examples see S ANDERSON 2007b, pp. 288290.

52

The Saiva Age

gious afliation, and it was in any case inconstant, coming to the fore only on cer tain occasions, particularly during the autumnal Navaratra festival that inaugurates the season of military activity, when they and associated goddesses received large-scale animal sacrices;31 and when this cult was particularly emphasized through the forging of connections with a higher domain of non-periodic, exclu sive devotion, then this domain was that of the esoteric goddesses of the Saiva 32 t Vidyap . ha. T HE E TIOLATION
AND

S UBSUMPTION

OF THE

C ULT

OF THE

S UN -G OD

As for the cult of the Sun, kings who have been declared in inscriptions to be devotees of this god (paramasaurah . , paramadityabhaktah . , and the like) are also few and they are mostly conned to the sixth and seventh cen of Padmakhol turies. We have Dharmaraja in the Ganjam District of Orissa, Dharapat , Rajyavardhana, Adityavardhana, and .t . a, the Maitraka of Valabh Prabhakaravardhana, the three successive predecessors of King Hars . a of Kanyakubja, in the sixth century, and from c. 570 to c. 665 the Gurjara feuda31

32

On Navaratra see S ANDERSON 2005a, p. 371 (fn. 64); 2005b, pp. 255257; 2007b, pp. 263277 and 294 (fn. 196). For an example of the scale of such annual sacrices see p. 247 below. In general we may say that the Saivism of the Mantramarga holds itself aloof from the domain of calendrical religion, seeing the recurrent festivals of that domain as commemorations of mythic events and therefore as operating on a level of mun . ic religion, dane belief that initiates must transcend. That is the territory of Puran which guarantees various rewards but not the liberation or supernatural effects and powers promised to observant initiates into the Mantramarga. Saiva initiates were merely required to track the Puran . ic calendar by intensifying their own regular cult on days when uninitiated devotees were celebrating Sivas or the Goddess activities in the domain of myth-based devotion; see, e.g., Tantralokaviveka on 28.6d7b. Nonetheless, we see a distinct tendency for the Mantramarga to seep downwards akta . ic rituals into this domain providing Saiva or S Saiva versions of the Puran akta that mark such major annual festivals as Sivaratri and Navaratra. AS Saiva procedure for the celebration of Sivaratri was current in Kashmir, as can be seen anaka from the prescriptions set out in the Nityadisam Taks . graha of Raj . akavarta (ff. 71v72v15) from the lost Dutid . amara and in the 31st chapter of the Haracar anaka itacintaman Jayadratha in the thirteenth century, drawing on this . i of Raj and the Anantabhaskara . The same can be seen in various regions in the case of the Navaratra, also known as the Durgotsava. Among the Newars of the Kathmandu valley, the goddess is worshipped in this festival in a Tantric form as Ugracan .d .a akta in Paddhatis that incorporate her among such Mantramargic S deities as see the Newari Navaratrap Siddhilaks and Kubjika; uj avidhi manuscripts A and . m B in the bibliography. For her Tantric worship in this context in the tradition of the Paippaladin Atharvavedins of Orissa see S ANDERSON 2007b, pp. 263276. In Bengal, where Navaratra was and is much emphasized, we see a Smarta procedure but one that has been strongly Tantricized in the Durgap uj aprayogatattva section of the Durgap uj atattva of Raghunandana in the 16th century.

53

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

tories of Bharukaccha (Broach). This is explicitly stated in the case of Dadda I (r. c. 570595), and Dadda II (r. c. 620645); and it is probable in the case of Jayabhat . a II (r. c. 645665), since it is very likely that the temple of the Sun-god in the Broach District was founded by him with Jayaditya at Kot . ipura near Kav his name (Jaya-). It is also probable in the case of Jayabhat . a I (r. c. 595620), since this was the religion not only of his predecessor and successor but also of his brother Ran . agraha. After Jayabhat . a II the next three kings of this dynasty, Dadda III (c. 665690), Jayabhat . a III (c. 690715), and Ahirola (c. 715 720), turned to Saivism, declaring themselves paramamahe svarah . . In the ninth century we have royal devotees of the Sun in Ramabhadra, the immediate prede Bhojadeva I of Kanyakubja, and Vinayakap cessor of the Gurjara-Prat hara ala, the latters grandson, and, in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, in the Sena kings of Bengal Laks svarupasena, though the former . asena and Vi . man also appears in his inscriptions as a Vais . ava (paramavais .n .n . avah . ) and, more 33 specically, as a devotee of Narasim . ha (paramanarasim . hah . ). It appears that the Sauras, the initiated devotees of the Sun-god, possessed their own canon of scriptures, known, like those of the Saivas and the Vais . ava .n A list of eighty-ve such texts is given followers of the Pancar atra, as Sam . hitas. ncar in an account of brahmanical, Pa atrika (Vais . ava), Saura, and Saiva scrip.n kanth tural authorities, contained in the Saiva scripture Sr . No man. . yasam . hita uscript of this text, which was known to Ks emar aja ( . c. 10001050) and prob. ably to Abhinavagupta (. c. 9751025), has come down to us; but I have located its long section dealing with the canons of scripture in the Nityadisam . graha of anaka Raj Taks . akavarta, a Kashmirian digest of scriptural passages bearing on the duties of initiated Saivas, compiled at some time after the eleventh century.34
33

34

EI 28:16: sahasrara smipadabhakto (Dharmaraja); EI 31:39B, l. 8: paramaditya bhaktah .t . a); EI 4:29, ll. 13: paramadityabhaktah . (Dharapat . (the predecessors of Hars apan ta ses . a); CII 4i:16, l. 4: dinakaracaran . akamalapran . am . aduritanivaha(Dadda I); ibid., l. 52: dinakaracaran arcanaratasya (Dadda II); CII 4i:18, l. 9: di. nakarakiran (Ran svarah . agraha); CII 4i:21, l. 13: paramamahe . abhyarcanaratasya . (Dadda III); ibid., ll. 1617: paramamahe svarah . (Jayabhat . a III); CII 4i:24, ll. 2011: paramamahe svarah (Ramabhadra); EI . (Ahirola); EI 5:24, l. 5: paramadityabhakto 14:13, l. 6: paramadityabhakto (Vinayakap ala); S IRCAR 1983a:27, ll. 3538: para masaurah svarupasena); EI 12:3, ll. 2325: pa. asena); paramasaura (Vi . man . (Laks ramavais . asena); and S IRCAR 1983a:26, ll. 3233: -paramanarasi. man .n . ava- (Laks m at Kot . asena). For the attribution of the temple of Jayaditya . man . ipura . ha- (Laks to Jayabhat . a II see M IRASHI, CII 4i, p. liv. in the Nityadisam The list of the Saura Sam . hitas . graha is to be found on ff. 4v115r6 of the codex unicus. A lightly edited transcript of the whole excerpt on the scriptural canons has been published as it appears in an apograph contained among the Stein manuscripts of Oxfords Bodleian Library by Jurgen H ANNEDER (1998, pp. 237 268). The verses on the Saura canon are 7488 in his edition. On the date of the compilation of the Nityadisam . graha see S ANDERSON 2007a, p. 422.

54

The Saiva Age

Unfortunately, no manuscript of any one of these Saura scriptures has surfaced; and the decline of Saurism as a distinct tradition, of which this is the consequence and evidence, is probably to be attributed, at least in part, to a failure to continue to attract patronage and so maintain its separate identity as Saivism became more inuential and encroached upon its territory. Thus a Saurasam of our period sets out the procedure for the worship . hita of the Sun and no doubt drew on the Saura tradition.35 But it assigns itself to the canon of the Saiva scripture Vathula /Kalottara ,36 a text on which it silently draws, gives a Saiva account of the place of the Sun in the birth of the uni verse, deriving it through emergence from Siva expressed in a phrase found 37 elsewhere in the Saiva scriptures, and insists that Siva and the Sun are in 38 essence a single deity. Moreover, the worship of the Sun taught in this text was included by the Saiddhantika Saivas as a compulsory preliminary (angam ) of the regular worship of Siva himself, appearing rst in the sources known aj adhir Bhojadeva of Dhar a to me in the Siddhantas arapaddhati of Mahar aja 39 (r. c. 10181060) and then soon afterwards, in dependence on that text, in the
35

36

37

38

39

A critical edition of this text is being prepared for publication by Dr. Divakar Acharya. I am very grateful to him for sending me drafts of this edition. The text survives in a Nepalese palm-leaf manuscript with a scribal date that falls in A . D. 949 (NAK MS 1/1231, NGMPP A1161/6). Saurasam 1.5: nokta purvam vatsa gopita saurasam | tantre tu . hita . tu ya . hita vathule sa tu rahasyam sita . Final colophon: iti vathule kriyap ade saura. na praka sam am . .... . hitay Saurasam 1.1012: adr tavigrahac chant ac chivat paramakaran . at | .s . hita .. kriya saktir vinis a paratejasamanvita 11 ak a se tu yada hy ulka . krant sr tihetor adhomukh | tasya tejasamayog ad utpannam . am 12 .s .. . tejarupin adityaman vahnih yatha | s aktitejasamayog ad bhanuh . . isam . yogad . sam . jayate sam bhavit a tath a . 10ab = Paus karap arame s vara (as quoted by Bhat t a R amakan .t .. . ha . . kanth at Matangap arame svaravr ada , p. 19, ll. 5-6) and Sr yasam hit a . tti, Vidyap .. . (ed. in H ANNEDER 1998, p. 240, v. 1). Saurasam 1.15: adityam ivam chivam adityam eva ca | nan atvam . hita . tu s . vindyac . yas tu gaccheta yatnenapi na sidhyati. . HR Siddhantas arapaddhati , MS A, f. 3v54v2, MS B, f. 4v66r2: OM IM . HR AM . SAH suddhih karan . iti suryamantren . tadeha . tasakal . a kr . kr . am arghapatram . kr pus a sury aya mulamantren . tva . padikam . sam . proks . ya raktacandanadin . argham . AYA dattva suryam p ujayet | tatra gan apatigurup uj anantaram OM AM PRABH UT . . . . . NAMAH . thamadhye, OM NAMAH am . , OM . iti p . AM . VIMAL AYA . ity agneyy . AM . AYA ADHY S AR NAMAH . , OM AYA NAMAH am ., . iti nairr . tyam . AM . AR . iti vayavy OM NAMAH sany am . , OM NAMAH . AM . PARAMASUKH AYA . ity ai . AM . PADM AYA . iti punar madhye, OM R AM D I PT AYAI NAMAH p urvadale, OM R I M S UKS M AYAI . . . . . . . BHADR AYAI NAMAH NAMAH . agnau, OM . RUM . JAY AYAI . daks . R UM . in . e, OM NAMAH NAMAH . e, OM . nairr . REM . VIBH UTYAI . varun . RAIM . VIMAL AYAI . te, OM NAMAH v ayavye, OM ROM AMOGH AYAI NAMAH saumye, OM RAUM VIDYUT AYAI . . . . . . NAMAH s ane, OM R AM SARVATOMUKH AYAI NAMAH karn ik ay am sam p . . . . . . . ujya visphuram . mudram . pradar sya raktavarn . avartulatejobimbamadhyastham . raktavasasam vetapadmopari sthitam . itam ekavaktram . s . sarvabharan . abhus .

55

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

Soma sambhupaddhati, composed towards the end of the eleventh century.40 The Sambapur an . a, which teaches the worship of the Sun-god, is also a product, at least in its later portions, of a Saiva environment.41 Traces of some form of the vanished tradition of the Sauras may have sur akta akta vived in the S Saiva literature. For Kashmirian sources know of a S cult whose deity was the Sun under the name V ra or V re svara accompanied citing as its scripture the Kaula Bharga by the goddess Bharga sikha, sikha , also called Saurabharga sikha , a work for knowledge of whose content we now have only a few comments in the Kashmirian literature and a few verses quoted in the same, one of which has also been quoted by the east-Indian Buddhist Ramap ala in his Sekanirde sapanjik a , a fact that demonstrates that this was not a merely a local, Kashmirian tradition.42 The probability that this cult reects a nondvibhujam vetapankajap an . im . s . sarvalaks . an . asam . pannam . sam . cintya pus . pair . HR AYA anjalim ap urya OM HR AM IM NAMAH . HAM . KHAM . KHAS . SAH . S URY . . OLK AYA ity av ahanamudray a samav ahya sthapany a sam sam <pa>nya . sthapya . nidha sam nis thuraya nirodhyarghap ady acaman yani khas dattva . nidhapya .. . olkina angena mulamantren ngam . suryam padma. a sa . gandhapus . padibhih . sam . pujya mudram . bimbamudram . ca pradar syagneyy am . OM NAMAH . AM . HR ., . DAY AYA ai sany am . OM ARK AYA S IRASE SV AH A , nairr ty am OM BH UR BHUVAH SVAR * OM . . . . . . IKH AYAI . KAVAC AYA (em. : E B : AIH IS VAUS am . OM . A) JV ALIN . , vayavy . H UM . AT . , OM H UM AYA VAS adicaturs . BH ANUNETR . madhye, purv . RAH . . AT . u digdales . u OM ASTR AYA PHAT ity a ng ani sam hr nam . dhenum . . . dayad .s . pujya . netrasya govr . am trasan m astrasya ca pradar sya OM NAMAH agre, OM . SAM . SOM AYA . purvadal . BUM NAMAH scime, OM . BUDH AYA . daks . BR . BR . pa . .M . HASPATAYE NAMAH . in . e, OM . BH ARGAV AR AYA BH AM AYA NAMAH NAMAH OM . uttare, OM . AM . A NG . agneye, . AM ANAI S CAR AYA . R AHAVE S NAMAH OM NAMAH . S . nairr . R AM . vayavye, . tyam, OM s any am iti grahan sam namaskaramudray a . KEM . KETAVE NAMAH . . pujya prarocya gandhapus padhupanaivedy adi khas dattva padmamudram . . pad . olkina bimbamudram . ca pradar sya ks mantrasamuham upasam . tya . amasvety uccarya . hr sam h aramudray a dv ada s antasthitas ury aya hr tsthit aya v a niyojayet. ity anena . . CAN vidhina visarjya nirmalyam arghapatrodakam sany am . TEJA S . AYA .D . ca ai NAMAH uj avidhih . | iti suryap . . For some detailed evidence of the dependence of the Soma sambhupaddhati on the Siddhantas arapaddhati see S ANDERSON 2005a, p. 360 (fn. 28). Soma sambhupaddhati, Pt. I, pp. 6889. H AZRA 1958, pp. 29108; VON S TIETENCRON 1966, pp. 227ff. See Abhinavagupta, Malin s lokavartika 1.161162b (160c161b: yavat tavad tad urdhvordhvam sroto yad bhedavarjitam saurabharga s ikh ad ni tatah . . s astr an . i tenire); Tantraloka 4.255 and 15.280; 32.62: v rabhairavasam . jneyam . khecar bodhavardhin | as tadhettham varn s r bhargas .. taka sikhakule ; .. . . ita Ks Sambapa nc a sikat . ka on brahma prathamam atanu in v. 10a: . emaraja, prathamam ad av atanu a sar ram r bharga sikhadis .. tan tya akarapar amar satma . s v re svarakhyam aktam and on . had br .m . hakam . ca param . s . dhama . brahma br v. 21: s r bharga sikhay am api nais s abdo na caivayam . kalatmakah . a varn . o na va . | kevalah v ro nityodito ravih eti na codeti na s anto na . paramanando . nastam vikarav an | sarvabhut antaracaro bhanur bharga iti smr . ta iti; Svacchandod dyota, vol. 4 (Pat ala, Sekanirde sapanjik a , . ala 9), p. 55, ll. 1516; and Ramap f. 10v23: tad uktam sikhay am . s akteye tantre na san na casat sadasan . bharga

40 41 42

56

The Saiva Age

Saiva tradition otherwise lost to us is made somewhat greater by the fact that are applied in Kashmirian sources, both the names V re svara and Bharga sikha an .d Saiva and Smarta, to the Sun-god and his consort at Mart rtha (modern . at Mat an), where King Lalit aditya built his majestic temple of the Sun in the mid. 43 eighth century, a site that has been a major pilgrimage site with its own special rites for the dead, the Bharga sraddha and Suryabali, down to modern times.44 However, it is possible that the application of these names merely reects the akta pervasive inuence of S Saiva esotericism in the wider Kashmirian community in later times. kula of the There are also strong elements of a solar esotericism in the Kal Jayadrathayamala and the Krama.45 It is possible that these too may have been
na tan nobhayojjhitam | durvijney a hi savasth a kim apy etad anuttamam (the verse has been silently incorporated by Abhinavagupta as Tantraloka 2.28 [with anuttaram not anuttamam]): Jayaratha identies this as a quotation from the Bharga sikha in his commentary: s r bharga sikham . sam (-viveka, vol. 1, . vadayati Ahnika 2, p. 22). Rajatara ngin 4.192; Krishna D EVA in EITA, vol. 2, part 1, pp. 36366; plates 710721; AIISPL, Accession numbers 2073820789 and 6000360051. The Mart an .d atmya , the praise-text of this site, refers to Surya here as V re svara . amah (Bhr s asam , p. 15: es re svaro devah . am; p. 63: . ng . hita . a v . parah . paramakaran the v re saya namas tubhyam ; p. 66: namo v r adhiv re s a ) and makes Bharga sikha . Bh Bhasvat rst of his Saktis (ibid., p. 12, listing Bharga sikha, ma, and Bhanav ). The Sun is also invoked as V re svara in the worship of the Grahas that occurs among the preliminaries in Saiva rituals in Kashmir; see Kalad ks B . apaddhati . f. 4v910: tadbahir grahah . . tatradau madhye suryah . RAM . AGNAYE OM . HR AM . OM VAR AYA . HR HR IM I RE S NAMAH IM I RALAKS . SAH . V . OM . HR AM . SAH . V . . The . MYAI NAMAH . HR B jas HR AM IM SAH are S uryas. His consort is invoked as V ralaks m here rather . . . because in the context of the ritual the pair are superimposed than as Bharga sikha on the principal deities Amr svara[bhairava] and his consort Amr . . te . talaks . m For the Paddhati of these rituals see Karmakan .d a , vol. 4, pp. 140205. Here too . the Sun is invoked as V ra/V re svara (p. 196): v ra v re sa deve sa namas te stu tridhatmaka | maham artan .... .d . a varada sarvabhayavaraprada See, e.g, Jayadrathayamala 4.4.817: sa ravir bhasur adh aras tadadh ar a hi kalik a | s ad are vipul adh ar a s od a s oddyotasannibh a 9 sphuradvamanasa ngr asar avik . . . . sr tikarik a | sa ravir devatak aro ravir eka<s> tadakr . tih pakaloke .s .. . 10 ravih . prad suryamadhy at samutthitah bhasayaty akhilam . | raver antargato bhanur . jagat 11 bhanav kaulin ya sa tatpunjabharitam mahamantr a . jagat | tatrotpanna bhairavas .. tas .. tayonayah 12 na prak a s e na c ak a s e nobhaye nobhayojjhite | . sarvavaran bhaskarah 13 amr . tam . tam . anirmukto sarvago bhati . . pravr . yena racitam | sa ravih ante bhrajate raudrad 14 . ca kulakulam . suryatury . amarah . svasam cibhih . vitparamadityanityoditamar . | bhacakram . bhasitam . yena sa vai kala njaro bhavet; Cincin . matasarasamuccaya , ff. 30v721r4 (7.166172 [Ut kula) section]): 166 ravih taragharamn aya (Kal pakaloke suryamadhy ad . prad vinirgatah bhasayaty akhilam kaulin . | raver antargato bhanur . jagat 167 bhanav ya sa tatpunjabharitam mahamantr a bhairavas .. tas .. tayonayah . jagat | tatrotpanna . 168 ravibhanumay dev kaule s kulagahvar | ks ame tu . obhanandavir pa syate kulasam 169 mahavyom arn . ave s aive bhanav kun . tatim .d . amadhyatah . | tatra pral nah . sarve te bhairavas .. tas .. tayonayah 170 bhanav kun . .d . amadhye

43

44

45

57

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

constructed on the basis of Saura notions. But it is also possible that they are an independent development internal to Saivism. In the absence of properly Saura literature it is impossible to be sure. The cult of the Sun-god, then, appears to have survived in India after the . ic reexes or subordinated in rise of the Saivism only in heavily Saivized Puran a Saivized form within the Saiddhantika cult of Siva, and, perhaps, in some ele ments within the Sakta Saiva tradition. Only in the Majapahit kingdom of East Java do we hear of the survival of adherents of a distinct Saura denomination. There a royal charter of c. 1350 tells us that a board of six learned men appointed to adjudicate law suits included two adherents of this tradition.46 VAIS ATRA .N . AVISM AND THE R ISE OF THE T ANTRIC PA NCAR F OLLOWING S AIVA M ODELS

T HE D ECLINE

OF

Royal preference for Vais . avism, expressed in inscriptions by the epithets .n atyantabhagavadbhaktah . , paramabhagavatah . , or paramavais .n . avah . , all meaning entirely devoted to Vis . u, is mostly conned to the period from the fourth .n century to the seventh. The Bhagavata faith was adopted and promoted by the Guptas from the rst half of the fourth century through to the end of the fth,47 and it was probably under their inuence that it gained a foothold in at . aka rulers of Nandivardhana in eastthe fth century among the Saiva Vak ern Vidarbha, through the marriage in the last decade of the fourth century of at . aka Rudrasena II to Prabhavat the daughter of the paramathe Vak gupta,
48 bhagavatah . Gupta emperor Candragupta II (c. 380474). Gupta inuence may also explain the appearance of the Bhagavata faith at the end of the fourth cen-

46 47

48

tu layacakram ne svasvabhav akhye tatsvabhavodayam . svabhavatah . | vil . tatah . 171 bhav abh avadvayott rn ya virauty a sar rin | sa cida nih a .a . . svabhavasth sury akul a kr s odar 172 tatsvar upoditam cakram cidbh anvarkagatisthitam | . . . pratibimbam ivabh ati vi svagrasaikalampat kulakramasadbhava 2.37cd: . am; Kal bhaskarair dvida sair yukta s ikha bhargasya cottama ; Eraka, Kramastotra, quoted in Tantralokaviveka on 4.165c167: astoditadvada sabhanubh aji yasyam . gata bharga sikha s ikheva | pra santadh amni dyutina sam eti tam . naumy anantam . kula see S ANDERSON paramarkak al m. On the literature of the Kashmirian Kal 2007a, pp. 250370. See here p. 120. CII 3:8, ll. 12: paramabhagavatamah ar aj adhir aja sr kumaragupta -; ll. 2023: paramabhagavato mahar aj adhir aja sr candraguptas tasya puttras tatpad anu ddhyato mahadevy am . dhruvadevyam utpannah mahar aj adhi . paramabhagavato raja sr kumaraguptas tasya puttras tatpad anuddhy atah . paramabhagavato maha raj adhir aja sr skandaguptah . . at . akas of Nandivardhana and the inuOn Saivism and Vais . avism among the Vak .n on the religion of this dynasty see B AKKER ence of the Vais gupta . ava Prabhavat .n 1997.

58

The Saiva Age

ala nk ayana pura in Andhra. The earlier kings of tury among the S kings of Veng this dynasty were devotees of Siva in keeping with the norm in this region. But Nandivarman II, a younger contemporary of Candragupta II, is styled parama49 50 . haras of Kalinga, bhagavatah the . ava kings are the Mat .n . . Other early Vais 51 . akas of Nasik, . a, and Lat . a, the Sarabhapur Traikut Konkan yas of Daks . a Ko. in ajas ar ajya sala,52 and the Parivrajaka Mahar of D (D in the fth and . abhal . ahala) sixth centuries,53 perhaps the early Maukharis of Kanyakubja before the reign of sanavarman I (c. 55076),54 the Nalas of western Orissa (c. 450+700),55 the early api (Bad am ) in the sixth and early seventh century,56 and the Calukyas of Vat 57 nc up to and including Sim early Pallavas of Ka . havis . u II (c. 550610). After .n 58 Pulake sin II and Sim and Pallavas were Saivas, as . havis . u both the Calukyas .n
49

50

51

52 53 54

55

56

57

58

E1 42:11, ll. 79: bhagavaccitra<rathasvamya >nuddhyato . . . paramabhagavata s s ala nk ayanavam aprabhavo vijayavarmma . For this hypothesis of Gupta inu.s ence, which rests on slenderer evidence than that of Gupta inuence on the at . akas, see S. S ANKARANARAYANAN in EI 42:11, p. 92. Vak T RIPATHY 1997:2: bhagavatsvamin ar ayan . apad anudhy atah . ; 3: nar ayan . asvaminah . padabhaktah . paramadaivata<h . >. M IRASHI, CII 4i, p. xliv; CII 4i:8, ll. 12: bhagavatpadakarmmakaro . . . mahar aja dahrasena<h aja . >; CII 4i:9, ll. 12, 78: bhagavatpadakarmmakarah . . . . mahar vyaghrasena <h . >. EI 31:35, ll. 12; EI 22:6, ll. 34; EI 31:18, l. 3. EI 8:28. svaravarman, we know that Of his predecessors Harivarman, Adityavarman, and I the second at least was paramabhagavatah .. . h inscription of the Nala Skandavarman, fth century) and EI EI 21:24 (Pod . agad 26:3 (Rajim stome inscription of the Nala Vilasatu nga, c. 700); S INGH 1994, pp. 89 90. api. K rtivarman I (r. 566597) completed the Vis His suc. u cave-temple at Vat .n vara-Ran cessor Mangal s avikr anta (r. 597608) is styled paramabh agavatah . . in an inscription in the Vais n ava cave 3 at B ad am recording the completion of the tem. . ple, the installation of the Vis . u, and the granting of a village (F LEET in B URGESS .n 1877, p. 363, ll. 510; and F LEET 1881 [lithograph]): s r mangal s vararan . avikrantah . . . . paramabhagavato *layanam (corr. F LEET : layano Ep.) mah avis n ugr . . . . ham . . . kr . . . . On the Vais before Vikramaditya I (654 . tva . avism of the early Calukyas .n c. 681) see B OLON 1979, pp. 254256. Carudev , wife of Buddhavarman son of Skandavarman I (c. 330350) (M AHA ayan . a); Sim LINGAM 1988:4, ll. 79: gift of land to a temple of Nar . havarman II, c. 436 477 (M AHALINGAM 1988:8, ll. 1517: paramabhagavatah . ); Yu Vis varaja . ugopa, mid-fth century (M AHALINGAM 1988:6: ll. 917; M AHALINGAM .n 1988:7, ll. 1821: paramabhagavatah . ); Nandivarman I, c. 495520 (M AHALINGAM 1988:10, ll. 910: paramabhagavatah .u .n . ); Buddhavarman, father of Kumaravis III (M AHALINGAM 1988:11, ll. 67: bhagavadbhaktisambhavitasarvakaly an . asya); Kumaravis . u III c. 520 540 (M AHALINGAM 1988:11, ll. 1214: paramabhagava.n tah . havarman III c. 540 550 (M AHALINGAM 1988:12, ll. 1418: paramabha. ); Sim gavatah ); Sim havis n u c. 550 610 (M AHALINGAM 1988:76: bhakty ar adhitavis n uh . . .. .. . sim . havis .n . uh . ). For the Saivism of Calukya Pulake sin IIs successors Vikramaditya I (654c. 681), Vinayaditya I (681696), Vijayaditya (696733), Vikramaditya II (733744), and

59

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

were the later Maukharis.59 After the seventh century royal Vais . navism is sporadic, with the prominent exception of the Karkot as of Kashmir ( c. 625855/6). The conclusion that this . dynasty was Vais . ava is not derived from our study of inscriptions, because .n extremely few have survived the centuries of Islamic rule in Kashmir, which began in 1339 and ended in 1819. It rests primarily on the testimony of the Rajatara ngin . of the Kashmirian historian Kalhan . a, who did have access to, and did utilize, the local epigraphic record of religious foundations and dynastic history.60 From this work we can see that when a king of this dynasty established and enshrined a deity, generally with his own name (svanamn a ), it was always a Vis n u (-sv amin, -ke s ava), though sometimes images of the .. Sun-god or the Buddha were enshrined in addition. These royal Vis . us are .n the Durlabhasvamin (4.6) of Durlabhavardhana (r. c. 626662), the Tribhu d vanasvamin (4.78) of Candrap (4.188) of . a (r. c. 712-720/1), the Muktasvamin d Lalitaditya-Mukt ap a (725-761/2), his silver Parih asake s ava at his new town . sava (4.196, 201), and a Vis Parihasapura (4.195, 202), his golden Muktake .u .n d at his new town Darpitapura (4.183), the Vipulake sava (4.484) of Jayap . a (r. c. 773/4-804/5), and his Caturatmake sava and Ananta sayana Vis n u at his new .. town Jayapura (4.508), the Amr sava established after his death by his . take to secure the rescue from hell that the sins of his later mother Amr . taprabha life had made his certain destiny (4.659), and the Vis . us established by each of .n the ve uncles of Cippat ajay ap d a, who ran the country for thirty-seven years . . d during the reign of the puppet king Ajitap . a (r. c. 813/4850/1): Utpalasvamin
K rtivarman II (744c. 753/757) and their construction of the Siva temples at Pat .t . adakal and Alampur see EI 32:21, ARE 159 of 195960, EI 35:16 and 3:1; and the excellent overview in D AGENS 1984, vol. 1, pp. 2024. sanavarman, On the Saiva afliation of the Maukharis I Sarvavarman, and Avantivarman see B AKKER and I SAACSON 2004, pp. 3233; T HAPLYAL 1985: B 2, ll. 19 20; B 3, ll. 78; B 5, ll. 78. Another lineage that may have been Vais . ava up .n to the early seventh century before turning to Saivism is that of the Varmans of Pragjyotis of that line was paramabhagavatah . a. Bhutivarman . according to his a rock inscription of 553/4 (EI 27:5, ll. 12): s Bad r paramadaivataparama. agang bhagavatamah ar aj adhir aj a svamedhajajin[ am .] s r bhutivarmadevap ad an am . . But his great-great-grandson, Bhaskaravarman (r. c. 60050), has been described in copper-plate inscription as having revived Saivism; his Dub see S IRCAR 1983a:1, ll. 109110): laks m h ks bavil asa[n ta]vidhin a sam skr kr bhuyo yena ma. ta . . . . . tya ca sv he svara srayanayah sph ayiprat ap arcis a . . . Rajatara ngin . 1.15: dr tai s ca purvabh ubhartr tha*v astu sasanaih .s . pratis .. .. . (conj. : vastu sasanaih sastipat taih astrai s ca s anto ses . Ed.) | pra .. . s . abhramaklamah . I have removed all the troublesome errors [of my predecessors] by consulting in person the charters that record the [temples and other] edices founded and consecrated (-pratis thav astu ) by the kings of the past, [their] panegyric donative .. inscriptions, and works of scholarship.

59

60

60

The Saiva Age

. asvamin (4.695ab), Padmasvamin (4.695cd), Dharmasvamin (4.697ab), Kalyan (6.697cd), and Mammasvamin (4.698699). Kalhan . a reports only one Saiva foundation by a king of this dynasty, and this is a special case. For it was not the creation of a new Siva with the kings name, but merely the building by Lalitaditya of a new stone temple to house the ancient svara (4.190) in the context of offerSiva Jyes t he s vara at the site of Siva Bh ute .. ings to clear his debt to the latter incurred when he had appropriated the wealth of this temple to nance his military campaigns (4.189). Devotion to Vis . u was .n also the preference of Avantivarman (r. 855/6883), the rst king of the next dy nasty, and in keeping with his personal faith he installed an Avantisvamin before his consecration. But thereafter he showed himself a Saiva in unison with the ura, vara and makfaith of his powerful minister S establishing a Siva Avant s ura ing donations to the Sivas of the national Siva-temples, confessing to S his 61 long-hidden devotion to Vis . u only at deaths door (5.43, 123125). .n Vais . avism gained ground again only towards the end of our period, and in .n subsequent centuries.62 Before that happened, while it remained in the shadow of Saivism, it gave rise to a new literature of scriptural texts known collectively as the Pancar atra, that was probably composed in and around Kashmir. A form of Vais arata .63 . avism bearing this name is already mentioned in the Mahabh .n It is very probable, therefore, that it was in existence well before the Saiva Mantramarga. However, there is no evidence that this early Pancar atra had of the sura Tantric ritual system of the kind that characterizes the Sam . hitas ncar viving corpus of Pa atrika scripture. It is highly probable in my view that those texts are rather the product of a thorough reformation in which Vais . avas .n followed the example of the already ourishing Saiva Mantramarga in order to provide themselves with a substantially new ritual system that would enable them to compete more effectively with their rivals. 64
61

62

63 64

vara temples, both For the remains of Avantivarmans Avantisvamin and Avant s built at Avantipura, see Krishna D EVA in EITA vol. 2, pt. 1, pp. 368373; plates 734738 and 740757. Vais belles-lettres, . avas who left their mark in the domains of the major Sastras, .n and literary theory are few during our centuries. The shift in the fortunes of Vais . avism is marked by the emergence of such inuential religious leaders as .n anuja Ram (d. 1137), Madhva (probably 12381317), Nimbarka (thirteenth cen tury), Vis (thirteenth century?), Vallabha, and Caitanya (both late f. usvamin .n teenth century). For an excellent survey of the history of these Vais . ava traditions .n see C OLAS 2003. Mahabh arata 12.322.24; 12. 326.100; 12.360.76;12.337.1; 12.370.59, 63, and 67. It was this tradition that was subsequently adapted in South India as the basis of svarasam texts such as the I , Padmasam , and Parame svarasam , whose . hita . hita . hita was to provide scriptural authority for a purpose, absent in the earlier Sam . hitas, ncar Pa atrika system of temple-worship.

61

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

I am led to this conclusion by the convergence of various considerations. Firstly, the ritual system prescribed in the Pancar atra scriptures is remarkably close to that of the Saiva Mantramarga in its repertoire, consisting principally a, Japa of Man ks ), regular worship comprising Nyasa, Puj .d . ala initiation (d .a and Homa, the periodic ritual of pavitraropan . am, special rites of Mantrapropitiation (mantrar adhanam ), and image-installation (pratis tha ); and this .. proximity extends into the minute details of the procedures of these rituals and even to the production of Vais . ava versions of such eminently Saiva rites as the .n vetalas adhanam .65 Secondly, I see no evidence that any of the surviving Pancar atra texts goes back as far the Saiva texts that they so closely resemble. Seven can be shown to be relatively old because they have been cited by authors of the tenth century or have come down to us in early Nepalese palm-leaf manuscripts. These are the Svayambhuvapa ncar atra , the Devamr . trapancar atra , the Vasudevakalpa of the Mahalaks sam , the Jayottara, the Jayakhya , the Satvata , and the . m . hita Paus , and the . kara. Now, of these, three, namely the Jayottara, the Jayakhya Satvata , are very unlikely to have been produced before the ninth century, that is to say, at a time when the Saiva Mantramarga had been ourishing under widespread royal patronage for at least two centuries and had been existence in some form by a time no later than the middle of the sixth and perhaps as early as the middle of the fth. For all three focus on the worship of a form of Vasudeva, a in called Vaikun and Jayottara and Saktyatman or Sakt s .t . ha in the Jayakhya the Satvatasam , in which the principal anthropomorphic face is anked by . hita the faces of Narasim with a fourth face, that of the sage Kapila, . ha and Varaha, at the rear.66 Surviving stone and bronze images of this deity are numerous, but they are three-faced, lacking the face of Kapila at the rear, until the ninth century.67 Thirdly, these early Pancar atra texts show clear signs of having drawn on Saiva sources. This is particularly obvious in the Svayambhuvapa ncar atra , to which we have access in a single, incomplete Nepalese palm-leaf manuscript bearing a date of transcription that falls in A . D. 1026.68 The principal Mantra of
65 66

67 68

A vetalas adhanam is taught in Jayottara 8.2326b. Jayakhyasam 6.73c64 (JS) (=Jayottara 1.20 [J]): dhyayec caturbhujam . hita . *vipra (JS : devam ankhacakragad adharam caturvaktram . J) s . sunayanam . sukantam . inam | vaikun tham . padmapan .. . *narasim . hasyam . (JS : narasim . ham . ca J) var aham ; Satvatasam 12.9, 14c15: s akt s o py atha . kapilananam . hita sam kanibheks upadhara s caiva saumyah . cintyah . pun .d . ar . an . ah . | icchar . prahasitananah tivighatakr sarvabhut ani . t pus . . . . narasim . hena vaktren . a bhavabh .n . ati var ahen . amr . tatman a | kurute pa scimasthena kapilenopasam hr tim . . . See S ANDERSON 2005b, pp. 283284, drawing on S IUDMAK 1994. Svayambhuvapa ncar atra , exposure 11b3: samvat 147 as . ad . ha sukla ekada syam .

62

The Saiva Age

this text, which may well be the oldest of the seven, is the well-known Vais . ava .n saks . ara OM Dvada NAMO BHAGAVATE V ASUDEV AYA NAMAH . But the principal . . among its ancillary Mantras are ve that it calls the Brahmas. These are mani festly adapted from the venerable Saiva Mantras of that name.69

69

s ukradine +++ naks . atre *likhitam (corr. : liks . atam Cod.) iti Copied on Friday, un ad der the asterism +++, on the eleventh Tithi of the bright half of the month As . . ha in the [expired] year 147. That the unstated era of this date is the Newari, which began on 20 October, 879, is conrmed by palaeographical comparison with other Nepalese manuscripts of the early eleventh century. I am very grateful to Dr. Diwakar Acharya for providing me with a digital copy of this manuscript and his own transcription, and also for the information that a second manusript of this text photographed by the NGMPP (B 237/16) is merely a copy of the rst. The title Svayambhuvapa ncar atra appears nowhere in the surviving folios but is reconstructed here from the analytic equivalent seen in the colophon of the eighth Adhyaya: iti pancar atre *svayambhuve (corr. : svayam tamo . bhuve Cod.) as .. <>dhyaya <h colophons refer to the work simply . >. The other surviving Adhyaya as pancar atram or pancar atram n anam . The meaning is the Pancar atra . mahaj of the Self-born, i.e. the Pancar atra taught to Brahma. The text is indeed The instructor is instruction given in response to questions posed by Brahma. svara. Exposure 3a12 (the beginning): OM Siva/ I AYA . NAMO BHAGAVATE V ASUDEV . . . pran namasahasren vacanam . ipatya haram . deva<m . > . . . stutva . a brahma abrav t; exposure 4a23: *brahman rutva . o vacanam . (em. : brahmacanam . Cod.) s s vara<h > *pratyabh as ata (em. : pratyubh as yate Cod.) | s r n u brahma < n > prayat.. . . . nena vis uttamam | pancar atramah aj n anam sa[stres .n . o<h . > sthapanam . sarva . u] cottamam. The Devamr . tapancar atra , which is closely related textually to the Svayambhuvapa ncar atra and is probably dependent on it, survives in a single, undated Nepalese manuscript, probably of the twelfth century. Here too I am indebted to Dr. Diwakar Acharya, who provided me with a transcript that he has prepared. The ve Vais ncar atra , ex. ava Brahmas are as follows (Svayambhuvapa .n posure 10a12): OM NARA YASM AN NAROTTAMA . NAREN . AREN . ARAN .N . ATHA AYA AYA prathamabrahma | OM NAMO Y AN DHARM AYA NAMAH . YAJ N . * PUN . Y AYA (corr. : PUNY AYA Cod.) NAMAH | VRAT AYA NAMAH | NIYAM AYA NAMAH . . . | ANUS . E NAMAH M ARG ARIN yabrahma | OM * THA K ALEBHYAH . dvit . K ALEBHYO . ANTAREBHYA CA SARVVATA [+ + (corr. : THA K ALABHYA Cod.) K ALAK AL S + + + NA ] MAS TE RUDRARUDREBHYAH ya brahma | OM . tr . t . TATSAM . YOG AYA VIDMAHE HR S I KES AYA * DH I MAHI (corr. : DH I TMAHE Cod.) TAN NO * VIS N . . . . UH caturthabrahma AM . (corr. : VIS | RODHAKA SARVVAVIDY AN .N . U Cod.) PRACODAY AT DEVAD ANAV ADHIPATI MAH APURUS <ma>brahma . The four . A NAMO STU TE panca Brahmas after the rst are evidently modelled on the Saiva Brahmas in the order (1) Vamadeva (V AMADEV AYA NAMO JYES NAMO RUDR AYA NAMAH . H AYA . .T AYA K AL NAMAH KALAVIKARAN AYA NAMO BALAVIKARAN AYA NAMO BALAPRA . . . MATHAN AYA NAMAH AYA NAMO MANONMAN AYA NAMAH . SARVABH UTADAMAN . ), (2) CA SARVATAH Aghora (AGHOREBHYO THA GHOREBHYO GHORAGHORATAREBHYA S . ARVA SARVEBHYO NAMAS TE RUDRAR UPEBHYAH S ), (3) Tatpurus a . . AYA . (TATPURUS sana ), and (4) I VIDMAHE MAH ADEV AYA DH I MAHI TAN NO RUDRAH . PRACODAY AT ANAH AM VARAH AN AM . BRAHMAN ( IS IS . SARVAVIDY AN . SARVABH UT . O DHIPATIR S IVO ME STU SAD A S IVAH BRAHM A . ). The rst Brahma has nothing in common with the remaining Saiva Brahma, that of Sadyojata.

63

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

nc arthika The Saiva prototypes are already found in the Atimarga of the Pa supatas. Indeed they constitute the whole Mantra-system of that tradition. Pa However, it is clear that the Svayambhuvapa ncar atra has drawn them from the later tradition of the Mantramarga, because it goes on to teach the imposition on to the worshippers body of the thirty-eight parts of these Mantras (kalany asah . ), a Mantramargic feature, and under names specic to one Mantramargic tradi70 tion, that of the Svacchandatantra, the principal scripture of the Mantrap t . ha. The Svayambhuvapa ncar atra survives only in this Nepalese manuscript. One might object, therefore, that it may be no more than a local oddity unrep-

resentative of the mainstream tradition. That it is not can be argued, of course, only through evidence that the text was more widely known in the form of references to it, citations from it, or accounts of its contents in other works. This ncar is a difcult test to apply in the case of the early Pa atrika literature, since ncar in stark contrast to the case of the Saiva scriptures, Pa atrika commentarial works in which we could seek such evidence are almost completely absent un vaisnavas of the South, when the range til a much later period among the Sr .. of relevant sources had changed greatly. The only exception is the Spandapra d pika of the Kashmirian Bhagavatotpala, probably of the tenth century.71 But ncar that, though it cites a number of early Pa atrika scriptural sources, does not ncar cite this. However, there is evidence in a Saiva source that this Pa atrika text was known and followed outside Nepal. For I propose that it is identical with the Svayambhupa ncar atra that Soma sambhu cites as his authority in his account of the procedures for the installation of an image of Vis . u in the .n 72 Kriyak an .d , the highly inuential work on the Saiddhantika Saiva . akramaval
70

71

72

Ibid., exposure 10a35: kalany asam . caturthan tu | s r ti vr medha .s . rddhi mati laks .. . m kanti svadha sthita | rajo raks rati paly a kam a tr mati jnay a | avidhi kaya .s .a .n .a tata ca bhraman mohan tatha | + + + + + + + sthah . ks mr . tyu jvarabhaya . . udha | nirviti s ca pratis tha ca | s anti vidya tathaiva ca | tara sutar a taran tarayanti .. . svataran . | as tatrin sa*kalopeta (em. : kalapetah aryah . tah .. . Cod.) ac . *samudahr . (corr. : samudahr . tah . Cod.). Cf., to emend the names, Svacchandatantra 1.5359b (/Svacchandalalitabhairava IFI T. 507, p. 6; NAK MS 1224, f.3v44r1, the latter sana) and Netratantra 22.2634. with different kalah . of I I am aware of no reference to the Spandaprad pika or its author in any dated work. It is not possible, therefore, to x a date before which this work must have been written, at least not a date earlier than that of its manuscripts. However, the fact akta that it quotes extensively from the S Saiva literature current in Kashmir up to svarapratyabhijn and including the I ak arik a of Utpaladeva (. c. 925975) but not from any of the works of Abhinavagupta (. c. 9751025) makes it unlikely that its author wrote after the latter. Verse 4.12ab in B RUNNERs edition (Soma sambhupaddhati, Pt. 4, p. 297) (B), = verse 1668cd in the KSTS edition (Karmakan .d ) (K), and folio . akramaval 71v23 in the Cambridge MS (Kriyak an .d ) (C): svayambhu*pa ncar atre . akramaval (NK : pa ncar atre B) ca sarvam etad ud ritam.

64

The Saiva Age

rituals73 that he composed in the eleventh century, probably in 1073,74 while he held the ofce of abbot in the kingdom of the Kalacuris of Tripur at the illus trious Saiddhantika monastery of Golag (golag mat hah ), in the Rewa District of . . 75 Madhya Pradesh. My conclusion that Soma sambhu was referring to our Svayambhuvapa nca ratra does not rest solely on the synonymity of the titles, both meaning The but also on the fact that the brief but detailed Pancar atra taught to Brahma, account of the ritual that Soma sambhu attributes to the Svayambhupa ncar atra corresponds in its particulars to the coverage of the same topic found in the seventh Adhyaya of the text in our manuscript. I cannot demonstrate this in full detail here. But it should sufce to point out that the system that Soma sambhu attributes to his Svayambhupa ncar atra features an unusual arrangement of three circuits of Mantra-deities that agrees exactly with that of our Svayambhuvapa ncar atra manuscript: nine on a lotus with eight petals (one at the centre and one on each of the petals), twelve in a circle with that lotus at its centre, and eight forming a circuit enclosing the whole. The twelve are the Vis embodying each of the twelve syllables of the root-Mantra . umurtis, .n (mulamantrah . i) held by the . ); the outer eight are the eight weapons (astran presiding deity; and the nine of the innermost circuit (garbhavaran . am) are a set of ancillary Mantras: the Hr . daya at the centre surrounded by the Siras (E), (S), the Kavaca (W), the Astra (N), the Gayatr the Sikh a (SE), the Savitr (NE), the Netra (SW), and the Pingal astra (NW).76 Since this arrangement is highly
73

74

75 76

Of the various Paddhatis on the Saiddhantika rituals that have come down to us Soma sambhus was probably the most inuential. Its impact can be seen in the major later works of this type, such as the Kriyakramadyotik a of Aghora siva, the ana siva, and the Siddhanta Jn anaratn aval of Jn sekhara of Vi svanatha, and in the fact that manuscripts of the text have survived throughout the subcontinent, in Kashmir, Nepal, and the South. There is also the fact that it alone achieved the distinction of being stripped of its human authorship to be passed off as scripture. For it was incorporated almost in its entirety in the Agnipuran . a (S ANDERSON in B RUNNER 1998, p. lix, fn. 81); and much of it was taken over in the late south-Indian Saiddhantika scriptures Cintyavi svasad akhya and Uttarakamika (B RUNNER 1998, p. lviiilix). For a discussion of the date of Soma sambhus Paddhati see S ANDERSON 2007a, pp. 420421, footnote 640. For the name Golag and the location of the monastery see here p. 264. The relevant passage in the Svayambhuvapa ncar atra (exposure 5b35a2) is as follows (with some restorations and emendations following the readings of a closely re lated passage in the eleventh Adhyaya of the Devamr . tapancar atra [D]): *yajanam . (em. D and here, exposure 8a3 : ++ nam *divyam . Cod.) sam . pravaks . yami . (D : devam . Cod.) nar ayan . asya *tu (D : tuh . Cod.) | tribhir avaran . aih . *karyam . (em. : kaya Cod. : kar a D) durlabham . *tu surasuraih . (D : sasurasuram . Cod.) | madhye cakram . *pratis thapyam thay am . Cod. : pratis thapya D) *dvada saram . (corr. [D: .. . (em. : pratis .. .. arai<r> dvada sabhir yutam] : dvada sana Cod. ) su sobhanam | tanmadhye ka-

65

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

unusual, especially in its set of nine ancillaries, it is extremely unlikely that Soma sambhus Svayambhupa ncar atra is not the Svayambhuvapa ncar atra of the Nepalese manuscript. Since Soma sambhu was a major gure and writing far from Nepal for a pan-Indian audience there are no grounds for considering this tradition to be a Nepalese aberration. Furthermore, while the ritual systems taught in the scriptures of the Pancar atra are generally coherent, no less so than those of the Saivas, the texts retain elements that make sense in the Saiva world but not in the Vais . ava; .n
malam proktam .. takasakarn a *sakalo (em. : sakala Cod.) *devo . patras . ikam | sarvatm (corr. : deva Cod.) *divyamal asasamanvitah asan atanah . (conj. : divyamal . Cod.) | s riya madhye tu hr . karen . a tu pujayet | s ira<h *dadyad . dayam . hum . > purvadale daks in e tu s ikh am (D : da + + + + + + + m Cod.) nyaset | pa s cime kavacam *dady ad . . . . . (corr. : dadyav Cod.) astran caivottaren agneyadig*bh age (corr. : bhaga . a tu | gayatry Cod.) savitr m s vare svayam (corr. : netra n Cod.) caiva tu *nairr . . tyam . | *netran (corr. : nairityam . Cod.) pingal astram (corr. : vayavet Cod.) | guhyad . tu *vayave guhyataram guhyam garbh avaran am uttamam | *dvit yam (corr. : dvit y am Cod.) . . . . . . *sampravaks (corr. : sampravaks . Cod.) vis h Cod.) . yami . yamih .n . u*murt . (corr. : murtti prapujayet | dvada sare tatha cakre nyase<d> dvada sa murtayah savam . | *ke . tu are purve om . a (D : ke ++++++++++ ren | dvit yan tu n .a . karen . a Cod.) tu pujayet . akaren *pujya (conj. : jney am . Cod.) nar ayan . an *tatha (corr. : tathah . Cod.) | tr t . yam . madhavam (em. : pujyam . a *mahatman a (D : mahatmanah . *pujya . Cod.) mokaren . Cod.) | bhakar aks . aradevena govindan tu *caturthakam (D : caturthakaih . Cod.) | pancaman tu gakaren . a vis | vakar aks . aradevena s the .n . u< m . > caiva prapujayet . as .. vai madhusudanam | saptame vamana n *caiva (corr. : caivah Cod.) tek aren . .a tu pujaye[t] | *yajed vak arab jena (conj. : + j . dvarab jena Cod.) as tame tu .. *trivikramam (corr. : trivikramah r dharan navaman caiva sukaren .a . Cod.) | s tu pujayet | da same tu hr ke sam . a tu pujayet | ekada se tu *vak are .s . . dekaren (conj. : vak ara Cod.) padmanabham *prabhum (corr. prabhu Cod.) viduh . . . | dvada se <tu> bhakaren . a namn a damodaram yavaran . . tam | *dvit . smr . am . khyatam (D : dvit yavaran am . Cod.) *tr ye stran . i (D : tr yena strani Cod.) vinyaset . t . t . a khyat | s ankha <m > caiva nyase < t > *p urve (em. : p urvvam Cod.) * agneyy am . tu gadam . . . nyaset (D : agney a +++++ Cod.) | *daks in ena (corr. : + ks in ena Cod.) bhave < c> . . . . cakram | padma<m . tyagocare (corr. : nairityagocaret Cod.) . khad . gam . *nairr .> pa scimato vidya <d> vayavy am . tu hala<m . > nyaset | musala<m . > *cottarato (em. in spite of the metre : cottato Cod. D) dadyad s any a <m > * s ar nga (corr. : sar a nga . Cod.) vinyaset | etad guhyataram . (corr. : yag am . Cod.) durlabham . *yagam . paramam padam sambhu sets out the same material in his Paddhati in 4.27c33 . . Soma of B RUNNERs edition, =vv. 1681c1686 in the Kashmirian edition, and f. 72r27 in the Cambridge manuscript (the last two sources offer no signicant variants but only minor errors and corruptions that I have not recorded here): vinyasya cadita s cakram saram . subhasvaram 28 tasya madhye punar deyam . dvada . padmam as tadalam am . ca s irah tatah . nmantram .. . tatah . | hr . karn . ikay . purvadale . 29 s ikham . ca daks in e patre pa s cime kavacam nyaset | astram uttarato nyasya g ayatr m . . . agnipatrake 30 savitr m s apatre ca netram s ca vayupatre . te dale | tata . ca nairr ca pingal astram | . viniks . ipet 31 garbhavaran . am ity uktam adhunavaran . antaram dvada sare ca cakre smin ke savady an yathakramam 32 pran yathak aram . avadyair uktapurvaih adita s ca vinyasya khad anantaram . svanamabhih . | prag . gam . gadam 33 cakram ankham ar ngam . ca vinyased . s . ca padmam . ca halam . ca musalam . tatah . |s evam yavaran . t . tr . am . bhavet.

66

The Saiva Age

and in some cases we nd a degree of awkwardness that is consistent only with a clumsy attempt to adapt Saiva materials to their new context. A striking example of this can be seen in the Jayakhya . When detailing the process of initation it describes the pa sasutram , the cord which is ritually transformed into a substitute of the subtle body of the candidate, containing all the reality-levels along its length, to be used in the process of rendering the past actions that bind his soul incapable of giving rise to future consequences at any of these levels. In the course of this description we nd some elements alien to the Vais . ava tradition that derive, with minimal distortion, from the Saiva doctrinal .n context. Thus it speaks of this cord as embodying kala , avidya , and ragah . , and, shortly afterwards, as coloured by ragah . , illuminated by avidya , circumscribed 77 by kalah . , and rendered non-pervasive by niyatih . . Now the rst three of these factors (ragah . , avidya , and kala ) are the Saiva Mantramargas three shrouds
77

The only edition of the Jayakhya (Ed.), that of K RISHNAMACHARYYA , was based on south-Indian manuscripts of relatively recent date. I re-edit the text of the passage to which I am referring, 16.128c134 [numeration of Ed.], with the help of the testimony of a Nepalese paper manuscript of 1454/5 (N), ff. 35v736r4, and a lemma in a Nepalese palm-leaf manuscript of 1187/8 of the Jn analaks . m arya ayan . agarbha (C): susitam of Sadhaka Candradatta, pupil of Ekayan ac Nar . sutram ad aya laks . alaktakabh avitam 129 sam is . mukham . cotthitam . s . yam . *samapada sirodharam (corr. [=C] : s emapada sirodharam N : samapada sironnatam Ed.) | kr ngus .. thadvayasyagr at samarabhya *dvijottama (Ed. : dvijottamah . tva . N) 130 yavac chikhavas anam anam N) samaharet . tu sutra*m . (Ed. : mana | kuryad *ekagun . am . (Ed. : vekagun . am . N) tad *vai (Ed. : ve N) dvigun . am . trigun 131 *tris tris tad (conj. : tristrismad N : tritristha Ed.) . am . tu va gun *pancavim atidhathav a (N : pancavim a Ed.) | avyak. itam vatha .s . sati cathav avidy talingas utram akal atmakam (em. : tadragr avidy akal atmakam . tu *tad rag N : pragavidy akal atmakam Ed.) 132 *nityam . jad . am . (Ed. : nityajad . e N) vyapakam ca tasmin vi s vam pratis t hitam | *tatraiv astam vrajed (corr. : tatrev astam . .. . vrajed N : tatraptam ayate Ed. : tatrastam ayate conj. K RISHNAMACHARYYA ) bhuyas tasmad eva pravartate 133 tatrastham . cintayet sarvam abhinnam . tattvapaddhatim | *tattvodbhavas (N : tatrodbhavas Ed.) tu ye vipra *pa sa (em. : pa sa Ed. : tes am Ed.) bandh atmak a dr d h ah 134 r agen a ra njit a s *citr a .. . . . sam vyapak (Ed : cim N) avidya pitah . | vicchinna s caiva kalena *niyatya as . ta . prad (conj. : niyatavy apak as N Ed.) tatha O best of brahmins, after taking up a perfectly white cord soaked [red] with lac and making the candidate stand facing him with his feet together and his head upright, he should measure out [a length of] the cord from the tip of his two big toes to his hair-tuft. He may make [the cord of this length] single, double, triple, thrice triple, or twenty-vefold. He should meditate upon the entire sequence of Tattvas as residing undivided therein. This thread, and [which embodies] the subtle body [of the candidate], comprises Raga, Avidya, (rag Kala avidy akal atmakam ). It is eternal, unconscious, and pervasive. The whole universe is grounded in it. Into it it disappears again and from it alone it comes forth. These binding cords are the rm fetters [of the soul]. They arise, O brahmin, from the Tattvas. They are coloured because they have been dyed with [the red circumscribed by Kala, ness of] Raga. They are illuminated by Avidya, and made non-pervasive by Niyati.

67

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

(kancuk ani ), except that there the second is generally termed vidya rather than avidya ; and the other two factors, kalah . and niyatih join these three to form the . group of ve reality-levels (tattvani ) ranked immediately below may atattvam , the upper limit and source of the impure cosmos (a suddho dhva ), and immediately above the individual soul (purus . ah . ), constituting the factors that enable the soul to undergo embodiment in that impure world.78 Even the substitu tion of avidya for the Saivas vidya does nothing to dilute the obviously Saiva character of the set, since vidya in that context is indeed a form of nescience (avidya ), being understood as the limited power of knowledge that characterizes bound souls, enabling them to cognize the objects presented by the faculties, as opposed to the pure, all-encompassing knowledge (s uddhavidya ) that operates above may atattvam ; and this understanding is maintained in the passage in the Jayakhya , because it speaks of the bonds as being illuminated by avidya . Indeed the line in which the bonds are said to be coloured by ragah . and illuminated by avidya unmistakeably echoes loci classici on the functions of ragah . and vidya in 79 the Mantramargas scriptures. The Satvata and the Paus . kara are probably the latest of these early texts. They are certainly the most polished and the most sophisticated in language. Unsurprisingly, these more mature products of the tradition contain no glar ingly obvious examples that I can see of imperfectly assimilated Saiva material. Nonetheless, there are parallels in which the Saiva version seems more likely ncar to have been the model of the Pa atrika than vice versa. Thus the nineteenth chapter of the Paus .d . kara teaches as the texts major initiation Man . ala (mahay agah . ) an arrangement of eight lotuses around a central ninth, calling it
80 the navap . thaman .d . alam, navabjaman .d . alam, or navanabhaman .d . alam, and a

78

79

80

For ragah . , vidya , and kala as the three shrouds (kancukatrayam ) of the Saivas see, e.g., Matangap arame svara, Vidyap ada 11.33: ragavidy akal akhyena kancu katritayena vai; and Rauravasutrasam akal avyaktagun . graha 1.34: ragavidy . abuddhisamudbhavam, where they are the three shrouds (kancuk ani ) of the bound soul. For the addition of kalah . and niyatih . seen in the last verse of the Jayakhya passage (16.134) see, e.g., Matangap arame svara, Vidyap ada 14.2: kancukatritay aviddham kalitam anaih ngitam . kalena . s . | niyatyali . yati pum bh aven atmavartin a ; and Tantr aloka 9.204: m ay a kal a r agavidye k alo niyatir . eva ca | kancuk ani s . . ad . uktani Cf. Svayambhuvas utrasam sita. graha 32.1011: kalodbalitacaitanyo vidyadar . a ranjita gocarah s capi buddhyadikaran may adyavani . ais tatah . . | ragen paryantatattvabhut atmavartmani | bhunkte tatra sthito bhogan bhogaikarasikah . puman ; Kiran apitagocarah . a 1.16c17a: tayodbalitacaitanyo vidyakhy . ragena . a ranjit atm vai niyatya ranjita s capi ; and Kubjikamata 13.3: ragen a yo niyamitah gacchet svargam svabhram eva va . . avidyaprerito . va Paus 1.24ab: yady ekam agam . navanabham . karasam . hita . tu mahay . samudyajet; 10.34cd: navap . the mahay age tam te; 19.26: yair uddis tam . tsnam . ca kr . vadami .. . mahay age navabje .

68

The Saiva Age

long invocatory Mantra consisting of eighty-one units distributed one by one on the centre (nabhih . ) and eight petals of each of the nine lotuses. This arrange ncar ment and correlation, which, to my knowledge, is found in the Pa atrika liter ature only in the Paus . kara, is central to the Saiva tradition of the Mantramarga, being the hallmark of a number of its earlier scriptures, where the Man .d . ala is taught under the same names,81 and the Mantra with which it is correlated is the well-known Saiva Vyomavyapimantra of eighty-one units. In the Saiva case the nine lotus-thrones (p . thah .d . ) of the Man . ala are equated with nine Tattvas: Siva, siva, I May a, Kala, Sada svara, Vidya, Niyati, Purus . ti). In . a, and Avyakta (Prakr the Paus . ava set of nine Tattvas . kara that element has been dropped, no Vais .n being available for this purpose and the Saiva set being unassimilable because it svara. Nonethe siva and I includes unmistakeably Saiva elements such as Sada less the text contains a sign that the redactor was after all working with a Saiva 82 a. a is a Saiva exemplar. For he calls his fourth the lotus of May May not a ncar Pa atrika Tattva. Furthermore, in the Paus , and the Vasudevakalpa of the . kara, the Satvata Mahalaks m sam hit a we nd the term spandah vibrancy in the sense it has . . . in the Sakta Saiva Jayadrathayamala and the Spandak arik a of Kallat . a in the second half of the ninth century. However, I do not exclude the possibility that in 83 this case it may be the Saiva sources that are indebted to the Vais . ava. .n
81

82

83

Matangap arame svara, Kriyap ada 1.51c: man . thakhyam .d . alam . navap . ; Ks . emaraja, Svacchandoddyota vol. 2 (Pat anastha . ala 5), p. 22: navanabham . navanabhisth padmam etat puraman svasaguhya 11.14ab (Ni svasatattvasam .d . alam. Cf. Ni . hita f. 83v1): eka s tipado yago navavyuheti *sam j nitah (conj. : sam sthitah Cod.). . . . . Paus 19.24c26b, 27ab, 31ab, 37c38b: jn atum icchami . karasam . hita *vidyakhyamantr an . am . (vidyakhya em. : vidyakhyam laks . Ed.) . an . am . vibho 25 yaih kary a *padair (conj. : padmair Ed.) nirvartitaih . padmakalpana . prabho | brahmapraka sakan am . tu mantran . am atha laks an am 26 yair uddis t am age . . . . . mahay navabje pujanam | . . . 27 madhyapadme padan am . ca navakam rtitam . tatha . parik | . . . 31 may amaye tha (conj. nte Cod.) kamale caturthe tu padam . tam | . . . iti . smr vidyapad an am . ca svarupen . a praka sitam 38 atha brahmapadan am . ca laks . an . am . cavadh araya . See Paus 27.274276: s antasam spandananda . karasam . hita . vitsvarupasya mayatmanah | tavacyutam hi citspandam svayam parin . . . . atam . . smaret 275 sahasra sa sisury agniprabhay a projjvalam sthiram | . mar cicakrasam . acidgarbham avastham . purn . sarvatomukham 276 cidambarantar . su santam 3.15cd: evam atv a sthitim m . bhagavatpadam; Satvatasam . hita . jn . brahm . svanand aspandalaks (conj. : svanandam Ed.); also . spandalaks . an . am . an . am 5.99101b: lol bhutam abhedena smaret turyatman a pura | nityoditam . ca supade sthitam aspandalaks ses . yam icchet tu vi . avyaktilaks . an . am . an . am 100 atharcitum | sam tu tatkalasamanantaram 101 dhruva samarthya saktir . kalpya tu svabuddhya eti ca svayam; Vasudevakalpa vai spandatam at 165ab: cicchaktau tu layam . tva . kr svanand aspandagocare ; 238241b: manasena tu *yagena (conj. : yogena draft Ed.) dravyaih ubhaih ar upam . dambujapare turye *cidbhas . sam . kalpajaih . s . | hr (corr. : cidbhas a rupam draft Ed.) uttamam 239 kadambagolakak aram .

69

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

Nor was the inuence of the Saivism of the Mantramarga conned to the formative period of the Tantric Pancar atra. For, as I have shown elsewhere, the Laks tantra and Ahirbudhnyasam , works composed in the South, derive . m . hita their distinctive doctrinal character from the assimilation of the dynamic non akta dualism of the works of the Kashmirian S Saivas from Utpaladeva (. c. A . D. (. c. 10001050).84 925975) to Ks . emaraja R OYAL PATRONAGE
OF

B UDDHISM

Buddhism enjoyed widespread royal support during this period, notably from the Vis . ukun .d .n . is of Andhra in the fth and sixth centuries, from the .t Maitrakas of Valabh in Sauras . ra in the sixth and seventh, from the Karkot . as of Kashmir in the eighth, and throughout our period from the Licchavi and T kings of Nepal and various dynasties of eastern India, most notably . hakur the Palas (r. c. 7501200). The Vis .n . ukun .d . is of Andhra Among the eight successive Vis . ukun .d .n . is (r. c. 375612) known to us from inscriptions three of the last six are known to have been patrons of Buddhism: the third, Govindavarman I (r. c. 422462), the fth, Vikramendravarman I (r. c. 502 527), and the seventh, Vikramendravarman II (r. c. 555572). In the Tummala aja Govindavarman I he is described as gud . em plates (Set I) issued by Mahar having beautied his kingdom with many temples and Buddhist monasteries, as having given generously to brahmins and Buddhist monks, as having resolved to attain the Great Awakening for the salvation of all living beings, and as having donated two villagesthe charters object is to record this grantto fund the
sury ayutasamaprabham | svanand aspandar upam anam atman a . cintyatm . ca sam 240 paranandasvabh avastho vetti yah arcitam . pujanam . vibhoh . | tenarciten . vai dvisaptabhuvanatmakam 241 vi svam apr . thiv ca sadevasuram anus . am; . dyav and 274c275: tanmadhye vis tarastham m purvatah .. . ca laks . m . sam . pujya . am . vinyaset sva sar rac ca gurur vai pran . ayogatah | anandaspanda*r up . (corr. : rupam amr . tarupin . m. On spandah . tamr . draft Ed.) capy . in S . at . kas 24 of the Jayadrathayamala see S ANDERSON 2007a, pp. 365366, 406, fn. 579. The term also occurs in the earlier rst S arn . avak arah . . at . ka, f. 190v45 (45.121123b): nistarang paritr pta < h > par aparah | su s antam urtih sarv atm a nirv an e s o tinirmalah 122 . . . . . . tasya s aktih ryam anandagocaram | vyaktam . svakam . v . ciddham . vyaktivibhedena spandananandasundaram 123 taddharmadharmin jney a s aktir ady a s ivasya . sa . For evidence that the rst S once formed an . at . ka of the Jayadrathayamala independent whole to which S . at . kas 24 were added in Kashmir at a later date see S ANDERSON 2002, pp. 2 and 22, n. 13, and 2005b, pp. 278283. For the evidence see S ANDERSON 2001, pp. 3538. For some other Saiva features in ncar Pa atrika texts see R ASTELLI 2007, pp. 209, 214, and 224225.

84

70

The Saiva Age

expenses of a Buddhist monastery founded by his chief queen Paramadev .85 A second set of plates discovered at Tummalagud . em contains a charter issued by Vikramendravarman II which records his granting a village for the support of the Buddhist community at this monastery. The founders husband Govindavarman I is described as having beautied the whole of the Deccan with splendid Stupas and monasteries, and Vikramendravarman I, his grandson and the grandfather of Vikramendravarman II, is identied as paramasaugatah . entirely devoted to the Buddha.86 However, in a charter issued by Vikramendravarman II in the previous year, recording a grant of a village to a Saiva temple, he is referred to

85

86

S ANKARANARAYANAN 1977:1, ll. 824: anekadevayatanavih arasabh aprap atad . ako dapan ar amapratisam ap urvakaran . kr bhiks . tasakaladigantaren . skar . enalam .a . udvijan athay acakavy adhitad nakr ay adhigatavibhava . pan . ajanopabhujyamanany dhanasamudayenasakr a . . . sakalasattvadhatutr an . a . d asakr . t svasarvasvatyagin yotpaditamah abodhicittena mahar aja sr govindavarman a . . . svasy a agramahis y ah . . . paramadevya viharasya d padhupagandhapus sayanasana . padhvajapanabhojana glanabhais s rn adiku salamul anucched artham . ajyakhan .d . asphut . ita . asam . skar . dvav gramau udakadanap urvakam atisr tau In ermad[a]lapren .s .. . kaparunamadheyau order that his roots of merit should not be cut off, through [the provision of funds for] such [expenses] as lamps, incense, scents, owers, banners, drinking water, food, beds, seats, medicines for sick [monks], and repairs to whatever is broken, cracked, and delapidated, the two villages named Ermadala and Prenkaparu have been donated to the monastery of his chief queen Paramadev with the [due] aja Govindavarman, pouring of water [into the hand of the recipient] by Mahar who has adorned all parts [of his kingdom] through his unprecedented provision of numerous temples, Buddhist monasteries, meeting halls, fountains, reservoirs, wells, and gardens, all of whose great wealth, lawfully acquired, is being enjoyed by Buddhist monks, brahmins, the unprotected, supplicants, the sick, the wretched, and the poor, who has [in this way] repeatedly given away all his property, and who has generated the intention to attain the Great Awakening for the salvation of all living beings. S ANKARANARAYANAN 1977:8, ll. 1018: paramasaugatasya mahar aja sr vikramendrasya sunor ...s r -indrabhat tarakavarman ...s r [ma]n vikrame.. . ah . priyasunus ndrabhat tarakavarm a . . . ittham avabodhayati Vikramendrabhat .. .t . arakavarman, aja beloved son of Indrabhat the son of paramasaugatah . Mahar .t . arakavarman, Vikramendra informs you as follows; ll. 2433: atibahuprakaramanoramo darakarm adbhutast upavih arac ul . aman alam . tasakaladaks . ibhir . kr . in . apathasya ...s r go[vi]ndarajasya murtimat m s riyam praty avis ay kr tamanorathay a para. . . . ma[bha]t tarik amah adevy a s r madindrapuram uccair alam prati.. . kartukamayeva s thapite s r mati paramabhat tarik amah avih are smabhi[h saryavara .. .. . ] . . . caturda bhiks . . . irundoro nama gramo dattah . usam . ghaparibhogaya . I have donated the village called Irundora for the use of the community of excellent monks of the amah four directions in the venerable Paramabhat avih ara that was founded .t . arik amah by Paramabhat adev as though desiring to bestow great beauty on .t . arik Indrapura, fullling [thereby] the desire for embodied [royal] splendour of [her husband] King Govinda, who adorned the whole of the Deccan with splendid Stupas and monasteries that were marvelous in their most various, charming, and noble workmanship.

71

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

87 as paramamahe svarah drawing to .t . arakavarman, . , as is his father Indrabhat our attention that if a king supported Buddhism he did not necessarily cease to support other faiths or abandon his own.

The Maitrakas of Valabh Of the land-grant documents of the Maitrakas of Valabh three quarters are records of grants to brahmins, but the remaining quarter report grants made by these kings to Buddhist institutions.88 Guhasena (r. c. 553569) has the epithet 89 laditya I Dharmaditya (r. c. 595612) paramopasakah . devout lay Buddhist; S is praised for his support of Buddhism in the east-Indian Rajavy akaran . a of the 90 Buddhist Tantric Manju sriyamulakalpa and by the Chinese Huili in his ac91 count of the Indian travels of Xuanzang; and the latter, who visited the kingdom of Valabh in the 630s, when the Maitraka Dhruvasena II was on the throne, reports that the king had recently developed a sincere faith in Buddhism and become a generous donor to the monastic community.92 Moreover, Valabh became a major centre of Mahayana Buddhist scholarship during this period, producing such eminent gures as Sthiramati (. c. 510570), for whom a monastery was established in Valabh during the reign of Guhasena.93 In their inscriptions, how87

88 89 90

91 92

93

The Chikkula plates of Vikramendravarman (S ANKARANARAYANAN 1977:7), ll. 15 19: parama[ma]he svarasya mahar ajasya s r -indrabhat tarakavarman .. . a[h . ] priyajyes thaputro . . . paramamahe svaro mahar aja[h .] s r man vikramendravarma evam a .. jn apayati . S CHMIEDCHEN 2007, p. 360. S CHMIEDCHEN 1993, p. 84. Manju sriyamulakalpa 53.537d540: samudrat raparyantam . an am . jana. lad pade tatha 38 s lahvo nama nr patih buddh an am s a s ane ratah m . . . . | pur . valabhya sam pr apto dharmar aj a bhavis yati 39 vih ar an dh atuvar an citr an . . * sreyase (em. : s reyasam . Ed.) pran . inam . s tatha | karayis a bhupatir . yati yuktatm dharmavatsalah am . ca vividhak ar am . jinabimbam . manoramam | pujayed . 40 puj dhatuvar an agryan lokanathebhyo ya sasvis mantrasiddhas tu kevalam . u | nasau . . as up to the shore of the [western] ocean a karmajottamah . In the land of the Lat la, devoted to the teaching of the Buddhas, will become a Dharmaking called S in the city of Valabh raja . That royal friend of Buddhism, of well-disciplined mind, will build monasteries and beautiful relic Stupas for the welfare of living beings. [He will establish] the manifold worship of beautiful images of the Buddha; and he will venerate the most excellent of the relics of the renowned Buddhas. He will not achieve success through [the Buddhist Way of] Mantras, but will excell simply through acts of [lay] piety. For the east-Indian origin of the text see Manju sriyamulakalpa 53.627a: gaud se smin; and 53.810a: pracyade se smin. . ade B EAL 1914, p. 148. Xiyu ji, vol. 2, pp. 267268. For a detailed account and analysis of religious patronage under the Maitrakas during the sixth and seventh centuries see N JAMMASCH 2001, pp. 199278. On the dates of Sthiramati and the evidence that a monastery was established for him see F RAUWALLNER 1961, pp. 136 ff.

72

The Saiva Age

laditya ever, S I Dharmaditya, Dhruvasena II, and generally Guhasena too, ap94 pear like almost all the other Maitrakas with the epithet paramamahe svarah ..

The Karkot . as of Kashmir No inscriptions have survived from the reigns of the kings of the Karkot .a dynasty of Kashmir. But from the account of this dynasty given by the Kashmiran historian Kalhan . a we learn that although, as we have seen, the temples they 95 established with their names were Vis . us, they or those closely associated with .n them also established several Buddhist foundations: the Anantabhavanavihara sikavih founded by the queen of Durlabhavardhana (r. c. 626662); the Praka ara sadev d founded by Praka , queen of Candrap ara . a (r. c. 712720/1); the Rajavih The Kings Monastery founded and richly endowed by Lalitaditya (r. c. 725 761/2) with a large Caitya and a huge Buddha image at his new capital Parihasapura; the Kayyavihara, founded during the rule of the same by Kayya, . a; a Vihara, a king of Lat a Stupa, and golden Buddha images established at Parihasapura by Lalitadityas Central Asian chief minister Cankun . a; a Vihara and a Caitya established by the same in the capital; and a large monastery d and three Buddha images established by Jayap . a (r. c. 773/4804/5) in his new capital Jayapura.96
94

95 96

laditya copper-plate inscription of S See, e.g., the Al n VII of A . D. 766/7, CII:39. .a There all the kings listed are said to be paramamahe svarah . arka, . : the general Bhat the founder of the dynasty, followed, after an unspecied number of generations, by laditya Guhasena, Dharasena (II), S (I), Kharagraha (I), Dharasena (III), Dhru laditya vasena (II), Dharasena (IV), Dhruvasena (III), Kharagraha (II), S (II), laditya laditya laditya laditya a S (III), S (IV), S (V), and S (VI). In the Maliy copper-plate inscription of Dharasena II, A . D. 571/2, we are given the names of and Dharasena II. They the Maitrakas who ruled between the founder Bhat . arka are Dharasena I, Dron . asim . ha, Dhruvasena I, and Dharapat .t . a. Of these the rst two have the epithet paramamahe svarah . ava (param. ; Dhruvasena is here a Vais .n abhagavatah ) rather than a Buddhist ( paramop asakah ); and Dharapat .t . a is a devo. . tee of the Sun-God (paramadityabhaktah . . It seems that in the later years of the Maitraka dynasty, when Saivism had become rmly established as the religion of this dynasty, there was a desire to forget those early rulers, Dhruvasena and Dharapat .t . a, whose religious preference had deviated. This practice of beginning the account of lineage with Bhat and then jumping to Guhasena and his suc. arka cessors, so that all the kings have the epithet paramamahe svarah . , is already seen in the Dana plates of Dhruvasena II issued in 634/5 (EI 42:15). See here, p. 60. sikavih Rajatara ngin . 4.3 (Anangabhavana); 4.79 (Praka ara); 4.200205 (Rajavih ara etc.); 4. 210 (Kayyavihara); 4.211 and 215 (the foundations of d Cankun . a); and 4.507 (the foundations of Jayap . a). For the vestiges of Lalitadityas Rajavih ara, his Caitya, and Cankun at Parihasapura (Paraspor) see . as Stupa Krishna D EVA in EITA vol. 2, pt. 1, pp. 366367; plates 722727. Cankun . a is evidently a rendering of the Chinese military title jiangjun General rather than a name.

73

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

The Licchavis of Nepal In the Kathmandu valley the inscriptions of kings throughout our period show their devotion to Siva. But here too, where Buddhism and Saivism co-existed among the Newars down to the present, there is ample evidence of royal support for the former. The Licchavi Vr .s . adeva is described in an inscription of his eighth-century descendant Jayadeva as having inclined towards Buddhism;97 a view conrmed by a local chronicle, which attributes to him the establishing of Buddhist images;98 and in the rst half of the seventh century Xuanzang claims that the king of Nepal was a sincere believer.99 The Gopalar ajavam aval , the earliest of the local chronicles, compiled during the .s reign of Jayasthitimalla (13821395), 100 claims that the Caitya at Gum . vihara and a monastery, the Manavih ara, were established by Manadeva, the Caitya 101 ath of the S nagu-vihara (the Svayambhun Caitya) by Vr the Dhar.s . adeva, madevacaitya (the Cabah l Caitya) by Dharmadeva, a monastery and the Khasaucaitya (the Bodhnath Caitya)102 by Sivadeva, the Phut and a . ovihara uvarman, the Devalavihara Caitya by Campadeva, the Rajavih ara by Am by .s a by Sivadeva. To Narendradeva and Devaladeva, and a monastery at Nandi sal his Buddhist preceptor Bandhudatta it attributes the instituting of the annual chariot festival (yatr a ) of the popular Newar Buddhist deity Bugmaloke svara
97 98 99 100

101

102

LKA 148, l. 9: sugata sasanapaks . . apat 1990, vol. 2, p. 98. L EVI Xiyu ji, vol. 2, p. 81. The Gopalar ajavam aval , preserved in a single, palm-leaf manuscript that has .s lost the rst sixteen of its folios, consists of three originally separate parts. The rst (ff. 17r30v) covers the period down to 1386. Its coverage of the period before the reign of Anantamalla (12741307) (ff. 17r26r) consists of little more than a list of kings, the lengths of their reigns, in some cases a record of their religious foundations and a few contemporary events such as plagues and famines and rituals undertaken to avert them. From f. 26v to f. 29r it is a little more forthcoming. The last event it records is dated in 1379. Up to this point the text is in a low register of Sanskrit. The remainder of the rst part, f. 29v30v, is written in Old Newari in a more annalistic style and extends the account down to 1386. The second text (ff. 30v36r), in Old Newari mixed with Sanskrit, covers the years 1056/7 to 1275/6. It consists for the most part of chronological genealogy, giving dates of birth, length of reign, and age at death. The third (ff. 36v63v + another f. 50), in Old Newari, is an annalistic chronicle whose main concern is to record religious foundations, with entries extending from 1258/9 to 1388/9. See P ETECH 1984, p. 6. The manuscript gives the name Vi svadeva here, but as the editors propose, this is surely an error for Vr s adeva (f. 20r23): raj a s r vi svadeva vars .. . ta . a 100 tena kr s naguvihara caityabhat tarike pratis thita sam . a kr . tam. The identication of .. .. . purn ath this with the famous Svayambhun Caitya is evident from the name S nagu, which corresponds to Syangu, its modern Newari name. is known as Khasa This identication follows from the fact that the Bodhnath Stupa Caitya in Newari. On these early Nepalese Caityasthis term rather than Stupa is the normal uage in Nepalsee G UTSCHOW 1997, pp. 8599.

74

The Saiva Age

103 (Bugadyah ath). Unsurprisingly, the Amaravat . /Karun . amaya-Matsyendran (Buga ah . ) at Bungamati, the home of Bugmaloke mahavih ara Bah svara, claims to have been founded by him.104 Manadevas dated inscriptions range in date from 459 to 505/6,105 and ngun ayan . a inscription that Vr we know from his Ca ar .s . adeva was his great-

grandfather and Dharmadeva his father.106 The claim that he founded a monastery with his own name, the Manavih ara, is conrmed by its mention in an undated inscription assigned to his reign.107 The epigraphical dates of Sivadeva range from 590/1 to 604/5.108 There is another Licchavi with the same name, with inscriptions ranging from 694 to 705,109 but it is unlikely that it is the second that is intended, since grants of villages to the Sivadevavih ara have been mentioned in two inscriptions dated in 679, during the reign of his uvarman range from 593 to 615;111 and predecessor.110 The inscriptions of Am .s

103

104

105

106

107 108 109 110

111

Gopalar ajavam aval f. 20v5: Caitya at Gum f. 21r1: Manavih ara; f. 20v2 . vihara; .s f. 21r3: Dharmadevacaitya; f. 21v1: Khasaucaitya; 3: Caitya at Svayambhu; uvarmans Rajavih f. 21v2: Phut and Caitya; f. 22v1: Am ara; f. 22v3: .s . ovihara Devalavihara; f. 22v5: Sivadevas monastery; and ff. 22v523r1 (the festival of Bugadyah r narendradeva vars aryabam . ): s . a 35 tasya ac . dhudattadvayena s r bugmaloke svarabhat jatr a kr bhavati Narendradeva: [reigned for] 35 . ta . arakasya arya years. Jointly with his Ac Bandhudatta he established the festival of Lord Bu (Red) gmaloke svara. On the festival of Bugadyah . , also known (in Nepali) as Rato Matsyendranath, which is still a major event in the Kathmandu valley, see L OCKE 1980, pp. 244280. See the tabulated list of the eighteen principal monasteries of Patan and their ah . at its end, noting founders in L OCKE 1980, pp. 3233. He includes the Buga Bah that it stands apart, not being counted among the principal monasteries of either Patan or Kathmandu. In the Licchavi inscriptions of LKA the earliest date is 464/5 (no. 2) and the latest 505/6 (no. 19). An earlier inscription, dated in Vai sakha 381 (=A . D. 459), which came to light during renovation work at the Pa supati temple, has been published 1990). The earliest Licchavi dates are in the Saka (D era, which was used . HAK AL uvarman, the last recorded Saka date being 526 (A . D. 604/5) until the time of Am .s in LKA 69 and 70. Thereafter the inscriptions are dated in a new era, often called uvarmans, which commenced in A . D. 576, and continued in use until the introAm .s duction of a new era in Kartika 879, which has remained in use down to modern times. LKA 2, side 1, l. 8side 2, l. 3: raj abh ud vr ut tanayah a .s . adevah . . . . yasyabh . . . . raj s ankaradeva ity anupa[mo] . . . dev rajyavat tu tasya nr a . . . yasyam . . pater bhary jata ...s r manadevo nr . pah .. LKA 18, l. 18: ks . ayam r ]manavih are . . etram . caks . dattam . [s LKA 54 and 70. LKA 138 and 143. LKA 133, ll. 411 and 134, ll. 412: ayam ...s r s ivadevaviha[re] catur. gramo di saryabhiks ay asm abhir atisr tah .s . usangh .. . I have given this village to the congre gation of noble monks of the four directions at the Sivadevavih ara. LKA 59 and 85.

75

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

arributed to him by the chronicle is mentioned in one of these, the Rajavih ara dated in 608. It also mentions the Manavih ara and the Gum showing . vihara, the accuracy of the report of the chronicle that these three monasteries are ancient Licchavi foundations. Moreover, it does so in a context that enables us to gauge their relative importance. For it xes cash allowances from the court (rajakulam ) to a large number of religious foundations and these are ranked into two groups. The upper comprises the temple of Bhagavat Pa supati, the national uvarman onwards have Siva, to whom all Nepalese kings from the time of Am .s sikharasvamin ngun ayan . a), the principal declared their allegiance,112 Dola (Ca ar Vis . u of Nepal, then these three Buddhist monasteries, and two others not .n avih and the Madhyamavihara. mentioned by the chronicle, the Kharjurik ara All of these are to receive the same allowance; and this is twice that to be received by the institutions listed in the lower group. That comprises the ordinary monasteries and the temples of various other deities, most of whom are Sivas, svara, evidently the temple of a Linga including Mane installed by Manadeva with his name.113 Narendra, whom the chronicle reports to have instituted the annual chariot festival of Bugmaloke svara, has dated inscriptions from 643 to 679.114 The last two, issued in 679 and mentioned above for their reference to the Sivadevavih ara, record the granting of villages to that monastery; and the Chinese envoy Wang Xuan-ce reported that when he had an audience with

112 113

114

See S ANDERSON 2005a, p. 417, fn. 254. LKA 77, ll. 615: bhagavatah supateh sikharasvaminah . pa . pu 6 pa 2 dola . pu 6 pa 2 +++ gum vih arasya 6 pa 2 s r m anavih arasya pu 6 pa 2 s r r ajavih arasya 6 pa 2 . kharjurik avih arasya 6 pa 2 ma[dhya]maviharasya 6 pa 2 sam anyavih ar an . am . pu 3 pa 1 rame svarasya pu 3 pa 1 ham svarasya pu 3 pa 1 mane svarasya pu 3 pa . he . sagr 1 sambapurasya pu 3 pa 1 vagmat paradevasya pu 3 pa 1 dhar am ane svarasya pu 3 pa 1 parvate svarasya pu 3 pa 1 narasim hadevasya pu 3 pa 1 kail ase svarasya pu 3 . pa 1 bhumbhukkikajala sayanasya pu 3 pa 1 tadanyadevakulan am . pu 2 pa 2 . . . six . as] and 2 Pa[n sikharasvamin ngu Pu[ran supati, Dola (=Ca . as] each for Bhagavat Pa ayan . a), the Gum avih nar the Manavih ara, the Rajavih ara, the Kharjurik ara, . vihara, . as] and 1 Pa[n and the Madhyamavihara; 3 Pu[ran ]a each for the ordinary Vih aras, . and [the temples of Siva] Rame svara, the Lord of the Ham . sagr . ha (=Vis . u Lokapala.n svara, Samba[ a svamin), [Siva] Mane siva], Vagmat paradeva [Siva], [Siva] Dhar svara, [Siva] svara, and the mane Parvate svara, Narasim . hadeva, [Siva] Kailase (=the Vis . as] [Vis sayana of Bhumbhukkika lkan . u] Jala . u of Budhan .t .n .n . h); 2 Pu[ran avih calls to and 2 Pa[n ara . as] for the temples other than these . . . . The Kharjurik mind the Stupa which the Buddha predicts in the Mulasarv astiv adavinaya will . a emperor Kanis a four hundred years afbe built by the Kus . an . ka at Kharjurik . a (Gilgit Manuscripts, vol. 3, pt. 1, pp. 1, l. 202, l. 5: bhagavan ter his Parinirvan kharjurik am anupraptah sataparinirvr .e . tasya mama vajrapan . | . . . es . a caturvars . a kanis raj a bhavis se stupam thapayati | tasya . ko nama . yati | so smin prade . pratis .. kanis iti sam a bhavis . kastupa . jn . yati. LKA 123134.

76

The Saiva Age

Narendradeva in 643 the kings belt was adorned with a Buddha.115 But here too we see that the support of Buddhism in Nepal as elsewhere was not a sign that a king had changed his religious allegiance in any radical sense. For in both 116 of those inscriptions Narendradeva has the epithet paramamahe svarah .. The T Kings of Nepal . hakur Between the Licchavis, who last appear in the epigraphical record in 737, and the Malla kings, who ruled from 12001768, lies the relatively obscure period of the so-called T kings. These too, though predominantly Saiva, . hakur supported Buddhist institutions. Only one, Sim . hadeva (r. 11101126), has been 117 declared paramasaugatah but several of the monasteries of the Kathmandu .; valley are attributed to kings of this period in inscriptions, palm-leaf deeds, manuscript colophons, or their own tradition: the Padmacakramahavih ara to (Jyo Bah ah . ) and Dattamahavih Gun I,118 the Jyotirmahavih ara ara . akamadeva
115

116

117

118

The report of this encounter has been incorporated in chapter 221 of the Jiu Tangshu (Old History of the Tang Dynasty), covering the years 618906 and compiled in 940945. In a translation of this passage published by Sylvain L EVI (1894, p. 67) ` sa ceinture, we read Leur roi Na-ling ti-po (Narendra Deva) . . . a . . . des breloques a orn ees dun Fou-tou (Buddha?). In a footnote he explains the question mark, saying that the use of fou-tou for Buddha in the seventh century is problematic. But when he re-published his translation (1905a, vol. 1, p. 164) he removed the question mark. LKA 133, ll. 13: bhagavatpa supatibhat tarakap ad anugr to bappapad anudhy a . h .. to licchavikulaketuh svaraparamabhat tarakamah ar aj adhir aja sr na. paramamahe .. rendradevah sal gullanga ngr amaniv asinah sarvakut . ku . pradhanapurah . saran . umbinah n apayati Favoured by the venerable lord Pa supati, devoted to his . samaj venerable father, the banner of the Licchavi dynasty, entirely devoted to Siva, the supreme Lord, the paramount king Narendradeva greets the elders and all the n village and commands them [as follows]. other householders who live in Gullanga The same formula is seen in 134, ll. 14. Only the name of the village differs. The historicity of Campadeva and Devaladeva, the remaining two kings mentioned by the Gopalar ajavam aval as the founders of monasteries, is doubtful. .s They appear nowhere in the corpus of known Licchavi inscriptions, and in the local chronicles only in the Gopalar ajavam aval , which places the rst between .s Sivadeva and Narendradeva and the second before Dhruvavarmananother name found only in this sourceand Bh marjunadeva. Colophon of ASB MS 9973 (S H ASTRI 1917, pp. 45): paramasaugata sr matsim . hadevasya vijayarajye . P ETECH (1984, p. 40) quotes the following colophon of an As tasahasrik a .. Prajn ap aramit a MS (NAK 3-359) that he wrongly reports as Catus . thanibandha: . p samvat 100 60 5 s ravan . a suklada samyam . s ukradine | rajye s r bhaskaradevasya | s r gun ak amadevak arite s r padmacakramah avih are sthita s akyabhiks . . ukumara akyabhiks candren a likhitam Copied by S u Kum aracandra, resident of the Padma. . cakramahavih ara founded by Gun on Friday, the bright tenth of . akamadeva, avan . a, in the year 165 during the reign of Bhaskaradeva. Sr The date of copying is 26 July 1045 (P ETECH, loc. cit.).

77

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

ah . ) to Rudradeva I (c. 10071018) or Rudradeva II (11671175), (Dau Bah Bah ah . ) and the Par avatamah the Hiran ara (Kwa avih ara . yavarn . amahavih ah . ) to Bhaskaradeva (Itum Bah (10391048), the Mayuravarn ara . amahavih ah . ) to Sankaradeva ah .) (Bhich e Bah (10691082), the Tedovihara (Te Bah ah .) to Sivadeva (10981126), the Jayamanoharavarn ara (Su Bah . amahavih and Asanaloke svaramahavih ara, also called Kacchapalagirimah avih ara (Co ah . ) to Indradeva (11261136), the Cakravarn ah .) Bah ara (Cuka Bah . amahavih to Manadeva (11361140), the Rudravarn ara / Unkul mahavih ara . amahavih ah . ), the Man (Uku/U Bah ara, and and the Bandhudatta. ipurajaivamahavih vatsavihara mahavih ara to Narendradeva (11401147), and the Sr (Atha 119 ah . ) to Anandadeva (11471167). Bah However, it is possible in the cases of Sankaradeva, Sivadeva, Manadeva, and Narendradeva, that the attribution intended was to their Licchavi namesakes. We have very little evidence for the reigns of these T s, but what there . hakur is sufces to remove any suspicion that they were Buddhists to the exclusion of Saivism. According to the local chronicles Gun made lavish donations . akamadeva nkaradeva to the temple of Pa supati,120 Sa established a temple of a Siva with his 121 name (Sankare svara), and Sivadeva gilded the roof of the temple of Pa supati,
119

120

121

For these monasteries and the names of the kings by whom they are said to have been founded (sam , karita ) see L OCKE 1980, pp. 3233, and 1985, pp. 29, . skarita42, 74, 79, 82, 91, 95, 133, 140, 148. The dates of the reigns of these kings are as determined by P ETECH 1984. Kaiser library Vam aval fragment (P ETECH 1984, Appendix), p. 2: raj a s r gun .s . akamadeva vars 6 tena s r pa supatibhat tarak aya ekada sakos . a 85 masa .. . am . pradattam s ane svarabhat tarak aya vasukibhat tarakasya tam . mra sam . tatraiva .. .. .s . al cchadanam rgha*coparhik a (conj. : copatrik a Ed.) kr . tya tatraiva *d . tya tatraiva . kr suvarn kot s ceti raj a s r udayadeva vars a s r nirbhaya. ta . apanal . ihomam . kr . a 6 raj deva vars 85 years and 6 months. He donated eleven . akamadeva: . a 5 King Gun [metal Linga] sheaths to Lord Pa supati. At the same place he covered [the roofs of sane svara and [the Naga] the shrines] of Lord I Lord Vasuki with copper *sheets (?), built a long rest-house and a golden water conduit, and performed a resacrice with ten million oblations. King Udayadeva: 6 years; King Nirbhayadeva 5 years . . . ; cf. Gopalar ajavam aval f. 23v12: raj a s r gun vars .s . akamadeva . a 85 ma 6 tena s r pa supatibhat aya ekada sa kos | tatraiva-m s anye . arak . a sam . pradatta s varabhat arak aya t amrasam khal asam ch adanam kr t a | tatraiva d rghacop a < r>h . . . . . kr . tatraiva suvarn [kr . kot .a kr am . tah . ]tah . tam. The word s . apanal . ihoma purn .s . al (=s am or sam ) is evidently for Skt. s r a , s r a chain. I . nkhal . nkhalik . khal . khala have conjectured the meaning sheet considering the design of the Pa supati temple, whose roof is covered with interlocking metalic plates. panal = pran a . With . alik *coparh (conj.) cf. Classical Newari caparha (Modern Newari capah . ) rest-house (T AMOT et. al. 2000, s.v.). Kaiser library Vam aval fragment (P ETECH 1984, Appendix), p. 4: raj a .s s r s ankaradeva vars sal ay am . s am svarabhat ta[rak a]ya . a 17 | tena hi nand . k<ar>re .. pratis thita devakulam . am .. tra santik a + + + + vihara s ca . tya ras .. . ca purn . kr nkaradeva: prara <bha>ta King Sa 17 years. He established [a Linga] for Lord nkare Sa svara and completed a temple [for him]. He also undertook the con-

78

The Saiva Age

122 replaced the gods silver lotus, and donated a golden image of Siva. Both In dradeva and Anandadeva have the epithet parama saiva- attached to their names in the colophons of manuscripts copied during their reigns;123 and an inscription of 1143/4 records that Anandadeva, while he was the heir apparent (Yuvaraja), received Saiva initiation from the Saiddhantika Guru Rudra siva of Benares, together with the princes Vasantadeva, Some svara, Ya somalla, and Arjunadeva:124

122

123

124

struction of the . . . monastery in order to avert danger from the kingdom (I conjecture ras .. tra santik aran . at for ras .. tra santik a + + ); cf. Gopalavam aval f. 24r1 .s 2: raj a s r s ankaradeva vars s al ay am . sankare svarabhat . a 15 tena ca nam . d . araka pratis t hitam t amrasam channa kr tam devalam puna bhagavat manahara . .. . bhat a pratis thita ras .. trasanti bhavatih 15 years. He es. arik .. . King Sankaradeva: nkare tablished [a Linga of] Sa svarabhat t araka at Nandi s al a and covered the tem.. ple with a copper roof. He also established Bhagavat Manahara. This brought about the averting of danger from the kingdom. Kaiser library Vam aval fragment (P ETECH 1984, Appendix III), pp. 4 .s 5: raj a s r s i[vadeva va]rs 7 | tena hi pa supatibhat tarakasya . a 27 masa .. suvarn sr ]chadanam r matpa supatibhat tarakasya rajatapadma .m . ta . . . s . a . [khal . kr .. punar ghat . ita King Sivadeva: 27 years and 7 months. He covered [the temple with gilded metal plates and remade his silver lotus; cf. of] Pa supatibhat .t . araka Gopalavam aval f. 24r3v1. .s P ETECH 1984, p. 57, colophon of a manuscript of the Candravy akaran . tti in Ti. avr bet: s r madraj adhir ajaparame svaraparamabhat taraka parama saiva-indradeva.. sya s r -indradevasya vijayarajye ; and P ETECH 1984, p. 61, colophon of an As tasa .. hasrika Prajn ap aramit a manuscript: + + + paramabhat taraka parama saivama.. har aj adhir aja sr madanandadevapravarddham anakaly an . avijayarajye . The scribal date of completion falls in 1134 in the rst case and in 1166 in the second. Vv. 2325: asyam . s r raghuvam amauktika*man jato jananandanah .s . ir . (A CHARYA : man s candra ivanvito timadhurair ananda . i . . . datah . R EGMI) sandra devah aktidharah m pi tair (A CHARYA : pra . karaih . | uccaih . s . kumarapadav . *prapto ptocitair R EGMI) *d ks yamahima (A CHARYA : d ks . ito [dantah . siddhim avarn . a]n . ita . . . ya mahima R EGMI) *prapat param ai svar m (A CHARYA : prapa . . . tyai svar m . R EGMI) 24 * saurye rjunasamah (A CHARYA : saurye yam na sama R EGMI ) . . *preks ya gun am s tes u gun apriyah (A CHARYA : preks agun as te pragun apriyah . . . . . . . . . . R EGMI) | bhaktim *arjunadevo pi vidadhe vibudhes . v iva (A CHARYA : bhaktim arjunam . . . vah an *dh man (A CHARYA : s r man . datva . ) R EGMI) 25 vasantadevo vijn R EGMI) some svaras tatha | ya somalla* s ca (A CHARYA : s va R EGMI) tair eva kumar a d ks am . The plural pronouns here, tair d ks . s tes u in 24b, and . ita . ito in 23c, gun . am . tair eva in 25d, are plurals of respect (adare bahuvacanam) and refer to Rudra siva, who is also referred to in the plural in v. 12: s is babhuvur iha rudra siva iti, as . ya siva in v. 8: bhat is his Guru Murti tarak a uditamurti sivabhidh an ah . . This record .. that contains these verses, a stone inscription now in the Government Museum in Kathmandu, has been published by R EGMI (19651966, pt. 3, pp. 1316) and, in a more complete and accurate form, by A CHARYA (1997) with an annotated Nepali translation. It was subsequently published by T AN . AN (1999, part 2, pp. 114123), .D adopting only some of A CHARYAs improvements. A CHARYA understands the number 64 in the damaged penultimate line (. . . [ca]tuh ti . . . yata sa . . . ) to be .s . as .. the last two digits of the inscriptions date. The full number he conjectures to have been 264, which corresponds to A . D. 1143/4. He is surely right, since this is the only +64 date that ts the persons mentioned. Moreover, falling four years before Anandadeva became king the date accords with the information that he was still

79

Genesis and Development of Tantrism In this [city] was born Anandadeva, a jewel in the pearl-necklace of the lineage of Raghu, delighting the people like a gentle moon with its most charming rays. Being self-controlled and of indescribable greatness, though he had achieved the status of prince (kumara ) of great power (/though he had achieved the status [only] of Kumara who brandishes the javelin), he achieved when initiated by [Rudra siva] the ultimate attainment of Siva[hood]. Likewise Arjunadeva, Arjunas equal in martial valour and a lover of virtues, conceived as great a devotion to this [Rudra siva] as to the gods, when he had seen his virtues. As for the learned Vasantadeva, the wise Some svara, and Ya somalla, those princes too were initiated by the same [Guru].

Neither Arjunadeva nor Ya somalla are otherwise known from this illdocumented phase of Nepalese history. But we do have records of both a Vasantadeva, who was born in 1112 and died in 1163 but did not rule, and of a Some svaradeva, who was born in 1119, died in 1182, and ruled from 1178 to 1183/5.125 The Bhauma-Karas of Orissa But it was in the region of the modern territories of Bihar, West Bengal, Bangladesh, and Orissa that Buddhism enjoyed its most spectacular success in these centuries. It is only there that we nd dynasties whose commitment to Buddhism was such that it was commonly signalled in their inscriptions through the use of such epithets as paramasaugatah agatah . and paramatath . entirely devoted to the Buddha. Notable among these are the early Bhauma-Karas of Orissa (r. c. 825950),126 the early Candras of southeast Bengal (r. c. 8501050), emperors of Gaud and, above all, the Pala . a (r. c. 7501199), who at the height of their power extended their authority throughout eastern India and beyond.127

125 126

127

at the time of his initiation. the Yuvaraja See P ETECH 1984, pp. 6467 and 7172, and the Genealogical Table A, p. 229. The name Bhauma-Kara is Indological. The early inscriptions speak of these rulers as Bhaumas and the later as Karas, evidently after the -kara that ends most of their names. The Palas and their successors, the Senas, are regularly described as kings of Gaud .a (gaud svarah . , gaud . e . , gaud . endrah . , gaud . arajah . adhipah . , gaud . apatih . , etc.); see, e.g., S IRCAR 1983a:26, l. 33 (Laks and 109 (Palapala, . asena); here pp. 108 (Nayapala) . man Mah pala); Saduktikarn . ta 1449, 1496. The name Gaud . a in its narrow sense . amr refers to a territory covering parts of West Bengal, being distinguished from Mag adha, Vanga, and Anga. But with expansion of the power of its rulers it came to in modern Bihar, the capital of ancient denote a much larger territory. Thus Campa Anga, is described as the capital of Gaud (Act 7, prose be. a in the Anargharaghava fore v. 124: campa nama gaud an am . . . r ajadh an ), and Kau s amb , about 35 miles . . south-west of Allahabad, is said to be in it in the Hitopade sa (Mitralabha , Katha 5, p. 19: asti gaud samb nama nagar ). . avis . aye kau

80

The Saiva Age

Of the early Bhauma-Kara kings of Orissa Ks who probably . emankara, reigned around the beginning of the ninth century, is described in inscriptions as a paramopasakah . a dedicated lay Buddhist, his son and successor Sivakara I as paramatath agatah I, as paramasaugatah . , his son and successor Subhakara . and paramopasakah r sugata srayah . , his son and successor Sivakara II as s . having the venerable Buddha as his refuge, and his son Subh akaradeva II, who reigned 128 antikara . a, as paramasaugatah after his fathers brother S I alias Gayad .. A copper-plate of Tribhuvanamahadev , the Vais ) wife . ava (paramavais .n .n . av of Santikara I, who occupied the throne as queen after the reign of her son Subh akara III alias Kusumahara, records that Subh akara (I), her husbands 129 father, built a lofty Buddhist monastery; another issued by her records that the earlier kings of her line had adorned the land with many Mat . has, Buddhist monasteries, and temples;130 and a third issued c. 980 by the para mamahe svarah the son of her grandson Sivakara . Sivakara III alias Lalitahara, II, records the granting of a village in favour of a temple of the Buddha in 131 . aka Vin Uttaratosal made through him by his vassal Ran tatunga. This epigraphical record is meagre, but it is very likely that it was the pa128

129

130

131

EI 15:1 (the Neulpur grant of Subh akara I), ll. 25, and EI 28:36 (the Terun .d . ia antikara plate of Subhakara II), ll. 413. The religious afliation of S I and of ve of the subsequent twelve rulers of this dynasty is not recorded. Among the remain der are two Saiva kings, Subh akara IV and his brother and successor Sivakara III, two Vais n ava queens ( paramavais n av ), namely Tribhuvanamah adev I, wife of .. .. antikara S I, and Tribhuvanamahadev II, wife of Subh akara IV, and three Saiva queens (paramamahe svar ), Dan , daughter of of Gaur mahadev , wife .d . imahadev and successor of Subh akara V, Vakulamahadev , another wife of Subh akara V, and Dharmamahadev , her successor and the wife of Santikara III. For the approximate dating of these rulers I follow D.C. S IRCARs position (1953; EI 29:26, pp. 183184 and 189191 [note 2]; S ALOMON 1998, pp. 190191) that the Bhauma-Kara era be gan c. 831. The Neulpur grant of Subh akara I was issued in year 8 of this era (EI 15:1, l. 30), i.e. c. 838, and the Terun i a plate of Subh akara II in year 100 (EI 28:36, .d . l. 22), i.e. c. 931. The last recorded date is 204 in the reign of Vakulamahadev , i.e. c. 1035. EI 29:30, Baud plate A of Tribhuvanamahadev , ll. 56: sutottamas tasya sama sraya[h riyah sasad urv m u subhe s ubhakarah .] s . pra . s . | kaler alanghyam . sukr srayaya yo viharam uccair vidadhe s ilamayam His superlative son . ta Subh akara, the resort of good fortune, [next] excelled ruling the land. To embody his merit he built a lofty monastery of stone which the degenerate age could not enter. S HASTRI 1916:G, ll. 79: nirantaraviracitavividhamat as adapraba . haviharapr ndhaih iva man man . purandarapurarohan . asopanabandhair .d . itamah .d . ales . v akha ajas, n ajes . u vyat tes .d . alaprabhaves . u mahar . u After the passing of those Mahar mighty as Indra, who adorned the land with the manifold sequences of Mat . has, Viharas, and temples that they constructed without interruption as though with stairways for ascending to the heaven of Indra . . . . M ISRA 1934:I, Talcher plate of Sivakaradeva, ll. 2529.

81

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

ana tronage of these kings that enabled Mahay Buddhism to grow and prosper as it did in Orissa, with the Tantric forms of that religion coming to the fore from the eighth century.132 This eforescence is attested by both archaeology and tex in the Cuttack district, tual evidence. Excavations of the Ratnagirimahavih ara . aka, the Bhauma-Kara capital at or near the modern not far from Guhe svarapat Jajpur, have revealed that this foundation underwent phenomenal expansion up to the twelfth century,133 and this is only the foremost of several Buddhist sites in Orissa in which Tantric Buddhism is evident in the surviving statuary.134 The extremely high quality of Ratnagiris stone-work renders it improbable that it was not a royal foundation. We have at least one Tantric text that reports that it ac arya, was written here: the Sam nama Man a of Bhuv which . varodaya .d . alopayik survives in a Nepalese manuscript copied in 1050 in the Manadevamah avih ara ah . );135 and a manuscript of the Vimalaprabha (Chuka Bah , the great commentary on the Kalacakratantra , penned in the early decades of the twelfth century, in the thirty-ninth year of the reign of Harivarman, has a postscript in another hand added seven years later which locates the manuscript not far from Ratnagiri near the Benga river.136 Indeed Ratnagiri had a particularly close association with the propagation of that Tantra according to the Tibetan account of the

132

133

134

135

136

M ITRA 1981, pp. 2021. Xuanzang reports in the early seventh century that Buddhism was the principal faith of the region, with some 100 monasteries and 10,000 ana; monks, all following the Mahay Xiyu ji, p. 204. M ITRA 1984, p. 225232. On the phases of construction at Ratnagiri see B ROWN 1978. On the successive phases of the Mantranaya manifest in the images that have survived at Ratnagiri and other Orissan sites see L INROTHE 1999, pp. 5357, 70, 108111, 125128, 168169, 195198, 251255, 280283, and 287288. at Udayagiri and and the Notable are the nearby sites of the Madhavapuravih ara at Lalitagiri. On Udayagiri see B ANDYOPADHYAYA 2007; and Candradityavih ara on Lalitagiri see C HAULEY 2000; and IAR 19856, pp. 6263; 198687, pp. 6467; 198788, pp. 8890; 198889, pp. 6566; 198990, pp. 7780; 199091, pp. 5455. Sam f. 56v34: s r madratnagirau sthitva sarvasattvarthahetun a | kr . te. varodaya yam man d alop ayik a bh uv ac a < r > yen a dh mat a | s r sam varoday a n ama man d alo. .. . . .. payik a *samapt a (corr. : samaptah *pros thapadakr .s . Cod.) sam . vat a cu .. .n . acaturthyam . (pros thapada conj. : pretipada Cod.) raj adhir ajapa[ram]e svaraparama.. bhat taraka sr baladeva + + vijayaraj <y>e likhitam | s r manadevamah a*vih ar ya sa .. kyabhiks us adhu s r devasya ( vih ar ya conj. : vih are Cod.) pustakam * < | yad atra . pun apitr . gurup adhy ayasakalasattvar a se<r> . yam . tad bhavatu> (diagn. conj.) mat anuttara<jn ana >phala*praptaya iti (conj. : prapnoti Cod.). S HASTRI 1917, pp. 7980 (ASB MS 10766). The manuscript is dated by the scribe aj adhir Harivarman, on whom see M AJUMDAR in year 39 of the reign of Mahar aja 1971, pp. 209210. Colophon: mahar aj adhir aja sr mat-harivarmadevapad yasam .vat 39 | suryagaty a as . ad . hadine 39. The postscript: s .s atigate vatsare . at . catvarim harivarman kr . ekada sadine gate mr cuncaduka .s . taya . ah . | maghasya .n . asaptamyam ya gaurya svapnena dr s t ay a | kanis t h a ngulim ad aya *pr s t ayedam (corr. : pr tha. .. . .. .s .. .. yedam S HASTRI) ud ritam | purvottare di sobhage bem tatha kule | pacca. ganadyas tvam . itavatah . bhas . saptasam . vatsarair iti.

82

The Saiva Age

history of the transmission of its teachings maintained in the lineage that descends from Rva chos rab in the early twelfth century. For that relates that the sr Vimalaprabha was transmitted by an emanation of Manju to Pan .d . ita Cilu, a native of Orissa trained at the Ratnagiri monastery, and reached Rva chos rab after being passed on through ve intermediaries in Bengal and Bihar.137 A tra before dition that Cilu studied the Kalacakratantra in the Ratnagirimahavih ara 138 seeking the Vimalaprabha is recorded by Gzhon nu dpal. The Candras of South-East Bengal As for the Candras, they used the wheel of the Buddhas teaching (dharma copper-plate grant cakram) as the seal-symbol on their charters; the Pa scimbhag of Sr candra I (r. c. 92575) describes both this king and his predecessor Trailoky139 and Madanpur copper-plate acandra as paramasaugatah and his Ramp al .; grants describe Suvarn . acandra, the predecessor of Trailokyacandra (r. c. 900 140 925), as a bauddhah After Trailokya. a follower of the Buddhas teachings. candra (II), Kalyan . acandra, Lad candra came Sr ahacandra, and Govindacandra. .

The Mainamat plates of Lad . ahacandra and Govindacandra (r. c. 10001020 and c. 10201045) provide these names and reveal that the last two were parama141 saugatah .. The Khad . gas of Samatat .a We have epigraphical evidence of three successive generations of kings of the Khad . ga line ruling the Samatat . a region of southeast Bengal from about 625 into
137 138 139 140 141

O ROFINO 1994, pp. 1723; Blue Annals, p. 755. Blue Annals, p. 755. EI 37:51, ll. 2526. EI 12:18, l. 6; EI 28:9, l. 8; and M AJUMDAR 1971, p. 201. . acandra (r. c. 850 EI 38:35, no. 1, ll. 3536; no. 2, ll. 67; no. 3, ll. 3334. As for Purn 875), there is no explicit evidence of his religious persuasion. M AJUMDAR (1971, copper-plate that Suvarn p. 201) argues that since it is said in the Ramp al . acandra, his son, became a follower of the Buddha (EI 12:18, ll. 57) it is probable that before him the family was non-Buddhist. This is not accurate, since the text says not that he became a Buddhist but only that he was one: buddhasya yah a saka. s jatakam ankasam bibharti bhagavan amr am .s uh . takar . stham . bhaktya . | candrasya tasya kulajata it va bauddha[h ruto jagati tasya suvarn . ] putrah . s . acandrah . His son was Suvarn . acandra, famed in the world, a Buddhist as though [simply] because he was born in the lineage of the Moon (/the Candra lineage), which out of devotion to the Buddha displays his incarnation as a hare in its markings. The allusion here is to the story exemplifying the Buddhist Perfection of Generosity (danap aramit a ) that the Buddha gave away his own body as food when he was a hare in a former . alife, the s a sajatakam . The immediately preceding verse, which is devoted to Purn candra, says nothing substantive about him but only that his name is found as that of the rst of the kings of this dynasty in Pra sastis and other inscriptions.

83

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

the early years of the eighth century. Though the inscriptions do not include the epithet paramasaugatah . they do speak of these rulers in equivalent terms. The aja rst, Khad . godyama, is described in an inscription of his great-grandson Rajar as having conquered the earth after declaring his intense devotion to the Three 142 Jewels: the Buddha, his teachings, and the Sangha. The same inscription tells aja gave land to these three;143 and another that Devakhad us that Rajar . ga, the aja, father of Rajar made a donation to the same for the longevity of his son.144 We have no evidence of any support given to Saivism by these kings themselves. But a pedestal inscription on an image of the Saiva Goddess records that it was
145 gilded out of devotion by Prabhavat , Devakhad . gas queen.

The Candras of Arakan and Miscellaneous Other Buddhist Kings of Eastern India That there were Buddhists among the Candras of Arakan is evident from the Mrohaung pillar inscription of Anandacandra, which has been dated around the end of the third decade of the eighth century.146 This gives a list of the names and reign-durations of the kings who preceded him from c. 380 onwards with an interruption of unspecied length. After this interruption come the rulers of the Candra dynasty down to Anandacandra himself, spanning in this second
142

143

144 145

146

Ashrafpur plate B (L ASKAR 1907), ll. 24: trailokyakhyatak rtau bhagavati sugate sarvalok[e] + + + taddharme s antar upe bhavavibhavabhidam . yoginam . yoga*gamye (corr. : gamya Ed.) | tatsanghe caprameye vividhagun . anidhau bhaktim avedya gurv m s r matkhad godyamena ks itir iyam abhito nirjit a yena Khad godyama, who . . . . conquered this earth in all directions after declaring his intense devotion to the Lord Buddha, whose glory has been declared throughout the three worlds, among all men . . . , to his tranquil teachings that can be realized by Yogins who [thereby] break the power of [transmigratory] existence, and to his numberless Sangha, the repository of manifold virtues. Ashrafpur plate B (L ASKAR 1907), ll. 67: tatsuto rajar ajah . dattam . ratnatrayaya tribhavabhaya*bhide (conj. : bhida Ed.) yena danam . svabhumeh . His [Devakhad gas] son, who made a gift of his land to the Three Jewels that elimi. nate the fear of the three worlds. To give to the Three Jewels is, I surmise, to make a grant to be divided between the Buddha for the building or maintenance of Bud dhist shrines (gandhakut ) and Stupas, the Dharma for the copying and teaching of . sacred texts, and to the Sangha for its sustenance and comfort. Ashrafpur plate A (L ASKAR 1907). EI 17:24,4, ll. 12: tadatmajo danapatih s r devakhad . pratap . go vijitarikhad . gah . | raj nas tasya mahadev mahis s r prabh avat | s arv an pratim am bhakty a . . . hemaliptam akarayat His son was the majestic donor (danapatih . ) Devakhad . ga, whose sword had defeated his enemies. The chief consort of that king, Mahadev . Prabhavavat , had [this] image of Sarv an gilded. The word danapatih . is the standard Buddhist term for one who gives to monks, the Dharma, or the Buddha. The . , near image (H UNTINGTON 1984, g. 26) was found in the village of Deulbad Comilla, together with a Surya and small Lingas, all of brass. D.C. S IRCAR in EI 32:11, p. 1071108.

84

The Saiva Age

sequence a total of three hundred and fty years. For most of his ancestors we are given no information other than their names and the lengths of their reigns, but the record is more forthcoming as it approaches the time of Anandacandra himself. Vajra sakti (r. c. 649665) is said to have died and gone to the world of the gods endowed with [the Buddhist perfections (paramit ah . ) of] generosity, morality and the rest, and his successor Dharmavijaya (665701) is said to gone to the same, this time dened as the Buddhist Tus . ita heaven, as a result of his 147 of rm commitment to the Three Jewels. Two short inscriptions from Vesal the time of his ancestors N ticandra (r. c. 520575) and V racandra (r. c. 575 am . -Candra 578) tell us that the wife of the former, queen Savit sr , was a lay 148 Buddhist (paramopasik a ) and that the latter established a hundred Stupas. As for Anandacandra, he calls himself a lay Buddhist and devotes nine verses to detailing his works of Buddhist piety, which included building many monasteries with his own name, establishing precious images of Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, and anist] having hundreds of Buddhist scriptures such [Mahay goddesses as Cunda, copied, and giving to many monks from various lands, which is to say, that he fullled to the best of his ability his duty to honour each of the Three Jewels.149 Yet even this devoted patron of his faith did not neglect to extend his support to the followers of other religions in his realm. He tells us that although he is a Buddhist he desires the good of all beings, lest his cultivation of the Buddhist Perfection of Generosity (danap aramit a ) be incomplete, and so has established four Mat . has for the housing of fty brahmins, providing them with land and workers, and two others, the Anande svaramat . ha and the Anandamadhavamat . ha, whose names reveal that they were associated with a Siva and a Vis . u established with .n his name.150 Moreover, a fragmentary copper-plate inscription (EI 37:13) from a
147

148

149 150

Inscription of the western face of the pillar at the Shittaung Pagoda, Mrohaung, Arakan (J OHNSTON 1944:A), vv. 37c40: vajra saktis tata<h raj a deva . > [kh]yato ladi nvayodbhavah pratipalya jagat sarvam savatsaram | dana s . . rajyam . s . od . a sam an s r dharmajayasam . yukto lokanugrahatat. yukto devalokam . sa yatav r parah scad abhavad dh rah dharmavijayo nr ad abdany . pah . | tatpa . s . s . at . trim .s upabhujya rajyam tya ca jayena caiva | ratnatrayanusmaran . dharmen . a n . abhi sa devalokam .. yogat . tus . itam . prayatah EI 32:11, no. 1, ll. 34: devisavit am . -candra sr ya nama paremopasikasya ; EI 32:11, no. 2, ll. 1, 34: satyadharmmanar agena kr a ...s r v ra. tam . svarthen . a bhubhuj candradeven man ajyen . a buddhastupa . a mah .d . alaman .d . anam . | dharmmadhigatar s atam . tam . kr .. J OHNSTON 1944:A, vv. 4654. J OHNSTON 1944:A, vv. 5556: panc a sadbrahman asam . ks . tyasamanvitam . av . etrabhr | vadyav adakasam tayam somat rthadvijav ase . yuktam . karitam . mat . hacatus .. mat s canandam adhavah svaranam api naulakk[e] ca mat . tah . ha . | anande . ha<h . > smr .. The practice of establishing a Vis n u with the founders name followed by -m adhava .. (as an alternative to the standard -svamin) is in accordance with textual prescription; see Soma sambhu, B RUNNER 1998, p. 311 (v. 48), =Kriyak an .d , . akramaval

85

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

site near Mrohaung recording a donation by queen Kimmajuvdev of a village to a Buddhist monastery founded by herself begins by relating six generations of the ascendants of her husband the king. Unfortunately the names of this king and his ancestors have been lost through the scissoring off of strips from the top and right hand side of the plate. However, what remains conveys the unexpected information that all these kings were paramamahe svarah . . The editor of the inscription assigns it to the sixth century on the grounds of its close palaeographic similarity to the grants of N ticandra and V racandra, and argues that if the rst of the six kings was, as is likely, Dvencandra, the founder of the Candra dynasty, then the king in question was N ticandras father Bhuticandra (r. c. 496520).151 inscripV racandra, he argues, is excluded by the fact that one of the two Vesal tions records his patronage of Buddhism. However, that a king should give to Buddhism and at the same time be declared a paramamahe svarah . in documents issued by the royal chancellery is quite within the bounds of possibility, as we have seen. Other royals of eastern India who are identied as paramasaugatah . in our periodapart from the imperial Palas, to whom I shall turn presentlyare Bhavadeva of Devaparvata in Samatat . a (r. c. 765780), the founder of the Buddhist monastery Bhavadevamahavih ara at Pat , .t . ikera, modern Mainamat of the Kamboja Rajyap ala dynasty of Priyangupura in the tenth, Madhusena, the Sena king of Gaud of . a, in the thirteenth, and, in Orissa, Udayavaraha a at some time in the tenth to twelfth, the Nandodbhava the Mayuravam .s Dhruvananda of Jayapura, the successor of the paramamahe svarah . Devananda II, in the late tenth, and Kantideva of Harikela in the ninth.152 The inscription that tells us that the last was paramasaugatah . also conveys that Buddhism was the faith of his grandfather Bhadradatta. After a benedictory verse in praise of the Buddha it begins the eulogy of the donors forebears with this king, saying that his devotion to the Buddha had intensied his power and that he had [thereby] conquered all his enemies. His son Dhanadatta, the donors father, is

151 152

ff. 72v773r1: svamyantam antam kartr a ca sam . namn . madhav . va . yutam | dharayen nama devasya vis n oh sth apanam ritam He should bestow a name on the deity .. . conjoined with the name of the patron and ending in -svamin or -madhava. I have [thus] explained the installation of Vis . us. .n D.C. S IRCAR, EI 37:13, p. 64. S IRCAR 1983a, Supplement:3, ll. 4243 (Bhavadeva); M ITRA 1971, p. 245 (Bhavade vamahavih ara). EI 41:22, ll. 1920 (Rajyap ala); the nal colophon of ASB, MS 40785 dated in 1289; see S HASTRI 1917, p. 117 (Madhusena). S HASTRI 1920, p. 243, ll. 23, 6 (Udayavaraha). T RIPATHY 1930, p. 466, l. 24 (Dhruvananda). EI 29:26, ll. 2526 (Devananda). EI 26:45, l. 14 (Kantideva). The exact location of Harikela is uncertain, but it may be placed with some condence in the area of Chittagong, that is to say, near Samatat . a in the direction of Arakan.

86

The Saiva Age

. as. Mention is praised only for his learning in poetry, the Epics, and the Puran made not of his religion but of that of his wife Bindurati, who is said to have 153 been a devotee of Siva. The Pala Emperors and the Great Monasteries of Eastern India emperors we come to what appears to be the most robustly With the Pala Buddhist of all the dynasties of our period. Like the Candras of southeast Bengal they chose the wheel of the Buddhas teaching (dharmacakram) as the sealsymbol on their charters; they began their inscriptions with obseisance to the Buddha; and the following among them appear with the epithet paramasaugatah . in the lacunose record of inscriptions and manuscript colophons: Dharmapala (r. c. 812850), Mahendrapala (850865+), Nar ayan . a(r. c. 775812), Devapala (r. c. 865+917), Vigrahapala II (r. c. 972977), Mah I (r. c. 9771027), pala pala Nayapala (r. c. 10271043), Vigrahapala III (r. c. 10431070), Ramap ala (r. 154 (r. c. 11431161). c. 10721126), and Madanapala Under these rulers eastern India witnessed an extraordinary development
153

154

EI 26:45, ll. 3: . . . jayaty udaro durvaram aravisarasya jay jinendrah tad. bhaktibalita saktir bhujadvayaurjityavijitaripudarpah . | sa jayati dharmaikaratah . khyatah . s r bhadradatto yah tasya subhas . itabharatapur an . aram ayan . arthavit . tanayah a s r dhanadattah yo bhut tasya gaur . | namn . prakat . itamahimanvayo mahabh ubhr . tsuta budhagurustuta | patn binduratir nama ya babhuva s ivapriya Victorious is the foremost of the Jinas, the exalted one who conquered the multi tude of Maras so hard to ward off. His power intensied by devotion to him, the pride of his enemies overcome by the strength of his two arms, solely devoted to the Dharma, victorious is the famous Bhadradatta. His son was Dhanadatta. He arata, . as, and the understood the meaning of elegant poetry, the Mahabh the Puran ayan . a, and his uninterrupted greatness was made manifest [to all]. His wife Ram was Bindumati, the fair-skinned daughter of a great king, praised by the learned and her elders, a devotee of Siva. : EI 4:34, ll. 2930; EI 17:17, ll. 2425; EI 18:30, l. 28. Devapala : EI Dharmapala : EI 42:2, ll. 3031. Nar ayan : 17:17, ll. 2425; EI 18:30, l. 29. Mahendrapala . apala II: EI 29:1A, ll. 2728. Mah I: EI S IRCAR 1983a:17, ll. 2829. Vigrahapala pala 14:23, ll. 2930; EI 29:1, l. 27; a pedestal inscription (H UNTINGTON 1984, pp. 221 : colophon of a MS transcribed in B ENDALL 1883, p. 175. Vigra222). Nayapala hapala III: EI 15:18, l. 23; EI 29:1B, ll. 2627; EI 29:7, ll. 2425; MS colophon transcribed in B ENDALL 1902, pp. 232233 (because the date of copying is said this can only refer to Vigrahere to be the 26th year of the reign of Vigrahapala III). Ramap : R EGMI 19651966, Pt. 1, p. 148 (MS colophon); colophon hapala ala of Kubjikamata , NAK MS 1-1633, NGMPP B25/22 (transcribed in G OUDRIAAN and S CHOTERMAN 1988, p. 6); a pedestal inscription (H UNTINGTON 1984, pp. 233234). : M UKHERJI and M AITY 1967:30, ll. 3132. The dates of the reigns Madanapala given here are those proposed by D.C. S IRCAR (19751976), with the addition of Mahendrapala, those of Mahendrapala. The existence of a Pala son and successor a District Muof Devapala, was established only with the publication of the Mald seum copper-plate charter of that king in 1992 (EI 42:2) by K.V. R AMESH and S. S UBRAMONIA I YER, following its discovery in 1989.

87

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

ana of Mahay Buddhism in all its branches, particularly in the Tantric Way of Mantras (Mantranaya),155 which if not entirely the product of this region was very largely so; and this immense creativity, whose products formed in due course the basis of the Buddhism of Inner Asia, was nurtured and rened in a num ber of major monasteries, of which the most eminent were those of Naland a,
156 Vikrama s la, Somapura, Trikat That the .d . uka, Uddan . apura, and Jagaddala.
155

156

The Derge edition of the Tripit oh. 360845) in the . aka contains 486 works (T section of the Kanjur devoted to scriptural Tantric works and 2606 (T oh. 1180 3785) in the section of the Tenjur devoted to works of Tantric scholarship, comprising commentaries on the Buddhist Tantras and works setting out observances etc.) based on them. All claim to be translations of (Sadhana, Bali, Pratis .t . ha Sanskrit originals and this claim is true in the great majority of cases. In addition there are numerous works surviving whole or in citation in Sanskrit that appear not to have been translated into Tibetan; and some of these, such as the Gud . hapada of Advayavajra, the Man a of Padma sr mitra, the Va.d . alopayik jrajvaloday a of Anandagarbha, the Vajravar ah kalpa, the Sarvadevasamagama , . agarbha, have been used in this study. and the Herukasadhana of Kalyan was located in Bihar about 55 miles southeast of Patna, The Naland amah avih ara close by. The Vikrama was very with the Uddan ara s lamahavih ara .d . apuramahavih probably at Antichak in the Bhagalpur District of Bihar about 19 miles from Bhagalpur town. No evidence conclusively etablishes this. But the huge size of the monastery excavated at Antichak severely narrows the eld of known possibilities; and there is suggestive archaeological evidence: a copper seal was uncovered in the ruins of the monastery with the legend vikramasya (IAR, 19734, p. 9) and a dam aged inscription on a Stupa there contains the syllables vikrama. . . (H UNTINGTON 1984, pp. 125126). The use of Vikrama for Vikrama s la is seen in Anupamavajras Adikarmaprad pa; see here p. 91. That the name of the monastery was Vikrama as it appears in some secondary sources, is clear from, s la rather than Vikrama sila, e.g., the scribal colophon of a manuscript of Vajragarbhas Hevajratantrapin .d . arthat ka that was penned there: s r madvikrama s lamahavih are lekhapitam . . . The Soma was at Pah ar . pur about 29 miles northwest of Mahasth (ancient puramahavih ara an Pun d ravardhana) in Varendr , the region of northern Bengal between the arms of .. rivers (Ramacarita the Ganges and Karatoya 3.10ab: apy abhito gang akaratoy a narghapravahapun . The Jagaddalamahavih ara too was in this region; . yatamam see Ramacarita 3.7: . . . jagaddalamahavih aracitar ag am | dadhat m loke sam api mahattarod ritorumahimanam [the land (of Varendr )], whose beauty was height ened by the Jagaddalamahavih ara, which was home to Loke svara, its extensive a. Its site has beeen tentatively idenglory proclaimed by [a] great [image of] Tar tied as the mound at modern Jagdal in the Dhamoirhat Upazila of the Naogaon District of the Rajshahi Division of Bangladesh. A one-season, small-scale excavation of this mound was undertaken by Bangladeshs Department of Archaeology in the winter of 1996. Though it revealed evidence of the presence of a Buddhist monastery and unearthed a ne statue of Heruka and his consort, most of the site was left untouched and nothing has been reported that raises to certainty the high probability that this was the Jagaddalamahavih ara. See Z AKARIA 1994 and M IAH is as yet unknown, but Taran 1997/8. The location of the Trikat atha re. ukavihara ala king Devapala unearthed this lates a myth that on instructions from Mahak a (=Rad . ha) (HBI, p. 267; monastery beneath a sand dune when he was crossing Rar M AJUMDAR 1971, p. 525), the region of Bengal south of Varendr and west of the . ha, covering part of Birbhum District and Bhag rath river, divided into Uttararad

88

The Saiva Age

Palas devotion to the Buddha was expressed, as we might expect, in the creation and support of these great monastic universities is shown by terracotta seals found amid their remains, and by the Rgya gar chos byung (The Arising of the Dharma in India), a Tibetan account of the history of Indian Buddhism written in 1608. Taran atha, the author of this work, tells us that he wrote it on the basis of three Sanskrit sources that are now lost or inaccessible. The rst is an unnamed work in 2,000 verses by a scholar of Magadha named Sa dbang bzang po, that is to say, Ks ndrabhadra. . . mendrabhadra or a synonym such as Dharan king Ramap This covered the history of the religion up to the time of the Pala ala (r. c. 10721126). The second is the Buddhapuran . a, a work by Dbang pos sbyin to cover the succes(Indradatta) in 1,200 verses, which went beyond Ramap ala sor dynasty of the Senas of Gaud . a. It may therefore be supposed to have been composed in that part of India, like the work of Ks . mendrabhadra. The third aryas is a work of similar length covering the succession of Ac and written by a . This name is implausible brahmin scholar whom Taran atha calls Bhat . aghat . as it stands. If, as is probable, it is is deformation of Vandyaghat ya, then it . . h identies him as a member of a well-known Rad ya brahmin lineage of Ben gal (> Bandyopadhy aya, Banerjee).157 Taran atha claims to have relied primarily on the rst of these three works, that is to say, for his account up to the time of Ramap ala, since that source went no further.158 For the period of the Senas, who succeeded the Palas, he must have relied on Indradatta alone. As for aryas, yas account of the succession of Ac it is probable that it conVandyaghat . aryas sisted of, or extended to, an account of the succession of the Tantric Ac of Vikrama s la from its foundation in the eighth century to its destruction around Khalj 1200 by the forces of Muh Bakhtyar . For he adds a section in the . ammad manner of a supplement on the Acaryas of Vikrama s la after his treatment of the periods covered by his rst two sources. His work, then, derives from Indian tradition, and while his sources were evidently inaccurate for the early history of Buddhism, we might expect them, particularly the work of Ks . mendrabhadra,
. ha, covering Bankura District and the whole of Burdwan District, and Daks . arad . in the non-coastal part of Midnapur District. In the eulogy of Bhat .t . a Bhavadeva, the learned minister of Harivarman (c. 1090+), is said to be in a stone inscription from Bhubaneswar, Bhavadevas mother Sangok a the daughter of a Vandyaghat ya brahmin ( EI 6:17B, v. 13). Other Vandyaghat yas . . are the Sarvananda who in 1159 wrote a commentary T kasarvasva on the . Ling anu sasana of Amarasim sastrin Raghunan. ha, the great 16th-century Dharma ayan . a (. c. 1681), dana, author of the Smr . titattva (P INGREE 1994, p. 341), Nar author of the Smr . tisarvasva or Smr . titattva (P INGREE 1994, p. 181), and Dvija Laks an .d am ayan . a into Bengali. . a, who translated the Adik . man . a of the Adhyatmar Rgya gar chos byung, pp. 215, l. 22214, l.10; HBI, p. 350.

157

158

89

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

to be more reliable in their account of what for them was recent history.159 The Rgya gar chos byung therefore deserves close attention. Taran atha attributes to Dharmapala the building of the monastery of the building of the monasteries of Somapura and Vikrama s la and to Devapala
160 Trikat In this, however, he or his sources are confused. The claim that the . uka. is contradicted by a terracotta monastery at Somapura was founded by Devapala seal found at the site bearing the legend s r somapure s r dharmmapaladeva 161 mahavih are in the Mahavih ara of Dharmapaladeva at Somapura, thereby

but by his father Dharmapala. indicating that it was founded not by Devapala that built the Evidence also contradicts Taran athas claim that it was Devapala Trikat . uka monastery. For Haribhadra reports at the end of his Abhisamayalam aloka , his great commentary on the As tasahasrik a Prajn ap aramit a , that . kar .. and under his he composed it in this monastery during the reign of Dharmapala patronage.162
159

160

161

162

aryas After his account of the Tantric Ac who held ofce successively at Vikrama s la Taran atha offers brief treatments of various topics not covered by these sources. Buddhism in mainland Southeast Asia and in maritime Southeast Asia, Sri Lanka and the South is covered in ch. 39 and 40 respectively. On these topics, he says, he has seen no comprehensive work. Ch. 41 treats the spread of Buddhism in the Deccan following another lost work, the Flower-Garland, by a brahmin Manomati, which, he says, contained a brief account of this subject. Ch. 42 covers the divisions of the main Nikayas, evidently on the basis of such Indian treatments of the topic as the Samayabhedoparacanacakra of Vin tadeva; ch. 43 examines what he rightly considers to the muddled theories of the origin of the Mantranaya; and ch. 44 gives some notes on the various Indian schools of image-makers. This is followed by the account of his use of his sources. He notes that he has no written sources for the later events in his account that were not covered in those works. For these events he has relied on what he judged to be trustworthy oral reports. See Rgya gar chos byung, p. 160, ll. 910 (Somapuravihara); p. 161, l. 11 (dpal tsha ba gsum gtsug lag khang [Trikat ukavih ara]; cf. p. 167, ll. 78: tri ka *t ta . . u [corr. : . Ed.] ka tsha ba gsum kyi gtsug lag khang); p. 165, l. 17 (Vikrama s lavihara); HBI, p. 266, p. 267, pp. 274275. ARE 192728, pp. 105106; D IKSHIT 1938, pp. 20 and 90, and plate LIXh; N.G. M AJUMDAR in EI 21:16, p. 98. Abhisamayalam . kar aloka , p. 994, vv. 67: khyato yo bhuvi pun rtinicayo vidvaj. yak janalam . kr trikat sr madvihare s ubhe | dan al labdha. tas tasmin sarvagun . akare . uka mahodayasya karun adevasya dharm atmanah s an athyena sukhopadh ananilaye . . sthitva vivekaspade krudhyatkunjarakumbhap . thadalanavyasakta saktyatmanah . pun asakr sat sam ayinah rajyabhat a. tabhiyogajava . yabhy . patsamad . | rajye . adivam .s patita sr dharmapalasya vai tattvalokavidh ayin viracita satpanjikeyam I . maya have composed this excellent commentary that illuminates reality after taking up that is famed throughout the world, the residence in the splendid Trikat . ukavihara site of a mass of sacred edices, adorned by learned men, a store of all the virtues, where [all] the means of happiness are to be found, a place of insight, through the support of the compassionate king Dharma[pala], who by means of donation has achieved pre-eminence[; and I have done so] during the reign of this king, who born in the dynasty that descends from Rajyabhat . a, full of power devoted to the rending

90

The Saiva Age

In the case of the Somapura monastery it has been argued that we may salvage Taran athas credibility by concluding that Devapala did found this monastery, as Taran atha claims, and that he gave it his fathers name rather than his own out of lial piety.163 This is indeed a practice of which there are other examples, its purpose being to transfer to the person named the religious merit generated by the creation and use of the foundation; but it is much more probable that Taran atha is in error here, as he clearly is in the case of the Trikat . uka monastery. For his history commits the fundamental error of revers before that of ing the true sequence of the two reigns, placing that of Devapala 164 His attribution of the founding of Somapura and Trikat Dharmapala. . uka to rather than Dharmapala can, then, readily be explained as the result Devapala of this reversal. We may therefore suspect that his attribution of the founding suffers from the same dislocation and that its of Vikrama s la to Dharmapala true founder was his son Devapala. That this suspicion is correct is conrmed by the Adikarmaprad pa of Anupamavajra. For in its conclusion he tells us that he compiled the work following the instruction of Dharmakara, a monk whom he describes as residing in the monastery called Vikrama constructed 165 by king Devapala. Vikrama here is evidently a bh mavat contraction for 166 Vikrama s la. However, we may not conclude that everything that Taran atha was Devapalas attributes to Dharmapala doing, and vice versa. He reports, for

163 164

165

166

of the swollen globes on the foreheads of the furious elephants [of his enemies], has attained his glorious success by virtue of the dedication produced by his repeated pious works. For the use of sthitva here cf. the nal verse of the Sam . varodaya ac arya nama man a of Bhuv cited here, p. 82. .d . alopayik N.G. M AJUMDAR in EI 21:16, p. 98, fn. 5. Rgya gar chos byung, chapters 29 (Devapala) and 30 (Dharmapala). Taran atha > Devapala > Rasap > Dharmapala; gives the order Gopala ala see Rgya gar chos byung, pp. 163164: rgyal po de wa pa las lo bzhi bcu brgyad du rgyal srid byas | ruled for fortydei rjes su sras ra sa pa la rgyal srid lo bcu gnis byas King Devapala ruled for twelve. No Rasap appears in eight years. After him his son Rasap ala ala the accounts of the dynasty given in the Palas inscriptions. The name is perhaps a (r. c. 917-952), the successor of Nar ayan . apala. deformation of Rajyap ala Adikarmaprad pa, ed. Takahashi, p. 153: v hare (T [metri causa] : vihare P, Ed.) *nr (T, Ed. : ndapadevaracita P) * sr vikramakhye (T, Ed. : s r vi. padevapalaracite kramaks . a P) sthitah r matsaugata sasanaikatilakah dvit yah | * s la . t . s . khyato . kr d s cirabrahmacaryacarito (P : s lad . hyasthiratattvadr .s . hya . timahito T, Ed.) dharmakarah santadh s (P : sanmatih sakarah . * . T, Ed.) *tasyade . samasty anupamah . (T, Ed. : *tasyade sakaro babhuva nupamas P) tenadikarmoddhr . tam [This text on] the initial observance has been extracted [from various sources] by Anupama, acting on the instruction of Dharmakara, that renowned, unequalled scholar, richly endowed with morality, of tranquil mind, a life-long observer of celibacy, a resident of the Vikrama monastery constructed by King Devapala. On Vikrama for Vikrama s la see here p. 88.

91

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

example, Dharmapalas particular reverence for Haribhadra,167 a relationship that, as we have seen, Haribhadra himself attests. He also claims that Dharma created about fty religious foundations (dharmadhik pala ar ah . ), and that the majority, thirty-ve, were for the study of the Prajn ap aramit a texts.168 It is at least probable that this bias was due to the inuence of Haribhadra, given and the fact that he was the the latters close relationship with Dharmapala pre-eminent scholar of his age in the exegesis of this literature. As for the monastery of Uddan .d . apura, which was located near the more Bu ston, in his history of Buddhism in India and ancient monastery of Naland a, 169 and the Tibet, completed in 1322, attributes its foundation to Dharmapala;
167

168

169

Rgya gar chos byung, p. 167, ll. 79: de nas mi ring bar rgyal po dha rma pa las spyan drangs ste | tri ka *t ta Ed.) ka tsha ba gsum kyi gtsug lag khang . u (corr. : . du bzhugs nas | sher phyin nyan pa stong phrag mang po la chos ston cing | brgyad stong grel chen la sogs pa bstan bcos kyang mang du mdzad Not long after this [Haribhadra] was invited by King Dharmapala. He stayed in the Trikat . ukavihara and taught the Prajn ap aramit a to many thousands of hearers. He also composed [his] detailed commentary on the As tasahasrik a , and many other learned works; .. HBI, p. 277. Rgya gar chos byung, p. 165, ll. 1417: rgyal srid du khod ma thag nas shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa chad pa po rnams spyan drangs | slob dpon seng ge bzang po la khyad par du mos | rgyal po dis spyir chos gzhi lnga bcu tsam btsug pa las | sher phyin chad pai chos bzhi sum cu so lnga yod As soon as [Dharmapala] was reign arya ing he invited teachers of the Prajn ap aramit a . He had particular faith in Ac Haribhadra. This king set up about fty religious foundations (dharmadhik arah .) and thirty-ve of them were for the exegesis of the Prajn ap aramit a ; HBI p. 274. For evidence that chos gzhi renders Sanskrit dharmadhik arah . and that the latter means a religious foundation rather than a centre for the Doctrine, as it is translated in HBI p. 274 see here p. 104. of the monastery O BERMILLER 1986, p. 156157. For the proximity to Naland a of Uddan d apura, which in Tibetan sources is known as Otantapur , see Rgya gar .. chos byung, p. 156, l. 19: o ta nta pu ri dang nye ba na na le ndra zhes bya bai monastery near Otantapuri; gtsug lag khang zhig bzhengs He built the Naland a HBI, p. 258. I use Uddan d apura because this is what we nd in a pedestal inscrip.. Shar tion found at Bihar f in the Patna District (C HOUDHARY 1958, p. 65; H UNTINGTON 1984, p. 213, no. 19): deyadharmmo yam r nar ayan . apaladevar ajye samvat . s 54 s r -uddan an . aka-uccaputrat This is the pious gift of .d . apuravastavyar . harukasya T son of Ucha, resident at the Great Monastery of Uddan . haruka, .d . apura, in year ayan . apaladeva. Shar The 54 of the reign of Nar Bihar f is indeed near Naland a. recording form Uddan ala .d . apura also occurs in an inscription of the reign of Surap . adasa the installation of a Buddha image in the monastery there by a monk Purn (C HOUDHARY 1958, p. 54). As for the Naland amah avih ara, it long predates the Palas. Faxian (d. before 423) describes the major Buddhist edices in this area which implies that if it existed it was certainly not but is silent about Naland a, ana. an institution likely to have been home to the great names of the early Mahay The Da Tang Da Ciensi sanzang fashi zhuan, the biography of Xuanzang (ordained d. 664) between 609 and 617; left for India in 627 or 629; studied at Naland a; written by his disciple Huili and later continued and edited by Yancong in 688, con (B EAL 1914, pp. 110113), from which tains an account of the history of Naland a

92

The Saiva Age

probability that this report is accurate is increased by the fact that he, unlike came before not after Devapala. Taran atha, knew that Dharmapala Taran atha assigns it to Devapala, probably in consequence of the aforesaid confusion, though he also reports a tradition that it was founded by Dharmapalas father 170 Gopala, the rst of the Palas. adopted two persons as his preceptors: Taran atha reports that Dharmapala ana. Haribhadra and his pupil Buddhajn While the former was a master of the Prajn ap aramit a , the latter was a renowned authority on the Tantric system taught in the Guhyasamaja .171 We are told that he performed the rituals for the arya. consecration of the Vikrama s la monastery and was appointed as its Vajrac We also learn that, having seen omens of the future ruin of the dynasty un der Dharmapalas grandson, he persuaded the king to institute a regular resacrice (homah . ) to be performed under his guidance by the Tantric ofciants of this monastery with the purpose of ensuring that the dynasty would be longlived and consequently that Buddhism would be widely disseminated. It was performed, we are told, for many years at huge expense.172 Further evidence of
ar ama it appears that it began as a small Sangh donated by the fourth Gupta king, Kumaragupta Sakr aditya, who reigned from 415 to 455. It then grew through the addition of further Viharas until by Xuanzangs time it had become the foremost Buddhist structure in India, famed throughout Buddhist Asia as a centre of learn on the basis of the ing. See the analysis of the history of the Naland amah avih ara with its row Chinese sources in K UWAYAMA 1988, pp. 711. For a plan of Naland a of nine identical monasteries and several temples see M ICHELL 1990, p. 246. Rgya gar chos byung, p. 158, ll. 78: rgyal po go pa la di am de wa pa lai mtshams su dpal o ta nta purii gtsug lag khang bzhengs The Otantapur monastery was built or that of Devapala; in the period of this king Gopala HBI, p. 262. Rgya gar chos byung, p. 165, ll. 1012: seng bzang yes shes zhabs bla mar bsten | shes byin dang | dpal gsang ba dus pas phyogs thams cad gang bar mdzad | gsang anap ba dus pa dang He served Haribhadra and [Buddha]jn ada as his preceptors, and lled all the directions with the Prajn ap aramit a and the Guhyasamaja ; HBI, p. 274. See also Rgya gar chos byung, p. 195, ll. 1214: bi kra ma sh lar sngags kyi rdo rje slob dpon chen po sangs rgyas ye shes zhabs dang | der rjes mar me arya mdzad bzang pos bstan pa bskyangs At Vikrama s la [rst] the Mantra-Vajrac .d anap and then D nkarabhadra Mahapan ada pa protected the teaching . ita Buddhajn anap [of the Buddha]; HBI, p. 325. This gure, known variously as Jn ada (Ye shes ana ana zhabs), Buddhajn (Sangs rgyas ye shes), and Buddha sr jn (Sangs rgyas dpal ye shes), is a crucial gure in the history of the Mantranaya, being the source of the anap Jn ada school of Guhyasamaja exegesis and practice that was introduced into Tibet by Rin chen bzang po. See Blue Annals, pp. 367374 for an account of his life and works, and their transmission to and in Tibet. Notable among his writings are the Samantabhadrasadhana (T oh. 1856) and his commentary on the Guhyasamaja (T oh. 1852). Rgya gar chos byung, p. 168, ll. 612: rgyal po dha rma pa la la | khyod kyi tsha boi dus nas rgyal srid jig pai mtshan ma yod pas | sbyin sreg gi cho ga chen po zhig byas na yun ring du srid zin cing | chos kyang dar bar gyur gsungs pas | des kyang dngul to la bum phrag dgu dang nyis stong gi yo byad phul bas | slob dpon

170

171

172

93

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

grant of the Dharmapalas commitment to Buddhism is found in the Nesarika .t Ras rak ut a king Govinda III issued in 805, since that reveals that the ensign . . 173 a. depicted on his war banner was the Buddhist goddess Tar (r. c. 750775), the father of Dharmapala, As for Gopala whom all our sources make the rst of the Palas, there is no evidence in the inscriptions that he too was a Buddhist, unless it be his having been referred to in inscriptions of ayan . apala (r. c. 860917) and Vigrahapala III (r. c. 10431070) as a second Nar Buddha.174 However, the Rajavy akaran . a claims him for the faith, saying that after a dissolute youth he converted to Buddhism and constructed various monas teries, Caityas, and temples.175 Taran atha likewise claims that he served the cause of Buddhism by founding many monasteries, both in Bengal, which he ruled in the rst part of his career, and Magadha, when he had added that great province to his kingdom through conquest.176 He also recounts a legend accord-

173

174

175 176

gtso bor gyur pai rdo rje dzin pa rnams kyis lo mang por sbyin sreg mdzad He told King Dharmapala: There are signs that from the time of your grandson onwards the kingdom will be endangered. If you perform a great ritual of re-sacrice you will ensure that the reign [of your line] will endure for many years and also that the Dharma will be disseminated. And so [the king] had the re-sacrice arya anap done for many years by Vajradharas led by the Ac [Buddhajn ada], offering substances worth 902,000 tolas of silver; HBI, p. 278. The ritual was evidently as antihomah . , a sacrice for the averting of disaster. Such rituals are generic but they are made to serve the specic purposes of the patron by writing these into the formula of intention (sam . kalpah . ) that must be recited at the opening of any such ritual; see S ANDERSON 2005a, p. 357358 and fn. 22 in a discussion of the Tantric Saiva ritual commissioned by the Khmer ruler Jayavarman II (r. 802c. 835) in order that this land of Kambuja [Kambujade sa] should not continue to be a depen and so that only one king should be univeral ruler [in this region] (K. dency of Java 235, Khmer, C ll. 7175: vrah parame svara anjen thve vidhi leha len kampi . pada kamvujade sa neh ayatta ta jav a ley le n ac ti kamrate n phdai karom mv ay guh . . . ta ja cakravartti). EI 34:19, ll. 3538, at the end of an enumeration of the ensigns ([raja ]cihnani ) .d siezed by Govinda III from his enemies, beginning with those of the Pan . ya and Pallava kings: pan .d yade s adhip an matsyam vr s abham pallave s var at | .. . . . . . . tar abhagava*t m am . dharmad bang alabh umip at ittham . (em. : ti Ep.) khyat etany athany ani cihnany ad aya bhubhuj am | garud nkam vyadhatta .a . jagattungo sakalam . jagat Thus by siezing these and other royal ensignsthe sh from the .d a from king of Pan sa, the bull from the Pallava king . . . and the famous Tar . yade placed the whole earth Dharma[pala], the king of Bengal[Govinda III] Jagattunga under [the sway of] his Garud . a. ayan . apala (H ULTZSCH 1886), ll. 45 and the Bangaon The Bhagalpur plate of Nar III (C HOUDHARY 1958, p. 83), ll. . 34: sa s plate of Vigrahapala r man lokanatho jayati da sabalo nya s ca gopaladevah .. Manju sriyamulakalpa 53.628631. Rgya gar chos byung, p. 156, ll. 1821: sku chei stod la bham . ga la la dbang bsgyur | smad la ma ga dha yang dbang du bsnungs te | o ta nta pu ri dang nye ba na le ndra zhes bya bai gtsug lag khang zhig bzhengs | yul chen po de gnyis su dge dun gyi sde mang du btsugs te bstan pa la mchod pa rgya chen po mdzad do In the

94

The Saiva Age

ing to which Gopala, when not yet king, found a jewel and used it as the fee arya. for Tantric consecration from an Ac He then successfully propitiated the following his instructions,177 went to the monastery Buddhist goddess Cunda of Khasarpan svara,178 and successfully prayed to him for kingship, . a Avalokite which the deity promised he would obtain if he moved east. In his account of Buddhism under the successors of Gopala, Dharmapala, and Devapala, Taran atha gives us one more report of royal monastery building. But unfortunately his sources seem to have been so misinformed in their presentation of the order and identity of these subsequent kings that it is no easy task to discern the reign to which this building activity should be assigned. He ala, tells us that Mahap whom he claims to have been the son and successor of monastery, described as a branch of the monastery Mah pala, built the Uruvasa at Uddan .d . apura, and founded Buddhist establishments at the monasteries of 179 Somapura, and Trikat rule for Naland a, Taran atha has his Mah pala . uka.
ala. rst part of his life he governed Vang In the subsequent part he subjected Ma gadha. Near Uddan By establishing .d . apura he built a monastery called Nalendra. many divisions of the Sangha [in monasteries] in these two large regions he greatly honoured the religion [of the Buddha]; HBI, p. 258. though she Rgya gar chos byung, p. 155, l. 14156, l. 18; HBI, pp. 257258. Cunda, appears not have been a major constituent of learned Tantric Buddhism, seems to have been popular in the region. Two bronze statues of this goddess have been found territory, one from Kurkihar cast in the reign of Mah I, and the other in Pala pala assigned by H UNTINGTON on stylistic grounds to the ninth century from Naland a, (H UNTINGTON 1984, pp. 6061, 226227, and 144; gs. 61 and 169; wrongly giving and there was a temple of Cunda in Pat the name as Cun ) .d . a); .t . ikera (Mainamat near Comilla, which is illustrated in a manuscript of the As tasahasrik a Prajn a .. paramit a (ULC MS Add. 1643, copied in 1015), as one of eighty-ve illustrations of Buddhist sacred sites, most in eastern India, with the legend pat tikere cundavara .. from Ratnagiri, bhavane cunda (M ITRA 1971, p. 244). There are images of Cunda Udayagiri, and Achutrajpur in Orissa, Ellora in Maharashtra, Gujarat, and Nepal; see S HAW 2006, pp. 265274; IAR 200102, Plate 114 (Udayagiri). In HBI (p. 257) it appears as the temple of arya *Khasarpan . a. But the Tibetan states that it was a monastery: phags kha sa rpa n ai gtsug lag khang (Rgya gar . . ha is mentioned in the chos byung, p. 155, ll. 2021). A Khasarpan . a located in Rad Zhib mo rdo rje of Dmar ston Chos kyi rgyal po (c. 11981259) as very famous in the time of Brog mi, who died c. 1064 (Blue Annals, p. 72); see Zhib mo rdo rje, p. 86, 4: rgyar gar shar phyogs ra d . a na phags pa spyan ras gzigs dbang phyug khar sa pa ni bzhugs pa de grags pa che pas . . . . Perhaps this was the site of the monastery referred to here. Rgya gar chos byung, p. 175, l. 27: o ta nta pu rii gtsug lag khang du nyan thos kyi dge dun rnams gtso bor mchod cing | dge slong lnga brgya dang chos ston pa lnga bcu la tsho bo sbyar | de yi lan yag tu u ru ba sa zhes bya bai gtsug lag khang bzhengs | der yang nyan thos pa se ndha pa lnga brgya re la tsho ba sbyor | bi kra ma sh lar sngar gyi srol de ka gzung ste | mchod os kyi mthil du mdzad | dpal na la ndar yang chos gzhi ga re btsugs | so ma pu ri dang | na le ndra dang | tsha ba gsum kyi ala] gtsug lag khang la sogs par yang chos gzhi mang po btsugs [Mahap honoured avakas and [there] proprincipally the community of Sr in the Uddan .d . apuravihara

177

178

179

95

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

fty-two years and says that he died at about the same time as the Tibetan king Khri ral,180 that is to say, Khri gtsug lde brtsan also called Ral pa can, who ala is assigned a reign of 41 ruled from about 815 to 836; and his son Mahap years,181 that is to say, up to about 900. Now, there are two Mah palas known to us from the epigraphical record, both of whom were much later, the rst ruling ala. c. 9771027 and the second c. 10701071; but there is no Mahap The similar ity with the name of his father raises the suspicion that one king Mah pala, no I, the length of his reign agreeing closely with that attributed to doubt Mah pala by Taran and Mahap ala, Mah pala atha, has become Mah pala and that the resulting two reigns, amounting implausibly to ninety-three years, served to bridge empire a gulf of ignorance of the period between the great founders of the Pala I, who restored the fortunes of the Palas and Mah pala after a period during which, following Devapala, they had lapsed into insignicance, losing control of Bengal and retreating into a core territory in Bihar around modern Patna.182 It ala of the expansion of is probable, then, that Taran athas attribution to Mahap SomaUddan a, .d . apura and the founding of Buddhist establishments at Naland I. pura, and Trikat uka is a distortion of a record of the pious works of Mah pala . The supposition is somewhat strengthened by the fact that Taran atha says that the Kalacakratantra was introduced during the latter half of Mah palas life and 183 ala. that it spread during the reign of Mahap For it was during the reign of I that this new Tantric system emerged.184 Mah pala

180

181

182

183

184

vided for ve hundred monks and fty teachers of the Dharma. As a branch of this he built a monastery called Uruvasa. In this too he provided for ve hundred Saind avakas. hava Sr He accepted that the pre-existing system at Vikrama s la should remain unchanged; but he made [Uruvasa] the object of his greatest veneration. He and many others also in also established several religious foundations at Naland a, Somapura, Nalendra, and the Trikat HBI, p. 289. . ukavihara; Rgya gar chos byung, p. 172, ll. 13: de nas rgyal po ba na pa lai sras ma hi pa la zhes pa byung | rgyal srid lo lnga bcu nga gnyis mdzad | rags rtsis su byas na rgyal po di das tsam na | bod na btsan po khri ral yang sku das pa tsam gyi dus yin no Next, the son of Vanapala, called Mah pala, ruled for fty-two years. By a rough calculation this king died at the same time as King Khri ral in Tibet; HBI, p. 284. Rgya gar chos byung, p. 175, l. 1: de i sras ni rgyal po ma ha pa la ste | dis rgyal ala. srid lo bzhi bcu zhe gcig mdzad His son was King Mahap He ruled for forty-one years; HBI, p. 289. See S MITH 1962, pp. 412418; and K ULKE in K ULKE and R OTHERMUND 1992, p. 118. Rgya gar chos byung, p. 175, ll. 79: rgyal po ma hi pa lai sku tshei smad tsam na | pi . to a tsa ryas dus kyi khor loi rgyud spyan drangs te | rgyal po dii dus su dar bar arya mdzad The Ac Pit in the second half of the . o introduced the Kalacakratantra and disseminated it during the time of this king [Mahap ala]; life of King Mah pala HBI, pp. 289290. This Pit o is no doubt the person elsewhere called Pin d o (Bsod .. . nyoms); see Blue Annals, p. 756757, 789; O ROFINO 1994, p. 23. N EWMAN 1987 and 1998; O ROFINO 1994, p. 23.

96

The Saiva Age

the monastic universities already established continued to After Mah pala fortunes once again went into decline, and it is therefore not ourish, but Pala surprising that Taran atha has no major royal benefactions to report during this (r. c. 10721126), the last period. However, during the long reign of Ramap ala major ruler of this dynasty, the kingdom recovered, and we might expect this to be reected in a renewal of material patronage. It is tempting therefore to accept the claim made by Hara Prasad S HASTRI in 1910185 and repeated by many since 187 the one great monastery in the that time186 that the Jagaddalamahavih ara, domains whose founder has not yet been identied, was the creation of this Pala monarch. But there is no evidence that supports this claim188 Nor is there any that refutes it. In the introduction to the edition of the Subhas . itaratnakos . a published by K OSAMBI and G OKHALE the former has asserted on the strength of evidence provided by the latter that Ramap alas coronation took place in this monastery,189 in which case, of course, it could not have been founded by him during his reign. But that too cannot be accepted. The evidence cited is G OKHALEs rendering of the colophonic verse at the end of the *Bhagavatyamny ay anus arin . vyakhy a , a commentary on the As tasahasrik a .. Prajn ap aramit a which survives in Tibetan translation (T oh. 3811):190 This [which thus becomes the vyakhy a was composed by Raja-jagaddala-niv as writers name] at the Jagaddala vihara, which was the place of Ramap alas coronation.191 But this rendering is wildly inaccurate. The meaning of the Tibetan is: I, a resident of the venerable Rajajagaddala [monastery], have composed this commentary, a string of pearls (muktaval ) [to be an adornment] 192 of the land protected by King Ramap ala. This does at least convey the
185 186

187

188 189 190

191 192

Ramacarita of Sandhyakaranandin, introduction, p. 9. E.g. M OOKERJI 1951, p. 595; Rahul S ANKRITYAYANA cited by K OSAMBI in K OSAMBI and G OKHALE 1957, p. xxxviii; K RISHNAMACHARYA, p. 1 of his Sanskrit introduction to Tarkabhas .a (1942); M ITRA 1971, p. 16; cf. H UNTINGTON 1984, p. 196. in the colophonic verse of Muni It is referred to as a Mahavih ara sr bhadras Panca kramat (muni sr bhadren jagaddalamahavih arasadbhiks ) and in . ippan . . a ciraj . un .a 3.7 of the Ramacarita of Sandhyakaranandin (jagaddalamahavih aracitar ag am ). K AJIYAMA 1998, p. 7. Subhas . itaratnakos . a, p. xxxvii, fn. 8. bCom ldan das mai man ngag gi rjes su brung ba zhes bya bai rnam par bshad pa, f. 320r2: mi yi dbang po ra ma pa las sa skyong mdzad pai <gnas kyi [Cone, Peking]> mu tig phreng ba ni | dpal ldan rgyal po dza ga ta la gnas par byed pa bdag gis rnam bshad di byas so. Subhas . itaratnakos . a, p. xxxvii, fn. 8. G OKHALE seems to have found his coronation in the dbang of mi yi dbang po ra ma pa las. The word is used in Tantric texts as a short form for dbang bskur consecration (abhis . ekah . ), as at rGyud spyi, p. 270, l. 1. But in order to reach his understanding of the phrase in which it occurs he has had to forget the mi yi that

97

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

valuable information that the monastery was a royal foundation, since the Tibetan of its name dpal ldan rgyal po dza ga ta la, is evidently a translation jagaddala-, a form of the name conrmed by its occurrence in of s r madraja Sanskrit at the end of Moks Tarkabhas a , in which he informs us . akaraguptas that he too was a resident of this monastery (s r madrajajagaddalavih ar ya-).193 But we remain ignorant of the king who founded it. We know that it existed in the time of Ramap ala, and it is not impossible that it was indeed the work of this last great king of the dynasty; but no evidence of which I am aware precludes its having been created by a predecessor. domains is proSome idea of the scale of the Great Monasteries in the Pala vided by Taran atha. He informs us that in the reign of Ramap ala, even after the decline from the time of the early Palas, there were one hundred and sixty monks holding posts as Pan d itas at Vikrama s la, and that there were about .. a thousand monks permanently in residence, both there and at Uddan .d . apura, 194 with many more assembling on the occasion of festivals. We also learn that when Vikrama s la was founded its design incorporated one hundred and eight shrines: a central temple housing a life-size statue of the Great Awakening 195 (Mahabodhi) surrounded by fty-three small temples dedicated to the inner

193

194

195

precedesmi yi dbang po king, lit. lord of men, rendering Sanskrit nr . patih ., narendrah ma pa las after it is instrumental . , or a synonym, the fact that ra not genitive, and the fact that the emphatic and separative particle ni that ends the larger phrase of which this is part and marks it out as the subject militates against its being taken as qualifying the monastery. The expression mu tig phreng ba describing the commentary guratively as a string of pearls is probably also intended to convey its title by paronomasia, i.e. Muktaval , a title found elsewhere in this literature, for example as the title of Ratnakara santis commentary on the Hevajratantra. The author remains anonymous. was Tarkabhas .a , p. 39. K AJIYAMA (1998, pp. 611) shows that Moks . akaragupta active at some time after c. 1050 and before c. 1292. Rgya gar chos byung, p. 189, ll. 1319: bi kra ma sh lar pa n .d . i ta brgya drug cu tsam re dang | gtan du du bzhugs pai dge slong stong re yod cing | mchod pa la sogs pai dus su rab byung lnga stong re du | rdo rje gdan du rgyal pos tsho ba sbyar bai theg chen pa bzhi bcu re dang | nyan thos kyi dge slong nyis brgya re rtag tu bzhugs shing | dus dus su nyan thos kyi dge slong khri phrag re tshog pa byung | o ta nta pu rir yang rtag tu dge slong stong phrag re bzhugs | theg pa chen chung gi ste gnyis char yod cing | dus dus su rab tu byung ba rnams dus pa stong phrag bcu gnyis re byung bar grags There were at least 160 Pan s la and 1000 monks .d . itas in Vikrama who were permanent residents. As many as 5000 renunciate monks gathered there 40 adherents on the occasion of festivals and the like. At Vajrasana (Bodhgaya) avaka ana of the Mahay and 200 Sr monks resided permanently, maintained by the avaka king. From time to time as many as 10,000 Sr monks congregated there. In Uddan d apura there were 1000 permanently resident monks, comprising adherents .. ana both of the Mahay and of the H nayana. From time to time 12,000 renunciate monks gathered there; HBI, p. 313. akyamuni I take this to be an image of S attaining enlightenment seated beneath

98

The Saiva Age

deities of the Mantranaya (gsang sngags nang gi lha khang chung ngu) and fty-four common temples (lha khang dkyus ma), that is to say, temples enshrining exoteric, non-Tantric images. The king, we are told, provided generous allowances for the food and clothing of one hundred and eight Pan .d . itas, three arya Vajrac specialists to perform Bali offerings, rituals of image-installation, and re-sacrices respectively, and three ofcials. The rst is the Guardian of Duties (bya ba bsrung pa), perhaps an ofcial appointed to ensure monks adherence to the various roles assigned to them in the running of the monastery. The second is termed mysteriously Guardian of Doves (phug ron bsrung pa), and the third is the Supervisor of the Monasterys Subjects (lha bangs kyi gnyer byed pa), these being, perhaps, both the serfs or tenants that worked the monasterys estates and the servants within the monastery itself.196 Archaeological excavations have revealed that the cell-lined square court of Vikrama s la197 measured 1073 feet on each side, that the entire site was spread over an area of more than one ar . pur) hundred acres,198 and that Dharmapalas monastery at Somapura (Pah 199 was of similar design and plan and of only slightly smaller size, as was the monastery founded by Bhavadeva of Samatat a at Pat t ikera (Main amat ).200 We . .. also have some information concerning the scale of the monastery at Naland a during the early seventh century when the Chinese scholar Xuanzang was there. According to the account written by his pupil Huili there were as many 10,000

196

197

198

199

200

the Bodhi tree, as in the case of the approximately contemporary principal image in the central shrine of Monastery 1 at Ratnagiri, though that is somewhat larger than life-sized, the gure seated in the lotus posture being over two metres in height. See H ARLE 1994, p. 163; H UNTINGTON 1985, g. 19.44. We see another example in the central shrine at Udayagiri (IAR 199798, Plate 101; 199899, Plate 48). Rgya gar chos byung, p. 165, l. 17p. 166,5; HBI, p. 275. The three specialists are a gtor mai slob dpon, a rab gnas slob dpon, and a sbyin sreg slob dpon, i.e. a balyac aryah thac aryah aryah . , a pratis .. . , and a homac .. On the reasons for identifying the monastery at Antichak with the Vikrama s la see p. 88. mahavih ara M ITRA in EITA, vol. 2, pt. 2, p. 403; IAR 19721973, pp. 45 (the western outer wall shows a length of 330 metres; p. 5 gives a plan of the excavated structures); IAR 19734, pp. 89 (northern wall measures 330 metres). D IKSHIT 1938, pp. 1836. Plate I (general plan). He reports (p. 18) that the outer quadrangle measures 822 feet externally on each side (according to M ITRA in EITA, vol. 2, pt. 2, p. 403, it measures 922 by 919 feet) and (p. 34) that the original monastery was designed to accommodate some 600 to 800 monks and that in the eleventh century the number of residents can have been no more than 400. The massive central cruciform shrine-complex measures 386 by 352 feet. This monastery is probably that known as the Salban Vihara, consisting like the monasteries of Vikrama s la and Somapura of a massive cruciform shrine within a square enclosure which though considerably smaller than that of those monasteries was nonetheless of great size, each side being 550 feet in length; see M ITRA in EITA, vol. 2, pt. 2, pp. 402403.

99

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

anists, monks there, all Mahay either as permanent residents or visitors, and over a 1000 learned scholars.201 These royal monasteries are likely to have accumulated great wealth. The tax-exempt agricultural lands granted to them at the time of their foundation would have provided them with a substantial initial endowment: Huili reports was the revenue of about 100 villages;202 and the wealth from this that Naland as source would no doubt have been augmented by subsequent land-grants203 and would certainly have been augmented by other votive donations, bequests from the estates of deceased laymen,204 and the prots of such non-religious activities as banking and the provision of irrigation and other agricultural facilities.205 No doubt they would also have benetted from the riches accumulated by individual monks in the form of the rewards (daks ) that they earned by giving . in .a initiations, imparting instruction, installing images, consecrating monasteries and temples, reciting sacred texts, and performing rites for protection, funeral ceremonies, and the like.206 Tibetan sources record the very large amounts of gold which Indian and Tibetans required for such services. Brog mi agreed to give the Indian Gayadhara 100 gold srang, some 3,750 grams, each year for ve years in return for the transmission of the esoteric Lam bras teachings;207 Zur kya byung nas offered Brog mi 100;208 Rva lo tsa ba gave 100 srang po che sha to the Nepalese Guru Bha ro phyag rdum for the Yamari cycle instructions; Se
201 202 203

204

205

206 207 208

B EAL 1914, p. 112. B EAL 1914, p. 112. copper-plate of Devapala) We have a record (EI 17:17: the Naland a of one such sub This records that in sequent land-grant in the case of the monastery at Naland a. the 35th year of Devapala, c. 847, ve villages were assigned for the support of the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha of a new monastery (viharah . ) constructed at aja Balaputradeva, this site by Mahar the Sailendra king of Suvarn pa (Suma. adv tra). That the regnal year is the 35th is the view of S IRCAR (1983, p. 79, note 38). Hirananda S HASTRI read the numerals as 39 (EI 17:17, l. 42). The Mulasarv astiv adavinaya speaks of the validity of written wills in which wealthy laymen transfer their entire estate to the the Sangha; see Gilgit Manuscripts vol. 3, pt. 2, p. 140, l. 1415, l. 1; and S CHOPEN 2004, p. 6. It also sets out rules obliging monks to accept permanent endowments of cash (aks v ) . ayan (S CHOPEN, loc. cit.). On the prot-making activities of Buddhist monasteries in the fth and sixth centuries in India and in China under the Northern Wei (386534) see L IU 1994, pp. 120158. As for banking, the Mulasarv astiv adavinaya requires the funds of per manent endowments (aks v ) for the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha to . ayan be lent out on interest (vr ddhih ) (S CHOPEN 2004, pp. 67, 4749, 53). On monas. . tic landlordism and the protable management of irrigation works, in which local farmers were given access to such facilities in return for a share of their crops as a donation to the Sangha see S HAW and S UTCLIFFE 2003 and G UNAWARDANA 1979. For the daks in a for the Tantric funeral ceremony see here p. 102. . . Zhib mo rdo rje, p. 90, Blue Annals, p. 207 Zhib mo rdo rje, p. 92

100

The Saiva Age

sr tsha bsod nams rgyal mtshan gave 50 srang to the Nepalese Kaya for the precepts of the Nam mkha skor gsum; Mar pa performed a rite to protect the sons of some wealthy men and charged 10 gold srang for each son;209 and the hagiographies of early Tibetans who travelled to India to acquire initiation and instruction abound in reports of the need to amass large quantities of gold for this purpose.210 It would be rash to assume that the fortunes that were garnered in this aryas way by Indian Ac were added directly to the resources of their monasteries. A passage in the Mahavairocan abhisam . bodhitantra, a text produced in the seventh century, at the beginning of the history of the Mantranaya as a fully-edged 211 ana, path within the Mahay suggests that this was the case:212
After the [s antika ]homah . the Mantrin should request from the disciples a fee (daks in a ) of gold, silver, jewels, a stallion, an elephant, a mare, a cow, a bull, a . . buffalo, cloth, and whatever else is tting. At that time the disciples should give the daks to the Guru, respectfully, with faith, generating joy in their minds. . in .a Or at any rate they should make the Guru entirely satised. After [the Mantrin, that is to say, the Guru] has done this he should do a rite of self-protection and then exhort the excellent disciples as follows: All the Buddhas teach that this is a eld for [the sowing of] merit for the benet of all living beings. Therefore give to the Sangha, [for it is] vast in its pure virtues.

But it is striking that references to the Sangha are not found in this context in later texts, which only specify the goods that should be given.These are much the same as in the Mahavairocan abhisam pankarabhadra, setting . bodhi, though D out the procedure for initiation with the Man , adds land .d . ala of the Guhyasamaja
209 210 211

212

Blue Annals, pp. 377, 395, and 400. See, for example, pp. 399401 of the account of the life of Mar pa in the Blue Annals. The earliest certain evidence of the text is its Chinese translation by Subh akarasim o 848). But H ODGE . ha and Yijing registered in A . D. 725 (Taish (2003, pp. 1415) points out that Yijings Xiyuqiufaguosengzhuan (Record of Eminent Monks who Sought the Dharma in the West) reports that the monk Wuxing, his contemporary in India, had died as he was setting out to return to China in 674, that texts he had collected were forwarded to China, and that three important Tantras are listed among these works: the Subahuparipr , the Susiddhikara, . ccha and the Mahavairocan abhisam . bodhi. rNam par snang mdzad chen po mngon par byang chub pai rgyud, f. 173r47: sbyin sreg rjes la sngags pa yis | slob ma rnams la yon bslang ba | gser dang dngul dang rin chen dang | rta dang de bzhin glang po dang | rta mo ba lang ma he gos | gzhan yang dngos po ci yang rung | de tshe slob mas gus par ni | dad pa rab tu ldan pa yis | sems la dga ba bskyed nas su | bla ma ni yon bdul lo | yang na ci nas bla ma de | rab tu mgu bar gyur bar bya | de ltar byas nas bdag bsrung ste | slob ma de pos bsgo ba ni | di ni bsod nams zhing yin zhes | sems can kun gyi don gyi phyir | skyob pa rnams ni kun gyis gsungs | rnam dag yon tan rgyas pa yi | dge dun la ni kun gyis byin.

101

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

at the head of the list,213 and the scripture Laghu sam . varatantra goes so far as include a ras .. tram, which I take to mean [the revenues of] a district or sub-district of a kingdom and therefore to be envisaging the gift of a monarch.214 Moreover, the Mulasarv astiv adavinaya , which was the predominant code of monastic law in eastern India and was thence adopted in Tibet, recognizes that monks had private property and that there could be great differences of wealth owned by individuals within the Sangha. However, it also insists that such property does not go to the king when a monk dies, as brahmanical law required in the case of those who die without offspring, but remains within the monastic community to which he belongs.215 Of course, a wealthy Guru could also donate his wealth to
213

214

215

Guhyasamajaman adisuvarn land, .d . alavidhi, f. 16v12, v. 375c: bhugaj . adau an elephant or [other mount], gold, and other [valuables]. The Mr . tasugati unyasam niyojana of S adhivajra includes houses, land, and male and female slaves among the gifts that should be given to an ofciant who performs the Tantric funerary ceremony (antyes tih upam .. . ): yojanako pi svavibhavanur . vastralam . kara sayanasanagr das adikam ac ary aya sadaram . haks . etradas . daks . in . am . dadyat (f. 4r23). Laghu sam tathagatoktadaks . vara f. 4r13 (3.1114b): tatas tu gurave dadyat . in . am | nirjatyam suvarn a s atasahasram ratn ani vividh ani ca 3.12 vastrayugma s atam . . . . caiva gaja vaj ras .. tram eva ca | karn thika ngulikai s ca . abharan . a kat . akam . ca kan .. samuttamam 3.13 yajnopav ta sauvarn am . duhitam api | dasa das . am . svabhary bhagn m pran . vapi . ipatya nivedayet Then he should give to the Guru the daks . in .a prescribed by the Tathagata. After prostrating himself he should give 100,000 [Palas] of the most precious gold, jewels of various kinds, 200 lengths of cloth, an elephant, a horse, and a ras .. tram, earrings, bracelets, necklaces, rings, and a crown, a golden caste-thread, his wife, his daughter, a male slave, a female slave, or his sister. The use of the term ras .. tram for a district or sub-district is seen in inscriptions; see S IRCAR 1966, pp. 277278. My translation of the passage follows the text and interpretation of the commentator Bhavabhat .t . a. The reading nirjatyam ., which he interprets as most precious, is suspect. The MS (Laghu sam vara , f. . 4r2) reads the much more satisfactory niryatya having given, as does the com mentator Kambalapada (Sadhananidhi , f. 11v4); and this is also the reading seen ac arya in f. 54v35 of the Sam nama man a of Bhuv of Ratna. varodaya .d . alopayik giri in Orissa (see here p. 91), in the Nepalese codex unicus of 1056. See also Catus . thatantra f. 60v12 (4.1.4647), which includes a house, land with rights . p to mine, and grain: tato gurudaks s is nitya sah m . inam . dadya . ya bhavena . | atmapatn . saputram bandhavaih sva gavad nam . gr s ca go. va . saha cet . ikaih . | hasti a . ha ks . etra travan sauvarn vr hidhanyakaih . a rajata tamram . vastradi . . The Vimalaprabha on Kalacakratantra , Abhis . ekapat . ala v. 198 explains that verse as meaning that the initiate should promise always to give to his Guru one sixth of all his inherited and self-acquired wealth in the form of gold, jewels, grains and the like, and a sixth of all his livestock. It adds that he is required to give his wife to the Guru ve times each month (vol. 2, p. 144, ll. 1722). The inheritance of the property of deceased monks is treated in the Mulasarv asti vadavinaya in the C varavastu (Gilgit Manuscripts vol. 3, pt. 2, pp. 113148). Particularly relevant in this context is its discussion of the case of the monk Upananda, who died leaving 300,000 in gold (pp. 117121). King Prasenajit is persuaded that the estate does not belong to the crown and the Buddha rules that it should be

102

The Saiva Age

the monasteries during his lifetime by creating religious endowments. We have ba, who had bea striking example of this in the eleventh century. Rva Lo tsa come extremely wealthy by charging for instruction in the Tantrashe is said to have established xed rates for a wide range of texts, sent 100 srangs of gold to Vikrama s la to fund the recitation in perpetuity of a copy of the Panca vim atisahasrik a Prajn ap aramit a written in gold, two golden copies of the As ta.s .. sahasrik a Prajn ap aramit a , and 100 srangs of gold to fund the recitation in perpetuity of eighty-four copies of the Prajn ap aramit asam . cayagath a by eighty-four 216 Pan .d . itas of the monastery. emperors and their bureaucracy were involved in the How closely the Pala supervision of their Buddhist foundations cannot be determined from the available evidence. But it is almost certain that a Superintendent would have been appointed by the ruler to oversee their administration and that he would have anist required a substantial staff to enable him to do so. The Ratnaval , a Mahay work of uncertain authorship written before the sixth century,217 advises the unknown king to whom it is addressed on the proper administration of his realm

216 217

distributed among the monks of his monastery: bhajayata yuyam . bhiks . ava upanandasya bhiks (p. 119, ll. 1314). The main concern here is to . taparis . or mr . karam ensure that the wealth of monks stays within the community, free of the states interferecee. For analysis of the treatment of these and related matters in the Mulasarv astiv ada-vinaya see S CHOPEN 2004, pp. 36. The private property of a deceased monk was to be divided, directly or after sale, among the members of his community or, where this was not appropriate, as in the case of land, servants, and grain-stores, taken over for the use of the whole community (Gilgit Manuscripts, vol. 3, pt. 2, pp. 141, l. 4143, l. 1). But when the estate contained precious metals, worked or not, those were to be divided into three shares, one for each of the Three Jewels (Gilgit Manuscripts, vol. 3, pt. 2, p. 143, ll. 1012: suvarnam . ca hiran . yam . ca yac canyac ca kr t akr tam trayo bh ag ah kartavy ah | eko buddhasya | eko dhar. . . . . masya tr yah ). That for the Buddha should be used for repairs to the . t . sanghasya monasterys Buddha shrine (gandhakut ) and relic Stupas, that for the Dharma . should fund the copying or enthroning of the Buddhas teachings, and that for the Sangha should be divided among the monks (ibid., ll. 1214). In the case of jewels other than pearls half should go to the Dharma and half to the Sangha (ibid., ll. 1 5). Manuscripts of Buddhist texts should be added to the monasterys library and manuscripts of non-Buddhist texts should be sold and the proceeds shared (ibid., ll. 57). Blue Annals, p. 377. arjuna The work is attributed to the Nag of Mul amadhyamakak arik a fame. I consider this attribution to be doubtful in spite the fact that it is made by such au thors of the sixth century and later as Bhavaviveka, Candrak rti, Haribhadra, Kamala s la, and *Ajitamitra (Mi pham bshes gnyen), who wrote the only known commentary on the text, which has come down to us in a Tibetan translation made by the Bande Dpal brtsegs with the Indian Vidyakaraprabha in the early ninth century. The Ratnaval itself contains no evidence of its authorship and V ETTER (1992) has cast doubt on the traditional attribution through an analysis of its metre and word frequency.

103

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

and begins by declaring: Appoint for all religious foundations a Superintendent of Religion (dharmadhikr . tah . ) who is energetic, without avarice, learned, and virtuous, who will not oppress them.218 It goes on to advise him on the qualities he should look for in those whom he appoints as ministers (sacivah . ), military commanders (dan ah . ), and superintendents (adhikr . ), telling . tah .d . anayak the king: Have them submit to you complete monthly accounts of revenues and outgoings and, after hearing these, personally conduct all business pertaining to religious foundations and the rest.219 This, of course, is not evidence of what realm. But as I read the passage it is the qualities and was done in the Pala duties of these various ofcials that are the subject of injunction, not their existence; and there is certainly nothing exceptional in the ofce itself, since we have evidence that it was normal in kingdoms throughout the Indic world.220 Ab-

218

219

220

Ratnaval 4.22: sarvadharmadhik ares . u dharmadhikr . tam utthitam | alubdham . pan abadhakam . The term dharmadhik arah . , which .d . itam . dharmyam . kuru tes . am elsewhere is used to refer to the ofce of the Superintendent, is clearly used here in the meaning religious foundation, as the Tibetan translation chos kyi gzhi agrees, and as it occurrence earlier in the same passage (4.18) conrms: dharmadhik ar a ye canye purvar ajapravartit ah . | devadron te pi pravartyantam . yatha sthitah . . yadayas And you should ensure that temples and other religious foundations created by former kings should continue as they are. This sense of the word is also found in Licchavi inscriptions; see LKA 71, ll. 12; and 81, l. 1112: bhavis . yadbhir api bhupatibhih ajakr arap alan adr . tair bhavitavyam Future . tadharmadhik . purvar kings too must take care to maintain religious foundations created by kings of the past. Ratnaval 4.26: pratimasam . ca tebhyas tvam r rutva .n . sarvam ayavyayam . s .u | s *dharmadhik ar adyam . karyam . sarvam . (Tib. chos gzhi sogs kyi don kun nyid) svayam . kuru. asa Dus In the Abhijn ana sakuntala of Kalid . yanta, wishing to conceal his identity tells us that he has been appointed by the king to the ofce of Sufrom Sakuntal a perintendent of Religion and accordingly has come to her hermitage in his ofcial capacity to satisfy himself that they are free of hindrances to the performance of their rites; Act 1, after v. 22, p. 38: bhavati yah n a dharmadhik are . pauraven . a raj niyuktah dharmaran . yam ay atah . . The fth Da. so ham avighnakriyopalambhaya modarpur copper-plate inscription, of 533/4, recording a formal request for the purchase of land in the Kot . ivars . a district to be given to a nearby temple, speaks of it being presented with the full knowledge of the Ofce of Religion (dharmadhik ara buddhya ) (EI 15:7, p. 143). A banker Ralhan ar . a has the title dharmakarmadhik the superintendent of religious activities in the Kharod inscription dated in 1181/2 of Ratnadeva III, the Kalacuri of Ratnapura (EI 21:26, l. 28: s res thina ralhan .. . e natra dharmakarmadhik arin .a ). The humourous play Agamad ambara , composed . by the Kashmirian philosopher Jayantabhat .t . a and set in the Kashmir of his own nkaravarman time, during the reign of Sa (883902), has a Saiva ascetic inform us that a brahmin Sam . kars . a has been appointed by that king to the dharmaraks . an . adhikarah . , the Ofce of Superintendent of Religion for the whole country (Act 3, Prelude, p. 132: s akalae yyeva va sum dhammalas ale n a . dhalae . kadhi . iutte [*sakalay eva vasum a dharmaraks are niyuktah . tah . dharay . adhik . ]). The term dharmadhikr . oc curs in a fteenth-century inscription from N lacala, the site of the famous temple

104

The Saiva Age

sence of thorough external control of the great monasteries seems all the more unlikely when one considers that apart from the fact that they were such large and wealthy establishments it was not the case that by building, equipping, and endowing a monastery a patron surrendered his ownership entirely. The patron continued to be the owner of the monastery and its contents (mahavih arasv am , viharasv am ) in some sense and the monks were obliged to employ all these for the purposes for which they were designated, the return for the owner being the constantly augmenting merit that was generated for him by their repeated use (paribhoganvayam . pun . yam). Only where there was no such use, as in the case of a Caitya, did a donor gain merit once and for all by the simple act of surrendering 221 ownership (tyag anvyayam . pun . yam). Moreover, we know that monks who held senior teaching positions in the great monasteries did so by royal appointment,222 and that rituals for state pro-

221

222

akhy near Gauhati in Assam, recording a grant of land by a king Madhava. of Kam a, The inscription opens with the information that the grant has the approval of this ofcial: dharmadhikr (S IRCAR 1979, p. 16, l. 1). Mpu Prapanca re. tenanumatam veals in his Old Javanese poem De sawarn ana that there were two Superintendents . of Religion in the Majapahit kingdom of east Java, one for the Buddhists (dharma dhyaks . a kasogatan), and the other for the Saivas (dharmadhyaks . a kashaiwan). Inscriptions from that kingdom reveal that there was also a board of subordinate religious ofcials known as the Assessors of Religion (dharmopapatti or dharmadhi karan a ); see S ANTIKO 1995, p. 56; cf. here p.119; for references see Z OETMULDER . 1982, under dharmadhyaks . a, dharmopapatti and dharmadhikaran . a. On this crucial distinction between paribhoganvayam anvayam . pun . yam and tyag . pun sabhas . ya on 4.121a (caitye tyag anvayam . yam see Vasubandhu, Abhidharmako . pun . yam In the case of a Caitya there is merit that accrues from surrender): caitye saragasy atm artham ity uktam | tatrasaty upabhoktari katham . danam . pun . yam . bhavati | dvividham anvayam ad eva yad utpadyate paribhoganvayam . pun . yam . tyag . tyag . anvayam ca deyadharmaparibhogad yad utpadyate | caitye tyag . pun . yam (4.121a) It has been said that a gift to a Caitya made by one who is not free of attachment is for his own benet. Since there is no enjoyer of the gift in such cases how can there be merit [generated by such a gift]? Merit is of two kinds: tyag anvayam , which arises only from the surrender [of ownership of what is given], and paribhoganvayam , which arises from the enjoyment of a pious gift [by the recipients]. One should note that the restrictive particle eva is used here only after tyag ad . Vasubandhu does not state conversely in the case of paribhoganvayam . pun . yam that this kind of merit arises only (eva) from the use of the donation. I infer that merit in such cases was understood to arise both from the act of surrendering possession and from subsequent use. This is conrmed by Candrak rti, who in his Prasannapada , commenting on paribhoganvayam in Madhyamakakarik a 17.5a, speaks of the goods used as surrendered (parityaktasya). See Abhidharmako sabhas . ya on 4.4ab addressing the conundrum of how the Buddhas doctrine of moral action as intention (cetana ) can be reconciled with this claim of the accretion of further merit (pun . ddhih . yavr . ) whenever a recipient uses something donated whether or not the donor is aware of it; and S ANDERSON 1995c, pp. 3840. Rgya gar chos byung, p. 179, ll. 1314: rgyal pos spyan drangs te na la nda dang s varak | bi kra ma la sh lai nub sgo bar bskos shin The king invited [Vag rti]

105

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

tection were performed on behalf of the monarch at Vikrama s la. We have seen above Taran athas report of the re-ritual performed for the benet of the dy aryas nasty by the Vajrac of that monastery; and two important texts on the rit ual of initiation written by two major Tantric authorities under the early Palas, the Sarvavajrodaya of Anandagarbha and the Guhyasamajaman .d . alavidhi of ana D pankarabhadra, the successor of Buddhajn at Vikrama s la, insert ancillary rites specically for the averting of danger from the monarch.223 Moreover,

223

and made him the Guardian of the Western Gate of Vikrama to Naland a s la; p. 182, l. 10: bdus kyi ka chen dang po bram ze rin chen rdo rje ni The brahmin Ratnavajra, the rst [occupant of the the position of the] Great Central Pillar of Vikrama s la; p. 182, l. 19: rgyal pos bi kra ma sh lai *pa (corr. : sa Ed.) tra phul The king bestowed [on Ratnavajra] the charter of appointment [as the chief monk] of Vikrama s la HBI, p. 297 and 301. We may presume that the same applied to those who held ofce as the Gate Guardians of the other three direc ana sr tions (Rgya gar chos byung, p. 181, ll. 810): and to Jn mitra, described as the second to hold ofce at Vikrama s la as the Great Central Pillar (p. 183, l. (Abhayapala?), 11). King Bheyapala a king otherwise unknown, whom Taran atha (Nayapala [r. c. 1027-1043], the successor of makes the predecessor of Neyapala I), is reported to have bestowed charters of appointment on only sevMah pala enty Pan s la (Rgya gar chos byung, p. 184, ll. 14: bi kra ma .d . itas of Vikrama sh lar ni | pa n .d . i ta bdun cu tsam gyi *pa tra (corr. : sa tra Ed.) las ma tshugs te; HBI, p. 304) Taran atha tells us that for that reason he is not counted among the Seven Palas (p. 184, ll. 1415, HBI, p. 304), that is to say the seven remembered for their exceptional patronage of the faith. These seven are not listed, but Taran atha does say which of the Palas were excluded from the list. The seven ala, that remain are Gopala, Devapala, Dharmapala, Mah pala, Mahap Neyapala (Nayapala), and Ramap ala. Other, later appointments recorded by Taran atha ana are those of D pankara sr jn as Upadhy aya at Vikrama s la under Bheyapala, an . ika Yamari under with responsibility also for Uddan .d . apura (p. 304), the Pram (p. 187, l. 19: bi kra ma sh Nayapala lar *pa tra (corr. : sa tra Ed.) cher thob He obtained the great charter of Vikrama s la; HBI, p. 308), and Abhayakaragupta under as Upadhy aya, rst at Vajrasana and then at Vikrama s la and Naland a, (p. 189, l. 1013; HBI, p. 313). I take the term patra here (=patram, Ramap ala patrika ) to mean an ofcial document bestowing an ofce and hence by extension ofce or authority bestowed by this means; cf. patrika in Tantralokaviveka , vol. 3, p. 191, ll. 36, the commentary of the Kashmirian Mahanayaprak a sa p. 115,8, and Vamake svar matavivaran . a, p. 55 (on the theft of such documents by fraudulent Gurus); also the expressions tamrapatram and s asanapatram for a royal charter. With the names of Indian Buddhist authors and translators .d we commonly encounter the title Mahapan . chen) . ita (Mkhas pa chen po / Pan .d .d arya, .d (also Mahapan and Mahapan . itasthavira, Mahapan . itac . itabhiks . u). Among Tantric scholars with this title are Atulyavajra, Advayavajra, Abhayakaragupta, arya, ana, Anandagarbha, Kuladatta, Darpan D pankara sr jn Durjayacandra, . ac Buddhaguhya, Bhavabhat ana, Narop a, santi, Ravi sr jn .t . a, Ratnaraks . ita, Ratnakara akyaraks dhara. It is perhaps analo s varak Vag rti, Vibhuticandra, S ita, and Sr . gous to the Chinese Buddhist title dashi (Jap. daishi) Great Master, which came to be bestowed by the Emperor on distinguished monks from the reign of Yizong (859873) onwards; see F ORTE 1994, pp. 10231034. Anandagarbha, Sarvavajrodaya f. 29r12 (a preliminary rite): *manus . asthic urn . a-

106

The Saiva Age

Taran atha relates several occasions on which Buddhist Tantric masters were believed to have used Tantric rituals to good effect against the enemies of their patrons in times of danger.224 In some sense, then, these were state monasteries, not unlike the great imperial monasteries of Tang China and Japan,225 rather
homenasr . gvis . asahitena (em. [Tib., cited in Ed. mi rus kyi bye ma khrag dang dug dang bcas pa dang] : manus . asthic urn . aho + + + + vis . asahitena Cod., Ed.) man d alavighnam niv ary atma s is yabh up al adi s antikahomam After having .. . . . kuryat removed [all] impeding spirits from the Man .d . ala by offering into the re powder of human bone mixed with blood and poison he should perform a re-sacrice for the warding off of dangers from himself, the candidate(s) for initiation, and the monarch or other [ruler]; and D pankarabhadra, Guhyasamajaman .d . alavidhi f. 16v1, vv. 373374 (a concluding rite): saty eva sam . pratyekam . bhave tes . am . vamap an . ina | savya ngus .. thakam agr . hya s antim vidhanatah . kuryad . trisaptahutim ekam va raj no va bhupater atha | dikpalasv atma santau ca hutva yaceta daks . . in . am With his left hand he should take hold of the right thumb [of the person who has been initiated] and make offerings into the sacricial re in accordance with the prescribed procedure, doing this for each [of the initiates in turn], if that is possible. Having made twenty-one oblations or just one to ward off danger from [each of aryas these and, then from] the monarch or [lesser] ruler, also from [the Vajrac who have ofciated as] the Guardians of the Directions and himself, he should request his fee. The rite of offering at this point a s antikahomah . of twenty-one oblations for each of the candidates while holding their right thumbs with the left hand is derived from Mahavairocan abhisam . bodhitantra, but the extension of that rite in order to protect the king, the Guardians of the Directions, and the main ofciant himself is an innovation not found there; f. 172v56 . . . 173r34: slob ma sdig dang bral ba kun | de ltar legs par btsud nas ni | de dag zhi bar bya bai phyir sbyin sreg cho ga bzhin du bya . . . de nas slob ma re re nas | mkhas pas lag pa g.yon pa yis | g.yas pai mtho bong bzung nas su | mnyam par bzhag pas sbyin sreg bya | yid ni mnyam par bzhag nas su | sreg blugs re re las kyang ni | gsang sngags cho ga bzhin zlos shing | nyi shu rtsa gcig sbyin sreg bya | na mah . sa ma nta bu ddha nam . | om sha *nti (em. : nta Cod.) ga ta sha nti ka ra . ma ha pra sha ma dha rmma ni rja ta a bha ba sva bha ba dha rmma sa ma ta pra pte sva ha | sbyin sreg rjes la sngags pa yis | slob ma rnams la yon bslang ba When he has in this way introduced all the sin-free disciples [before the Man .d . ala] he should duly perform a re-offering to ward of danger from them. . . . Then the learned [ofciant], should concentrate himself and make offerings into the re, after grasping the right thumb of each disciple with his left hand. With his mind concentrated he should offer twenty-one oblations for each, reciting according to AM | OM S ANTIGATA ANTIKARA the Mantra rite NAMAH S . SAMANTABUDDH AN . MAH A AMADHARMANIRJ ATA APTE A . PRA S ABH AVASVABH AVADHARMASAMAT APR SV AH After the re-offering the Mantrin should request his fee from the disciples. arya Rgya gar chos byung, p. 178, ll. 47; HBI, p. 294 (the Balyac of Vikrama s la de a stroys a Turus . ka army invading from Bengal); p. 186, ll. 811, HBI, p. 306 (Prajn raks s la monastery is attacked . vara when Vikrama . ita makes offerings to Cakrasam by a Turus . ka army: the army is struck by lightning, which killed their leader and many others, so that they were repelled); p. 197, 14, HBI, pp. 3267 (L lavajra, arya Tantrac of Vikrama s la, defeats the Turus . kas by drawing the Yamaricakra); and p. 197, l. 22p. 198, l. 9; HBI p. 328 (Kamalaraks . ita drives off a Turus . ka army from Vikrama s la by throwing enchanted water at them during a Tantric feast [gan . acakram]). On the imperial Great Monasteries of China and Japan (Ch. ta si, Jpn. daiji [Skt.

224

225

107

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

than autonomous, self-governing institutions. The Palas Engagement with Saivism The Palas were certainly the most liberal patrons of Buddhist institutions in early medieval India, and it was no doubt largely because of this that the religion was able to develop and ourish so remarkably in their realm. However, it should not be thought that the scale of these rulers support implies that they at least, unlike the other royal patrons of Buddhism that have been reviewed here, must have turned their backs on Saivism, starving it of patronage that it might otherwise have received. For there is much evidence to the contrary. is praised in a charter of his son MahenIn the ninth century Devapala for having built two temples of outstanding beauty during his rule, drapala 226 one for the Buddha and the other for the consort of Siva; and Mahen is reported to have established a temple for the emaciated goddess drapala (Carcika/C amun 227 An eleventh-century Pra . garh, Carca sasti from Ban .d . a). ancient Kot , also called Dev kot . itapura, informs . ivars . a in Varendr . a and Son us that Nayapala had the Saiddhantika Sarva siva as his royal preceptor (gaud siva retired he passed this ofce to . arajaguruh . ), and that when Sarva siva. This implies that Nayapala received Saiva his brother Murti initiation, since to initiate the king is fundamental to the Saiva Rajagurus role. It also I, Nayapalas tells us that at the site of this inscription Mah pala predecessor, had bestowed a Kailasa-like monastery on Sarva sivas predecessor Indra siva. is described here as a knower of reality (tattvavit), which suggests Mah pala in this Saiva context that he too had received Saiva initiation, which suggests in turn that the gift of the monastery was his Gurus daks . It is probable, . in .a siva, therefore, that Indra siva too, like his successors Sarva siva and Murti
mahavih arah . ]) see F ORTE and D URT 1984. For Japanese Tantric Buddhist rituals of state protection (chingokokka) see M AY 1967. EI 42:2, ll. 1213: yo nirmame *sugatasadma gr . ham . han . ca (corr. : sugatasadmagr ca Ed.) gaurya yat kautukam . ca tilakam . ca jagattraye pi. stone slab inscription of Nayapala, EI 39:7, the Siyan v. 40: mahe[ndra]palacarc a ya mahendrasadr odayah ail m m aile sopanena sahakarot who, .s . | yah . s . vad . abh . s a stone equal in greatness to Mahendra (Vis Carca . u), built for Mahendrapalas .n Vad temple on [her] hill and a ight of steps [leading to it]. When D.C. S IR . abh CAR published this inscription he judged that it is probable that the Mahendrapala king of that name (EI 39:7, p. 48), mentioned in this verse is the Gurjara-Prat hara a inwho ruled c. 885908. In the light of the discovery of Mahendrapalas Mald of that name. scription (EI 42:2) we may now safely assume that he was the Pala Camun Carmamun and Karn On this goddess see here p. 231. Carcika, .d .d . amot . a, . a, . apare listed as synonymous deity-names in Amarako sa 1.1.46. The name Carcika in the Picumata in treatments of the eight Mothers (the pears in place of Camun .d .a , Vaivasvat [Mahe svar . , Vais , Kaumar , seven ending with Carcika , Brahman . av .n with Parama/P uran . /Aghore s making up the total). Mahendr , Carcika],

226

227

108

The Saiva Age

had held the ofce of royal preceptor.228 I know of no direct evidence that III had a Saiddhantika Mah palas successor Vigrahapala Rajaguru, but it is gachi likely that he did, since in his Am copper-plate inscription he is described . as devoted to Sivas worship,229 and there is evidence which strongly suggests that this tradition was still in place under his successor Ramap ala. For in the twelfth century the South-Indian Saiddhantika Trilocana siva tells us that his preceptorial line descends from a Dharma sambhu (Dharma siva) who had held ofce as the royal preceptor of the king of Gaud . a, a standard expression for the 230 rulers. Pala Since three preceptorial generations intervene in that account between Dharma sambhu and Trilocana siva, it is probable that this king was 231 Ramap ala.
228

229

230

231

. garh Pra siva (S IRCAR 1983b), found at Sivav . The Ban sasti of Murti at (mod. . Sibb ad ) in the vicinity of Kot ivars a, ll. 89: 9 s r m an indra s ivah sphut . . . . am . hariharapray am . s ivendrakr . tim bibhrad vam s avibh us an am samabhavac chis yo sya . . . . . . pun ncanapu njama njuracitapr as adamerusphuratkail as abha . yatmanah . | yasmai ka mat iha mah palo nr sivas . pas tattvavit; ll. 1112, reporting that Indra . ham . dadav successor Sarva siva was the royal preceptor of Nayapala: raj no s r nayapalasya gurus tattvavidam . varah | s r m an sarva s ivas tasya s is yo bh ud bh us an am bhuvah . . . . .; and ll. 1314, reporting that Sarva siva resigned his ofce as the Gaud in . arajaguru siva: 14 yenavarjitagaud favour of his brother Murti alaks r nijabhra . arajagurut . m tari s r man murti sive nive sya vipinav asam . svayam va nchat a | ks rodarn . avavama. nthanotthitamilallaks m sis aropy aharato vis supater vr . ttantam . m . sva . ye harav . am . pa udghat . itam. anuraktah EI 15:18, ll. 1719 (v. 12): p ta<h . > sajjanalocanaih . smararipoh . puj . sam sada caturo dhika s ca haritah . kule vidvis | caturvarn . grame . kalah . am . yasamas rayah sah jagad ranjayan s r madvigrahapaladevanr tato . patir jajne . sitaya . punjair dhamabhr was born the illustrious king Vigrahapaladeva, who . t From [Nayapala] was drunk by the eyes of the virtuous, ever devoted to the worship of Siva, more skilled in battle than Indra, the god of Death to the families of his foes, support of the four caste-classes, white-washing the world with the multitudes of his stuccoed temples. (r. c. 11651199): s See, e.g., in a pedestal inscription of the reign of Palapala r gau ath ind svarapalapalap ad an am (H UNTINGTON 1984, p. 239, no. 59) and the Sarn . e (H ULTZSCH 1885), v. 2: gaud scription of Mah pala mah palah .. . adhipo Colophonic verses at the end of Trilocana sivas Soma sambhupaddhativyakhy a (IFP, MS Transcripts 457 [T1] and 170 [T2]; edition in B RUNNER 1963 1998, Pt. 4, pp. 422427 [B]): 1 s r cedirajabhuvi * saivajanakar akhya sr golak yamat habh ava s iva s ca yo sau ( s aivajan akar akhya T2 B : s aivajan akar akhya s T2 . s r golak yamat r kol vimala T1 T2 : s r golak vimala B bhava siva s . ha conj. : s . ak ca yo sau conj. : bhava siva sayosau T1 T2 B) | tadvam ajah ivamatagamalaks .s . s . a vetta s r dharma sambhur iti gaud ndranathah 2 tasmad asav anala. apat . ankarade s siko bhud divyagam ambunidhir * hitakalpavr ks ah (T1 : itikalpavr . . . .ks api padam labhante *yasyaiva (conj. B : yasyaika . ah . B) | svargaukasam . vacasa T1 T2) janmamaran (T2 : bhayam . 3 * sr golak yasam . aika*bhayan . T1) nirastah . r tanavyomavy ap (golak ya T2 B : kol ya T1) tatah ivah soma sambhur ity . ak . s . | s ana as t kalau lokahitaya vai 4 jn ana saktivapus tasmaj jn sambhuh . sadas ivah aivajn an amal arcis .a 5 somarkavam anr . pa. | yenedam . dyotitam . sarvam . s .s mauli*vilolita nghrir (T2 B : vilolita nghri T1) vidvajjanananasarojadiv akaro mam

109

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

There is other evidence of these kings engagement with Saivism. The poet Sam describes king Madanapala, Ramap alas second son, as a . dhyakaranandin 232 devotee of Siva; and a pedestal inscription of 1026 recording renovations of ath by two Pala princes Sthirapala and Vasantapala, Buddhist structures at Sarn I had engaged them to have hundreds of temples of also tells us that Mah pala and other deities built in Benares and that he did so after Siva, Citraghan .t . a, si of that city, who, as we can offering obeisance at the feet of the Guru Vamar a 233 si, was a Saiva infer from his name in -ra ascetic of the Atimarga.
| d nandhas urikr . pan arij atah . (corr. : parij ata T2 B : varaj ata T1) s r jn ana . atithi*p s ambhur ani sam malinam pun atu [1] In the land of the king of Cedi [lived] . . siva Dharma sambhu, a spiritual descendant in the lineage of the famous Bhava siva/Prabhava siva, founder] of the venerable monastery at Golak [=Sadbhava . He mastered one hundred thousand [verses] of the scriptures of the religion of Siva and became the Lord [Guru] of the King of Gaud a. [2] His successor was the fa. mous teacher Anala siva, an ocean of the celestial scriptures, a tree of paradise that granted every wish, one through whose instruction men attained the world of the gods, free of the unique terror of birth and death. [3] His successor was Soma sambhu, a Siva who for the good of mankind [was the sun whose light] lled the sky of the venerable lineage of Golak . [4] His successor in [this] Kali age was ana sambhu, the very embodiment of [Sivas] siva Jn power of knowledge, [a] Sada who illuminated this universe with the pure radiance of his understanding of Sivas teachings. [5] His feet were caressed by the crowns of kings of the lineages of both the moon and the sun. He was a sun to the lotuses that are the faces of the learned. He was the tree of paradise to the needy, to the blind, to scholars, to the wretched, ana sambhu ever [continue to] cleanse me [as his and to uninvited guests. May Jn disciple], impure as I am. The king of Cedi referred to at the beginning of this passage is the Kalacuri and his land is D sa, the region of central India ap. ahalade proximately comprising within modern Madhya Pradesh the Jabalpur District, and parts of the Satna, Panna, and Rewa Districts. Ramacarita 4.35b: s ivapran . . ay ath inscription of Mah (H ULTZSCH 1885): om The Sarn pala | *va . namo buddhaya ran . as sarasyam . (corr. : var an . a s sarasyam . Ep.) gurava sr vamar a sipad abjam | ar a dhya namitabhupati siroruhaih aival*adh s am (?) s anacitraghan tadik rtiratna. s .. s atani yau | gaud mah palah . ka syam . s r man akara[yat] saphal kr .d . tapan . adhipo . ityau bodhav avinivartinau | tau dharmmarajik am . sa ngam . dharmmacakram pu. nar nnavam kr nam as tamahasth ana sailagandhakut m | etam . . tavantau ca nav .. . s r sthirapalo vasantapalo nujah r man Obeisance to the Buddha. Sthirapala . s and his younger brother Vasantapala, whom the Glorious Mah pala, the ruler of and [other] Gaud .t . a, caused to erect hundreds of ne temples for Siva, Citraghan . a, s sis feet, the lotuses gods in Ka after worshipping the venerable Gurava Vamar a an . as that beautify the lake that is Var , with [strands of] duckweed *clinging to them (?) in the form of the hair of the kings that bow down to them, have made a, a new Dharmacakra together with its ancillaries, and a new the Dharmarajik Buddha-shrine from stones of the eight sacred places, having made their learning bear fruit, refusing to turn back in their quest for enlightenment. The reading s aivaladh s am is surely a mistake, for if it were sound it could only yield the absurd meaning overlord of duckweed. The meaning required by the context would be secured by s aivalasa ngam . This has the advantage that it echoes asas a verse in Kalid Kumarasambhava (5.9), which is likely to have been in the

232 233

110

The Saiva Age

ayan . apala (r. c. 860 Similarly, the Bhagalpur copper-plate inscription of Nar 917) records his establishing a Siva and granting a village to it and the associ supatac aryas ation of Pa (pa supatac aryaparis . at . ) attached to the foundation; and though it gives him the epithet paramasaugatah . it reports that he had been responsible for the building of a vast number of other temples for this deity.234 We have even more striking evidence of this kind in the case of Nayapala. stone slab inscription (EI 39:7) devotes most of its sixty-ve verses His Siyan (2163) to detailing an extensive program of royal temple building and image realm. Damage to the inscription installation undertaken throughout the Pala has removed the name of the king who was responsible for this program, but it is extremely unlikely that it was other than Nayapala, since the account follows immediately on that of his martial exploits, following those of his predecessors. These pious activities comprise the construction of a temple topped by golden lions and a nial, evidently therefore a Vad temple for a goddess,235 with . abh a temple of Siva and an attached two-storied monastery (mat . ) for . ho dvibhumih the accommodation of ascetics to its south (v. 24), a temple with a [golden] nial,

234

memory of the author of the inscription, to the effect that during the austerities that Parvat undertook to win the hand of Siva her face was just as charming with her ascetics braids as it had been with her elegantly adorned coiffure; for, says asa: Kalid The lotus is not beautiful only when when lines of bees hover about it but even when [strands of] duckweed cling to it (na s sren . at . pada . ibhir eva pankajam . ngam sa saivalasa api praka sate). However, this solution has the weakness that it is not open to any obvious explanation of how the error arose. Perhaps the person who wrote the letters on the stone before they were engraved was thinking sis ofcial status in Benares. If that, as is very likely, was as the abof Vamar a bot of a Saiva monastery, then the error -adh s am might be the result of the intrusion into his mind of an expression such as s aivadh s am, s aivamat s am, . hadh or s aivalay adh s am. For the expression mat s ah . hadh . (=mat . hadhipatih . ) see, e.g., ah Rajatara ngin . 7.298ab: bhat taraka mat s vyoma sivo jat ; and the .. . . hadh . sadhur anonymous Kumarap aladevacarita v. 51a: tam nimantrya mat h adh s am . . . (called mat . hadhipatih . in v. 49b). But this would be more convincing if the reading corrupted were closer to s aivaladh s am in written appearance or pronunciation. has her temple in Benares near that of Siva Citragupte svara as one of Citraghan .t .a The sense intended may be that he had [new] shrines built for all the Nine Durgas. nine of these goddesses. H ULTZSCH 1886, ll. 2829: paramasaugato mahar aj adhir aja sr vigrahapala devapad anudhy atah . parame svarah paramabhat tarako mahar aj adhir ajah . . .. s r mannar ayan . apaladevah . | kala sapote . . . . ; ll. 3841: matam astu bhavatam mahar aj adhir aja sr nar ayan . apaladevena svayam ayatanasya tatra . karitasahasr pratis thapitasya bhagavatah ivabhat tarakasya pa supata-ac aryaparis s ca | .. . s .. . ada yatharham abalicarusattranavakarm adyartham ayanasanagl anapratyaya . puj . s bhais ajyaparis k ar adyartham | anyes am api sv abhimat an am | svaparikalpita. . . . . vibhagena anavadyabhogartham amah . ca | yathoparilikhitamuktikagr . . . . . I agree with H ULTZSCH that svayam ayatanasya here means [Siva] for whom . karitasahasr ayan . apala] he [Nar himself has built a thousand temples.

111

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

presumably for Siva, since it was equipped with eleven [subsidiary] shrines in which the eleven Rudras were installed (v. 25), a Vad temple for the Mother . abh 236 237 a lofty temple for Goddess and a series of temples for the Nine Durgas, 238 Siva Hetuke svara at Dev kot a temple of Siva Ks svara with a golden . a, . eme
235

236

237

238

Verse 23ab: [su]dha subhram ncanasim sirasam . abh . ka . hakumbha . . . . . That a Vad temple housing an image of a goddess should be distinguished from others by being surmounted by [two] lions and a nial, and that Vad temples are principally for . abh the housing of goddesses, is prescribed in the Saiva Pratis Tantras, that .t . hatantras, is, which specialize in temple construction and installation. See Mayasam . graha, f. 28rv (5.86c89): vasvam e s satyag at suryasam 87 catur.s . od . a . vardhitayatih . dan at purah sukaghro vad ado vyaktalinges . u netares . tah . siddha . abhih . smr . | pras . u dito budhaih 88 vist ar ad dvigun otsedhah pham s adikr tasam vr tih | p ar s ve sim ha. . . . . . . . . . itah dvayopeto madhye kala sabhus 89 padaikasardhabhittir va sapada . dvigun vi ses nam . sam ritam; ibid., f. 29v . onnatih . . ato mbikad . nidhisthanam . ke (vv. 119121): vad ambikadevy ah sar garud riyo dvipo . o hareh . | s . abhyam vr s ah s ambhoh savituh kamalo thav a tad anyes am ca dev an am sv ayudham .. . . . . . . va hitam nijakalpoktam eva va yad utpatti. param | svacihnaparamam . yad va sthitidhvam . am svatomukham | bhati sarvatmano murdhni sa cud .a ga. sakaran . vi dita budhaih type of temple: vi ses . abh . ; f. 28v (5.89cd), referring to the Vad . ato mbikad nam . sam nidhisth anam ritam . The sections of this and other unpublished . Saiva works (Br , Pingal amata , Devyamata , and Mohacud . ottara) that . hatkalottara deal with the building and design of the various kinds of temple are being edited, translated, and analyzed in a doctoral thesis being prepared by my pupil Elizabeth Harris. Verse 26: matuh . kr .n am . (em. : suvarn . te traiva *suvarn . akumbhabhrajis . umurdh . akumbhabharajis .n am . Ed.) valabh m ilabhih . umurdh . s . | [20 syllables obliterated] dev . Verse 27: s ailani mandiran . y atra mandara nk ani yani ca | + + + + + + + + kr t a y a nava can d ik ah and here stone temples of the Mandara kind . . . the . .. . are surely the eighteen-armed form of Nine Can The Nine Can .d .d . ikas. . ikas known as Ugracan and her eight sixteen-armed Mahis Durga .d . asuramardin .a Can Can , a, Can d ogr a, Can a, a, Pracan d ancillaries Rudracan d .d .. .d .d .. .. . avat . anayik . a, Can ar up a, and Atican d ik a. They are nine to match the nine days of the autum.d . . . see Agnal Navaratra festival. For these goddesses, also called the Nine Durgas, nipuran . a 50.711 and 185.310; and Vidyapati, Durgabhaktitara ngin . , p. 198. That had [nine] temples built for these goddesses is in keeping with the preNayapala ferred option of Agnipuran . a 185.3cd: durga tu navagehastha ekag arasthit athav a may be in nine temples or one. For a Paddhati for the worship of Ugracan Durga .d .a and her ancillaries see Ugracan .d . aprakaran . a. Verse 28ab: devikot sasya s ambhor yah adam ailam uccair akars . t. . e hetuke . pras . s . garh) see S ANDER For the Hetuke svara of Dev kot . a/Kot . ivars . a (modern Ban SON 2001, fn. 4, p. 7; also Picumata f. 8r34 (3.119c123), which requires the installation of Hetuke svara as Bhairava in the northeastern segment of the initiation Man d ala: s ane tu di sabh age kot 120 .. . ivars . am . prakalpayet vat tatra s ulodakam . am . tatra samalikhya . likhet | diks . u caiva vidiks . u ca s ulaprot a likhet tatha 121 s ula tasyagrato likhya kun .d . asyaiva mahatape | pat ti sam nyasya vat tato priye 122 as tapatram .. . purvato . asyadhas .. . likhet padmam ayah svaram alikhya sada sivatanus tatha . tathaiveha na sam .s . | hetuke 123 karn am . mahadevi mahabhairavar upin . am | rudras .. takasamopetam . ikay . vars purvavad devi calikhet ; and Ni sisam f. 17v (4.2021): kot . cara . amot . . . e karn

112

The Saiva Age

. e nial and a water reservoir,239 a temple of Siva Varaks svara together with a 240 a and monastery and reservoir, a temple of Vis s . u (v. 33), a temple of Ghan .t .n . of Bhairava surrounded by the sixty-four Mothers in his own city,241 a temple of 242 and a Vad Siva Vat svara at Campa, temple on a hill-top with a ight of . e . abh
mahabalakulodbhav a | s ulahast a sthita devi sarvayoge svare svar tasmin ks . etre sthita devi vat srita | ks mahak a[yo] hetuko nama namatah . ks . avr . asama . etrapalo .. . sa (=Karn The origin myth of the cult of Hetuke svara, Bahumam amot /C amu. . and the other Mothers (Matr . s) at Kot n a), .d . a/Carcik . ivars . a is narrated in chapter 171 of the early Skandapuran . a-Ambikakhan .d . a. Siva promises the Mothers there that he will compose Tantras of the Mothers (matr . tantran . i) to guide their worship. The names of these reveal them to be the Yamalatantras; see S ANDERSON 2001, pp. 67, fn. 4. Verse 30: ks svarasyayatanam gravamayam . | cakara . eme . ks . emankaro . smarareh yo murdhni d ptayata satakumbhakumbham tatra mahasara s ca. In . vyadhat a passage describing Varendr (3.127) in the Ramacarita , completed in the time of Madanapala (r. c. 11431161) but relating events that occurred dur ing the reign of Ramap ala (r. c. 10721126), Sam devotes . dhyakaranandin six verses to the deities of the region (3.27). There Ks svara appears . eme vara or with Hetv vara and Can with Hetv s s svara as one of only two or .d . e three deities individualized by a personal name (3.25: kurvadbhih am . s . devena s r hetv s varen svarabhidh anena kila ks svaren . a devena | can .d . e . eme . a ca sanathaih . . . . sam akalus am ), the others mentioned being generic: the twelve . bhavit . abhav Adityas, the eleven Rudras, Skanda, Vinayaka, the Vasus, the Vi svadevas, and the vara here is surely identical with the Hetuke Lokapalas. Hetv s svara of Kot . ivars .a mentioned above. As a synonymous form it was probably substituted for metrical convenience. It is not clear from the Sanskrit whether Sam in. dhyakaranandin tended Can svara to be understood as an alias of Ks svara or as the name of .d . e . eme third local Siva. I am not aware at present of any external evidence that removes this doubt. Verse 32: . . . mat m varaks . e svara iti s ambhor api s ailam . ham . ca saras . ca | dhama uttalam . Verse 35: ghan t s am ks dehinam | catuh tya .. . yah . svanagare nyadhat . emaya .s . as .. s a is perhaps a double of ca mat r am par tam tatra bhairavam . This Ghan t .n . . . . . the Mahaghan svara/Mahaghan .t .t . e . a identied by the Picumata (3.77c83) as the modern Jajpur in the Cuttack District of Orissa, formerly Bhairava of Viraja, am . the capital of the Bhauma-Kara kings: agneye (em. : agneyam . Cod.) virajay tu trikut . am | 78 nan avr . ks rn s copa sobhitam . tatra calikhet . asamak . am . ulukai | nandin ca chagalam 79 hetukam . caiva kumbhakarn . am . mahabalam . tatra deve sam ma sanena *samam . s . nyaset (conj : samabhyaset Cod.) | tatropari likhec chaktim . ca mahadrumam 80 tasyadhast al likhet padmam as tapatram . karanjam .. . sakarn am . likhed devam t am tu bhairavam . ikam | karn . ikay . mahaghan .. . 81 kat se tatha caiva ghan tasaptavibh us . itam | rudras .. takasamopetam . ide .. . bhairavak arar upibhih 82 rudran . am . bahyato devi yoginyah | . . s . at . samalikhet yamaghan t a kar al a ca mah ajihv a khar anan a 83 kar al dantur a caiva n amai s .. caitah . prak rtitah . | rudracakram tya s sthitah . ; and . ca sam . ves .. . ad . diks . u ca kramat 3.136cd (f. 8v23): agneye mahaghan te svaram nkaje .. . likhet; 30.25cd: agneyapa a- is evidently Ghan caiva mahaghan te svaram s sa- modied by .t .t . . e .. . nyaset. Ghan Middle-Indic Sandhi (-a/a + - > - -). Verse 38: vat svarasya vikat s campay am alayo smabhih navamah . e . a . | yena vyadhayi . was the capital of Anga kulacala ivocchritah in the eastern part of the . . Campa

239

240

241

242

113

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

(Carcika) previously established by king steps for the emaciated goddess Carca 243 the re-excavation of the step-well (vap Mahendrapala, ) of the sage Matanga . ya, the building of a lofty temple of Siva Matange svara at that at Dharmaran site (v. 43),244 the building of a temple of Laks (v. 44), the erecting of a golden . m 245 at Sagara Tri sula (v. 45), the building of a temple of the Sun-god (v. 46), the 246 provision of a golden cover for [the Linga of] Siva Vaidyanatha, the installa247 tion of a golden nial on the temple of Siva At (v. 50), the making of .t . ahasa siva, golden images of Can and Gan a silver image of Sada sa (v. 53) with .d . e . ika golden pedestals, a Moon-god, a Sun-god of silver, a golden lotus engraved with images of the Nine Planets (vv. 5455)all these are ancillary deities of Saiva worship, and a bejewelled golden Siva (v. 56), the building of a monastery and ncar the installation in it of an image of Vis atrika] Vaikun . u in his [Pa .t .n . ha form a. 248 (v. 61), and the building of a high Vad abh temple for the goddess Pi ngal ary . A few other temples and one monastery are mentioned in the inscription (vv. 21 22, 31, 3637, 39, 4142, 47, 52, and 5960), but their afliation is not stated or has been lost through damage to the stone.249 akta It is striking that most of these constructions and images are Saiva or S had Saiva and that not one is Buddhist. It is unlikely, however, that Nayapala rejected the Buddhist leanings so marked in this dynasty. For in addition to the evidence of his being called paramasaugatah atha . there is the fact that Taran

243

244

245

246

247

248 249

modern state of Bihar. Verse 40: mahendrapalacarc ay a mahendrasadr odayah ail m m .s . | yah . s . vad . abh . is the fearsome emaciated goddess coms aile sopanena sahakarot . Carca/Carcik a or Karn monly known as Camun ; see here p. 231. .d . amot .a . . ya is at Gaya in southern Bihar. Its Matanga hermitage, its step-well of Dharmaran svara are mentioned in Agnipuran Matanga, and its temple of Matange . a 115.3436. as agara/Ga as agarasam This is probably Gang ng gama, where the Ganges ows into . the Bay of Bengal, listed in Saiva sources as one of the Saiva sacred power sites, e.g., in the list of the siddhiks . i given in the Ni svasatattvasam , f. 42r13 . etran . hita (Ni svasaguhyas utra 1.2933b). Verse 48: kholam akari rukmaracitam r vaidyanathasya tat. Temples of Siva . s Vaidyanatha are found in various parts of the subcontinent. However, S IRCAR is no doubt correct in his annotation of this inscription (EI 39, p. 41) that this is the Vaidyanatha of Deoghar (24 29 N, 86 42 E ) in Jharkhand, this being revered as one of Sivas twelve Jyotirlingas. Perhaps at At now Labpur (23 50 N, 87 49 E) in the Bhirbhum Dis.t . ahasa, akta trict of Bengal. The name of the Siva at this Saiva and S sacred site ada is Mahan (e.g. Matangap arame svara, Vidyap ada 20.53ab: mahan adasya nathasya cat .. tahas akhyam eva hi | vimalam . vimalasyoktam . sthanam . rudrasya being nearly a synonym as well as the name of the site s obhanam); but At .t . ahasa may have been an alias. Verse 63cd: iyam api valabh gravabhir uttung a pingal ary ay ah .. In addition v. 34 records the founding of a hospital (arogya sal a ), and v. 57 gifts to brahmins.

114

The Saiva Age

had a Buddhist preceptor in the person of Mahavajr reports that Nayapala asana 250 Pun y akaragupta. . Buddhist Kings of Eastern India and their Commitment to Brahmanism Nor is it the case that royal devotion to the Buddha in eastern India during this period weakened in this region the traditional commitment of Indian rulers to the imposition and preservation of the caste-based brahmanical social order in which Saivism was embedded. For in the Neulpur grant of the Bhauma Kara king Subh akara I his grandfather Ks is described both as a Bud. emankara dhist and as having ensured that the members of the caste-classes and disci copper-plate inscription plines observed their prescribed roles;251 in his Terun .d . ia Subhakara II, the grandson of Subhakara I, is given the epithet paramasaugatah . yet is also commended for having propagated the system of uncommingled casteclasses and disciplines proper to the [perfect] Kr . ta Age following the unexcelled 252 Dharmapala is described in a grant of his [brahmanical] scriptures; the Pala both as a paramasaugatah son Devapala and as taking measures to ensure that . castes that erred were made to adhere to their respective duties, thereby dis III is charging his fathers debt to his deceased ancestors;253 and Vigrahapala
250

251

252

253

Rgya gar chos byung, p. 185, ll. 79: rgyal po dis rdo rje gdan pa chen por grags pa la mchod de | de dge bsnyen gyi dus kyi mtshan pu n | rab tu byung bai . ya shr mtshan pu n ka ra gu ptao This king [Neyapala] venerated [the teacher] called . ya a Mahavajr asana. During his time as a lay Buddhist, his name was Pun sr . His . ya ordination name was Pun y akaragupta; HBI , p. 305. In T aran athas text the name . of the king is given as Neyapala. But there can be no doubt that it is Nayapala whose name Neyapala approximates, and that is meant. For there is no other Pala ts this kings reign. He relates that his reign Taran athas chronology of Neyapala ana a) left for Tibet, which is not far out, began shortly before D pankara sr jn (At s came to the throne in approximately 1027 and D ana since Nayapala pankara sr jn set out for Tibet in 1038. EI 15:1, l. 2: svadharmaropitavarn sramah ...s r ks . a . paramopasako . emankaradevah . . EI 28:36, ll. 810: paramasaugata[h saya sastr anus arapravartitakr . tayu. ] . . . nirati gocitasa nk rn sramavyavasthah . avarn . a .. The Mungir copper-plate grant of Devapala, K IELHORN 1892, p. 255, l. 28: paramasaugataparame svaraparamabhat t arakamah ar aj adhir aja sr dharma.. paladevap ad anudhy atah . paramasaugatah svara<h tarako . parame . > paramabhat .. mahar aj adhir aja <h r man devapaladeva <h astr arthabh aj a .> s . >; and ll. 89 (v. 5): s calato nu sasya varn an pratis t h apayat a svadharme | s r dharmap alena sutena so . .. bhut svargasthitan am anr r [Gopala] became free of his debt to his .n .n . ah . pit . am ancestors in heaven through his son Dharmapala, who, adhering to the teachings astras, of the [brahmanical] S after chastising those [members of] caste-classes that stray makes them adhere to their prescribed duties. Cf. Vis .n . udharmottara 2.65.55: varn a s ramavyavasth a tu tath a k ary a vi s es atah | svadharmapracyut an . . . raj a svadharme viniyojayet The king must above all establish the castes-classes and disciplines with the proper distinctions between each. He should force those

115

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

gachi described in his Am copper-plate as the support of the four caste-classes.254 . Moreover, most of the surviving inscriptions of the Palas, Candras, and Bhauma copperKaras record grants which they made in favour of Brahmins. The Ramp al candra strikingly exhibits the extent to which this plate grant of the Candra Sr double allegiance was unproblematic for such Buddhist donors. Following a practice widely attested in non-Buddhist donative inscriptions the gift of land is said to have been made over to its brahmin recipient after the pouring of water and 255 the performance of a re-sacrice, in this case a kot This is simply . ihomah .. adapted to the donors faith by dedicating the offerings to the Buddha rather 256 than to Siva or Vis . u. .n It seems, then, that royal patronage, reecting no doubt the balance of allegiance in the wider population, ensured that Buddhism, for all the liberal sup port it received from the Palas, was in no position to oust or diminish Saivism, even in this region. The monasteries themselves reect this symbiosis. The excavations at Somapura revealed an abundance of non-Buddhist deities, par ticularly Siva, among the stone relief sculptures around the base of the central temple and the very numerous terracotta plaques that decorated its walls.257

254 255 256

257

who fall from their prescribed duties to carry them out; and the Bhagalpur plate of ayan . apala, Nar H ULTZSCH 1886, v. 2cd: maryad aparip alanaikaniratah auryalayo . s smad abhud dugdhambhodhivil asah asamahim a s r dharmapalo nr . pah . After him came King Dharmapala. He was solely dedicated to the maintenance of the boundaries [between the caste-classes and disciplines]; he was the very abode of heroism [in war]; and the glory [of his fame] shone dazzlingly white like the ocean of milk . EI 15:18, v. 13c: caturvarn srayah . yasama .. On the brahmanical kot ihomah see S ANDERSON 2005a, pp. 382383. . . EI 12:18, ll. 2829: vidhivad udakapurvakam kot . tva . kr . ihomam . bhagavate bhagavantam tarakam uddi sya mat apitror atmana s ca pun sobhi. buddhabhat .. . yaya vr . ddhaye . . . According to rule, after pouring water [upon the hand of the recipient] and after performing a kot . ihomah . for the Lord and dedicating it to the Lord Buddha, to add to the merit and fame of my parents and myself . . . . Cf., e.g., EI 21:37 (the Saktipur copper-plate of Laks . asena, r. 11791206), lines . man 4244: vidhivad udakapurvakam r nar ayan . abhat tarakam uddi sya . bhagavantam . s .. mat apitror atmana s ca pun yaya s obhivr ddhaye ; EI 21 :28 (the P alanpur plates of . . Caulukya Bh madeva of Gujarat), A . D. 1063, ll. 56: mahe svaram abhyarcya mat a gachi pitror atmana s ca pun sobhivr . . ddhaye . . . . We nd a similar case in the Am . yaya III (EI 15:18, ll. 3540), but with the omission of the regrant of Vigrahapala sacrice: mat apitror atmana s ca pun sobhivr . ddhaye bhagavantam . yaya . buddhabhat tarakam uddi sya . . . . .. D IKSHIT 1938, pp. 39, 4142, 49, 50, 52, 53, 54, and 58, commenting (p. 58) that brahmanical and Buddhist gods are equally and promiscuously represented on the terracotta plaques, and that among the brahmanical deities Siva is the most frequently represented both on those and in the stone relief sculptures. For the forms of Siva found here see his Plates XXXad, XXXIae, XXXIXf (Linga), XLI d-2, and XLIV a and e, LVIe (Mukhalinga), and LVIIIa (Umamahe svara).

116

The Saiva Age

Excavations of the Vikrama s la monastery also uncovered a mix of Buddhist and predominantly Saiva non-Buddhist images, the latter Siva, Umamahe svara, , Camun Siva and Parvat , Bhairava, Mahis , Parvat , Kaumar .d . asuramardin . a,
258 Gan sa, Kartikeya, the Navagraha, Vr . e .s . u, and Surya. . abha, Vis .n

Joint Patronage of Buddhism and Saivism in the Kingdoms of the Khmers, Chams, and Javanese Much the same phenomenon can be seen in Southeast Asia among the Khmers, the Chams, and the Javanese. Among the rst the dominant religion was Saivism until the rise of the Theravada that accompanied the decline of Angkor, and Tantric Buddhism, even when it enjoyed short periods of prominence through exceptionally determined royal patronage, found itself bound, as I have shown elsewhere, to accommodate its rival.259 In the kingdoms of the Chams, speakers of an Austronesian language who inhabitated the plains along the coast of the South China Sea in what is now the central part of Vietnam, most of the inscriptions that have survived, in Sanskrit and Old Cham, ranging in time from the fourth to the fteenth centuries, record acts of royal piety to Siva or to goddesses identied with his consort. There are also a few from the ninth and tenth centuries that record the installation anist of Tantric Mahay Loke svaras, the construction of associated Viharas, and land-grants to these. But as in eastern India we nd in these that single donors supported both religions. Indeed the situation is more striking here because in all but one case each of these inscriptions records a persons practising both kinds 260 of patronage, Buddhist and Saiva. Thus in the Bakul stele of 829 a Buddhist . a records that his father Samanta has donated two monk Sthavira Buddhanirvan 261 Viharas to the Buddha and two temples to Siva. The Dong Duong stele of 875 records that King Jayendavarman alias Laks ndra enshrined a Laks ndra. m . m loke svara and an associated Vihara, yet the bulk of this long inscription is de voted to the praise of the Siva Bhadre svara, who, we are told, is the source of this 262 dynastys power and prosperity. The Nhan-bieu stele records that in 908 Pov

258

259

260

261 262

IAR 197475, p. 7; 197576, p. 7; 197677, p. 11; 197778, p. 15; 197879, p. 43; and 197980, p. 13. On the co-existence of Saivism and Tantric Buddhism in the Khmer kingdom of Angkor see S ANDERSON 2005a, pp. pp. 421435. The exception is the An-thai stele of 902 (H UBER 1911, pp. 277282), which records that the Buddhist monk Sthavira Nagapus . pa, a close associate of Bhadravarman II, installed a Pramuditaloke svara, and also that this king made a land-grant to the associated monastery (Pramuditaloke svaravihara). ISCC, pp. 237241. F INOT 1904a, pp. 8499.

117

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

Sudan Dharmapatha klun and his son Pov klun installed a Siva Deva.d . a[va]sa svara and in 911, the year of the inscription, built a Vihara for a Vr linge . ddha loke svara, which is to say, a Vihara associated with a deity Vr svara, . ddhaloke which was installed there around this time since it is evident from its name that Vr it was established with the name of their grandmother, princess Lyan . ddha263 the grandmother of the senior wife of Jayasim kula, A stele at . havarman I. Mi-son of 1092 records that King Jayendravarman (alias Paramabuddhaloka), ana described as versed both in the Mahay and in the brahmanical Dharma astras, s established two Buddhist deities, a Buddhaloke svara and a Jayendra var loke svara, but also two goddesses, a Jayendre svar , and an Indragaur s , both probably Saiva, and between 1085 and the year of the inscription gave to Siva

sanabhadre I svara a Linga-sheath of gold and silver alloy adorned with jewels, an inner shrine of sandalwood, silver, gold, and jewels, various items of gold and silver, elephants, and male and female slaves, and beautied his temple with silver and gilded its pinnacles.264 This co-ordination of the two faiths is also evident in eastern Java. The Calcutta stone inscription of Airlangga (c. 10101050), founder of the kingdom of Kahuripan, reports in its Old Javanese section that he was consecrated as the svara), and Mahabr ahman king in 1019/20 by Buddhist (Saugata), Saiva (Mahe .a dignitaries;265 and much evidence of the simultaneous royal support of both Saivism and Buddhism during the Singhasari and Majapahit periods (1222 1292, 1293c. 1500) is present in the Old Javanese poem Nagarakr , also . tagama called De sawarn ana , completed in 1365 by Mpu Prapa nca during the reign of . Wuruk of Majapahit, consecrated as Rajasanagara Hayam (13501389). We learn from this work that both Saiva and Buddhist priests participated in periodic ceremonies for the benet of the realm within the great courtyard inside the royal gate of the palace compound,266 that the administrative heads
263 264 265

266

H UBER 1911, pp. 299311. F INOT 1904b, pp. 970975. DE C ASPARIS 1992, pp. 482483; K ERN 1885 and 1913, p. 104, ll. 1415: matan yan rake halu s r loke svaradharmmawam s a airla ng anantawikramottu ngadewa . sangjn a kastwan s ri mahar aja, de mpunku sogata mahe svara mahabr ahman . a irikang s akak ala 941 Wherefore he was conrmed with blessings by the high digni ahman taries of the Buddhists, Saivas, and Mahabr . as under the name of Rake Halu aka Loke svara Dharmavam s a Airlangga Anantavikramottu ngadeva in S 941. . Nagarakr t agama 8.34; P IGEAUD 19601963, vol. 4, p. 13. This event is referred . to by P IGEAUD in his translation (196063, vol. 3, p. 10) as purication (ceremonies). The term used here is the Sanskrit praya scittam (8.3d: praya scitta ri kalaning * srawan . a [conj. P IGEAUD : grahan . a Cod.] phalgun . a makaphala haywaning sabhuwana ). The function of the ceremony, therefore, was expiatory: to cancel the effects of any errors, omissions, or excesses in observances and conduct during the period since the last performance. K ERN, accepting the reading

118

The Saiva Age

(dharmadhyaks . a) of these two communities had ofcial quarters in the east and west to the south of the royal compound,267 and that his sovereign was dedicated

267

grahan . a. . a phalgun . a, took the occasion to be an eclipse during the month Phalgun As P IGEAUD saw, this is implausible. He therefore proposed that grahan . a is an error for s rawan . a, making this ceremony bi-annual and not. a the month Sravan ing that the resulting timing coincides with that of the two major festivals of the Majapahit court (196063, vol. 2, pp. 2122). A trace of this co-functionality has survived into modern times on the island of Bali, where there are both Saiva and Buddhist priests (padanda), with the latter now forming a small minority, about 1 in 10 and less than twenty in all (H OOYKAAS 1973, pp. 5 and 8), which sometimes had a role in state-sponsored rituals (S TUART-F OX 2002, PP. 324 AND 326)). Nagarakr 12.5; P IGEAUD 19601963, vol. 4, p. 25. For a map showing . tagama the location of these quarters within the palace compound (kraton) see H ALL 1996, p. 99. P IGEAUD claims (ibid.) that both are regularly mentioned in the preambles of the royal charters of Majapahit. This is so in the Decree Jaya Song of c. 1350, the Ferry Charter of 1358, and the undated Charter of Batur (P IGEAUD 19601963, vol. 1, pp. 104114 [edition]; vol. 3, pp. 151164 [transla tion]). They are named in the rst after the ministers: the Dharmadhyaks .a of the Saivas (dharmmadhyaks a ring ka s ewan ), R ajapar akrama, alias Dharma. raja, and the Dharmadhyaks . a of the Buddhists (dharmmadhyaks . a ring kaso adhir Kanakamuni, described as a master of the Buddhas teachgatan) Ary aja ings and grammar (boddha sastraway akaran ). In the second the . aparisamapta Dharmadhyaks a of the Buddhists has become N adendra, described in the same . way (boddhatarkkawyakaran sastraparisam apta ) and we learn that the second . a of the Dharmadhyaks name Dharmaraja pus , . a of the Saivas is his nama . papata that is to say, the name he acquired during his initiation through the casting of a ower (pus . ) in accordance with standard Saiva procedure (e.g. Svacchanda. papatah tantra 4.62cd: pus pap atava s an n ama k arayet s adhakasya tu He should name the . Sadhaka in accordance with the casting of the ower; Br f. 91v4 : . hatkalottara pus anus aren . a sam a *tatpurvato [em. : tatpatrato Cod.] hita The [ele. papat . jn ment of the] name before that [such as - siva which indicates the initiates caste] should be [given] in accordance with the casting of the ower). In the third the [Kanakamuni], as in the rst, deDharmadhyaks aja . a of the Buddhists is Aryadhir scribed as a master of grammar and the [Buddhist] Tantras (wyakaran . atantrapari samapta ), and that of the Saivas is Arya Hars described as a master of logic . araja, and grammar (nyayawyakaran sastraparisam apta ). They are mentioned along . a with a number of other learned men, six in the rst, seven in the second, and ve in the third, referred to as teachers of Law and settlers of law suits (dharmmaprawakta wyawaharawicchedaka ) in the rst and second and as settlers of law suits as valid or not (nyay any ayawyawah arawicchedaka ) in the third. They are no doubt the ofcials referred to elsewhere as the Dharmopapattis (see here p.105). In the rst they are (1) Siwan atha, (2) Marmanatha, (3) Smaranatha, (4) Jayasmara, (5) Agre swara, and (6) Mun ndra. In the second they are (1) Siwan atha, (2) Agre swara, adhipa, ghana, and (7) Samataj atha, n ana. (3) Jayasmara, (4) Widyan (5) Siw (6) Sr atha, In the third they are (1) Marmanatha, (2) Smaranatha, (3) Mahan (4) a second ghana and Samata Smaranatha, and (5) Agre swara. Mun ndra in the rst and Sr ana jn in the second were Buddhists, a fact already evident from their names but conrmed by the charters reports of their elds of expert knowledge. We learn from the rst charter that Siwan atha, Smaranatha, and Agre svara were adher ents of the Bhairava sect (bhairawapaks Saivas, and that . a), that is to say, Sakta

119

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

to the support of both religions (81.12). Moreover, in the opening verse of his poem he pays homage to him as Siva-Buddha in human form.268 Particularly striking are passages that report the deity-images or temples in which the souls of deceased kings had been installed. Ranggah Rajasa (r. 1222 1227), was enshrined in two temples, one Saiva and and the other Buddhist, in a single temple complex at Kang en engan;269 and both Saiva and Buddhist priests were seated beside king Rajasanagara when he sat in audience after worship270 271 . apati (r. 12271248) was installed in a Siva ping here. Anus image at Kid . al; Vis . uvardhana (r. 12481268) in a Siva image at Waleri and a Buddha image .n

268

269

270

271

Marmanatha and Jayasmara were adherents of the Saura sect (sorapaks . a), that is to say, Surya worshippers (see here p.58). The second and third charters do not a atha, specify the sects of the judges listed, so that the afliations of Widyan Siw atha dhipa, one of the two Smaranathas, and Mahan are unknown. It is striking that these judicial boards included no Vais . avas. The absence of a representative .n of the R s i sect, often grouped with those of the Saivas and Buddhists as one of the .. three principal denominations in Java (e.g. Arjunawijaya 28.1c: r aiwa sogata; .s .i s Kunjarakarn saiwars . ipaks . a 22.3c: sang boddha . a), is not surprising. For its followers were forest-dwelling hermits. The Kunjarakarn . a associates them with the supata] pancaku worship of the [Pa sika; see 23.1d: lwi glar sogata pancabuddha r .s .i pancaku sika wiku s aiwapancaka ; and T EEUW and R OBSON 1981, p. 26. See also S ANDERSON 2005a, pp. 374376. The creation of the post of a Dharmadhyaks . a of the Buddhists and the inclusion of Buddhists on the judicial board were perhaps recent developments. For the Sarwadharma charter issued in 1269 during the reign of Kr . tanagara (P IGEAUD 19601963, vol. 1, pp. 99103 [edition]; vol. 3, pp. 143 150) mentions only a Dharmadhyaks Siwan atha Tanutama: . a of the Saivas (Acarya mpungku dharmmadhyaks a ri ka s ewan d ang ac aryya s iwan atha mapanji tanu. . aryas, tama) together with a board of ve other Ac Dharmadewa, Smaradahana, Smaradewa, another Siwan atha, and Agraja, not one of whom has an obviously Buddhist name (plate 2, recto, ll. 47). Nagarakr 1.1bc: s iwa budd a | sang s r parwwata. tagama . a sira sakalanis . kalatmak natha The Lord of the Mountain, protector of the unprotected, the holy SivaBuddha, who is both manifest [in physical form] and transcendent. The Lord of the Mountain (s r parwwatanatha ) addressed in this verse has been understood, im plausibly, as Siva. I am entirely persuaded by the evidence presented by S UPOMO (1972; 1977, pp. 6982) that it is the king that is intended in this and the opening verse of Mpu Tantulars Arjunawijaya, where the Lord of the Mountain, in this case called Parwwatarajadewa, is identied as the physical manifestation of the ultimate reality that is the Buddha (1.1b: sang saks . at paramarthabuddha ). Nagarakr 40.5d: sang dinarmmadwaya ri kagnangan s s ewabodd . . tagama . eng usana P IGEAUD translates dinarmmadwaya as a double dharma (religious domain) (19601963, vol. 3, p. 46) and R OBSON (1995, p. 5) as a double temple. I do not see that the expression, which is equivalent to Skt. dharmadvayam, conveys anything more than the fact that there were two temples. Cf. S ANTOSO 1975, p. 54. Nagarakr 36.2b: para wiku s ai sogata aryya naligih iniring nirekhi tan . tagama adoh . . Nagarakr 41.1d: prad siwabimba (K ERN : s imbha P IGEAUD) s obhita . tagama . ipa * rikang sud . harmma ri kid . al.

120

The Saiva Age

at Jajaghu;272 Kr . tanagara, r. 12681292, who is depicted as a devout initiated Tantric Buddhist and described after his death as liberated in the world of Siva Buddha,273 and was installed in a Siva-Buddha in his own place and, with at his queen, Vajradev , in a Buddhist image combining Vairocana and Locana 274 Sagala. Kr Jayavardhana (r. 12931309) was installed in a Buddha . tarajasa in the palace and a Siva at Simping,275 and Jayanagara (r. 13091326), who is
276 described as having returned to the world of Vis . u, in Vis . us in the royal com.n .n P pound, Shila et . ak, and Bubat, and in a Buddha in the form of Amoghasiddhi

in Sukhal la.277 We also learn that there was a temple founded by Kr . tanagara at Jajawa, located at the foot of the sacred mountain Kukuwus, which was Saiva but had a Buddhist pinnacle and contained a Siva with an image of Aks . obhya 278 above its crown, and that both Buddhists and Saivas worshipped in it. The in-

272

273

274

275

276 277

278

Nagarakr 41.4b: d iwawimbha len sugatawimbha . tagama . inarmma ta sire waleri s mungwing jajaghu. Nagarakr 43.5c: sang mokteng s iwabudd . tagama . aloka. His commitment to Buddhism is indicated in 42.3c (samaya len brata mapag eh apaks . a sogata) and 43.2a (bhakti ri pada s ri s akyasim h asthiti ). As for his involvement in Tantric . Buddhism we learn that he received Buddha consecration (jinabhis . ekah . ) and anavajre was then given the name Jn svara (43.2bc: lumra nama jinabhis . ekanira sang s r jn anabajre swara), that he devoted himself to Tantric worship following the otherwise unknown Subhutitantra as his principal guide (43.3b: mukyang tantra subhuti rakwa tinng ot k emp en), and that he celebrated the esoteric Tantric ritual known as gan . acakram (43.3d), an indication that his Tantrism was that of the Guhyasamaja or one of the Yogin tantras. His ana sivavajra and Vajrajn ana siva in the initiation-name appears in the forms Jn Sanskrit inscription (K ERN 1910) on the lotus-cushion of an image of him . obhya installed at Simpang self in the form of the Mantranaya deity Mahaks in Surabaya in 1289 (vv. 1213: s r jn ana sivavajrakhya s cittaratnavibhus . an . ah . | jn anara smivi suddha ngas sam bodhij n anap aragah subhakty a tam pratis t h apya . . . .. svayam thitam | s ma sane vurarenamni mahaks . obhyanur upatah . purvam . pratis .. . ; 19d: vajrajn ana siva + +). All three forms of the name have the appearance of a SaivaBuddhist hybrid. Nagarakr 43.5d: rinke sthananir an d iwabudd halp no. tagama . inarmma s . arcca ttama; 43.6: hyang werocana locana lwiriran ekarcca praka seng praja . Nagarakr 47.3bd: drak p nratis ta jinawimbha sireng pur jro | antah . tagama .. . pura ywa panlah aiwapratis ta sira teko muwah . rikanang sud . armma s .. . ri simping. Nagarakr 48.3a: sang nr . tagama . pati mantuk ing haripada. Nagarakr 48.3bcd: s ghra siran d . tagama . inarmma ri d . alm purarccanira wis ila pt pad pratima wis .n . uwimbha parama | len ri s . ak mwang i bubat .a .n . umurtty anupama ring sukhal la tang sugatawimbha s obhitan amoghasiddhi sakala. His installation in Vis . us is without parallel among the Singhasari-Majapahit kings; .n see P IGEAUD 19601963, vol. 4, p. 141. However, the kings of Kad . iri, the principal court of East Java through the tweth century to c. 1222, were devotees of this god. Most were described as his embodiments (DE C ASPARIS and M ABBETT 1992, p. 327) and his incarnations are central to the literary epics (kakawin) of the Kad . iri court (H ALL 2005, pp. 2 and 8). Nagarakr 56.1b2c: k rtti s r kr prabhu yuyut nare swara sira | . tagama . tanagara

121

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

timate co-existence of the two traditions is also apparent in the intertextuality of religious texts in Java, as has been demonstrated for the Saiva Jn anasiddh anta and the Tantric Buddhist Sang hyang Kamahay anikan and Kalpabuddha.279 It ana-Buddhist is also seen in the great frequency with which the Mahay concept of emptiness (s unyat a ) is incorporated in Javanese Saiva sources through the inclusion of the terms s unya and s unyat a among those used to characterize the high280 est reality, in the readiness of the redactors of Saiva liturgies to supplement sets of Saiva elements with Buddhist elements when they needed to make up a total for the sake of the numerical correspondence,281 and in the fact that the Kunjarakarn . usun the supreme Buddhist deity Vairo. a of the Buddhist Mpu D

279

280

281

t ekwan rakwa sirangadis tita s ar ra tan hana waneh aiwa bodd .. . etunyang dwaya s .a sang amuja nguni satata chinang can saiwan apucak kabodd .d . i ri sor ka . an i ruhur mwang ri jro s iwawimbha s obhita hal a | aks . pniraparimit . obhyapratime ruhur mmakut It was a temple (k rtih the kings . tanagara, . a tan hanolyantika . ) of Lord Kr great-grandfather. He himself established it. Hence both Saivas and Buddhists have from the beginning always conducted the worship. The sign is that the temple is Saiva in its lower section and Buddhist above. Inside is a beautiful Siva image and above an image of Aks obhya as (on?) its crown. Of there is no doubt. On the . signicance of the Saiva-Buddhist fusion seen in Kr tanagara in both inscriptions . and literary works see H UNTER 2007. See S OEBADIO 1971, pp. 1219 and 5557 for evidence of this intertextuality; also for a general treatment of the co-existence of the two traditions in Java Z OETMUL DER in S T OHR and Z OETMULDER 1968, pp. 262314. See, e.g., Jn anasiddh anta 3.23: nada s ca l yate s unye s unyam eva tu jayate | s uny ac chunyataram atyanta sunyalaks . sakalatattvam . vapi . an . am sthulam . ca suks . mam sunyam aty urdh ati sunyakam ; . sakalanis . kalam | param . nis . kala . ca urdhv 8.3: sthulam . s abdamayam proktam s uks mam cittamayam bhavet | param . . . . . . cittavirahitam sunyat a ; Gan vaso nih vasah . . cittam . tyaktvati . apatitattva 2: s .s sam iti smr sivam eva s unyat a ; . tam | tri . yoga atmatrayam . tripurus . atvam aikatmya 23: hr sivam guhyalayam uny ati sunyam . dayastham . dayante . sada . hr . / s . cintyate param n ana 62: suryakot .s u hr . dayam . kaivalyam ucyate; Mahaj . isahasram . vimalam ubham | hr padam unyam s . dayante . s . s . param . kaivalyam ucyate; 83: ratri ca prakr a ravi s ca purus | dyuti s ca va mahadevah unyam . tir jney . as tatha . s . ca paramah ivah . s . . I consider it highly probable that these Sanskrit works are Javanese creations. Some of the verses can be found in Indian Saiva sources: Wr haspatitattwa 53 and Gan apatitattwa 3 < Rauravas utrasam graha 7.5; . . . Jn anasiddh anta 19.5 and and Gan . haspatitattwa . apatitattwa 43 < Kiran . a 1.23; Wr 710 < Svayambhuvas utrasam . graha 4.36. But these are surprisingly few, and the works contain several doctrinal elements that are alien to known Indian traditions. Moreover, the deviations from strict Sanskrit usage found in them seem to me not to be characteristic of the registers of the language seen in Indian Saiva scriptural texts. The same is true of the frequent deviations from the correct form of the Anus e.g. Gan .t . ubh in the second and fourth Padas: . apatitattwa 1d, 16d, 48d, 49b, 49d, 54b, 54d, 55b, 59b, 59d; Mahaj n ana 11d, 37b, 38d, 42b, 61b, 73b, 74b, 78b, 78d, 80d; Wr . haspatitattwa 3b, 6b, 6d, 12b, 20d, 23b, 24b, 25b, 63b, 72d. This is extremely rare in Indian Saiva texts. See the example of this cited in S ANDERSON 2005a, p. 377.

122

The Saiva Age

supata] R cana is made to equate the divine pentads of the Saiva and [Pa .s . i sects with the ve Tathagatas, teaching this in the context of an assertion that he is 282 the ultimate reality that assumes the form both of the Buddha and of Siva, and that it is because the followers of the three sects fail to understand this undifferentiated ground that they dispute with each other for the pre-eminence of their respective Gods.283 The same idea is seen in the works of the Buddhist Mpu Tantular. In his Arjunawijaya he has the priest of a Buddhist temple-complex (boddhadharma) explain to Arjuna that its central diety Vairocana is one with siva, that its four ancillary deities, the directional Tathagatas Sada Aks . obhya, Ratnasambhava, Amitabha, and Amoghasiddhi, are one with Rudra, Brahma,
284 Mahadeva, and Vis that there is no distinction between the . u respectively, .n 285 Buddha and Siva, and that therefore it is the kings duty to support all three 286 sects, the Buddhists, the Saivas, and the R Later, in his Sutasoma, Mpu .s . is. Tantular states that the Buddha and Siva are different but one (bhinneka tu-

nggal ika), the famous formula that has been adopted as its ofcial national motto by the modern state of Indonesia, as two manifestations of the ultimate reality of the former.287

282

283 284 285

286 287

Kunjarakarn rs sika wiku s aiwa . a 23.1d: lwir glar sogata pancabuddha . i pancaku pancaka As the Buddhists have the ve Buddhas, the R .s . is have the pentad of Ku sika and the Saivas a pentad of their own; 23.4bcd: ngwang wairocana buddhamurti s iwamurti pinakaguru ning jagat kabeh | naham donkw ingaran bhat . ara guru kapraka sita t eka ring sarat kabeh | anghing byapaka ring samastabhuwanaku juga warawi ses I, Vairocana, am embodied both as the Buddha and as Siva, . adevata Guru, famed and am accepted as Guru by all. Therefore it is I that am Bhat . ara among all men, and it is I, as the highest deity, that pervade all the worlds. Kunjarakarn . a 22.3. Arjunawijaya 26.427.1 Arjunawijaya 27.2abc: ndah kant enanya haji tan hana bheda sang hyang | hyang buddha rakwa kalawan s iwa rajadewa | kalih sam eka sira sang pinakes tidharma. .. Arjunawijaya 30.12. Sutasoma 139.5: hyang buddha tan pahi lawan s iwarajadewa | rwanekadh atu winuwus warabuddhawi swa | bhinn eki rakwa ring apa n k ena parwan os en | mangka ng jinatwa kalawan s iwatattwa tunggal | bhinn eka tunggal ika tan hana dharma mangrwa. This has been translated by S UPOMO (1977, p. 7) as follows: The god Buddha is not different from Siwa, the lord of the gods. The excellent Buddha, the all-pervading, is said to be two different dhatu . Yet although these two dhatu are different, how is it possible to differentiate between them at a glance? In the same manner, the reality that is Jina and the reality that is Siva are one; they are different yet they are one, for there is no duality in the dharma. Commenting on the two different dhatu mentioned in this verse (fn. 9) S UPOMO take them and the Vajradhatu of the Mahavairoto be the two Man .d . alas, the Garbhadhatu canabhisam bodhi and Sarvatath agatatattvasam graha respectively. This reading . . is an error in my view. It does not accord with context, which requires that the two be the realities of the Buddha (jinatwa) and Siva (s iwatattwa) respectively. As I understand it, the passage is saying that the Lord Buddha is both the Buddha

123

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

T HE D EVELOPMENT OF T ANTRIC B UDDHISM T HROUGH THE A DOPTION AIVA AND S AKTA AIVA M ODELS A DAPTATION OF S S The Parallel Repertoire of Rituals

AND

Now, this co-existence of Buddhism and Saivism under royal patronage was surely facilitated by the fact that the form of Buddhism adopted and developed was one that had equipped itself not only with a pantheon of ordered sets of deities that permitted such subsumptive equations but also with a repertoire of Tantric ceremonies that parallelled that of the Saivas and indeed had modelled itself upon it, offering initiation by introduction before a Man .d . ala in which the central deity of the cult and its retinue of divine emanations have been installed, and a system of regular worship animated by the principle of identication with the deity of initiation (devataham . , devatagarvah . karah . ) through the visualization, and re-sacrice (homah use of Mantras, Mudras, ); . and this was presented not only as a new and more powerful means of attaining Buddha-hood but also, as in the Saiva case, as enabling the production of supernatural effects (siddhih antih . ) such as the averting of danger (s . ), the harming of enemies (abhicarah . ), and the control of the rain (vars . am and ativr tidharan . am), .s . apan .. through symbolically appropriate inections of the constituents of these procedures. The latter is particularly important from the point of view of Buddhisms relations with its royal patrons, since such rituals enabled it to match the Saivas by promising kings more tangible benets than the mere accumulation of merit through the support of the Buddha, his teaching, and the Sangha. We have seen an example of such ritual for the protection of the state in Taran athas report of the programme of Tantric re-sacrices performed at Vikrama s la under the ana (r. c. 775812) to endirection of Buddhajn during the reign of Dharmapala 288 dynasty; we have another example in the case of sure the longevity of the Pala ana-Buddhist K rtipan scholar and Tantric expert who according to .d . ita, a Mahay the Vat Sithor stele inscription became the Guru of the Khmer king Jayavarman V (r. 9681001) and was engaged by him to perform frequent re-sacrices in tells the palace for the protection of the kingdom;289 and the Javanese Prapanca us that the purpose of king Kr . tanagaras adherence to Tantric Buddhism was
and Siva, whereas S UPOMOs reading makes Mpu Tantular espouse a doctrine of absolute equality between the two religions within a reality beyond both. This is intrinsically implausible in a Buddhist work. My reading makes his view exactly that expressed by Mpu D . usun in 23.4bcd of the Kunjarakarn . a cited and translated above: I, Vairocana, am embodied both as the Buddha and as Siva. See here p.93. ` 19371966, vol. 6, pp. 195211, v. 36. See S ANDERSON 2005a, K. 111, C D ES pp. 427428.

288 289

124

The Saiva Age

to increase his peoples prosperity and the stability of his realm, and that its reward was the undiminished and undivided sovereignty (ekachattra) of his descendants.290 The adoption of the Saiva practice of Man .d . ala initiation created a further line of access to patronage and was propagated vigorously, as it was by the lites both in the subcontinent and Saivas, as a means of the recruiting of social e 291 beyond. Among the Buddhist Tantras at least two major texts teach rituals of initiation, or consecration (abhis . ekah . ) as it is called in these sources, in which it is kings in particular and royalty in general that are envisaged as the primary initiands. These are the Manju sriyamulakalpa and the Sarvadurgatipari292 s odhanatantra. In the former this is so for the principal Kalpa of the text. In the latter it is characteristic of initiation into the secondary Man .d . alas of the four Great Kings and the ten Guardians of the Directions taught in the Uttarakalpa. The sections dealing with these Man .d . alas specify the king as the principal consecrand, teach little or no required subsequent practice, and promise benets that apply principally to him, namely the protection of himself and his kingdom and the destruction of the kingdoms of his enemies. The monarch is not mentioned in the treatments of initiation given in the Mahavairocan abhisam . bodhi and Sarvatathagatatattvasam . graha, the two great Tantras that were translated into Chinese in the early eighth century to form the basis of the Way of Mantras there and in the Japanese Shingon and Tendai sects. But the ninth-century In dian authority Anandagarbha brings this aspect of the religion to the fore in his Sarvavajrodaya, an inuential manual that sets out detailed practical guidance for the performance of the initiation ritual taught in the second of those texts but draws heavily on the more detailed treatment in the rst. For when he teaches the preparation of the Man .d . ala he prescribes a range of sizes beginning with that appropriate for the initiation of the monarch. In his case each of the sides should measure one hundred or fty cubits (about 40 and 20 metres), in the case of a feudatory (samantah amantah . ) or major feudatory (mahas . ) fty or twenty-ve, in the case of a wealthy merchant (s res th ) or international trader (sarthav ahah .) .. twenty-ve or half of that, and in the case of an ordinary practitioner (sadhakah .)

290

291

292

Nagarakr 42.3d: tum rwa sang at taraja ring usana mag ehakna wr . tagama . dd . ining jagat; 43.3c: puj a yoga samad . i pinrihiran amrih kabeh . sthityaning rat . ; 43.4cd: d tapag eh ing jinabrata mahotsaheng prayogakriya nahan hetuni tusni tus. armmes .. nira pad . aikaccatra dewaprabhu. On the adoption by the Buddhists of the practice of royal initiation and its propagation in India, Tibet, Mongolia, China, Japan, and Southeast Asia see S ANDERSON forthcoming a. Manju sriyamulakalpa , p. 32, ll. 21, 23, and 2830; Sarvadurgatipari sodhanatantra, sections 47b, 48a, and 49a.

125

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

twelve or six (about 5 or 2.5 metres).293 The Mantranaya also followed the example of the Saivas by devising Tantric ceremonies for patrons in the public domain: for the consecration (pratis tha ) of .. temple images (pratima ), paintings of deities on cloth (pat . ah . ), manuscripts of sacred texts (pustakam), monasteries (viharah . ), shrines (gandhakut ), Caityas, . reservoirs (pus ), gardens and the like (ar am adi ). It also adapted the . karin . yadi Saiva procedures for funerary initiation to produce a Tantric Buddhist funeral
293

294

Sarvavajrodaya, f. 29r5-29v1: evam purvasev am . man . . . raj no . tva . kr .d . alam alikhet. hasta satam a saddhastam samantamah as amant an am . panc a sat panca . panc . va vim atihastam s res thinah ahasya va pancavim atim .s . va .. . sarthav .s . tadardham . va sadhak an am . dvada sahastam . . s . ad .d . hastam . va The details of this wide repertoire of the rituals that a Tantric Buddhist of arya) ciant (Vajrac was called on to perform are set out in a number of man uals that are closely comparable to the Paddhatis of the Saivas, notably the Kriyasam . grahapanjik a of Kuladatta (T ANEMURA 2004b), the Vajraval of the great Abhayakaragupta of Vikrama s la (10641125 according to the chronological tables of Sum pa mkhan po Yes shes dpal byor [17041788]; works dated in the twenty-fth, thirtieth, and thirty-seventh years of the reign of Ramap ala [c. 10721126]; Vajraval written before the rst of these; see B UHNEMANN and T ACHIKAWA 1991, pp. xivxvi), which adds procedures for the consecration of reservoirs, gardens, and the like (A, f. 2r1 in the list of topics: pratimadipratis tha .. aryakriy | pus tha | ar am adipratis tha ), and the Ac asamuccaya of . karin . yadipratis .. .. arya Mahaman Jagaddarpan but .d . a, which incorporates much of the Vajraval . alac adds some new material, notably a nal section on the funeral ritual for a de arya ceased Vajrac (nirvr ary antyes tilaks . tavajrac .. . an . avidhih . ; B, ff. 240v7244v4), which is an unacknowledged incorporation of the whole of the Mr . tasugatiniyojana of Pan adhivajra (less its two colophonic verses). One other text giv.d . ita Sunyasam ing a Tantric funeral procedure survives in Sanskrit, the Antasthitikarmodde sa, at the end (ff. 15r815v11) of the Guhyasamaja -based Man d alop ayik a of .. arya Man Padma sr mitra of the Khasarpan a .d . a monastery (f. 15v1011: samapt . alac ca man a | kr yaman aryapadma sr mitrasya). On . tir iyam .d . alopayik . khasarpan . .d . alac these texts and the incorporation of the Mr . tasugatiniyojana by Jagaddarpan . a see T ANEMURA 2004a and 2007. On the Saiva prototype of funerary initiation see S ANDERSON 1995a, pp. 3133 and, for its adaptation, the Mr ks , in . toddharad .a which a simulacrum is substituted for the body of the deceased, 2005b, pp. 264267. A fourteenth-century Paddhati for this Mr ks survives in ff. 88v191r1 . toddharad .a anaka of the Gurupustika of the Kashmirian Raj Sitikan .t . ha. In an earlier publication (S ANDERSON 2007a, p. 395, fn. 549) I proposed that this work, then known to me only indirectly from the Raj anakavam apra sam of his patrilineal descen.s . sa anaka dant Raj Ananda, who reports that it was composed at the request of [king] manuscript listed with this tiSam a . gramasim . ha, might be preserved in a Sarad tle as belonging to the Sayaji Rao Gaekwad Central Library of the Banaras Hindu University (MS CN. 4115). I can now report that this is indeed a manuscript of that work and, as far as I am aware, its codex unicus. The name of the author is conrmed on f. 1v1112: karmanup urv smr . cid upayogin m | s itikan thas . taye kes . am .. samasyainam . vidhatte gurupustikam ; and the claim that he wrote at the re quest of Sam . kula sis . gramasim . ha is conrmed on f. 13v1514r1: asmakam . yen .a s r sangr amamah bhuja | abhyarthitan am . d ks ayam . artham . paddhatidohadah .. I am very grateful in this matter to my former pupil Christopher Wallis, who after

126

The Saiva Age

294 rite (antyes tih for initiates,295 in which, as in the Saiva case (antyes tid ks ), .. .) .. . .a

the ofciant draws the consciousness (jn anam ) of the deceased back into the corpse from the other world, takes it again through the initiatory process of con296 secration and the rest (abhis ) before a Man and then sends it out .d . ala, . ekadi through the top of the head to ascend to liberation or a pure Buddha-eld such as Sukhavat .297
reading my remark that I had not yet seen the manuscript very kindly acquired and sent me scans of it. aryas According to Padma sr mitra the ritual is to be done for Ac and others who have practised the meditation-rite of Vajrasattva or some other Tantric deity; f. 15r8, v. 1: mr ary adisattv a ye vajrasattvadiyoginah <h . tac . tyam . | vaks . <y>e cantasthite . > kr . tes . marganidar sanat . It may be done for a man or a woman; f. 15r1011, v. . am unyasam 9ab: purus atha striyo va samyag eva hi. S adhivajra does . atanu<m . > nirupy not speciy those for whom it is intended. But Jagaddarpan . a adds a preamble to unyasam aryas; S adhivajras text in which he restricts it to Vajrac f. 240v7: adhuna parinirvr arya sar rasyantes tividhir ucyate. . tavajrac .. Man a , f. 15r14, vv. 21c22b: tato vijn anam an ya mantramudra .d . alopayik nuyogatah anku syadyaih syatha dadyat sekadikam . . prave . punah . Then having drawn down the consciousness [of the deceased] by means of the Mantras and and having caused it to enter [the corpse] by means of the Mudras beginMudras, ning with the Hook, he should again give it the consecrations and the rest; Mr . tasugatiniyojana, f. 2r34: tato nayet suraktavarn . am . (conj. [Tib. mdog dmar gsal ba] : suraktam ) paralokasam anam . ti yad va . svadham . sthitam . jn . dharmamukhakr nivatanis kampad panibham | an tam taj j n anam mr tasya hr daye prave s ayet s iras a . . . . . Then he should draw down the consciousness [of the deceased] that is in the world beyond, [visualizing it as] bright red in colour or with the shape of the letter A (the dharmamukham), resembling the unickering ame of a lamp in a windless place. When that consciouness is nigh he should cause it to enter the heart of the deceased arya through [the top of] his head. According to the Man a , the Ac should .d . alopayik trace and worship the Man .d . ala, offer a Bali, and then place the corpse at its east gate with its head to the south; f. 15r1213, vv. 1213b: same vi suddhabhubh age gomayenopalepite | man d alam catu s ram vai k arayet tatra sam kiret s uklam p tam .. . . . . . rajo vapi tatra padma*dalas .. takam (conj. : dalabhakam Cod.); f. 15r13, vv. 18c19: uttarabhimukho mantr sam man adikam . pujya .d . alam . balim . dattvargh . caiva sam .sadhya man | sthapayen man pracy am . tu daks . . t .d . alam . kr .d . aladvari . in . amukham arya In the Man a s prescription the Ac visualizes that the puried con.d . alopayik sciousness of the deceased is drawn out of the corpse by a multitude of rejoic ing deities lling the sky and placed by them in a world such as Sukhavat inhabited by Buddhas and Bodhisattvas; f. 15v23: 28 sam . buddhabodhisattvadiv rin v ravr ndakaih | siddhagandharvabhujagaih surair vidy adharair ap i 29 . . . . purn . am ks tikam (nipatat em. : nipatatah .s . nabhastalam . v . ya *nipatatpus . pavr .. . Cod.) | tad divyadundubhidhvanamuraja*mardaladhvani (mardala conj. : murdata Cod.) 30 ucchataven n arabh us . an ar at . uv . adimadhurasv . am | tadanandasuvist kurvadbhir nr tyam ujjvalam 31 tair akr s ya ca vij n anam sukh avaty adik ahvaye . .. . | sthapitam hi buddhabuddhatmaj a sraye. The procedure of the . lokadhatau Mr sagre (em. [Tib. ku shai . tasugatiniyojana differs here; f. 3r13: tad anu *ku rtse mo la] : ku sagram (em. [Tib. sngags pas] : mantrai Cod.) . Cod.) *mantr vibhavya t ks ucikavajram .n . aika*sucikam . vajram (corr. : s . Cod.) | niks . ipya vajrarandhre dhyay at tad dahanasam sam tad anu samahitacitta <s> taddhr . di . ka vinyastavisphuraj jn anam | sam marutoddh utaih . . codayej *jvaladbhir vajragrair

295

296

297

127

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

The Mahavairocan abhisam sriyamulakalpa, and Buddhaguhya . bodhi, the Manju ana That this transformation of the Mahay had been achieved by absorbing and adapting non-Buddhist practices was evident from the beginning. For the 298 Mahavairocan abhisam . bodhi, our rst major Buddhist Tantra, later classied as the principal work of the Caryatantra class, was conscious that it would be accused of just this:
. i,] Lord of the Yaks O [Vajrapan . as, in time to come there will arise people of inferior understanding and no faith who will not believe this teaching. They will dissent and have many doubts. They will hear it but they will not take it to heart and they will refuse to put it into practice. Being themselves unworthy they will bring others too to ruin. [For] they will say that this is not the teaching of the Buddhas but belongs to the outsiders.299

298 299

(em. [Tib. rdo rje rtse nas rlung gis bskyod pa yi bar ba rnams kyis]: jvalad*udgacchad tad (corr. [Tib. de ni phar bhivajragraum arutoddhr . tair Cod.) bar] : udgacchantam Cod.) dhy ay ad dahanarci <h yamanap aradavad | .s . . >spr *urdhv agnena (?) (Tib. steng gi sgo nas) vimuktim suddham . buddhaks . etram . vi . va Then the Mantrin should take a blade of Ku sa grass, visualize a sharp onepointed Vajra at its tip, place [that tip] at the aperture of the [corpses] penis and imagine that it is burning. Then concentrating his mind he should cause the shining consciousness that he has installed in the heart [of the corpse] to be driven [up from the heart] by blazing wind-fanned Vajra-points and he should visualize it rising to liberation or a pure Buddha-eld through the upper [aperture], like [a drop of] quick silver touched by tongues of re. The upper is one of nine apertures through which consciousness can leave the body at death (utkrantih . ). It is located at the top of the head and is called the golden door (kanakadvaram ) by Bhavabhat t a in his commentary on the Catus p t hatantra ( Catus p t hanibandha ), f. .. . . . . 52r2: urdhve ti kanakadvaren . a yada gacchati tada maran ad urdhvam s ghram eva . . gater gatyantaram sis tam . vi .. . gacchati. The point of exit depends upon the destiny of unyasam the deceased. This is the best. According to S adhivajra consciousness that exits at death through this aperture goes to the Immaterial World (ar upyadh atuh . ): s irasar upyam gacchet (f. 3r4). This idea that consciousness may leave the body . through various exits in accordance with its destiny is found widely in Brahmanical sources. Early Buddhist sources speak rather of consciousness ceasing at death at these points in the body; see Abhidharmako sabhas . ya on 3.43abc. Vasubandhu says there that in the case of Arhats their consciousness disappears in the heart according to some and in the head according to others: arhantah api hr . daye . | tes . am vijn anam ty apare. . nirudhyate | murdhn See here p. 101. rNam par snang mdzad chen po mngon par byang chub pai rgyud, f. 177r13: de la gsang bai bdag po ma ongs pai dus na sems can blo zhan pa ma dad pa gang dag bstan pai de la dad par mi gyur zhing yid gnyis dang som nyi mang ba | thos pa tsam snying po ma dzin pa | sgrub ma la mi phyogs pa dag byung bar gyur te | de dag ni bdag nyid kyang ma rung la gzhan yang phung bar byed pa yin no | di skad du di ni phyi rol pa rnams la yod de | sangs rgyas rnams kyi gsungs pa ni ma yin no zhes smra bar gyur gyi.

128

The Saiva Age

The Manju sriyamulakalpa , another early Buddhist Tantric text,300 assigned to the lowest class of Mantranaya texts, known as the Kriyatantras, is more explicit in this regard; and it has good reason to be so since it contains in its chapters 4749 an assimilated version of the cult of Tumburu and his four sis t ters, that is to say, the cult of the vamasrotah . ha, . division of the Saiva Vidyap describing the Mantras of these deities as the highest and most secret of all the non-Buddhist (laukika-) Mantras.301 Moreover, it teaches that any of the
300

301

The date of this text is obscure. M ATSUNAGA (1985) is of the opinion that the . aramantra, was in existence before the 9th chapter, on applications of the Ekaks Chinese translations T. 1181 of A . D. 702 and T. 1182 of A . D. 703. He also informs us (ibid.) that the rst ninety percent of the Chinese translation of the Garud . apat . alaparivarta (T. 1276), produced at some time between 746 and 774, is identical with the rst sixty percent of the 41st chapter of the Manju sriyamulakalpa as edited. The translation is attributed to Amoghavajra (705774), but M ATSUNAGA observes (ibid.) that only the rst part of the common text is in keeping with his other translations, the latter part containing elements such as human hair, beef, and skull-cups, which taken together are altogether alien to his Mantranaya. He strengthens the hypothesis that only the rst part of this translation is by Amoghavajra with the evidence of the Go-sh orai mokuroku, a catalogue of the Bud dhist texts brought from China to Japan by Kukai in 806, which lists this text as occupying three sheets, a third of the length of T. 1276. The prophetic history of Indian Buddhism, the Rajavy akaran sriyamulakalpa , . a, chapter 53 of the published Maju king Gopala cannot be earlier that the late eighth century since it knows of the Pala (r. c. 750775) (53.628; and 53.816: tatah alo gopalo [em. : bhup al a . paren . a *bhup gopal a Ed.] dasaj vinah | bhavis yati ). Since it does not mention his successor . . it is unlikely to be later. Dharmapala Manju sriyamulakalpa , introductory prose before 47.1: sarvalaukikamantran . am . sarabh utatamam paramarahasyam . The position within Saivism assigned by this . . text to the cult of the four sisters suggests that, though later largely eclipsed by t other traditions of the Vidyap . ha, it was once pre-eminent; and this is also circumstantial evidence in favour of the hypothesis proposed above (p. 50) that this cult was one of the earliest, perhaps the earliest, of the esoteric Saiva systems. There is certainly much other evidence of its early centrality. As we have seen, it was known to Dharmak rti (here p. 50), and a 6th-century manuscript of one of its texts survives amid the otherwise Buddhist Gilgit manuscripts (here p. 50). The Vis .n . udharmottara shows knowledge of only two Saiva deity-systems in its section on iconography: the Saiddhantika and this (3, Adhyaya 66, teaches the nkara iconography of Tumburu and his sisters). The Advaitin Sa in his G tabh as . ya on Bhagavadg ta 9.25, in which it is said that those who worship the Spirits (bhutejy ah . ) reach the Spirits (bhut ani yanti ) [when they die], glosses bhut ani as vinayakam atr . gan ni such as Vinayaka, the Mothers, and the Four . acaturbhaginyad Sisters. On his date, probably eighth century, see H ARIMOTO 2006. These deities were also incorporated in the traditions of Man and the .d . alas of the Nayasutra Mahavairocan abhisam . bodhi that reached the Far East in the eighth century (see S ANDERSON 2001, p. 8, fn. 5). Their cult was the basis of the Saiva ritual performed to inaugurate the kingdom of Angkor at the beginning of the ninth century (ibid. and 2005a, pp. 355358); and there too, where the Mantramarga was preserved in an early form, we see only the Siddhanta of its earliest texts and this cult. This co-existence is also evident in the Saiva liturgies of Java and Bali, which are of Saiddhantika character but incorporate these deities (see G OUDRIAAN 1973 and

129

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

. a Tantras302 will be effecMantra-procedures taught in the Saiva and Garud 303 tive if applied by Buddhists in the Man Thus .d . ala of these converted deities. the Buddhists envisaged by this text have the whole array of Saiva Mantras at their disposal; and this position, so surprising from the conventional Buddhist standpoint, is justied by the claim that what people have come to refer to . a, and indeed Vais as the Saiva, Garud . ava Tantras are in fact Buddhist, since .n sr they were rst taught by Manju in this vast Kalpa, that is to say, in the Manju sriyamulakalpa or, more probably, in a hypothetical proto-text of which the actual text was thought to be an abbreviated redaction:304
I have taught this Mantra [of Siva] which together with the trident Mudra destroys all demons, out of my desire to benet living beings. Those living on the earth will say that its ancient Kalpa, that I taught in former times, was taught by Siva. [But] the various excellent extensive [Kalpas] in the Saiva Tantras are in fact my teachings. ... The extensive Kalpas that have been related in the Vais . avas Tantras were .n taught by Manjughos a for living beings who could only be trained by [this] . device.305 ... . a Tantras were taught by me in All the extensive Kalpas taught in the Garud order to benet living beings.306 ... It was I that rst taught, in this vast Kalpa, everything that the inhabitants of earth without exception refer to as the teaching of Siva. It was only later that others taught in the various texts [considered to be taught by him] the Kalpamantras of the wise Siva Tumburu the Trader.307 S ANDERSON 2005a, p. 373374, fn. 76). . atantras see here p. 46 and S LOUBER 2007. On the Saiva Garud Manju sriyamulakalpa 47.98c99b, 102ab, 103ab: yavanti s aivatantre smim . ye tantre capi garud .e brahmadyair r s ca . . . pujit a kalpavistar a .s . imukhyai vis Ed.) siddhyant ha .n . urudrasavasavaih . | . . . tasmin man .d . ale *yojya (conj. : yojya na sam ayah .s . All the extensive Kalpas that have been taught in this Saivatantra . a, and worshipped by Brahma and others, by the leadand, moreover, in the Garud ing R . u, Rudra, and Indra, will be mastered if applied in this Man .d .s . is, . . . by Vis .n . ala. Of this there is no doubt. Manju sriyamulakalpa 2.3234b: es proktah am . hitakamyay a . a mantro maya . sattvan | s ulamudr asam ayuktah a sakah 33 yan maya kathitam . sarvabhutavin . . purvam . kalpam asya puratanam |s aivam iti vaks bhutalav asinah . yante sattva . 34 vividha gun ah . s aivatantre mayoditah .. . avistar 2.31c32b: ya eva vais . kalpavistarah . upayavaineyasattv an am . .n . ave tantre kathitah manjughos . itah .. . en . a bhas 2.37: yavantah . e tantre kathitah . kalpavistarah . | te mayaivoditah . sarve . garud sattvan am . hitakaran . at . 47.5354: sarvam aivam iti khyatam . sarvair bhutalav asibhih . s . | mayaiva nigaditam .

302 303

304

305

306

307

130

The Saiva Age

If this is so, then the text has disarmed criticism that the Mantra-procedures that are presented as properly Buddhist in this text bear a suspiciously close resemblance to the non-Buddhist in their liturgical morphology. For if the Omniscient has revealed all forms of religion in consideration of the differing mental dispositions of his manifold audiences, then there is no reason at all why he should not in his wisdom have taught Tantric practice for Buddhists as well as for outsiders. The strict division between the Buddhist and the non-Buddhist has dissolved within a higher Buddhist intertextual unity. Indeed this very argument is deployed by *Buddhaguhya in the late eighth century in his commen308 tary on the passage of the Mahavairocan abhisam He argues . bodhi cited above. that what those who attack this Tantra for containing elements proper to the non-Buddhist Tantras fail to realize is that those Tantras too were taught by the

omniscient Buddha.309 So it follows that there nothing inherently un-Buddhist in

308

309

purvam scad anyo janah . kalpamantram . . kalpe-m asmim . savistare 54 pa . prahuh pr ahasya tryambakasya tu . thak pr . thak | *tumburoh . (corr. : tumburuh . Ed.) sarthav *dh matah mateh . (corr. : dh . Ed.). and Carya divisions of the Tantras is said *Buddhaguhyas teaching in the Kriyaby Gzhon nu dpal (Blue Annals, p. 351) to have been pre-eminent in Tibet during the rst transmission of Esoteric Buddhism, from the latter half of the eighth century; and this is conrmed by the Tibetan inventory of Buddhist texts in translation compiled in the Ldan dkar palace in the early ninth century. Its small section of Tantras (gsang sngags kyi rgyud: entries 316328) consists of nine texts of this class together with commentaries on the last four, of which three are ascribed to our author, those on the Vairocanabhisam sodhana. bodhi, the Sarvadurgatipari tejorajakalpa , and the Dhyanottara . The entry on the fourth commentary, that on the Subahu[paripr , lacks the name of its author, but it is at least probable . ccha] that it was from the same hand, since no other Indian commentary on this text is known. The loss of the Sanskrit originals of these and other works of early exegesis has left us without the means of conrming that his name, rendered Sangs rgyas gsang ba in Tibetan, was indeed Buddhaguhya, as modern scholarship has generally assumed. The evidence is inconclusive. For when the name appears in Tibetan sources in transcription rather than translation we nd sometimes Buddhaguhya and sometimes Buddhagupta. We see the latter in the Ldan dkar inventory (L ALOU 1953, p. 326: slob dpon Bu ddha gu pta) and both forms are found in the colophons of the translations of his works in the Tenjur (H ODGE 1994, p. 70). The Tenjur contains a letter (T oh. 4194) in which *Buddhaguhya addresses the Tibetan emperor Khri srong lde btsan, who ruled from c. 756 until c. 797 (D OTSON 2007) and ofcially adopted Buddhism c. 779. From it we learn that he was invited to Tibet by Khri srong lde btsan but declined the invitation on the grounds of failing strength, sending instead his commentary on the Mahavairocan abhisam . bodhi. rNam par snang mdzad mngon par byang chub pai rgyud chen poi grel, f. 158v4 6: de la gsang bai bdag po ma ongs pai dus na sems can blo zhan pa zhes pa nas | de dag gis sngon sems can rnams la phan par dgongs pai phyir | di thams cad bstan par rab tu mi shes so zhes pai bar du lha rnams kyi kha dog gang yin pa dkyil khor yang de yin par gsungs pa | dbang po dang mei dkyil khor la sogs pa ni | jig rten pai rgyud la yod kyi | jig rten las das pai rgyud | bya bai rgyud dang spyod pai rgyud kun las mi byung bas na | di ni sangs rgyas gsungs

131

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

Buddhist Tantric practice, however closely it may resemble the Saiva; and Buddhists, therefore, once they have understood this fact, may devote themselves with full condence to the rituals of the Mahavairocan abhisam . bodhi. The Sarvatathagatattvasam Saivism: Pos. graha and the First Inroads of Sakta session, Goddesses, and the Sacralization of Sex After the time of this text Tantric Buddhism did not, as one might expect, rest content with the degree of assimilation of Saivism it had already achieved,
pa ma yin no zhes zer te | gang jig rten gyi | rgyud rnams kyang | sangs rgyas bcom ldan das thams cad mkhyen pas sems can rnams so soi dad pa dang rjes su mthun par mi shes pa zhes pai phyir ro zhes pa ste The statement that be . i,] Lord of the Yaks gins O [Vajrapan . as, in time to come [there will arise] people of inferior understanding refers to people who do not understand all that [the Buddha] has taught for the welfare of past beings. [The Buddha] has taught [here] that the colour of the Man .d . alas should be the same as those of [their presiding] svara and of re and the rest are deities. But some will say that the Man .d . alas of I found in the mundane Tantras [of the outsiders] and not at all in the supramun dane Tantras [of Buddhism, that is to say,] in the Kriyatantras or Caryatantras, and that therefore they were not taught by the Buddha, [doing so] because they do not understand that the Blessed omniscient Buddha, in conformity with the various faiths of living beings, also taught [these] mundane Tantras. This doctrine that all teaching is the Buddhas, that he has taught variously in the appear ance of the Buddha, Siva, and others, is set out in the Mahavairocan abhisam . bodhi in a passage that survives in Sanskrit through its citation in the Namamantr a rthavalokin , Vilasavajras eighth-century commentary on the Namasam ti, on . g verse 42, f. 31v132r2: tatha coktam r vairocanabhisam . s . bodhitantre | bhagavantas tathagat a arhantah samyaksam buddh ah sarvaj naj n anam tat sarva. . . . prapya jnaj n anam anayair nan abhipr ayair nanop ayanayair . sarvasattvebhyo vibhajya nan dharmam sayanti sma | kes . cit s ravakay ananayam . cit pratyekabuddha. de . am . kes . am yananayam kes am cin mah ay ananayam kes am cit pa nc abhij naj n ananayam . . . . . . . . kes . am cid devopapattaye kes am cin manus yopapattaye y avan mahoragayaks ar aks as . . . . . asuragandharvagarud dharmam sayanti sma | tatra ke . akinnaradyupapattaye . de cit sattva buddhavaineyika buddharupen . a pa syanti. ke cic chravakar upen . a ke cit pratyekabuddharupen . a ke cid bodhisattvarupen . a ke cin mahe svararupen . a ke cid brahmarupen . a ke cin nar ayan . arupen . a pa syanti sma | ke cid vai sravan . arupen . a yavan mahoragamanus . a pa syanti sma | svakasvakair . yamanus . yarupen vacanodah aran . anayair vividheryapatha <m n anam . > vyavasthitam | tac ca sarvajnaj ekarasam yad uta tathat avinirmuktirasam ity aha mah avairocana iti . This is . closely related to and probably derives from the vaineyadharmopade sah . , the eighth Prakaran of the Karan .d (pp. 268269). The Sad. a of the second Nirvyuha . avyuha dharmapun ka likewise teaches (pp. 251252) that Avalokite svara assumes all .d . ar kinds of forms, including that of Siva, in order to teach living beings in consideration of their particular dispositions. S TRICKMANN informs us (1996, p. 440, n. 28) that this passage is present in the Chinese translation completed by Dharmaraks .a in A . D. 286. It is probable that it is the model of the passage in the Karan .d . . avyuha The doctrine that the non-Buddhist teachers are a device (upayah . ) of the Buddha is also taught in the fourth chapter of the Bodhisattvagocaropayavis . ayavikurvan . anirde sasutra , which survives in two Chinese translations, the rst by Gun . abhadra in the fth century; see Z IMMERMANN 2000, p. 18.

132

The Saiva Age

working only to infuse the new liturgical system with ever more clearly Buddhist purpose and meaning. On the contrary, with the Sarvatathagatatattvasam . graha, the next major Tantra, which was considered to be the foundational text of the Yogatantra class, which follows the Caryatantras in the ascending hierarchy of the classication of the Mantranaya, and was in existence in a shorter version by the end of the seventh century and expanded in the course of the eighth,310 we akta nd the beginning of a process of assimilation of S Saiva language, practices, iconography, and concepts that would become ever more comprehensive throughout the rest of the Mantranayas creativity. Here we nd for the rst time the requirement that candidates enter a state of possession (ave sah . ) at the time of their initiation. This feature, which is altogether alien to antecedent Buddhism, is the hallmark of initiation in the Saiva Kaula systems, setting them apart from 311 all others. The Vajracarya puts the candidate into a state of possession, has
310 311

See M ATSUNAGA 1978, pp. xviixvii. See, e.g., Tantraloka 29.186c220; Tantralokaviveka introducing 29.201c202b: samave sah sastres . sarva . v aviganenoktah . ; S ANDERSON 1985, pp. 200202; 1986, p. akta 169 and fn. 2; and WALLIS 2008. The centrality of possession in the S Saiva do alika main may derive from its Kap antecedents, since the Saiddhantika Saivas re alikas port that the Kap [of the Atimarga] dened liberation as arising from a state of possession (ave sah ) by the qualities of the deity, analogous to the state of one . (bhut who is possessed by a Bhuta avis .. tapurus svarapar ks a sa on . avat [Nare . aprak 1.61]); see, e.g., Paus . ya, p. 232: svayam avi syate siddhah . karabhas . purus . as tu gra hair iva | ittham al as tat samyam ; and Saivaparibh as .a , . caiva tu kap . muktim ucire p. 156, ll. 22-24: kap alik ah . samave sena samyam upagacchanti | tatha hi yatha grahah . purus am avi s anti tathe s varagun a muktes v avi s anti . They are distinguished . . . nc arthika in this context from the two other Atimargic traditions, those of the Pa supatas, who dened liberation as the transference of the state of equality with Pa Siva in the manner in which one lamp is lit from another (samyasam adah . ), . krantiv and the Lakulas, who dened it as the arising of this state (samyotpattiv adah . ); see S ANDERSON 2006, pp. 179181. This hypothesis is strengthened by the fact that possession by the deity as the goal of practice is a marked feature of the Picumata t and Yogin sam of the Vidyap . ha, texts in which the perpetuation within the . cara alika Mantramarga of the Kap tradition of the Atimarga is particularly clear. Both alika-style describe the goal of their Kap asceticism as the entry of the deity propitiated into the person of the propitiator. Picumata f. 101v13 (2.114c117): du scaram c rn 115 varam . devagandharvais tvaya . am . mahavratam . varepsitam . vatsa udyatam tu brav hi me | yadi tus t o si bhagavan pravi s a mama vigraham . .. 116 vaktram prasarayasveti pravi sya bhagavan prabhuh . daye bhairavo devo . | hr guhyaka tu gale sthitah . 117 mataro hy anga-m-a nges . u yoginyo sandhis . | . u sthitah s akinyo romakupes . u putan ady a tathaiva ca [Bhairava says:] You have [now] com alika] pleted the observance of the [Kap Mahavrata, which is hard [even] for the gods and Gandharvas. Choose whatever boon you desire. Tell me without hesita tion [what it is]. [The Sadhaka replies:] If you are pleased, O Lord, enter my body. Telling him to open his mouth the Lord God Bhairava enters his heart. [His prin occupy his neck, the Mother goddesses his limbs, cipal Saktis,] the [four] Guhyakas akin an as, and others the pores of his skin; the Yogin s his joints, and the S s, Put cf. f. 335r12 (87.126c128b): bhairavasya mahamudr a mudras anaidhyak arik a 127 prayukta tu yada mudra laks | bhav atmakavidh anena sadyo . an . ena varanane

133

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

him cast a ower on to the Man .d . ala to determine from the section on which it falls the Mantra-deity from which he will obtain Siddhi, and then, while he is still in this state, removes his blindfold to reveal the Man .d . ala. He then consecrates him with scented water from a Mantra-empowered vase, places a Vajra in his hand, and gives him his initiation-name (vajranama ).312 The immediate 313 effects of the possession are described as follows:
As soon as he becomes possessed supernatural knowledge arises [in him]. Through this knowledge he understands the thoughts of others; he knows all matters past, future and present; his heart becomes rm in the teachings of the Tathagatas; all his sufferings cease; he is free from all dangers; no being can kill him; all the Tathagatas enter-and-empower him; all Siddhis approach him; unprecedented joys arise [in him], causing spontaneous delight, pleasure, and happiness. In some these joys give rise to meditation-states, in some to [the . mastery of] Dharan s, in some to the fullment of every hope, and in some to the state of identity with all the Tathagatas.

312 313

mantro vijr ave sam a O fair-faced . mbhati 128 karoti sadhak . japadhyanavivarjit of Bhairava draws every Mudra nigh. When it is employed one, the Mahamudr a correctly with full subjective immersion the [deity of the] Mantra immediately be brings about possession in the Sadhaka comes manifest. [The Mudra] without [need of] Mantra-repetition or visualization. The Yogin sam requires any. cara one who has gone through its initiation ceremony and then received consecration (abhis . ekah . ) to adopt one of three forms of ascetic observance in order to gain (vidyavratam or mastery over the Vidya ): the Bhairavavrata, the Camun .d . avrata, the Tris . as .t . ikulavrata, the observance of the sixty-three families [of the Mothers], alavrata, alika. which it also calls the Kap i.e. the Kap At the end of the observance, we are told, the Mothers will enter his body: dvit yam . tu vratam . vaks . ye ghoram alar upin . am 8.41 s ire kapalamukut iramal avibh us . itam | kare . kap . am . s karn padau asthikhan . itam 8.42 vame kapalam . khat ngam . . au tatha .d . air vibhus . va tatha vai daks in e kare | s ma s ane vicaren maun tris as t i divas ani tu | 8.43 vrat ante . . . .. tu vararohe s ar re mataro dhruvam | vi sante devadeve si dadante siddhim uttamam alavrata. [Now] I shall teach [you] a second observance, the grim Kap He should have a skull-crown on his head and be adorned with a garland of heads. His hands, ears, and feet should be adorned with pieces of bone. In his left hand he should hold a skull-bowl and in his right a skull-staff. He should wander in silence in a cremation ground for sixty-three days. It is certain that at the end of this observance the Mothers, O fair-hipped empress of the gods, enter his body and bestow the highest Siddhi. Sarvatathagatatattvasam . graha, sections 224234. Sarvatathagatatattvasam .. tamatrasya divyam anam . graha, section 226: avis . jn utpadyate | tena jn anena paracittany avabudhyati sarvakary an . i cat tan agata vartaman ani jan ati hr dr bhavati sarvatathagata sasane sarva. dayam .d . casya . h duh casya pran syanti sarvabhayavigata s ca bhavaty avadhyah . khani . a . sarvasattves a s cadhitis thanti sarvasiddhaya s casy abhimukh bhavanti . u sarvatathagat .. apurv an . i casy ak aran . ahars aratipr tikar an i sukh any utpadyante | taih . . . sukhaih . kes . cit samadhayo nis . cid dharan . yah . cit sarva sa . am . padyante kes . am . kes . am paripurayo yavat kes . cit sarvatathagatatvam api nis . am . padyata iti.

134

The Saiva Age

and, after the bindfold has been removed:314


As soon as he sees the Great Man .d . ala he is entered-and-empowered by all the Tathagatas and Vajrasattva dwells in his heart. He sees various visions of orbs of light and miraculous transformations. Because he has been entered and-empowered by all the Tathagatas sometimes the Lord Vajradhara or the Buddha appears to him in his true form. From that time forth he attains all his goals, every desire of his mind, all Siddhis, up to the state of Vajradhara or the Tathagatas.

Anandagarbha gives a detailed account of the means by which the candidate is put into this state of possession in the Sarvavajrodaya, his manual on the rites of initiation into the Man .d . ala of this Tantra, and makes it clear that entering this state is, as in the Kaula parallel, an absolute requirement. If the candidate fails arya to enter it by the standard means, the Vajrac is to perform a rite to remove the sins that are assumed to be the cause, and if the candidate still fails to enter the possession state, he may not proceed further:315
If possession does not occur, because [the candidate] has committed [too] many sins, he should proceed to destroy those sins by repeatedly making the Sin With concentrated mind he should kindle a re with sticks Destruction Mudra. of sweet wood and burn all his sins by casting into it oblations of sesame seeds A . He should make a with the Mantra OM AYA SV AH . SARVAP APADAHANAVAJR simulacrum of those sins with black sesame seeds on the palm of his right hand . in the centre he should offer it into and visualizing the [wrathful] syllable H UM the re with his index nger and thumb. Then he should imagine that the sin is being incinerated in his body by Vajras wrapped in ames emerging from the re-pit. [The candidate] will denitely become possessed. If possession does not occur even so, then he must not give him the consecration.316
314

315

316

Sarvatathagatatattvasam tamatre sarva.s . graha, section 231: mahaman .d . ale ca dr .. tathagatair adhis thyate vajrasattva s casya hr thati | nan ady ani ca ra smi. daye tis .. .. man d aladar s an ad ni pr atih aryavikurvit ani pa s yati | sarvatath agat adhis t hitatv at .. .. kada cid bhagavan mahavajradharah . a dar sanam tathagato veti . svarupen . dadati | tatah ah . sarvamanobhirucitakary an . i sarvasiddh r yavad vajra. ti sarvarth . prabhr dharatvam api tathagatatvam . veti. Sarvavajrodaya, f. 61r4v1 (exposures 009a and 008b): atha papabahutv ad ave so na bhavati punah tasya punah ani spho. papasphot . anamudraya . punah . pap tavyani | samidbhir madhurair agnim susamahitah . . prajvalya . | nirdahet sarva A iti | daks pap ani tilahomena tasya tu OM AYA SV AH . SARVAP APADAHANAVAJR . in . ahastatale kr s n atilaih p apapratikr tim kr tv a h um k aramadhyam vicintya tarjany.. . . . . . . . angus .. thabhy am . homam | tato homakun nirgatya jval am al akulair va. kuryat .d . an jrais tasya s ar re papam sati | evam api . dahyamanam . cintayen niyatam avi yasyave so na bhavati tasyabhis iti. . ekam . na kuryad Cf. Tantraloka 29.29.210211b: athava kasyacin naivam ave sas tad dahed imam | bahir anta s cokta saktya pated ittham yasya tv evam api syan na . sa bhutale tam atropalavat tyajet Or, if some rare person does not become possessed by this

135

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

It is certain that the possession intended is not nominal or gurative. For arya Anandagarbha tells us that once the Vajrac is sure that the candidate is in 317 this state he should use him as an oracle:
arya Then when the Ac has ascertained that [the candidate] is possessed he should of Vajrasattva and address him with [the Mantras] HE form the Samayamudra and NR . TYA (D ANCE , O S ATTVA ; D ANCE , O VAJRA). If he is indeed arya Then the Ac possessed he will adopt the Vajrasattvamudra. should show the
VAJRASATTVA HE VAJRARATNA HE VAJRADHARMA HE VAJRAKARMA SATTVA NR . TYA VAJRA

of the Vajra Fist. By this means all the deities beginning with Vajrasattva Mudra make themselves present [in him]. Then he should ask him something that he wishes [to ascertain], with the following [procedure]. He should visualize a Vajra on the tongue of the possessed and say S PEAK , O VAJRA. [The candidate] then tells him everything [that he wishes to know].318 means he should visualize him being burned both internally and externally by the Power [of the Mantra] taught above. By this means he will fall to the ground. If a person does not achieve [the state of possession] even by this means then in this [system] he must cast him aside like a stone. Falling to the ground is commonly mentioned in Kaula texts as the consequence of initiatory possession; see, e.g., Matasara f. 39v23: yavanm atram sapanjaram . vihvalam . ca vedhayet pa | pa sastobhat pataty a su bhutale natra sam ayah , S .s . ; Jayadrathayamala . at . ka 4, bhairavanan avidhau bhumik apat . alah aktiks tada . , f. 191v (v. 105ab): s . obhat yog viddho patati bhutale ; Dev dvyardha satika f. 16v: 197 tatks patate . an . at bhumau chinnamula iva drumah . ketapraka sa, rst surviving verse: . ; Chummasam [ta]ddr at | bhumau sampatitah chinnamula iva drumah . kpatamahoday . ks . iprac .; Urmikaul arn . ava f. 9r3: *panc avasth agatah avasvagatah . at . (em. : panc . Cod.) saks sa viddhah a sa (corr. : . patate bhuvi; f. 19v56 (2.230231): pracalanti *mahap mahap a sam Cod.) ave sam tasya j ayate | anando hy udbhavah kampo nidr a ghurmis . . tu pancam tattvaviddhasya deve si panc avasth a bhavanti hi | sa viddhah . patate bhumau vajrapat ad ivacala <h . ddhasvacchanda ff. 17v2418r2, Ed. . >; the Kaula Vr 10.15c17a (using this MS alone): jn atv a s r s aktisam anus . an . kramam . sadevasuram *vedhayen (em. : vedayen Cod. Ed.) natra sandeham p atayet parvat any api . *sakr (Cod. : cakrat sankr amayogena Ed.) *chinnamula (Ed. : . tsam . kramayogena chinnamulam Cod.) iva drumah . patanti dehinah . sarve; 10.25ab, Ed. 10.25ab: sa viddhah *vajragh at ad ivacalah atam ivacalam Cod. . patate bhumau . (em. : vajragh Ed.). Sarvavajrodaya, f. 61v23: tatah .. tam atv ac aryen . samavis . jn . a HE VAJRASATTVA HE VAJRARATNA HE VAJRADHARMA HE VAJRAKARMA iti vajrasattvasamayamudram . baddhvoccaran . yam | punar NR TYA SATTVA NR TYA VAJRA iti | sa ced avis t . . . . ah . s r vajrasattvamudram . badhn yat | tadac aryen timudropadar san ya . a *vajramus .. (n ya corr. : n yah . Cod.) | evam r vajrasattvadayah . sarve s . *sannidhyam . (corr. : sannidhyan Cod.) kalpayanti | tato bhipretavastu pr am . cched anena | jihvay *tasyavis .. tasya (em. : tasyavis .. tasyavis .. tasya Cod.) vajram vicintya br uhi vajra iti . vaktavyam | tatah . sarvam . vadati. The inducing of possession in persons so that they may be used as oracles, is not restricted in Tantric Buddhism to the context of initiation. It is also seen as an independent procedure in which the medium is a young boy or girl. We nd it in the Tantra Subahuparipr in a section partly translated and partly paraphrased . ccha from the Chinese by S TRICKMANN (1996, pp. 222226), a work that was translated

317

318

136

The Saiva Age

into Chinese (T. 895) by Subh akarasim . ha in 726 and was in the hands of the Chinese monk Wu-xing in 674 (H ODGE 2003, p. 18). We also see it in the Su ji li yan mo xi shou luo dian shuo jia lu luo a wei she fa The quickly effective method of possession (ave sah svara (T. 1277). This short scriptural text, whose . ) taught by the god Mahe translation from the Sanskrit is assigned to Bukong (Amoghavajra) and to a date between 746 and 774, claims in its preamble that it is a teaching given by Siva ayan . a on Mt. Gandhamadana (Mahe svara) to Nar in answer to the latters request. It sets forth a procedure to induce the messenger (Duta) of Mahe svara to possess a young girl aged seven or eight so that he can then use her while she is in this state to answer any questions he has concerning the future. He should have her fast by eating nothing but pure foods for three or seven days. Then on an auspicious day he bathes her, anoints her with unguents, gives her clean clothes, puts camphor in her mouth, sits facing East, smears a low wooden platform with sandalwood-paste, has the girl stand on it, scatters owers in front of her, sets up a vessel of Argha water, takes incense, empowers it seven times with the Mahamudr amantra, lights the incense and fumigates the girls hands with it, takes a red ower, empowers it, places it in her hands, and passes his hands over her face. Then, with his hand he touches and thus empowers ve parts of his own body and then forming a Mudra touches the girls head, her mouth, his heart, and his navel with the same Mudra visualizing in these the symbols of re, water, earth, and wind respectively. He then empowers his two legs, visualizes Garud . a, puts the armour-Mantra on the girls body, and visualizes himself as Mahe svara, three-eyed, with the digit of the moon on his crown, blue-faced, eighteen-armed, and brandishing various weapons, with a snake as his sacred thread, wearing the bleeding hide of an elephant. He then protects her with recitation, empowers owers, incense, and Argha water with the Mahamudr amantra, and seals the ten directions. Then facing the girl the Sadhaka recites the Mantra of Mahe svaras Duta. The girl will start to tremble. This reveals has entered her. He then snaps his ngers and recites the to him that the Duta Mantra. If she does not fall into the possession trance he should recite a further to enter her. By this means the result is certain. He then Mantra to incite the Duta interrogates her about good and bad in the future and is told whatever he wishes to know. This account is based on an oral translation of the Chinese text very kindly provided by my colleague N OTAKE Miyako (Leipzig). A French translation of part of the text, without the visualizations, is given in H ob ogirin, p. 7. Here too the model is Saiva, as the preamble and content of this text suggest. Putting children into a possession-state is already present in the earliest liter ature of the Saiva Mantramarga, where we nd the use of Ks . atriya and brahmin boys for this purpose; see Ni svasatattvasam f. 82v12 (Ni svasaguhya . hita 10.116117b): athave sam | snapayitv a tam . kartuka[mah . ] + + ks . atrakumarakam ekam uddhadehah purv amukham a hy udakenave sayet; . tu s . savasakam . sthapayitv f. 112v6 (Ni svasaguhya 17.30): athave sam brahman + . kartukamo . akumara[kam u]dakena snapya tenaiva tad . yamanam ave sayed vacay a moks . ah . . The ritual also appears in narrative literature. The Kathasarits agara (70.5563) tells a story of an ash-smeared ascetic, a pupil of Suddhak rti, who has mastered many Mantras and claims to have done this with a Ks ubhalaks adya . atriya boy (56cd: s . an . am as kam ), who in his trance revealed the whereabouts of many . cit ks . atrakumarakam miraculous herbs and elixirs (57: sa kumarah . samavis .. tah to nan avidh an . i me .s . pr .. | siddhaus . y ud ryedam athabrav t), and, nally, a palace of the . adhirasaks . etran Nagas in a pollen-covered pond in the jungles of the Vindhya mountains, where, with the help of V ras, he could obtain a sword that would make him lord of the Siddhas. The procedure is referred to there as a svasthave sah . a [rite of caus-

137

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

Nor is possession restricted in the Sarvatathagatasam . graha to the context of initiation. The term ave sah is used repeatedly in the text to denote the state that .
ing oracular] possession in one who is healthy (svasthah . ) [in body and mind] (70.56ab: so ham akaravam sam . kadapy . svasthave . prasangatah . ), and it appears t under this name frequently in the Vidyap . ha, where in accordance with that lit akta eratures S character the medium is, as in the Su ji li yan mo xi shou luo dian shuo jia lu luo a wei she fa, a young girl. We see this in Jayadrathayamala , S . sulaks . dhutav as am . manoharam . at . ka 2, f. 19r9v3 (6.54c59): kanyam . an . opetam 55 svalam atah ratr av eva mahe svari | dattva dhupam . tam . tva . kr . kr . tato vidyam avartye <t> sadhake svarah 56 t avad avartayed ghor am y avad ave s am apnuy at . . | divyabhaumantariks (conj. : ady a Cod.) ave sam 57 . *adyam . kurute ks . an . at hastardham tis thate vikr a | tada mahalipi sitais tar. tanan . ca ks . itim . tyaktva .. payet suravandite 58 prahva s ca pran a pr . cchet sadhakasattamah . ato bhutv . | sada sivadiks ityante y avan manasi rocate 59 tat sarvam kathayed devi yad anyam . . . va hr tva visarjeta pran svari Then, at night, O . di sthitam | evam .s . pr .. . amya parame Mahe svar , the lord among Sadhakas should adorn a pretty young girl endowed with excellent characteristics and wearing freshly washed clothes, fumigate her of] Ghora. He should conwith incense, and then begin to repeat [the Vidya tinue to repeat it until she becomes possessed. Immediately [her understanding] penetrates all that is in the heavens, on the earth, and in the sky. With her face contorted she hovers half a cubit above the ground. Then, O honoured by the gods, he should gratify her with offerings of wine and meat. He should then bow low before her and put his questions to her. O goddess, she will tell siva him all that he wishes to know in the whole universe, from the level of Sada down to Earth, and other matters that are concealed in his heart. When he has interrogated her in this way, O Parame svar , he should prostrate himself in veneration and allow her to leave; and Jayadrathayamala , S . at . ka 3, f. 99v26 (14.7076): atha sadhayitum nche <t> svasthave sanam uttamam | tada kanyam . . va saman ya sarvalaks 71 asane tam . pratis thapya sugupte varamandire . an . alaks . itam .. | raktakr am . raktasrakkan tha sobhitam 72 s ubhasanasth am . tam . .s .n . ambaradhar .. kuryat palaliparip urit am | avyucchinnam avartayet tatah . dahed dhupam . vidyam . 73 tada sa kampate kanya ghurn . ate hasate punah tam . pravadayet tatra . | ghan .. mahamantra*vidhau (conj. : vikai Cod.) sthitah sate turn . am . 74 tata avi . devadev kr odar | tyaktva bhumim tis t hate s a tad a *sa (corr. : s a Cod.) pran atah pum an .s . .. . . 75 tarpayet parame san m abalyopah aratah sadhakamukhy aya vadate . nan . | tada *manasepsitam (corr. : manas psitam Cod.) 76 bhutam . bhavyam . bhavis . yam . ca kalatrayam athakhilam | brahman .d odarag a v art a < h > s adhak aya vadaty asau If . . he desires to accomplish the supreme rite of svasthave sah . he should bring a young girl who possesses all the necessary characteristics and set her on a seat in an excellent building that is well concealed. Her seat should be of ne quality. She should be dressed in a dark red garment; her neck should be adorned with a garland of red owers; and her mouth should be lled with wine and meat. He should burn again and again. Then the incense without interruption and then repeat the Vidya girl begins to tremble, swoon, and laugh. Established in the procedure of the Great Mantra he should ring his bell. The emaciated Goddess will immediately enter [the girl], who will then rise and hover above the ground. The Sadhaka should then prostrate himself before her and gratify the Goddess with the offering of a various Balis. Then [speaking through the girl] she will tell that excellent Sadhaka whatever he desires to know. She will explain to him [anything he wishes to ascertain in] the three times, past, present, and future], all events within the entire sphere of Brahma.

138

The Saiva Age

the practioner must induce in himself in order to accomplish both his Siddhis and his enlightenment, typically in the compound vajrave sah . possession by Vajra. For example:
For by means of possession by [Vajra]sattva enlightenment will quickly be attained.319 ... When he has given rise to ave sah . in this way whatever form he meditates on as his own will automatically become Buddha in form.320 ... When vajrave sah . has arisen he should visualize the water as an embodiment of the Vajra. Quickly achieving success he will be able to walk on [that] water.321 ... Once he has generated vajrave sah . , if with concentrated mind he makes a slight njali clap with his palms in the Vajra [gesture] he can subject to his control even a mountain.322 ... Likewise, by virtue of the practice of ave sah . , if he stretches out [his hands in] the Vajra gesture and strikes together the tips of his ngers he can kill a hundred families.323

akta Two other features of this seminal text evidence the inuence of S Saivism. The rst is the fact that after teaching the Vajradhatuman d ala in .. its opening section it goes on to teach the Vajraguhyaman .d . ala, in which the ve Tathagatas are replaced by goddesses: Vairocana at the centre by Va s var jradhatv and, around her in the four directions, Aks , . . obhya by Vajravajrin Ratnasambhava by Ratnavajrin , Amit ayus by Dharmavajrin , and Amogha. . . i makes the following siddhi by Karmavajrin .324 In the preamble Vajrapan . joyous declaration (udanam ):325
Ah, how benevolent is the Bodhicitta to all beings! For the Buddhas take on even female form to accord with [the expectations of] their disciples (vineyava sat ).

319

320

321

322

323

324 325

Sarvatathagatatattvasam sayogad dhi ks . graha, section 167: yat sattvave . ipram . bodhir avapyata iti. Section 238: tathaivave sam utpadya yad rupam (em. . svayam atmanah . | *bhavayen : bhavayan Ed.) bhavate tat tu buddharupam api svayam. Section 238: vajrave se samutpanne vajrabimbamayam . jalam | bhavayet ks . . iprasiddhas tu jalasyopari cankramet Section 247: vajrave sam talam . dadyat samahitah njalitalaih . samutpadya . | vajra . suks . mam sam . parvato pi va . nayet. Section 247: tathaivave savidhina vajrabandhe (conj. : bandha Ed.) prasarite | agra ngulisam asphot dhanet kula satam . . ad . ks . an . at Sarvatathagatatattvasam . graha, sections 319327. Sarvatathagatatattvasam . graha, section 322: aho hi bodhicittasya sarvasattvahitais | yad vineyava sad v rah . str rupam . ita . api kurvate.

139

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

The second is the incorporation of sexual intercourse into the activities of worship as a higher form of practice. This element is not conspicuous because it is not mentioned in the treatments of the principal Man .d . alas taught in the text and it was therefore easily pushed out of view when this text was propagated in China and thence in Japan. It is present nonetheless as an esoteric teaching reiterated many times throughout the text in the form of passages teaching that the pleasure of sexual union and indeed other sensual delights are a means both of worshipping the Buddha and of attaining Siddhis when combined with meditation on ones Buddha nature. For example:
1: If after generating a rm intention to attain enlightenment he meditates on himself as the Buddha and worships himself [as the Buddha] with the pleasure of sexual intercourse he will obtain the joys of the Buddha himself. ... 2: He will quickly become equal to Vajrasattva if he presents the pleasures of embracing the body of any [woman] as offerings to the Buddhas. He will be become equal to Vajraratna if he presents the pleasures of grasping [her] hair in intensely felt love as offerings to the Buddhas. He will become equal to Vajradharma if he presents the exquisite pleasures of kissing while immersed in intense sensual delight as offerings to the Buddhas. He will become the equal of Vajrakarma if during his worship he completely offers up to the Buddhas the pleasures of the union of the two sex organs. ... 3: He will attain success in the Man .d . ala by means of the union of the two sex organs while meditating with fully concentrated mind on the meditation state that embodies all things. ... 4: Non-detachment from sensual pleasures: this is the greatest and purest rule of discipline [for an initiate] in the family of the Tathagatas. It may not be transgressed even by the Buddhas. ... 5: There is no religious duty purer than [the exercise of] sexual desire, the bestower of all joys. This, which brings about Siddhi, is the highest duty in the family of the Tathagatas. ... 6: During worship with the four prostrations he will quickly attain Siddhi if when exhausted from the exertion of love-making he offers [to the Buddhas] the pleasure which that love-making aroused. ... 7: He will attain Siddhi if while meditating with in-turned mind on the purity of lust he worships the Buddhas with the drops of his semen.326
326

1 Section 288: bodhicittadr ad buddho ham iti cintayan | ratya tu puja .d . hotpad

140

The Saiva Age

The Guhyasamaja: copulating deities, sexual initiation rites, and the sacralization of impurity In the next phase of the Mantranaya, seen in the Guhyasamaja , also a product of the eighth century, this esoteric eroticism has moved to the foreground; and this is apparent from the very beginning of the text. For the place where the Buddha is said to have been residing at the time that he revealed this Tantra, which was expected to be stated in the preamble (nidanav akyam ) of any scripture claiming to be Buddhist, is not one of the familiar sites of revelation such as Rajagr . ha, Dhanyakat . aka, or, as in the Sarvatathagatatattvasam . graha, Mamak the Akanis , .t . ha heaven, but the vaginas of the goddesses Locana, 327 .d Pan arav asin , and T ar a, that is to say, a timeless, unlocated bliss: .
[I aver that] I once heard the following [teaching]. The Venerable Lord was residing in the vaginas of the Vajra-women of the body, speech, and mind of all the Tathagatas ...

and this surprising relocation, no doubt provocatively shocking in its time, became standard in the subsequent literature of the Mantranaya, both in texts closely related to the Guhyasamaja and in the next wave of texts, the akta Yogin tantras, in which the inuence of the S Saiva tradition became much more intense and pervasive.328
yann atm a labhed buddhasukhany api; 2 Sections 549553: sarvakayaparis . vangasukhapuj ah . svayam | niryatayan bhavec ch ghram . bhuvam . vajrasattvasamo hi sah . dr agasam tu | niryatayam am . va.d . hanur . yogakacagrahasukhani . s tu buddhan jraratnasamo bhavet dr tisukhasakticumbit agryasukh ani tu | niryatayam .d . hapr .s tu buddhan am . vajradharmasamo bhavet dvayendriyasamapattiyogasaukhy ani sarvatah ay am . vajrakarmasamo bhaved iti; 3 Section 1825: . | niryatayam . s tu puj vi svarupasam adhim susamahitah a man . tu bhavayan . | dvayendriyasamapatty .d . ale tu sa sidhyati; 4 Section 2168: kam an am aviragas tu samayah sumah an ayam | . tathagatakule s uddho natikramyo jinair api; 5 Section 2175: rag ac chuddhataro nasti dharmah py es . sarvasukhapradah . | tathagatakule . a dharmah . siddhikarah . parah sramakhinnas tu tat saukhyam . ; 6 Section 2506: surata . suratodbhavam | catuh uj ay am . niryatya laghu sidhyati; and 7 Section 2651: antargatena . pran . amap manasa kama suddhim | svaretobindubhir buddhan pujayan siddhim . tu bhavayan apnuy at . Other passages advocating sexual intercourse in worship are to be found in sections 475479, 525529, 929932, 1184, 17901792, 191821, 20712074, 21582159, 2177, 23602363, 24152416, 24192421, 2425, 2439, 2443, 2445, 2504, 2508, 2510, 2512, 2516, 2672, 2720, 2950, and 2951. Guhyasamaja , preamble: evam s rutam ekasmin samaye | bhagavan sarvata. maya thagatak ayav akcittahr . . dayavajrayos . idbhages . u vijahara This same formula, or a variant, is seen in the Vajramal a (rDo rje phreng ba), f. 208r23: bcom ldan das de bzhin gshegs pa thams cad kyi sku dang gsung dang thugs kyi sning po rdo rje btsun moi bha ga rnams la (as in the Guhyasamaja ]), the Kr (sarvatathagatak ayav akcittasarvavajrayos .s .n . ayamari . idbhages . u), and in those of the Yogin tantras that have a nidanav akyam : the Hevajra and Sam . put . odbhava (both as in the Guhyasamaja ), the Vajramr . ta (f. 1v1: sarvatathagatak ayav ak cittahr . taguhyapadmes (rDo rje a ra li, f. 171r23: de . dayavajramr . u), Vajrarali

327

328

141

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

In the Guhyasamaja the male deities, now multi-faced and multi-armed in a fusion of Saiva and Buddhist iconography, are represented and visualized copulating with their consorts;329 and both initiation and subsequent practice now 330 aktism involve copulation with a female partner, as in the S of the Saivas. A t further borrowing from the Vidyap . ha is evident in the introduction of a crucial element of what that tradition calls non-dualistic practice (advaitac arah .) and both traditions call practice free of inhibition (nih ank ac arah . ), namely the .s offering to the deities of such impure substances as urine, faeces, semen, and blood, and their sacramental consumption.331
bzhin gshegs pa thams cad kyi shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pai bha ga la [*sarvatathagatapraj n ap aramit abhage ]), Can . an .d . amaharos . a (sarvatathagatakayav akcittahr dayavajradh atv s var bhage ), Abhidh anottara (f. 1v3: sarvatath a . gatavajrakrodhad . akin guhyahr aya . dayes . akad . u), Sam . varodaya (sarvatathagatak vakcittavajrayogin bhages arn . ava (f. 1v1: mahav re svarasarvatatha . ak . u), and D gatav rakayav akcittayogin bhages . u). This is the case in both of the major Man .d . alas based on this Tantra, that of saffron coloured Vajrasattva-Manjuvajra and that of black Aks . obhya. For the full iconography of these pantheons see Nis A, pp. 17; B, pp. 112. The prin. pannayogaval cipal difference between them is that in the Aks .d . obhyaman . ala only Aks . obhya, the central deity (cakre svarah ) and the ten wrathful Krodhar ajas that form the outer . protective circle are represented embracing consorts (sasvabhapraj n ah . ), whereas in the Manjuvajraman (Vairo.d . ala this is also the case with the four Tathagatas cana, Ratnasambhava, Amitabha, and Amoghasiddhi) that occupy the four directions around the central deity. All the deities in both Man .d . alas are three-faced and . ha six-armed and all except the Krodharajas, who stand in the aggressive Pratyalid posture, are seated in the Vajraparyanka posture. None of the deities has any of the alika Kap attributes that mark the iconography of the Yogin tantras, namely the skull-bowl, skull-staff, bone-ornaments, and coating of ash. The Guhyasamaja proper (chapters 117) gives little detail in its account of initiation and makes no mention of the involvement of a consort, speaking of the necessity of acquiring such a partner only in the context of the post-initiatory practice known as the vidyavratam ; see 16.93: s sabdik am . gr nk arabh us . itam . hya sarvala . od . a | caruvaktr am . vi sal aks . m vidyavratam . prapya . caret After obtaining a girl of sixteen with a charming face and wide eyes, adorned with every adornment, he should practice the Vidyavrata [with her]. The supplementary 18th chapter, however, the Samajottara , gives an account of the initiation involving copulation in its vv. 113 127. See, e.g., Guhyasamaja 4.21: vin sukraraktad n devatan am . nivedayet | evam . mutra . tus yanti sam buddh a bodhisattv a mah a s ay ah He should offer to the deities such . . . things as urine, faeces, semen, and blood. In this way the noble Buddhas [and] Bodhisattvas are gratied (cf. the following in the Guhyasamaja s satellite Tantra Vajrahr . kara , Pat . dayalam . ala 3 [rDo rje snying po rgyan gyi rgyud f. 39v34]: bshang gci khu ba khrag rnams ni | dung chen po ru bzhag byas te | lha rnams la ni dbul bar bya He should place faeces, urine, semen, and blood in a human skull [maha sankhe ] and offer them to the deities); 6.21: vin ah arakr siddhiphala . tyartham . mutr . kuryat rthinah If he desires to attain . | sidhyate nuttaram . tattvam . bodhicittam anavilam Siddhi he should consume faeces and urine. [By this means] he will master the ultimate reality, the spotless Bodhicitta; 7.33ab: samayat ks . ared retam . tu vidhina pibet phalaka nks . in . ah . In accordance with the rule of the discipline he should ejac-

329

330

331

142

The Saiva Age

ulate his semen and drink it if he desires to attain his goal; 12.47cd: panc amr . taprayogena vajrasattvatvam apnuy at By the use of the Five Nectars he will attain Vajrasattva-hood; 16.7ab: ava syam eva datavyam adyam ses . vin . mutr . vi . atah . One must especially offer [to the Man .d . ala] such substances as faeces and urine; 17.47: vin sukraraktan am . jugupsam . naiva karayet | bhaks nityam idam . mutra . ayed vidhina . guhyam . trivajrajam He must not feel disgust at faeces, urine, semen, and blood. He must regularly consume [them] according to the rite. [For] this is secret of the three Vajras [of body, speech, and mind]; 18.67c68b: sim nir. havad vicaren mantr vi sankena cetasa | nak aryam vidyate hy atra n abhaks yam vidyate tath a He should . . . wander [fearlessly] like a lion, with a mind free of inhibition. For him there is nothing that he may not do, nothing that he may not eat. On advaitac ar ah . /nih .s ank ac arah . and the use of such substances, the Five Nectars (panc amr . tam), in the akta rites of the S Saivas see S ANDERSON 2005c, pp. 110113, fn. 63; and, e.g., Vimalaprabodha, Kal kulakramarcana , f. 65r3v4: atha nityanaimittikakamy arcane kuladravyagan .d sunam . lambus . njam . am . likhyate | palan . um . la . gr . am . lavatarkasam | vam apus . pam tau dravyan . i kaulike s ivambu sura raktamadyam . pus . pabandham as .. . mahatailam dhukam | kun ukram as tau kulagame . ca s .d . agolodbhavam . s . peyany .. matsyam . sam a san rajam | maham am . sam . gam . mam . mahagottham . sthalajak . mr . caiva bhaks . y as tau kulakrame mata ng kajjal s aun kan carmin . yan .. .d . .d . uk . dhvaja | chipp ve sya susam grahyait ah . kalik akule nih ank ac aram argen . baddha .s .a pujanam sidhyate *dev (em. devi Cod.) tair *bhuktva . ca bhaved yadi | tadasau bhavit a yadi (conj. : bhuktam tatpanaspar sanah ar at . bhavitam . yadi Cod.) pa sacchedakar smr | *gopitam purvam ad. ta . (conj. : gopitais Cod.) tan maya vaitac ara sobhanam. Cf. in the Mantranaya, e.g., the Sarvadevasamagamatantra (lost in Sanskrit, apart from citations, and not translated into Tibetan) quoted antaraks in the Tattvasiddhi of S . ita, A f. 96v36, B f. 39v1113 (Tib. f. 30r57): *nirvikalpena bhavena (em. [Tib. rnam par mi rtog sems kyis ni] : nirvi sankena bhavena AB) sarvakarman . i sarvada | *acaren (conj. : ac aran B : ac ara A [Tib. spyod pa]) nirvi sankena tapasam *uttamottamam (em. [Tib. mchog gi mchog] : uttamam stapah B : uttam atapa A) *vis sevamanasya (em. [Tib. yul . . . ayan rnams *bsten (corr. : bston Cod.) par gyur pa na] : vi saya ngavim anasya AB) nirvikalpena cetasa | *kutsadhikam cet tat (tentative conj. [cf. Tib. smod . na va par gyur pas mi gnod pa] : kutsadhikam cetas B : kutsadhikan aceta A) . na va tat tapo *duratikramam (corr. : duratikramah AB) yas tu sarv an i karm an . . .i *prajnay a (em. [Tib. shes rab kyis] : prajn ay a B : prajn ay ay a A) viniyojayet | *sa ca s unyapade yojya (em. [Tib. de yang stong pai gnas su sbyar] : sarvah . s unyapade yojya B : sarva sunyapade yojya A) *tapo (em. [Tib. dka thub] : tatha AB) hy es am *prajn asam . krantir upen . a (B [Tib. shes rab pho ba ngos . a mahatman pos ni] : prajn asam . kratir upana A) nirvikalpena cetasa | *nih ank ac arasam .s . caras (em. [Tib. dgos pa med par kun spyod] : nih an arasa nc arah . s AB) *tapas . sank tes . (B [Tib. dei dka thub yin] : tapatapates . A) mahatman am . A version . am . am of this passage is contained in the Vajrad , f. 3v24 (1.57c62b): sopaya <m . aka .> sarvakarman . i nirvi sanka s cared yada 1.58 nirvikalpena bhavena vratan am uttamotta*mam (em. : mah sarvakarman . i sarvada . Cod.) | nirvikalpena bhavena 1.59 acare <n> nirvi sankena tat tes am *uttamam tapah (conj. : uttam attatah . . . . Cod.) | vis *sevamanasya (em. : sevyamanayo Cod.) nirvi sankena cetasa . ayan 1.60 *ke son avena (em. : ke son Cod.) tat *tapo (em. .d . ukanubh .d . ukasvabhavena : tayo Cod.) duratikra*mam (corr. : mah . i karman .i . Cod.) | yas tu sarvan prajnay a viniyojayet 1.61 sa ca s unyapade yojya tapo hy etat mahatman am prajn a*sam up an . am . (conj. : sam sarup an . i Cod.) nirvikalpena cetasa 1.62 . krantar . ka nih ank ac ara*sam (corr. : sam . s Cod.) tapas tes . *mahatman am (corr. .s . caras . carah . am

143

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

That Tantric Buddhists possessed the specialized knowledge of the Saiva Mantramarga that would enable them to draw at will on the Saiva Tantras in this period is placed beyond doubt by an early exegetical work in the tradition of the Guhyasamaja . For this, the Guhyasiddhi of Padmavajra, written in all probability in the eighth century,332 assumes that any initiate in the practice of this Tantra is not only familiar with the Saiva scriptures but is able to enact their rituals by assuming the role of a Saiva Guru, implying thereby that such initiates were typically converts from the Mantramarga with experience both of its texts and of its practices. For it tells the adept of this tradition that in order to acquire the female consort required for his post-initiatory observance he should enter the home of a family of untouchables who are observant devotees of Siva, reveal to them one of the Saiddhantika scripturesthe text specically mentions the Kalottara and the Ni svasa give them Man .d . ala initiation [following this scripture], and then return to them the daks that they will give him, . in .a taking a girl from them in its place:333
He should wander in other lands, in which he is known nowhere. With rm re solve the Sadhaka should enter among untouchables who are devotees of Siva

332

333

: mahatmanah . Cod.). Portions of the Guhyasiddhi have been quoted in the Caryamel apakaprad pa of Aryadeva: Caryamel apakaprad pa, pp. 7172 (imam evartham . dyotayann aha s r guhyasiddhau:) = Guhyasiddhi 3.7181, 17.38; p. 77 = 6.23; and p. 97 = 6.45 49. T OMABECHI (2008, p. 175) has shown that Aryadevas work is likely to have been written in the early years of the ninth century. Guhyasiddhi 8.8c16b: paryat ses pravi sya . ed *anyade . u (conj. [cf. 8.2cd: canyade ses u ] : divyade s es u Ed. [Tib. bzang poi yul du khyam par bya ]) yatra na . . jn ayate kvacit 9 pravi sya *cantyaj at nam . madhye (em. [Tib. mthar skyes nang du jug par bya] : cantyaj ad nam . madhye Ed.) ye tripurantake | bhakta jananti naivanyam daivatam param arthatah 10 * siddh antabh avit a nityam (em. [Tib. . . . . rtag tu rang gi grub mtha bsgom (*svasiddhantabh avak a nityam )] : siddhyante . bhavit a nityam arcane ratah . | kim . . Ed.) snanadev . cidaks . aramargen . a *prasaktah (conj. : prasakte Ed.) s astradar sane 11 evam sya tanmadhye sadhako . pravi dr scayah . a bhavayan bodhim uttamam 12 *dar sayec .d . hani . | can .d . alagan . arupen ca tatas tes . dharmam urvakam (em. [cf. Tib. chos dang grub . am . siddhantap mtha sngon gro ba | de nas de la ston par byed] : dar sayec ca tatas tes . . am dharmasiddhantap urvakam Ed.) | kalottar adi*sam uddham . siddham . (em. : sam .s . Ed.) no cen nih vasasam 13 patayitum svase sarvam . s tam .s .s . bhavam . ca vi tantracoditan | kr caivatmanah is d ks 14 tato yat . tva . s . yan . aman .d . alapurvakam sam | tat tes arpayitva tu purvam . citam . dravyam . tair dattam . gurupujane . am . vittena sam 15 gr tva kanyakam . tes . caruvaktr am . sulocanam | tam . . h . yutam . am kr tv a mantrasadbh av abhij n am samayasam mat am 16 cared vidy avratam dh m an . . . . buddhatvakr scayah nam to antyajat nam with the . tani . . I have emended antyajad support of the Tibetan because the -adi is inapposite: in 8.7 the Sadhaka is told to enter the home of an untouchable (antyajalayah . ); and in 8.1 he is told that it is an untouchable girl (antyaja ) that he is to acquire. I take dharmam . siddhantap urvakam . in 8.12c to mean dharmam . preceded by [the word] siddhanta, i.e. siddhantadharmam . , an example of a not uncommon style of periphrasis.

144

The Saiva Age

and recognize no other deity as absolute, who are inspired by the Siddhanta, always attached to [the rituals of] bathing and deity-worship, and dedicated to the doctrines of its scriptures through some slight degree of literacy. After entering among them in the guise of an untouchable votary (can .d . alagan . ah . ), he should, while cultivating insight into the highest wisdom, instruct them in the religion of the Siddhanta established in such scriptures as the Kalottara , or the Ni svasa ;334 and in order to win their trust he should take as his disciples all those who are enjoined by the Tantra after [initiating them before] the Initiation Man .d . ala [of Siva]. Then he should give back to them all the goods and money that they will previously have gathered and given him as their offering to their Guru and take [instead] a girl of theirs with a beautiful face and eyes. After acquainting her with the essence of the Mantras and making her adhere to the rules of an initiate observance [with her], after resolving to that wise one should practice the Vidya become a Buddha.335

This is indeed troubling evidence for those who may be reluctant to accept that Buddhists would have had the familiarity with Tantric Saivism that my thesis of the development of the Mantranaya presupposes. The Sarvabuddhasamayogad jala sam Heruka and his Yogin s, . akin . vara: Kap alika iconography, the Gan . aman .d . ala, and the beginning of Saiva-Buddhist intertextuality With the Sarvabuddhasamayogad jala sam . akin . vara, another product of 336 aktization. this century, we see the beginning of the nal phase of s It is still rooted in the liturgical tradition of the Yogatantras,337 as can be seen in the
334

335

336

337

Literally that which has arisen from the outbreath (nih vasah . /ni svasah . ) [of Siva]. .s Both forms of the name of this scripture, Ni svasa and Nih s v asa , are attested. . Padmavajra is elaborating on Guhyasamaja 16.93: s sabdik am . gr . hya . od . a sarvala nk arabh us . itam | caruvaktr am . vi sal aks . m vidyavratam . prapya . caret He should take a girl of sixteen with a beautiful face and wide eyes, adorned with every observance with her. ornament, and practice the Vidya It was translated into Tibetan towards the end of the eighth century or early in the ninth, and Amoghavajra (705774) names it and provides a brief summary of its teachings in his Jin-gang-ding-jing yu-jia shi-ba-hui zhi-gui, Jap. Kong o-ch ogy o yuga juhatte shiiki (T. 869) Key Points of the Eighteen Assemblies of the Yoga of the Vajra sekharasutra ; see T OMABECHI 2007, p. 905. He composed this work in Chinese at some time between 746 and and his death in 774, but we can be sure that the text existed in some form, perhaps in an early stage of its development, by c. 740, since his knowledge of it must have been gained between 741 and 746, when he was in Ceylon and perhaps India gathering the Tantric literature whose analysis and translation into Chinese occupied the rest of his life. It is referred to by Aryadeva as a Mahayogatantra in his Caryamel apakaprad pa, p. 82: adhuna prapancat acary a s r sarvabuddhasamagamayogad akin j ala s am vara. . mahayogatantr ad avataryate . This term serves to distinguish it from the Yogatantras, namely the Sarvatathagatatattvasam . graha and its satellites and to

145

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

group it with the Guhyasamaja and related texts, though which of the Yo gatantras in the broad sense qualied to be considered Mahayogatantras might ana be the subject of divergence of opinion. D pankara sr jn denes this class (rnal byor chen poi rgyud) as comprising the Guhyasamaja and its explanatory Tantras (vyakhy atantr an . i), which he lists as the Guhyendutilaka, the Kr , the Paramadya , the Sarvadevasamagama , the Sarvarahasya, the .s .n . ayamari Vinayamogha[siddhi] , the Vajrajn anasamuccaya , the Vairocanamay aj ala , the Laghukhasama, the Advaya[samata]vijaya , and the Vajra sekhara (Byang chub lam gyi sgron ma dka grel, p. 286: de la rnal byor chen poi rgyud ni dpal gsang ba dus par bshad rgyud dang bcas pa dang zla gsang thig le dang gshin rjei gshed nag po dang mchog dang po dang lha thams cad dus pa dang thams cad gsang ba dang dul ba don yod pa dang ye shes rdo kun las btus pa dang rnam par snang mdzad sgyu phrul dang nam mkha dang mnyam pa chung ngu dang gnyis med pa rnam par rgyal bai rgyud dang rdo rje gtsug tor rgyud la sogs pa rgyud sde stong phrag bcu gnyis te rgyas par byas na grangs pa med do.) An alternative terminology distinguishes these more esoteric Yogatantras as Yogottaratantras, perhaps originally in the meaning Supplementary Tantras (uttaratantran . i) of the Yoga [class], and refers to the Yogin tantras as Yoganiruttaratantras, giving the ascending series Kriyatantra, Caryatantra, Yogatantra, Yogottaratantra, and Yoginiruttaratantra; Sekanirde see, e.g., Ramap ala, sapanjik a , introducing verse 1, describing his teacher Maitreyanatha (Advayavajra) as an unsurpassed master of all of these: iha maha pan uta sr maitreyanathah ayogayogottarayoganiruttaratantres .d . itavadh . kriyacary .v anuttaraguruh santi, Muktaval , p. 223, on Hevajra 2.8.10: sarvam . ; Ratnakara iti pancavidham: kriyacary ayoga*yogottarayoganiruttarabhedena (yogottara corr. . ha, Yogaratnamal [=Cod., f. 45v6] : yogantara Ed.); Kan a , p. 156 (on Hevajra 2.8.10): sarvamantranayam iti pancavidham ayogayogottarayoga . kriyacary niruttarabhedena; Advayavajra, Gud . hapada , f. 6r67: vajram n an atmakam . pancaj . | iha pancaj n ana sabdena kriyacary ayogayogottarayoga*niruttar an . i (em. : niruttara s ca Cod.) tantran . y ucyante. I have seen no occurrence in any Indian source of the term *Anuttarayoga, commonly encountered in secondary sources. It is evidently an incorrect modern translation into Sanskrit of the ambiguous Tibetan rendering of Yoganiruttara (rnal byor bla na med). Early authors attest a less developed hierarchy. Vilasavajra, an author of the eighth century (T RIBE 1994, anap pp. 923) and the Guru of Buddhajn ada according to Gzhon nu dpal (Blue Annals, p. 367), says that he writes his Namamantr arth avalokin after study Carya-, and Yogatantras (A f. 1v12: yoing the Paramit anaya and the Kriya-, gacaryakriy atantram paramit anayam . . . vilokya), but the last evidently in. tatha cludes texts such as the Guhyasamaja , Vajrabhairava, and Sarvabuddhasamayoga , since he quotes these and other related works. *Buddhaguhya (rNam par snang mdzad chen po mngon par byang chub pai rgyud chen poi grel, ff. 64v765r6) speaks of Kriyatantras, which emphasize external ritual practice (phyii spyod, bahyacary a ), giving as examples the Susiddhikara and the Vidyadharapit . aka, and Yogatantras, which emphasize internal meditation (nang gi sbyor, adhyatmayogah . ), giving the example of the Sarvatathagatatattvasam . graha, and says that the Maha vairocanabhisam is a Yogatantra in as much . bodhi, later classied as a Caryatantra, as it emphasizes the practice of Method and Wisdom (thabs dang shes rab gtsor gyur sbyor bai rgyud), but may also be referred to as a Kriyatantra or as an Ubhayatantra (bya bai rgyud dam gnyis kai rgyud), that is to say, as a Tantra of both (ubhaya-) classes, because it also teaches external practice for the benet of those whose commitment is to this. In a parallel treatment in his Pin commentary .d . artha on the Mahavairocan abhisam . yabhis . bodhi he gives the Vajrapan . eka among exam ples of Kriyatantras (see the translation in H ODGE 2003, p. 449). This too was later

146

The Saiva Age

(Mahamudr Samayause of that traditions system of the four types of Mudra a, Dharmamudra, and Karmamudra) in Sadhana mudra, texts based on this Tantra, such as the Vajrajvaloday a of Anandagarbha and the Herukasadhana . agarbha.338 But it initiates a new direction that would be followed of Kalyan in the next and nal phase of the Mantranayas development, that of the Yogin tantras.339
considered to be a Caryatantra. The terms Kriyatantra and Yogatantra are seman tically coherent, as Buddhaguhya indicates. But the choice of the term Caryatantra (Observance Tantra) for the intermediate class is puzzling. It is conceivable that it was adopted articially under the inuence of the classication of the subject mat ter of the Tantras of the Saiva Mantramarga into kriya , carya , yogah anam . , and jn or vidya , perhaps with the notion that the fourth corresponds to the Paramit anaya. As far as I am aware, only one other Sadhana text of this Heruka has survived in Sanskrit. This is the anonymous Herukasadhana of Sadhanam al a 241. Anandagarbhas, which appears not to have been translated into Tibetan, is much the most detailed of the three. Apart from these works the only other evidence of this cult in surviving Sanskrit sources of which I am aware is in the eclectic Yogin tantra Sam . put . odbhava, which in f. 80v581v2, in its eighth Kalpa, the Sarvakriyasamudayakalpar aja , includes the Mantras of this Heruka and his retinue of goddesses. There is also a chapter in the Abhidhanottara of the Cakrasam . vara corpus (B ff. 121v5129v1: Pat . ala 22) which teaches a hybrid pantheon in which the goddesses of this Herukas retinue have been incorporated into that of Heruka and ah , the former taking on the appearance of the Heruka of the SarvabudVajravar dhasamayoga , being four-faced and eight-armed. This poverty of surviving sources in Sanskrit is probably due to the eclipse of this Tantra after the propagation of the later Yogin tantras, both in India and in Tibet. A striking indication of this eclipse is the fact that its Man in his Vajraval .d . ala was not included by Abhayakaragupta and Nis pannayog aval in the rst quarter of the eleventh century. For the position . are the distinctive fundamentals of the Sadhana that the four Mudras system of the Yogatantras see, e.g., Mkhas Grub rjes rGyud spyi, pp. 228248. It was accordingly classied in the Kanjur (T oh. 366367) among the Yogin tantras (T oh. 360441). Likewise, Mkhas grub rje (13851438) in his rGyud spyi, p. 266: bde mchog kye rdor dus khor sgyu thod gdan *bzhi (em. : gsum Ed.) phyag chen thig le sangs rgyas mnyam sbyor sogs ma rgyud yin no The Mother Tantras [=Yogin tantras] are such as the Sam , . vara, the Hevajra, the Kalacakra the [Maha ]may a , the [Buddha]kapala , the Catus p t ha , the Mah amudr atilaka , and . . the [Sarva]buddhasamayoga . This recognition of the [proto-]Yogin tantric character of the text is not only Tibetan. It appears in the thirteenth chapter of the D vajrapanjara , where it is referred to in abbreviated form as the *Sarvabud. akin dha- (Sangs rgyas kun) in a list of Yogin tantras that also includes the Vajrad , . aka Hevajra, Guhyako sa, Vajramr . ta, and Cakrasam . vara: rdo rje mkha gro phan rgyud dang | *kye yi rdo rje (T : kye yi rdo rje dkyil khor D) sangs rgyas kun | gsang mdzod rdo rje bdud rtsi byung ba dang | khor lo sdom pa gur *gyi (T : dang D) byung gnas ni | rnal byor ma *rgyud ni (T : rgyud drug tu D) rab tu grags (mKha gro mai dra anas bai rdo rje gur rgyud, D f. 104v45; T p. 369, ll. 56), and in D pankara sr jn commentary on his Byang chub lam gyi sgron mai dka grel, where he refers to the texts of this class under their alternative title as Yoganiruttaratantras (rnal byor bla na med pai rgyud), p. 286: rnal byor bla na med pai rgyud ni dpal nam mkha dang mnyam pa bum pa chen po khor lo sdom pa dang rdo rje mkha gro dang rdo rje gdan bzhi pa dang ma ha ma ya dang sangs rgyas mnyam sbyor

338

339

147

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

First, it introduces or brings to the fore the cult of the deity Heruka340 with t an iconography inspired by that of the Bhairavas of the Vidyap . ha with their alika accoutrements and attributes of the cremation-ground dwelling Kap Saiva ascetic. According to the visualization given by Anandagarbha he has four faces and eight arms, emerging as the transformation of a dark blue aming Vajra, itself a transformation of a dark blue syllable HR IH . . The central face is erce (raudang sangs rgyas thod pa dang dgyes pai rdo rje bum phrag lnga pa la sogs pa rgyud sde stong phrag bcu gnyis bzhugs te rgyas par bya ba na grangs med do The Yoganiruttaratantra, endless in its full extent, contains 12,000 [texts], principally the Mahakhasama in 100,000 [verses], the Cakrasam , the . vara, the Vajrad . aka Vajracatus . tha, the Maham ay a , the [Sarva]buddhasamayoga , the Buddhakapala , . p and the Hevajra in 500,000 verses. On the term Yoganiruttara see here p. 146. The origin of the name Heruka has not been explained in a satisfactory manner. Indigenous sources explain it only through articial semantic analyses based on supercial similarities of sound. Thus, for example, we are told that He- means un panirmuktam), and -ka means caused (hetuvarjitam), -ru- means formless (ru . i, Laghutantrat free of sense-faculties (karan ojjhitam ); see Vajrap an ka , p. 45; . . Bhavabhat a , p. 5; and the Tibetans, who translated names .t . a, Cakrasam . varapanjik if they were meaningful, either left this untranslated or substituted a description, namely Khrag thung Blood-drinker, a meaning that cannot be justied etymologically. So if the name was meaningful at some stage it appears that that meaning has left no trace in the surviving literature. The alternative is that it never was meaningful in this sense, being created on the basis of the unmeaning syllables R HE HE RU RU KAM OM I VAJRA . that are found in Cakrasam . varas Mulamantra: . S . H UM . PHAT S AM A . Against this it HE HE RU RU KAM I J ALA . H UM . D . AKIN . VARAM . SV AH may be said that the name appears without this doubling of the rst two syllables in the earlier Sarvatathagatatattvasam . graha, section 794, in the Mantra for the taming of all the Mother goddesses: OM . HERUKA VAJRASAMAYA SARVADUS . ASAMAYA .T . PHAT MUDR APRABHA NJAKA H UM . . It might seem more reasonable, then, to see HE HE RU RU KAM . as a spell-element built from an already existing name. However, it of Parap ar a, an imis striking that we nd almost the same element in the Vidya akta t portant Mantra of the S Saiva Vidyap ha: OM AGHORE HR I H PARAMAGHORE . . . HUM HAH I MA BH IS . GHORAR UPE . GHORAMUKHI BH . AN . E VAMA PIBA HE RU RU RA RA PHAT svar mata 3.2339; Malin vijayottara 3.42 . HUM . HAH . PHAT . (Siddhayoge 50; Tantraloka 30.2024b; Tri sirobhairava quoted by Jayaratha thereon) and its variant taught in Kubjikamata 18.4-24: AIM IM . AGHORE HR . HSAH . PARAMAGHORE . GHORAR UPE H UM HSAUM I MA BH IS . GHORAMUKHI BH . . AN . E VAMA VAMA PIBA HAH . PHAT HE RU RU RA RA HR IM . H UM . . We may note that the name Hevajra, that of the second major deity of the Yogin tantras, appears to have a similar origin, having YA O Vajra[-being], behold! that been conjured up from the Mantra HE VAJRA PA S is uttered when the blindfold is removed from the candidates eyes in the presence of the Man .d . ala (Sarvatathagatatattvasam . graha, section 230). The origin of the Herukas Rigi-arali and Vajra-arali of the Tantras of those names are also, it seems, the apparently unmeaning syllables of Mantras: OM RIGI PHEM . ARALI . PHEM . PHEM . A (Ri gi a BHYO SV AH ra lii rgyud f. 187v2) and OM PHAT . VAJRA ARALI . . . . PHEM . A (Ri gi a PHEM ra lii rgyud f. 187v7). The name of the Heruka Buddhakapala . SV AH of the Tantra of that name has likewise been conjured out of the feminine vocative ALINI BUDDHAKAP ALINI /- K AP that appears in its Mantras; see (Nis , . pannayogaval . H . PHAT p. 31: OM AH I HAI H UM , e.g., f. . BUDDHAKAP ALINI . ; Buddhakapalatantra ALIN . PHAT A pus 5r1: OM I MAT . BUDDHAK AP . A 2 AH . SV AH . panivedanamantrah . ).

340

148

The Saiva Age

dram), those to its right and left expressive of delusion and erotic passion, and that behind open-mouthed to devour. In his two uppermost hands he holds the freshly ayed skin of Bhairava over his back, in the two below a bow and arrows, in the third right in descent he shakes a blazing three-pronged Vajra, and in the fourth a skull-bowl lled with human blood (maharaktam ). In the third left alikas in descent he brandishes the Kap skull-staff (khat v a ngah . . ), topped with a three-pronged Vajra and adorned with bells, and in the fourth a skull-bowl lled with human esh (maham am . sam). Or he may be single-faced and two-armed, with a ve-pronged Vajra in his right hand raised above his shoulder and a skullbowl full of human esh in his left, with a skull-staff resting on his left shoulder and held in the crook of his left arm. He wears a chaplet of skulls with the Buddha [Aks . obhya] adorning his aming hair, is surrounded by an aureole of ames, poses with his left foot on the ground and his right leg raised so that the sole of the foot touches his left thigh, has dancing eye-brows knitted in anger, and has . agarbha, who teaches only the two-armed round, re-red darting eyes.341 Kalyan form, adds that he stands on a sun disc, which rests on a lotus, which rests in turn on a prostrate corpse, is smeared with ashes, wears a garland of freshly sev ered human heads, and has protruding fangs.342 An anonymous Sadhana text,

341

342

Vajrajvaloday a , f. 172v12: bhagavato mahamudr am . baddhva purata ak a sade se HR I<H > k aren a vi s vapadmam nis p adya tasyopari pa ncas ucikam jv al avajram H UM . . . . . . . AVAJRO A iti | tato vajraham <m JV AL HAM iti | tatas tad . H UM . kara . > bhavayet R iti; f. 173r4v4: vajram r herukam atm anam S I HERUKO HAM H UM . s . bhavayet caturmukham as t abhujam | tatra prathamam mukham raudram .. . . . daks . in . a<m .> dvit ya<m > mukham pramoha*pramodina < m > (?) pr s t hatas tr t yakam bhaks an . .. . . . . . . . amukham s caturtham r aramukham | etac ca mukha*catus tayam . ng . vamata . s .. . (conj. I SAACSON : catus taya Cod.) g tya nirdis tam iti | dvabhy am . bhujabhy am . vayu .. .. pat adh aran ayogena s ardrabhairavacarmadharam dv abhy am dhanurb an adharam . . . . . . daks yena tri sucikajv al avajroll alanatatparam . t . in . atr . caturthena maharaktaparipurn . akapaladharam ye ghan tasahitavajrakhat ngadharam . t . vamatr .. . va . caturthena maham am . saparipurn . akapala*dharam . (corr. : dharah . Cod.) | dvibhujam ekamukham > vamaskandhe yajnopav tayogena ghan tavajrakhat nga sobhitam . <va .. . va . daks ayuktena (corr. : tripataka Cod.) panca sucijv al a . in . akaren . a *tripatak vajradharam am . saparipurn . akapaladharam al a . | vamakaren . a maham . | kapalam makut . aman svapadmasanopavis tam adam . abuddhacud . i<m> uccavi .. . vamap . bhumistham daks <m nyasya | tatpadatalam . tva . kr . in . apada . > sattvaparyankayogena . vamorun sam karan apya n lajval avajramayam abha .a . put . . ayogenavasth . raktajval man alogra sma san agnisadr am ptake sam .s .d . alam . mahapralayak . d . raudradirasasam . kut ptaloka . yogavicitramukhavibhramam . | savibhramabhrubhr . i<m . > prad nartitadr s t im iti . . .. . agarbha, Herukasadhana Kalyan , pp. 470471: adhomukhasya s avasyopari vi svapadmam tam *ekasyordhvabhuja . tasyopari suryaman .d . alam . tanmadhye samupavis .. dvayam (ekasyo em. : ekasyo Ed.) iti vacanad ardhaparyankinam . bhasmoddhulita<m > raktaprabh am alinam pi ngalordhvake s am . . . s ardranaramastakam al a . . . kr trakar alavadanam ararakt aks . am . tasragdamam . dam .s .. . caladvartulak . savibhramabhrukut . inam.

149

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

which also teaches only that form, gives the further details that he is dark blue and clad in a garment of human skin, that his garland of heads is strung together with human entrails, that he is adorned with human bones, that is to say with alika and that his posture indicates the Kap ornaments known as the Mudras, that he is dancing.343 t He is surrounded in the style of the Vidyap s:344 . ha by twenty Vajrad . akin Vetal , Pukkas rst, in the innermost circuit the eight Gaur , Caur , Pramoha, , , Ghasmar then the four Can , and Herukasam sa/Herukasam .d . nive . nibha; . al . ngadh . . adh arin . Capadh arin , Khat arin , Cakradharin , and Citrapatak ; then . va four offering goddesses: Pus p a, Dh up a, Alok a, and Gandh a; and nally four . Vajramukh theriocephalic gate-guardians: Turangam a, , Vajramamak , and 345 . Bhasmapralayavetal

343

344

345

Sadhanam al a no. 241: tato hr h lakaralavajram h adhi . karanis . pannam . n . hr . kar s th a tatsarvaparin lam al a . tam .. . itavarat . ake dhyatv . atam . n . naracarmabhr . kapalam ks obhya s iraskam jvalad urdhvapi ngalake s am raktavartul aks am antrasam grathita. . . . . mun avalambitam abharan tra .d . amal . narasthiracit . am . dvibhujaikamukham . dam .s .. karalavadanam svapadmasurye vamap adam . . . . vi . tasyaivorau daks . in . acaran . am . vinyasya nr ram . There are numerous two. tyam . kurvantam . herukav . bhavayet armed Herukas conforming to the iconographical prescriptions of these Sadhanas in surviving statuary from eastern India, though this connection with the tradition of the Sarvabuddhasamayoga has not been recognized to my knowledge. For ex Sarn ath, amples from Ratnagiri in Orissa, Naland a, and Subhapur (in the Comilla District of Bengal) see L INROTHE 1999, pp. 249260, gs. 175183, and 185188, and H UNTINGTON 1984, g. 215. The last lacks the prostrate corpse. Vajrajvaloday a , f. 176r7v1: sarvam r gauryadi vajrad gan . s . am . nirmaya . akin prajvalitordhvake sam abhaman alogra sma san agni . | raktajval .d . alam . mahapralayak sadr am .s . sam . kruddham ekakapalaikabuddhamakut . am . svacihnadharam . yathasthane nive sayet. The Sarvabuddhasamayoga deploys a complex six-family Man .d . ala consisting of six sub-Man .d .d . alas. The six families, each with its own sub-Man . ala, are those Va sva. Two jrasattva, Vairocana, Heruka, Padmanarte svara, Vajrasurya, and Parama Man .d . ala traditions deploy this pantheon. In one Vajrasattva occupies the central sub-Man .d .d . ala and in the other Heruka. In each sub-Man . ala one of these six occupies the centre surrounded by twenty goddesses. The last twelve god ira, n Vitata, and Ghana, desses are the same in each, namely Sus . tya/V . a, . Nr followed by Pus p a, Dh up a, Alok a, Gandh a, Turag a, Vajramukh , Vajram amak , . , the rst eight of these being, as their names reveal, and Bhasmapralayavetal offering-goddesses (puj adevyah . ), personications of offerings, and the last four gate . ngadh . guardians, except that in the retinue of Heruka Capadh arin , Khat arin , . va adh arin . . are substituted for the rst four, the mu, and Citrapatak Cakradharin ira, n Vitata, and Ghana. The rst eight sical offering-goddesses Sus . tya/V . a, . Nr of the twenty, then, stand apart as the retinue specic to each Tathagata. The formed the basis of the retinue of Hevajra eight from Gaur to Herukasam sa . nive in the Yogin tantra Hevajra, with the difference that there we see Sabar rather and D than Pramoha omb rather than Herukasam nive s a. See T OMABECHI 2007, . . pp. 919921 for a complete tabulation of all one hundred and twenty-six deities and their seed-syllables as given in the Sarvabuddhasamayoga and the Paramadya .

150

The Saiva Age


346 According to Anandagarbha Gaur (E) is fair in colour and tranquil-faced.

346

See also T ANAKA 1996, pp. 199201 for the Tibetan names of all the goddesses (and their Mantras) in the six sub-Man .d . alas, and the listings of the names and positions of all the deities of the two six-family Man .d . alas in B SOD NAMS RGYA MTSHO 1991, pp. 106113. In the Heruka-centred Man .d . ala set out there each of the six svar deities presiding over the sub-Man , Vairocana .d . alas has a consort: Heruka + I Vajrasurya .d sva + Locana, + Mamak , Padmanarte svara + Pan arav asin , Parama . a, and Vajradhara + Sam + Tar var ; and the total of deities is 135, since two extra . and Citravajra, are found in front of the cengoddesses, counted as one, Citrapadma sva, and there are eight additional deities tral deity in the sub-Man .d . ala of Parama in the outer enclosure, since there too there are four offering goddesses within its corners and four animal-headed goddesses guarding its gateways. Theriocephalic female gate-guardians are a common feature in the Man tantras; .d . alas of the Yogin see, e.g., Sam a , p. 113 on . varodaya 13.29c31b; Jayabhadra, Cakrasam . varapanjik an asy a, Uluk asy a, Sv asy a, Sukar a); Nis a, 2.8 (Kak asy , p. 15 (Hayasy . pannayogaval a, Svan asy a, and Sim a in the 17-deity Man Sukar asy . hasy .d . ala of Hevajra) and p. a, Gr a, Jambukasy a, Garud a, Vyaghr a, Uluk asy a in the 90 (Sukar asy asy . dhrasy . asy Man d ala of K alacakra). .. Vajrajvaloday a , ff. 177r4178r5: purvadigbh age gaur gauravarn s antadr tih .s .a .. . saumyamukha yaugapadyenaiva t ks . apariks mahaprasahya .n . adhanurban . epan s ira<s >catus tayam pratyal d a | daks raktavarn .. . patayant . hasthanasth . in . e caur .a raudradr s t imukh a yaj nopav tayogena v amaskandhe khat v a ngam dh arayant | . .. . . kapalam al amukut vamakrodhamus tina hr sadharin . daks . dy anku .a .. . in . akaren .a madhya nguly as .. taracakram utkars vamap adena trailokyam | . ayant . langhayant adivar pa scime pramoha ahamukh a pramohadr tih caturbhuja madya.s .s .. . kr .n .a purn . akapalav amakar a daks . punar vamadaks am . . in . akare vajradharin . in . abhujabhy *parasparabaddh abhy am . (corr. : param abhy am . Cod.) pr . thivy. parabaddh sitavarn uddharan d a | uttare vetal . hars . am . kurvanty al . hapadavasthit . am . amukh m tih abhakap alacas . takotthapanadr .s . mr .. . daks . in . akaren . a candrakant . akenamr tav aridh ar am p atayant m v amakaren a vajrapat ak akaradh arin m yathes t a. . . . . . .. padavasthit a | tasminn eva man the (corr. : kos tha Cod.) pukkas .d . ale purva*kos .. .. vi svavarn nr nr tih tina pancas ucikajv al avajra . tyamukh . tyadr .s .a .. . daks . in . avajramus .. dharin . | vamakaren utakalpavr arin . kapalam al adipari . ks . a marutoddh . alatadh purn . asadhuma sma sanamadhye nr in e can d al n lavarn vata . tyaprayogena | daks . . .a .. man ud . ha savibhramamukh urdhvadr tih tina vajra sulam .s .d . alikar .. . daks . in . amus .. ad aya | vayupat . ena vataman adayo . adharan .d . alikapramoks . en . a sadhya*pran . am patant (?) | pa scime ghasmar kr s n a*varn a (corr. varn n am Cod.) mr .. . . ta. .. . carvan bhaks tih agnikun . | daks .s . amukh . an . adr .. . | vamakaren . a vajrajval .d . adharin . in .e r vajramus tina khad aya pratyal d a | uttare s herukarupa.. . gam ad . hapadavasthit vamakaren sam (cas sa Cod.) ad aya . a *cas . akakapalam . aka conj. : capa . nibha vamaskandhe khat v a ngam dh arayant | daks in e tripat ak akaren a pa ncas ucika . . . . . jval avajram ad aya s r herukapade dvibhujaikamukh sam | agneyakos thake . sthita .. . (em. : copodharin *capadh arin . Cod.) | raktavarn vamakaren .a . a vajradhanur ad aya daks (corr. : vajracap asahitena Cod.) . in . ena *vajracapasahitena dhanu<r>gun akars an ayogena *vajrab an an (corr. : vajrab arn n an Cod.) ks ipant | . . . . .. . ngadh . kapalam nairr arin al amakut . aman (?) . te khat .s . abuddhacud . i<r> *dr . itara . va bhasma subhravarn daks ucikajv al avajra <m . ya ks .a . in . akaren . a ca pancas . > pan . ipant | *vayavye (em. : vayave krodhamus tin tarjanitatpara | vayavye Cod.) *cakra.. .a . (corr. : cakradhar dharin Cod.) gauraharitavarn vamakrodhamus tina tar.a .. janatatpara *daks nguly as .. taracakram (daks . in . akaramadhyama . in . a corr. : daks . in .e adh . | *kanakopalavarn Cod.) utkars | ai sane kon arin (varn . ayant . e citrapatak .a .a

151

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

by simultaneously rEight-armed, she cuts off each of the four heads of Brahma ing arrows from four bows.347 Caur (S) is red and erce-faced. Wearing a chaplet of skulls she holds a goad-hook (anku sah . ) in her left hand at her heart with a skull-staff in the crook of her left arm resting on her left shoulder, and holds aloft an eight-spoked discuss with the middle nger of her right, pressing down (W) is black and four-armed, with on the three worlds with her left foot. Pramoha the face of Vis ahamukh a ). In her rst left hand she . us boar-incarnation (adivar .n holds a skull-bowl full of wine and in her rst right a Vajra. With her other two (N) hands she imitates the boar-incarnation by raising up the earth.348 Vetal is white and joyful-faced. With her right hand she pours a stream of the nectar of immortality from a transparent skull-cup and with her left shows the Vajra banner gesture. Pukkas [E] is multi-coloured (vi svavarn ) and dancing in a .a smoky cremation-ground full of strings of skulls and the like. In her right st she clasps a ve-pronged Vajra and in her left a wind-buffetted tendril from the wish (S) is dark blue and riding granting tree of paradise (kalpavr ). Can . ks .d . alata . al on a whirlwind (vataman ). In her right st she clenches a Vajra-topped .d . alika trident and with her left releases a whirlwind against her victims. Ghasmar (W) is black and eating a corpse. In her left hand she holds a blazing sacricial re-vessel (agnikun . nibha .d . a-) and with her right grasps a sword. Herukasam (N), black like Heruka, holds a skull-cup [to her heart] in her left hand, with a skull-staff resting on her left shoulder, and a ve-pronged Vajra in her right. . Capadh arin (SE) is red and, holding a Vajra bow with her left hand, res Vajra ngadh . arrows by drawing back the bowstring with her right. Khat arin (SW) . va is ash-white, wearing a chaplet of skulls and the Buddha on her crown, [holding a skull-staff with her left hand and] hurling a blazing re-pronged Vajra from

347

348

conj. : varn a <m .n . a Cod.) daks . in . akaren . a *sam . ghat . a(?)vicitravarn . apatak . > dharayant . That Gaur is eight-armed is not stated by Anandagarbha, but she could not draw four bows simultaneously with fewer and no other hands are mentioned. His since the victim is mahaprasahya is obscure but evidently it denotes Brahma said here to have four heads (mahaprasahya sira<s >catus tayam ). Both .. . patayant . karavajra, these inferences are supported by Hum who is explicit in both regards in his *Herukasadhana (f. 203v2): zhal bzhi phyag brgyad brjid pai stongs | g.yon brkyang gar gyis bzhugs mdzad cing | mda bzhi dus gcig bkang ba la | tshangs pai mgo bzhi spyangs pa ste. . karavajras According to Hum Herukasadhana she has two heads, that of a boar above and a red head below. Moreover, he has her raise with her two lower hands a wheel (khor lo) rather than the earth (f. 203v35): *pra (em. : bra Cod.) mo dbu gnyis gong ma phag | og ma dmar po phyag bzhi pa | g.yas kyi dang pos rdo rje rtse gsum bsnams | g.yon gyi dang pos kham phor chang | og gnyis khu tshur so sor chang | khor lo dzin cing bteg pai tshul | g.yas brkyang stabs bcas nub phyogs su | rmongs tshul mdog dmar pa dma la.

152

The Saiva Age

. her right. Cakradharin (NW) is light green and holds aloft an eight-spoked discuss on the middle nger of her right hand and threatens [the wicked] with her adh arin . left st clenched in anger. Citrapatak (NE) is golden in colour, holding a multi-coloured banner in her right hand.The four offering-goddesses stand in the directions holding the offerings that they personify: owers, an incense-burner, Vajramukh a lamp, and fragrant powder; and the four goddesses Turangam a, , and Bhasmapralayavetal stand in the four gates of the enVajramamak /Aloka, closure to subjugate all hostile deities (krodhakulam), with the heads of a horse, a boar, a crow, and a dog, and holding a hook, noose, chain, and bell.349 All this, barring a few specically Buddhist details such as the Vajras and the offering-goddesses, who are already in the Mantranaya of the Sarva349

Anandagarbhas text is corrupt and lacunose at this point in the manuscript, omitting Vajramukh and Vajramamak (f. 178r5v2): vamamus tina ?ghat .. . y?avasthita ?tr a njalin a pus pagandhacihnadharin . yah svagojas abh uti . y?am . padhupad . a sam j nit asatta p uj adev | p urvadv aramadhye tura ng asan a v amahastena padma. hasta hayagr vaharitam a svamukham | daks . dharayant . in . e kare sthitena vajranku sena sarvakrodhakulam akars | pa scime *dvara alok am . (corr. : dvare . ayant loka n Cod.) candrasuryaman .d . ala?ru?payuktavajra*sphot . anena (conj. : sphot . anam . Cod.) sarvam krodhakulam bandhayant | uttaradv are bhasmapralayavet al . . *vamakaren vi svavajrastham . a (corr. : namah . karen . a Cod.) kapalamadhye . buddhabimbam | daks tav adanayogena sarvakrodha. dharayet . in . e kare sthitavajraghan .. kulam s kurvanty *avasthita (corr. : avasthitah . Cod.) | *sarva s caitah . (corr. . va : sarvvancet ah . Cod.) pratyal d a <h tibhavaras anvit a <h .s . hasthanasth . > sadr .. . >. A complete but less detailed description of these eight can be seen in the Tibetan . karavajra, translation of the *Herukasadhana of Hum f. 204r47. The identity of the non-human heads of the gate-guardians is mentioned in these sources only in by Anandagarbha . karavajra the case of the horse-headed Turangam a, and Hum (f. 204r5: shar sgo rta mgrin phang mtho dkar | g.yas na rta gdong g.yon lcags kyu), . karavajra, and Vajramukh , by Hum who names this goddess Phag gdong Boar a) (f. 204r6: lhor sgor phag gdong snon mo ste | g.yas pas mche ba face (Sukar asy g.yon zhags dzin). According to the tradition of the Ngor Man .d . alas, the last two and Thal byed ma (*Bhasmakarin . door-guardians, Snang ba ma (Alok a) [?]), are crow-faced and dog-faced (B SOD NAMS RGYA MTSHO 1991, p. 110). These animalheaded guardians exemplify the character of this Tantra as transitional between the Yogatantras and the Yogin tantras. The animal-headedness is shared with such goddesses in the latter (see here p. 151), but the hand-attributes, namely the nku sa, Vajrapa sa, Vajrasphot hook, noose, chain, and bell, are those of Vajra . a, and sa, the male gate-guardians of the Vajradhatuman Vajrave d ala of the Yogatantra .. Sarvatathagatatattvasam . graha; see T ANAKA 1996, p. 271. For those attributes see . karavajra, the *Herukasadhana of Hum f. 204r57 (I have restored the Mantras, which invoke the goddesses as the personications of these attributes, to their cor NKU E (corr. BA DZRA AM rect Sanskrit form): OM S . * VAJR A . KU SHA Cod.) JAH . | shar S E sgo rta mgrin phang mtho dkar | g.yas na rta gdong g.yon lcags kyu | OM . VAJRAP A . | lhor sgor phag gdong sngon mo ste | g.yas pas mche ba g.yon zhags dzin | OM H UM . R * VAJRA S (corr. : BA DZRA SHR I KHA LE Cod.) VAM . | nub sgor snang byed . NKHALE dmar mo ni | phyag gnyis nyi zla lcags sgrog dzin | OM . * VAJRAGHAN . E (corr. : BA .T DZRA GA N . E Cod.) HOH . | byang sgor thal byed mdog ljang du | sang rgyas gzugs .T dang dril buo.

153

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

350 alika tathagattattvasam is very much in the Kap style of the pantheons . graha, t of Bhairavas and Yogin s taught in the Vidyap . ha.

Second, it is in the tradition of this Tantra that we see for the rst time in the Mantranaya the practice of the gan . aman .d . alam, orgiastic worship in an assembly consisting of a male and a group of female adepts (yogin gan . ah . ) personifying the deities of the cult, with a jargon of special terms and gestures known as chommah . to be used in these gatherings.351 Both these features, collective orgiastic worship of deity-personifying Yogin s and the use of chommah . , are dis352 t tinctive features of the Sakta Saivism of the Vidyap . ha. Third, we see here for the rst time the complete abandoning of the mixed anas prose and verse style inherited from the Mahay utras in favour of one that resembles that of the Saiva scriptures in consisting entirely of Anus .t . ubh verse, barring the Mantras, and also the disappearance of the traditional Buddhist preamble maintained up to the time of the Guhyasamaja , stating the occasion and place of the revelation.353 It is also in the Sarvakalpasamuccaya, the supple350

351

352

353

See Sarvatathagatatattvasam , p. 46 . graha, sections 165176 and Nis . pannayogaval a, Vajrapus Vajralok and Vajragandha). (Vajradhup a, . pa, The practice and the jargon are outlined by Aryadeva in his Caryamel apakaprad pa (pp. 8260: prapancat acary a ) on the authority of this Tantra. The Yogin s personied here are the twenty that form the retinue of Vajrasattva, the eight pecu ya, Prad Sis liar to him being Sam , Ahosukha, pa, . var . Buddhabodhi, Dharmacakra, and Kamalat Trailokya, a. akta On such worship in S Saivism see S ANDERSON 2007a, pp. 280288; and Tantraloka 28.6111, 372c385b (yogin melakah . , murtiy agah . ), 29.66, . , cakrayagah 7879. On chommah . in these traditions see S ANDERSON 2007a, p. 333 and the sources quoted in footnotes 331332. The Tantra begins as follows (Sangs rgyas thams cad mnyam par sbyor ba, f. 151r12: 1.1 sems dpa sangs rgyas kun gyi dngos | rdo rje sems dpa bde bai mchog | gsang ba mchog gi dgyes pa na | thams cad bdag nyid rtag tu gzhugs | 1.2 di ni rang byung bcos ldan das | gcig bu rab tu phye bai lha | sangs rgyas thams cad mnyam sbyor ba | mkha gro sgyu ma bde bai mchog (*rahasye parame ramye sarvatmani sada sthitah . | sarvabuddhamayah . sattvo vajrasattvah bhagavan eka evadhidaivatah . param . sukham asau svayambhur . sarvabuddhasamayogad jala sam . akin . varah . ). Cf. the opening verses of the Laghus am rahasyam an . varatantra, which are evidently based on it: athato . vaks . ye samas na tu vistarat | s r herukasam yogam sarvak am arthas adhakam 1.2 uttar ad api . . cottaram jala sam sada sthitah . d . akin . varam | rahasye parame ramye sarvatmani . 1.3 sarvad mayah . akin . sattvo vajrasattvah . param . sukham | asau hi svayambhur bhagavan v ro d jala sam . akin . varam; and the following citation of the Sarvabuddhasamayoga in the Caryamel apakaprad pa, p. 82: athatah . sampravaks sarvato . yami vi svam uttamam | sarvabuddhasamayogam jala sam . d . akin . varam rahasye parame ramye sarvatmani sada sthitah r man vajrasattvodayah . | sarvabuddhamayah . s . sukhah . . These verses are 12 of the Kalpa 6 of the Tantra, corresponding to the Tibetan, except that that seems to have had a different version of the rst line (f. 159v45): de nas gzhan yang thams cad du | rnam pa sna tshogs mchog byung pai | sangs rgyas thams cad mnyam sbyor ba | mkha gro sgyu mai

154

The Saiva Age

mentary continuation (uttaratantra) of this Tantra, that we see the rst appear ance in the Mantranaya of the Saiva method of teaching Mantras in encrypted form to be decoded by the process known as mantroddharah . ; and with this devel opment we encounter what is at present our earliest evidence of Buddhist-Saiva intertextuality. A passage of seven verses that prescribes for this purpose the drawing of a square with forty-nine cells (kos thakani ) and the arranging of the .. forty-nine letters within them corresponds very closely to one in the V n sikha . a 354 t of the vamasrotah . division of the Vidyap . ha. The intensication of the Sakta Saiva character of the Mantranaya evident in this text is accompanied by the implication that this Buddhism is one that has conquered that tradition, transforming it, as it were, from within into a ve alika hicle for Buddhist salvation. For while wrathful Heruka appears with Kap iconography and a retinue of Yogin s he wears, as we have seen, the freshly ayed skin of Bhairava over his shoulders; and the Tantra relates that its deity in its commitment to purify all beings has violently overpowered Siva, Vis . u, Brahma, .n and Kamadeva, and taken their consorts by force for his own enjoyment.355 This
anist bde mchog bshad. For the requirement of a preamble see, e.g., the Mahay Dharmasam tisutra as quoted by Abhayakaragupta in the introduction to his Ab. g hayapaddhati f. 1v: kalade sade sakapars hi de sanay a nidanam enam . . atsamagr vina de sananupapatteh . . tatra evam . mayeti mama dharmah . sam . gatavyah . . . . ity uktam dharmasam tisutre For the preamble that establishes the au. bhagavata . g thenticity of a teaching [comprises] all these factors together, namely the time, place, teacher, and congregation, because without all those it cannot be [accepted as] a teaching. To this effect the Buddha has declared in the Dharmasam tisutra . g . . . : My teachings must be recited with [the opening phrase] Thus I [. . . ]; and the unnamed Sutra quoted by Tathagataraks sam 1.1: mayi parinirvr . te . ita on Yogin . cara bhiks ava evam mayety adikay a mama dharmah sam g atavyah O monks, after I have . . . . . been completely extinguished [by death] you should recite my teachings with the words Thus I . . . . This has been demonstrated in T OMABECHI 2007. The Saiva passage is V n sikha . a 5258. That in the Sarvakalpasamuccaya is DK, Rgyud bum, vol. ka, ff. 194v6 195r5. am Sam jala s . varatantra (= Sarvabuddhasamayogad . akin . vara) quoted in Jn anasiddhi 18.1018 (pp. 153154): sarva suddhyadhimoks . en . a prasahya balavan adhah tu sarvalokan pramardayet anyam . | parakramakraman . at . tu dus t araudrogram sattvadh atum anekadh a p apai s corair avaskandhaih .. . . sarvam eva vi sodhayet | cchalena mayay a caiva prasahya balavan adhah . panc ayudhanibandhai s ca sarvalokan jayet tada | vijitya sakalam . siddhim . jagat sthavaraja ngamam vicitravinayopayaih anupalayet | kamin nam . . svaparan bhavet kamo raudran . am . raudram uttamam saumyan am . paramam saumyam . . hat am . hat sam prasahya balavan adhah . han . havikramah . | parame . . samakramya ayan . am umadev m .s . ya copabhogair bhunakty asau | nar . samakr . samakramya . m prasahya balavan adhah rupin .s . . ya upabhogair bhunakty asau . tu samakr | prajapatim sam akramya prasahya balav an adhah santadev m as adya . | pra . upabhogair bhunakty asau kamadevam prasahya balavan adhah . . samakramya | ratipr tidhr svaryam bhunakty asau. This corresponds to . tyai . samakramya

354

355

155

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

rhetoric of appropriation is reected in the Mantras of Herukas Vajrad s. . akin who, as we have seen, has the boar face of Vis Pramoha, n us Adivar aha incarna.. ayan . tion, is invoked as Vajranar , Caur as Vajracan d e , and Ghasmar as . . svar svar Vajramahe .356 Furthermore, Herukas rst appearance in the Mantranaya is in the Sarvatathagatatattvasam . graha, where his name appears in a Mantra for the drawing of all the [Saiva] Mother-goddesses into Buddhism, and it is that, with the insertion of a single seed syllable, that is adopted as the Mantra
357 of Heruka in the Sarvabuddhasamayogad jala sam The very title of . akin . vara. the work alludes to this assimilation, since it is evidently calqued on those of two 358 t Vidyap rasamayoga and the Yogin jala sam . ha scriptures, the Sarvav . vara.

The Yogin tantras and the Full Appropriation of Vidyap . tha Saivism With the Yogin tantras proper we reach the nal stage of this process of absorption. The principal among the numerous Tantras of this class are the

356

357

358

Sangs rgyas thams cad mnyam par sbyor ba, ff. 158v7159r5, except that there ayan . as Parame sas (Sivas) consort is Bh madev (f. 159r2: lha mo bhi mo) and Nar (Vis . us) is Rukmin . i (f. 159r3: ru gmi ni). .n AYAN Vajrajvaloday a , f. 176v: HUM jhirati . VAJRAN AR . I JHIR iti (em. : VARI KHAT NGI Cod.) pramoham . ); ibid.: HUM VAJRACAN D MAH AVAJRI . . VA . . ES AMUKUT KAP ALAM AL m. Ghasmar is invoked as Va. E RULU RULU HUM . iti caur svar jramahe in the Mantras of the retinue of Heruka given in the Sam . put . odbhava VARI HAM . : OM S . VAJRAM AHE . HAM . HAM . HAM . HAH . RULU RULU RULU BHYO H UM PHAT BHAKS AYA SARVADUS T AN NIRMATHA HR DAYAM H UM PHAT SV AH A | ghas. . . . . .. . maryah . (f. 81r45). There are other examples of the assimilative transformation of non-Buddhist deities in the Mantranaya, marked, as here, by the prexing of vara, ayan . a, [Vajra]can s Vajra- to their names. For example, the deities Vajranar .d . and Vajrapadmodbhava, that is to say, Vajrayanist transformations of Vis . u, Rudra, .n together with their consorts Vajra a, join and Brahma, sr , Vajragaur , and Vajratar a sagarbha and Khavajrin Ak to form the retinue of Vajrasattva in the central sec. tion of the abridged Man , .d . ala (bsdus pai dkyil khor) of the Yogatantra Paramadya a text with which the Sarvabuddhasamayoga is closely related (T OMABECHI 2007, p. 904; T ANAKA 1996, pp. 271272). That disposition of deities is taught (see T ANAKA 1996, pp. 96103) in the mChog dang poi sngags kyi rtog pai dum paramadyamantrakalpakhan bu (*Sr oh. 488) according to Anandagarbhas .d . a) (T mChog dang poi rgya cher bshad pa (*Paramadyat k a ) (T o h. 2512). . Sarvatathagatatattvasam . HERUKAVAJRASAMAYA SARVA . graha, section 794: OM DUS NJAKA HUM r iti; Vajra. ASAMAYAMUDR APRABHA . PHAT . sarvamat .n .T . am jvaloday a : OM IH . HERUKAVAJRASAMAYA H<R> . SARVADUS . ASAMAYAMUDR A .T PRABHA NJAKA HUM PHAT iti svamantren a s r herukam nive s ayet . . . . . On these two scriptures see S ANDERSON 2007a, pp. 234236 and footnotes 21 22. The expression sarvav rasamayogad jala sam . akin . varam, without the substitution of -buddha- for -v ra-, is seen in the Yogin tantras of Cakrasam . vara. It appears in, e.g., Laghu sam . varatantra, f. 8r3 (8.1) and f. 24v4 (31.13ef): tatah . sarvav rasamayogad akin j ala s am varam ; and Sam varodaya 3.6cd: sarvav rasam ayoga . . . d jalasatsukham . In the last satsukham is a tacit semantic analysis of . akin s am . varah ..

156

The Saiva Age

Laghu sam ana , the Heva. vara also called Cakrasam . vara and Herukabhidh jra, the Catus p t ha , the Vajr amr ta , the Buddhakap ala , the Mah am ay a , the . . . Rigyarali , the Vajrarali , the Can . an . Two of .d . amaharos . a, and the Kalacakra these texts, the Laghu sam . vara (bDe mchog) . vara of the Heruka called Sam or Cakrasam . vara (Khor lo sdom pa) and the Hevajra of the Heruka Hevajra held centre-stage, a position they later shared with the Kalacakra when that text was propagated towards the end of the tenth century, during the reign I (r. c. 9771027).359 Their importance is reected in the shere of Mah pala quantity of commentaries and other texts devoted to the cult of their deities. The Tenjur contains translations of eleven commentaries on the Hevajra and of eleven on the Laghu sam . vara, and of about two hundred other explanatory texts related to each. Moreover, they both have a number of satellite Tantras, the
360 Hevajra ve and the Laghu sam The principal among these, . vara over fty. those that received commentaries, are for the Hevajra the D vajrapanjara . akin

and the Mahamudr atilaka , and for the Laghu sam , . vara the Herukabhyudaya the Vajrad , the Abhidhanottara , the Yogin sam , the Sam . aka . cara . varodaya, and the D ak arn ava . Another major Yogin tantra, the Sam put odbhava , on which . . . . we have an important commentary, the Amnayama njar , by Abhayakaragupta (10641125),361 pertains to both cycles.362
359

360

361

362

On the date of the Kalacakra see here p. 96. On the establishing of this tradition and how it positioned itself in relation to earlier Tantric Buddhism see S FERRA 2005. This large total includes thirty-four texts (T oh. 383416), forming a supplementary collection, as it were, of related opera minora, totalling less than 150 pages. Though included in the Kanjur they were classied by Bu ston (12901364) as supplementary Tantras whose authenticity, that is to say, Indian origin, was the subject of debate (rgyud yang dag yin min rtsod pa can). The great majority are claimed in their colophons to be translations prepared in the early eleventh century by Brog mi in collaboration with the Indian Gayadhara. On the lay Tantric Gayadhara, who is mentioned in no Indian source known to me but is the subject of many partly conicting accounts in Tibet, where he was venerated as the Indian source of the Lam bras tradition and for having collaborated with several Tibetan translators, see S TEARNS 2001, pp. 4755. It is, however, certain that not all these opera mi o has recently nora are of suspect authenticity. For my pupil P eter-Daniel Szant identied the original Sanskrit of one, the Anavilatantra , among the contents of a palm-leaf codex preserved in the Tokyo University Library (verbal communication). These dates rest on Tibetan tradition and are consistent with the regnal years of that Abhayakaragupta Ramap ala has reported as the dates of composition at the end of some of his works; see here p. 126. Thus, though counted as an explanatory Tantra of the Cakrasam . vara cycle, it is grouped with the Hevajra and D vajrapanjara as one of the three Tantras of . akin Hevajra (kye rdo rje rgyud gsum) in the Sa skya tradition of Tibet, and classied because of its mixed character as the Hevajras shared explanatory Tantra (thun mong bshad rgyud); see S TEARNS 2001, pp. 173174, n. 28. It also extends into the territories of the Catus . tha, the Guhyasamaja , the Vajrabhairava, and, as we . p

157

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

C HRONOLOGY AND P ROVENANCE. All of these Tantras were translated into Tibetan, and all but the latest among them, the D arn . ava and the Sam . ak . varodya, were translated in the rst half of the eleventh century, during the opening phase of the later diffusion (phyi dar) of Indian Buddhism to Tibet, as were commentaries on the majority of those named here, most written during the course of the tenth and early eleventh centuries. The oldest is probably the commentary of Jayabhadra on the Laghu sam . vara. In chapter 38 of his Rgya gar chos byung Taran atha includes ve of our commentators on the Laghu sam .t . a, . vara, Jayabhadra, Bhavabhadra/Bhavabhat Bhavyak rti, Durjayacandra, and Tathagataraks ita, among ten persons whom . arya he holds to have occupied the ofce of chief Vajrac at Vikrama s la in rapid unbroken succession, and claims that Jayabhadra was the rst of the ten dhara, Bhavabhadra (/Bhavabhatta), Bhavyak (Jayabhadra, Sr rti, L lavajra, .. Durjayacandra, Kr .s . asamayavajra, Tathagataraks .n . ita, Bodhibhadra, and Kamalaraks . ita). Moreover, comparison of the commentaries, the Tibetan translation, and the only manuscript of the Laghu sam . vara accessible to me at present reveals two versions of the text. Taran athas claim that Jayabhadra preceded all the other commentators in his list gains support from the fact that Jayabhadra knew what is evidently the earlier of these two versions. It extends only to 50.19, ending with a passage on re-sacrices that may be performed if one wishes to subject another to ones will (va syahomah . ). In the second, attested by all the 363 other commentators except Bhavyak rti, by the Tibetan translation, and by
have seen, the Sarvabuddhasamayogad jala sam . akin . vara. In Bhavyak rtis Cakrasam a the text of the Laghu sam . varapanjik . vara ends exactly where it does in Jayabhadras. It is therefore likely to belong like Jayabhadras to the earliest phase of the exegesis of this Tantra. Jayabhadras appears to be the older of the two. In 41.8 Bhavyak rti attests with the later witnesses the interpolation (see here p.199) *od alandharapull ramalayadis . u (bDe mchog nyung .d . iyanaj ngu, f. 239r2: au d ya na | dz a la ndha ra dang pu li ra ma la ya sogs), since he . comments here (f. 36v6): o d na du ni od ldan mao | dza la ndha rar ni gtum . ya mig mao | pu ll ra ma la ya la sogs, whereas Jayabhadra says that Pull ramalaya has not been mentioned but must nonetheless be understood to be intended (p. 137: pull ramalayo na nirdis tah . than am . pradhanatv ad upade sad vavaseyah .. . sarvap . ). It seems probable, then, that Bhavyak rti follows the reading of a subsequent redaction in which this omission had been rectied. At the beginning of the translation the name of Bhavyak rtis commentary is said uramanoj to be S n a in Sanskrit and dpa boi yid du ong in Tibetan, i.e. pleasing to heroes. But the Sanskrit titles given in the Tenjur are so often inaccurate that we can conclude that they do not reach us from the Sanskrit works themselves but are reconstructions from the Tibetan added by the compilers of the Tenjur. The Sanskrit rendered by dPa boi yid du ong can now only be guessed, but its rst element was urasurely V ra- rather than S . The Mahavyutpatti , composed to guide Tibetan translators and no doubt the dictionary used by the compilers of the Tenjur, gives dpa bo to render both v ra- and s ura , both meaning hero; but though the two

363

158

The Saiva Age

the manuscript, the ftieth chapter has eight verses after the last of the shorter text (50.2027), followed by a fty-rst chapter of twenty-two verses. It is clear that the longer text is the later. For the alternative, that the shorter text arose after the longer by excision of the nal thirty verses, is inconceivable, since these have the effect of greatly increasing the plausibility of the whole as a Buddhist work and were no doubt added because it was felt, quite rightly, that 1.1 to ana 50.19 were inadequate in this regard. The only element of Mahay Buddhist doctrine contained in the text up to 50.19 comprises a section of four verses (10.14) stating that success in the pursuit of Siddhis depends on the Sadhakas identifying with the three Buddha bodies (Dharmakaya, Sam bhogak aya, and . . akaya), Nirman all other Buddhist elements being little more than a handful of occurrences of the terms Buddha, Tathagata, and Bodhisattva, and the names of Vajrayanist deities. aryas Now Taran atha claims that his ten successive Tantric Ac of anap Vikrama s la held their positions after the time of Buddhajn ada and (c. 775812); D pankarabhadra, whom he places in the reign of Dharmapala and he reports that each did so for twelve years, implying thereby a form of limited tenure. Thereafter, he says, came the six Door-keepers. Among them akya was Ratnakara santi, who taught the Tibetan translator Brog mi S ye 364 365 ana shes (9931077?) and the Indian D pankara sr jn (9821054), and was ana sr a slightly older contemporary of Jn mitra, who was active c. 9801030. From this it would be a simple matter to determine the approximate date of Jayabhadra, the rst of the ten, by counting the years from either end, were it aryas not that Taran atha makes the collective tenure of the ten Ac 120 years, whereas the interval between D pankarabhadra and Ratnakara santi is almost two centuries. We might be inclined to count back from Ratnakara santi rather than forward from D pankarabhadra, thinking that a historians information is likely to be more reliable the closer he approaches his own time. In that case, if we trust Taran atha and set the end of the tenure of Kamalaraks . ita in 1000, as the immediate predecessor of the Door-keepers, we will conclude that Jayabhadras tenure ran from 880892.

364 365

words are synonymous in ordinary usage, in the tradition of the Yogin tantras it is the former alone that is used in the special sense evidently intended here, that is, as a technical term for the Tantric practitioner. As for the second element, the same dictionary gives manojna for yid du ong. But the result is unattractive by the standards of Sanskrit authors, who generally sought, like authors everywhere, to give their works titles that appealed to the ear. V ramanorama is synonymous and meets this requirement. Zhib mo rdo rje, p. 84. Blue Annals, p. 380.

159

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

However, this chronology can be reconciled with other reports only at a great stretch, at least for the later teachers in Taran athas succession. Thus Dmar
366 ston, pupil of Sa skya Pan .d . ita Kun dga rgyal mtshan (11821251) tells us that Durjayacandra, who by this calculation would have held ofce from 940 to 952, was the teacher of Prajnendraruci, also called V ravajra, and that the akya latter taught Brog mi S ye shes. Now Brog mi is said to have let Tibet

for Nepal and India when Rin chen bzang po was nearly fty years old,367 that is to say around 1007 if Rin chen bzang po was born in 958, as his biography claims and Gzhon nu dpal accepts,368 and then, after spending one year in Nepal 369 370 antibhadra with S and eight at Vikrama s la with Ratnakara santi, to have studied with Prajnendraruci for three or four,371 that is to say, therefore, c. 1016 1020. If we accept that Durjayacandra is unlikely to have held such a senior arya post as that of the head Vajrac of Vikrama s la in his youth and assume for the sake of argument that he was fty-ve when he began his tenure, then if that tenure began in 940, he would have to have been continuing to teach long after his retirement at sixty-seven in 952, and Prajnendraruci, if we take 945 as the latest plausible year of his birth, would have been about seventy when he accepted Brog mi as his pupil. This scenario is not impossible; but neither is it comfortable. Nor is it helped by the fact that Prajnendraruci is reported to have collaborated with Brog mi This on translations of texts pertaining to Hevajra and his consort Nairatmy a. 372 evidence is given in the colophons at the end of these translations and should be considered more reliable than that of hagiographical biographies. Even more difcult to reconcile is the report in the Chos byung of Pad ma dkar po (15271592) that Durjayacandra taught the Mantranaya at Vikrama s la to the translator Rin chen bzang po.373 For Rin chen bzang po is said to have left for India in 975, at the age of seventeen, and to have gone to Vikrama s la only after a period of some seven years of education in Kashmir, therefore around 982. At that time Durjayacandra would have been nearly a hundred if we hold to the assumption that he began his tenure in 940 when he was fty-ve years of age.374 It is probable, then, that while we are indeed closer to the truth if
366 367 368 369 370 371

372 373 374

Zhib mo rdo rje, pp. 8688. Blue Annals, p. 205, ll. 2631. Blue Annals, p. 68, ll. 36. Zhib mo rdo rje, p. 84, ll. 610; Blue Annals, p. 205, ll. 3235. Zhib mo rdo rje, p. 86, l. 10; Blue Annals, p. 206, ll. 1819. Blue Annals, p. 206, ll. 3233 (three years); Zhib mo rdo rje, p. 88, ll. 78 (four years). T oh. 1185, 1236, 1251, 1310. T UCCI 1988, p. 35. T UCCI 1988, pp. 34.

160

The Saiva Age

ana we calculate back from the Door-keepers than forward from Buddhajn and D pankarabhadra, Taran atha has placed the later teachers from Durjayacandra onwards too early. This suspicion gains further support from what we know of the life of Tathagataraks athas report were accurate, provided that we . ita. If Taran calculate backwards from the six Door-keepers, then he would have held ofce at Vikrama s la c. 964976. But we learn from the colophon of the Tibetan translation of his commentary on the Yogin sam that he translated the work . cara ba Rin chen grags. This places himself with the help of the Tibetan Ba ri Lo tsa his activity well into the second half of the eleventh century. For Ba ri Rin chen grags is said by Gzhon nu dpal to have been born in 1040.375 If Durjayacandra, as now seems probable, was active towards the end of the tenth century, and if Taran atha is correct that there were no intervals dhara, Bhavabhadra, between the tenures of his predecessors Jayabhadra, Sr Bhavyak rti, and L lavajra, then we shall not be far from the truth if we assign them all these commentators on the Laghu sam . vara to the tenth century. Beyond the terminus provided by this tentative dating of the earliest commentators we have no clear knowledge of the date of these Tantras. It has been claimed by D AVIDSON that the Laghu sam . vara was already in ex istence in the eighth century since Vilasavajra cites it several times in his 376 commentary on the Manju sr namasam g ti ; and this view has recently been . 377 repeated by G RAY. The latter recognized that most of the formers claimed citations are actually not of the Laghu sam . varatantra but of the Sarvabud dhasamayogad jala sam cites as the Sam . akin . vara, which Vilasavajra . varatantra, using the common abbreviation of this unwieldy title. But he argues that the date is established nonetheless by two places in the same commentary in which Vilasavajra cites a Cakrasam sam . varatantra or Cakra . varatantra. This G RAY takes to be the Laghu sam . vara under its commonly used alias. Both citations occur in a section of the commentary in which, explaining epithets found in the Manju sr namasam ti, Vilasavajra follows each with iti and the . g name of a Tantra in the locative, indicating that the epithet is also found in that source. The rst citation, G RAY claims, is of Laghu sam . vara 2.16c (f. 2v6: hasticarmavaruddham . ca and [his back] covered with the hide of an elephant), and the second of 48.12a (f. 35r6: kank ala mahaka nk ala ). In fact the rst passage does not cite Laghu sam . vara 2.16c, the text quoted being gajacarmapat ardradhr k wearing as his upper garment the moist hide of an . .
375 376 377

Blue Annals, p. 211. D AVIDSON 1981, pp. 78. G RAY 2007, pp. 1214.

161

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

elephant, to which Laghu sam . vara 2.16c corresponds only in sense and then not exactly.378 As for the second citation,379 the word kank alah . does appear in the Laghu sam ra consorts of the . vara, as the name of one of the twenty-four V 380 s, but as a single word its presence is not enough to estwenty-four D . akin tablish the identity of Vilasavajras Cakrasam sam . vara with the Laghu . vara. On the other hand, the fact that the rst epithet attributed to the Cakrasam . vara does not occur in the Laghu sam . vara is not sufcient to prove the opposing thesis, that Vilasavajra was referring to another work. For it is conceivable that he was citing the text not for the exact wording of Manju sr namasam ti . g 69d (gajacarmapat . k) but only for an expression close to it in meaning. . ardradhr But if this is true it establishes, of course, only that Vilasavajra may have been referring to Laghu sam . vara 2.16c, not that he was. To continue to hold to the position that Vilasavajra must have been referring to our Laghu sam . vara in spite of these considerations, one has to put ones trust in the fact that the Laghu sam . vara is also known as the Cakrasam . vara and the fact that no other work of this name is cited (unless it be here). One must also remain free of the suspicion that there might have been another, earlier work with this title among the numerous Tantras known in the eighth century that have failed to survive either in Sanskrit or in Tibetan translation.381 One must also overlook the evidence of the Laghu sam . vara itself. For that refers to a Cakrasam . vara in a list of its own predecessors.382 I conclude, therefore, that there is no more than
378

379

380

381

382

Vilasavajra, Namamantr arth avalokin A f. 57r12, on Manju sr namasam ti 69d . g (gajacarmapat r cakrasam . k): gajacarmapat . g iti s . ardradhr . ardradhr . vare | gajasya carma gajacarma pat s cas av ardra s ca | gajacarmaiva pat . a . ardrah . gajacarmapat . ardrah | tam dh arayat ti gajacarmapat ardradhr k . This error has been pointed out . . . . O (2008b, p. 217). by S Z ANT Vilasavajra, Namamantr arth avalokin A f. 55v6, on Manju sr namasam ti 67cd . g (dam trakar alah . kank alo halahalah atananah ala iti s r cakrasam .s .. . s . ): kank . vare. Laghu sam svaras . vara f. 35r47 (48.9c12): vajrasattva vairocana padmanarte tatha | s r vajraheruka s caiva ak a sagarbha hayagr vam eva ca 10 ratnavajra mahabala virup aks . a bhairavas tatha | vajrabhadra subhadra s caiva <va>jrahum . karam eva ca 11 mahav ra vajrajat va. ilam . tu ankurika jradehaka | vajraprabha amitabhah sur avairin o vikat adam s t rin am eva ca . . . . .. . ala 12 kank mahaka nk ala khan alin adi tu caturvim ativ ran . am . sarvam .d . akap .s . vyaptam akhilam . jagat. Such works cited in Vilasavajras commentary are the Krodhendutilaka (A f. 57r5), the Guhyako sa (A f. 57v1), the Vajraghanoccaya (B f. 39r6), the S a . at . prajn naya sam . vara (B f. 40v3), the Sarvatantrasamuccaya (A f. 57r4), and the Va antaraks jrakir . ti (A f. 56v6). Similarly, in the Tattvasiddhi of S . ita we nd the Sarvadevasamagama , the Laukikalokottaravajra, and the Vimuktisamudghat . ana, and in the Caryamel apakaprad pa of Aryadeva the Vajramukh mahayoga and the Vinayamoghasiddhi . Laghu sam , Pat . vara 27.2324a as transmitted in Abhidhanottara . ala 43, A f. 140r12f, B f. 180v34: tattvasam sam . grahe yad uktam . ca tathoktam . cakra . vare

162

The Saiva Age

a possibility that Vilasavajra knew the Laghu sam . vara and, therefore, that the existence of this Tantra in the eighth century remains unproved. What we can say with condence is that the Laghu sam . vara came after the Paramadya , the Vajrabhairava, the Sarvatathagatasam . graha, the Guhyasamaja , and the Sarvabuddhasamayogad jala sam . akin . vara, since it names these,383 and tacitly incorporates verses from the last three in its earliest accessible redaction.384 These borrowings do not rule out the possibility that the
| guhyatantre samakhy atam . haritantre tathaiva ca mahabhairavatantre ca japavratadisiddhidam | tad idam atren . a mantr sadhayate ks . The . dhyanam . an . at reading cakra sam . vare (cakrasamvare Cod.) is conrmed by Bhavabhat .t . a in his commentary on this verse (Cakrasam varapa njik a , p. 495). . Laghu sam . vara f. 4v23 (3.22): abhis . ikto bhavet tatra sarvvatantraikam uttaram | tattvasam am guhye va vajrabhairave; and f. 23v7 . grahe s . vare vapi (30.24): vidyar ajacakravarti ayam mantro na bhuyo na bhavis . yati | tattvasam . grahe paramadye s am vare guhye v a vajrabhairave . The Sam vara here is the Sarva. . buddhasamayogad akin j ala s am vara . The title is commonly so abbreviated; see . . also Indrabhutis comment on the rst passage (Khor lo sdom pai rgyud kyi rgyal po bde mchog bsdus pa zhes bya bai rnam par bshad, f. 38r7): bde mchog ni sgyu ma bde mchog go The Sam sam . vara is the Jala . vara. In his Cakrasam varavr tti Indrabh uti takes the Guhya here to be the Guhyasam aja or . . the Guhyenduman oh. 477) (f. 38r7): gsang ba ni dus pa . itilaka/Guhyendutilaka (T am zla gsang thig lei nor bui rgyal poo. In his Cakrasam ka Devagupta . varat . takes it to be the Guhyasamaja etc. (f. 80r5): bsdus pa la sogs par. But in his Cakrasam a Bhavabhat sadau .t . a glosses guhyatantre in 27.23 as guhyako . varapanjik in the Guhyako sa etc.. (1) Laghu sam kamasiddhim . vara (LS) f. 1v5 (1.7c8b): antargatena manasa . tu bhavayet | svaretobindubhir buddhan bodhisattvam .s ca pujayet < Sarvatathagata tattvasam kama suddhim | . graha, section 2651: antargatena manasa . tu bhavayan svaretobindubhir buddhan pujayan siddhim apnuy at , but inuenced in the second line by Guhyasamaja 7.26: svavajram . padmasam . yuktam . dvayendriyaprayogatah . | svaretobindubhir buddhan vajrasattvam .s ca pujayet ; (2) bDe mchog nyung ngu, f. 31.1): de nas sha chen thams cad kyi | jigs byed rdo rje skyes yin bshad 234r5-6 (LS | di ni gdug pa thams cad kyi | jigs byed mi bzad par bshad do < Guhyasamaja 5.78: maham am . sena sarves am n a s anam vajrajam smr tam | es o hi sarvakr ur an am . . . . . . .. 31.12): sa ni na sako darun . ah smr tah ; ( 3 ) bDe mchog nyung ngu , f. 234v4 (L S . . . spyan zhes bya bar bshad | chu khams ma ma k ru brjod | me ni gos dkar mor bshad de | rlung ni sgrol mar rab tu brjod < Guhyasamaja 17.51: pr locana . thiv khyat a abdhatur mamak smr | pan .d a bhavet tejo vayus tar a prak rtita ; . ta . arakhy f. 1v (1.13) < Sarvabuddhasamayogad (4) L S jala sam . JS) 1.12 . akin . vara (SBSD f. 1v56 (1.8c9b): dar etc. (see here p. 154); (5) LS sanaspar sanabhy am . ca s ravan .e as smaran ena ca mucyate sarvap apais tu evam eva na sam s ayah < SBSD J S . . . . quoted in Jn anasiddhi 15.50: dar sanaspar sanabhy am . ca s ravan . asmaran . ena ca | sarvapapair vimucyante *yujyante (em. : pujyante Ed.) sarvasiddhibhih . (= Sangs ff. 1v72r1 (1.11c13b): rgyas thams cad mnyam par sbyor ba f. 152v3 [2.16]); (6) LS madhu raktam . raktacandanayojitam | gan than tu [+ . sakarpuram . amadhye pratis .. sarvocchis t aras ayanam in the earlier redaction incorporated in the Abhidh anottara .. A f. 146r13 (46.35b)] sarvavajra nkacihnadhr a ngus .. thavaktrabhy am . . k | anam lehayed yogavit sada somapanavad asv adya siddhim apnoti s a svat m < Sangs rgyas thams cad mnyam par sbyor ba f. 158v45 (SBSD . JS 6.1517): dmar

383

384

163

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

Laghu sam . vara was composed in that century, since none of the works is later than that time. But three considerations suggest a later date. (1) No text of the Cakrasam tantra, was translated into Tibetan . vara corpus, or any other Yogin during the earlier diffusion of Buddhism (snga dar) that occurred from the eighth century to the middle of the ninth, during Tibets imperial period: this new literature reached the Tibetans only during the later transmission (phyi dar), that began c. 1000. (2) Among the many surviving stone, metalwork, and painted Indian images of Sam . vara none is demonstrably earlier than the tenth 385 century. Finally (3), there is, as we have seen, no evidence of commentatorial work on the Laghu sam . vara before c. 900. Of course, none of these facts proves conclusively that the Laghu sam . vara was not in existence at an earlier date. But they do incline one to consider a later date more probable. This is particularly so in the case of the absence of commentaries. The Laghu sam . vara is so problematic text from the Buddhist point of view that it is hard to imagine that it could have survived for long without the support of learned exegesis. Whatever its date, the Laghu sam . vara is likely to be a product of the rst phase of the development of the Yogin tantras, if not the earliest of them all. This surmise rests on the assumption that Yogin tantras that are less sophis ana ticated in the sense that they show a less developed Mahay Buddhist theo-

385

chen dang ni ga bur bcas | tsa ndan dmar por sbyar ba dag | tshogs kyi dbus su bzhag pa ni | ra sa ya na kun slong ba | rang gi lha yo sbyor ldan pas | srin lag dang ni mthe boi rtses | zhi bai btung pa bzhin myangs na | rtag pa yi ni dngos grub thob (*maharaktam . raktacandanayoji. sakarpuram tam | svadhidaivatayogena sarvocchis t aras ayanam | an am a ngus .. thavaktrabhy am . .. f. 12r6 <++++++++> | somapanavad asv adya siddhim apnoti s a svat m); and (7) LS 7 (13.2): yad yad indriyamargatvam at tat tat svabhavatah . yay . | paramahitayogena sarvam apakaprad pa, p. 90: . JS as quoted in Caryamel . buddhamayam . vahet <SBSD yad yad indriyamargatvam yay at tat tat svabhavatah sarvabud. | asamahitayogena dhamayam vahet. A Kashmirian Sam . vara of leaded brass inlaid with copper and silver in the Los Angeles County Museum of Art from the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection appears to have been assigned by PAL to c. 725 in his catalogue of the exhibition The Arts of Kashmir (2007, p. 91, g. 92). However, he has kindly informed me (personal communication, 1 March, 2008) that this surprisingly early date is not his own but that of the museum (for which see http://collectionsonline.lacma.org) recorded on the loan agreement form. The lending museum insisted on this date and it was substituted for his own without consulting him. He had assigned it to ca. 9th century. In an earlier publication (1975, p. 173, pls. 64a,b) he had proposed the tenth. R EEDY (1997, p. 162, g. K62) gives 9th10th century. L INROTHE (1999, p. 289, g. 211) has found these dates too early and suggests the late tenth or early eleventh century. In the absence of a detailed art-historical demonstration of the date, which I suspect could in any case be no more than tentative given the small population of comparable pieces, I am inclined in the light of the other historical evidence to agree with L INROTHE.

164

The Saiva Age

retical framework are likely to be earlier than those in which the level of theoretical assimilation is more advanced. By this criterion the Hevajra must be placed after the Laghu sam . vara. This also assumes that the development of the Mantranaya was not unilinear throughout, since if it were we would have to place the Laghu sam abhisam . vara before the Mahavairocan . bodhi, Sarvatathagatatattvasam graha , Guhyasam aja , and Sarvabuddhasam ayoga . It assumes, . then, that the Yogin tantras represent a new phase with its own humble beginning, and that it was only later in this phase that the tradition got up to speed, as it were, by fully integrating the new world of practice whose entry marks its commencement by providing it with a thoroughly Buddhist encoding. While it is possible that this assimilation of the text began long after its rst redaction it seems more probable in the absence of rm evidence to the contrary that if so problematic a creation were to have remained for long without the benet of learned exegesis it would be likely to have disappeared without trace. As for the provenance of the Laghu sam . vara, it was certainly eastern India, the region in which most of the Indian learned exegesis of this Tantric corpus was produced. The Tantra does not state this explicitly. Claiming the status of revelation it would have been averse to doing so. Nonetheless, it reveals its provenance in spite of itself by giving BA in its encoding of some of the syllables of Mantras where correct Sanskrit requires VA. This is evidently an effect of the fact that va is pronounced ba in the Indo-Aryan vernaculars of this region.386 Thus 5.4 yields BHAGABATE rather than BHAGAVATE: pancamasya yac caturtham yam | trayovim as tathaiva ca caturthasya yah . t . prathamasya tr .s . prathamam (f. 5r34) the fourth of the fth [class of consonants] (BHA), the third of the rst (GA), the twenty-third (BA), and the rst of the fourth (T-) ; and . rather than BHAGAV AM . (for BHAGAV AN ): kos 30.2021 yields BHAGAB AM thakad .. da samam thaka ekonavim atimam . caiva vilomena tu sadhakah . | kos .. .s . tatha trayovim atikos thakad | dvit yakos thasam urdhvabh us . itam .s .. .. . yuktam . binduna . (f. 23v45) The Sadhaka should select the tenth counting backwards from the compartment [of HA] (BHA), the nineteenth from that [of A] (GA), and the [letter] from the twenty-third box (B -) together with [the letter in] the second box . ). adorned above with a dot (AM Variant readings giving the correct spellings in these cases are found. In 5.4 Jayabhadra and Bhavabhat a- (sic) and ekonatrim ati the .t . a read ekonnatrim .s .s twenty-ninth (VA) rather than the trayovim a- the twenty-third (BA) seen in .s the Baroda manuscript; and this reading is also found in the Tibetan translation (de bzhin nyi shu tsa dgu la [= ekonatrim am .s . tathaiva ca]) and the redaction

386

, Maithil , Nepali, Assamese, and Or This is so in Bihar , Bengali, Kumaun . iya.

165

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

of this passage in Pat (A f. 166r3: ekonnatrin sam . ala 54 of the Abhidhanottara . tathaiva ca). Likewise in 30.21 we nd Jayabhadra giving ekonatrim s ati( VA ) in . place of the reading trayovim ati (BA) attested by the manuscript, but here the .s incorrect reading is also supported by the Tibetan translation and the commentary of Bhavabhat .t . a. There can be little doubt that the non-standard readings giving BA rather than VA are original. For it is not surprising there should have been attempts to correct an original BA to VA, whereas it would be most unlikely that any redactor would have made the effort to rewrite a reading that gave in order to yield BA.387
VA

Also indicative of the east-Indian provenance and development of this cor388 pus are the form cham and the pervasive promis. doha- in place of sam . doha-, cuity of the forms - sam . vara- and -sam . vara- in the names of its deity, in the title of the primary Tantra, and in the compound in which this form is pre ceded by d jala or yogin jala . I use the forms Sam . vara and Cakrasam . vara. . akin Laghu sam . vara and Cakrasam . vara here in keeping with the usual Tibetan translations, namely bDe mchog and Khor lo sdom pa; and this accords with semantic analyses of these names and titles in the Sanskrit commentators. Thus Bhavabhat .t . a explains the second element of the second in the sense he who restrains from the the verb sam . -, and construes the whole to mean he who by . vr means of the wheel (cakra-) [of the Dharma] restrains [the minds of living beings from the wrong path] (-sam ti cakrasam . not . varah . ) (*cakren . a sam . vr . varah . ), telling us further that the name is extended to the Tantra because this de ity is its subject.389 As for the form Sam . vara, that too is widely supported.
387

388 389

It is not probable that the Laghu sam tantras in . vara was alone among the Yogin being of east-Indian origin. We see the same tell-tale B - for V- in 1.4.2728 of the Catus . tha, the Mantra syllables VAD . AVE being encoded there as BAD . ABE. More. p over, it is probable that the Apabhram s a seen in some verses of the Hevajra is of the . eastern variety. This is suggesred by the nom. sg. endings -aho and -aha in kibid . aho in 2.4.6 and hutasanaha in 2.4.67; see T AGARE 1987, p. 110111. An investigation a verses that are found in such Yogin of the language of the Apabhram tantras as .s the Hevajra, Khasama, Catus p t ha , and D ak arn ava , in comparison with that of the . . . . . ha and Saraha, may be expected to shed more light on this Doha collections of Kan question of provenance. See here p. 180. Bhavabhat a , explaining the title with the prexed honoric .t . a, Cakrasam . varapanjik - when it occurs in the nal colophon in the words s Sr r cakrasam maha . varanamni yogin tantraraje in the great king among the Yogin tantras called s r cakrasam . vara in the nal colophon: s r h anasam . | cakram r mac . pun . yajn . bharah . dharmacakram | s cakram s r cakram | tena k apath at sattv an am manah sam vr n ot ti s r cakrasam varah . . . . .. . . - glory denotes s r herukah at tantram api tathocyate The word Sr . | tadabhidhayitv the accumulating of [both] merit and gnosis. The word -cakra- wheel refers to the to express the fact that it [, that is to wheel of the Dharma. It is prexed by Sr say, the teaching of the Buddha,] entails this [provisioning with both merit and

166

The Saiva Age

Ratnakara santi explains it as meaning the Highest (varam) Bliss (s am) when 390 analysing its occurrence in the neuter in the compound d akin j ala s am . . varam; and Bhavabhat .t . a when analysing its occurrence in the masculine gender at the end of the same (d jala sam . akin . varah . ) takes it to mean [Heruka,] who protects
391 Bliss (s am ti s am This line of .n . vr . ot . varah . ) [by keeping it free of all defects]. analysis, which applies a meaning of s am that is well-attested in non-sectarian lexicography,392 is not the invention of these commentators. They draw on the

authority of the Sarvabuddhasamayoga , which refers to its deity Vajrasattva as Sam . vara and explains that name as meaning [he who has/is the] Highest Bliss.393 That the - sam . vara form is not only old but also original is established
cakrasamvara [here] because he restrains [samvrnot gnosis]. Heruka is called Sr . . . . ti sam . varah . ] by means of this [wheel, in the sense that he restrains] the minds of living beings from the false path. [This] Tantra has the same name because it is that which refers to him. Ratnakara santi, Maham ay at . ka on 23d: s am . varam . sukhavaram . mahasukham [s am means bliss and -varam best. So] s am . varam means the best bliss (sukhavaram) [, i.e.] the Great Bliss (mahasukham ). The same analysis is tacitly given in such parallel expressions as d akin j alasatsukham in Sam . . varodaya 3.6d and 26.10cd; and Vajrad 1.1cd: sarvad mayah . param . aka . akin . sattvo vajrad . akah sukham; 1.12cd, 1.50,1.71cd: sarvad samayogavajrad . param . akin . akah . sukham. Bhavabhat a on 1.2: d s unyat a. jalam upayah . | jalena .t . a, Cakrasam . varapanjik . akin hi matsyadibandhanasiddhih | up ayena hi kle s am n adir niyamy akim citkarah . . . kriyate | tabhy am . s am ti d jala sam . tya vr .n . sukham avadyebhyo bahis . kr . ot . akin . varah . sam [The meaning of the name] D jala . akin . vara [applied to Heruka here] is he who protects (-varah ti varah am) by means of the D and the Net .n . akin . [vr . ot . ]) bliss (s (jalam ). The term D akin [here] means [Emptiness,] the fact that [all things] are . void of [intrinsic reality] (s unyat a ); and the term Net refers to the method (upayah .) [, namely the compassion (karun ) that must accompany awareness of that Empti.a ness]. It is called a net [metaphorically]. For by using a net one succeeds in catching sh and other creatures. [Likewise] by employing the method [that is compassion] one restrains and so renders incapable of activity the sh and other creatures that are the afictions (kle sah . )[, namely attachment, hatred and the rest]. He protects bliss by means of these two[, emptiness and compassion,] in the sense that through these he protects it from [those] defects. See, e.g., Hemacandra, Anekarthasam sis takan .d am .e . graha, Pari .. . a 21a: s . kalyan sukhe tha; Vardhamana, Gan am . tti, p. 39, on 1.15: s . aratnamahodadhivr . duh same; Yaska, Nighan tubhas . ya, p. 521 (on R am . khopa .. . gveda 5.4.5: s . no bhavantu vajinah . no bhavantu vajinah . ): sukhah .. Sangs rgyas thams cad mnyam par sbyor ba, f. 154r67 (1.10): sham . zhes bya ba bde bar bshad | sangs rgyas kun gyi bde chen yin | sgyu ma thams cad rab sbyor ba | mchog tu bde bas bde bai mchog (sukham am iti vikhyatam . sarvabauddham . s . mahasukham | sarvajalasam ayogah am am means . sukhavaren .as . varah . ) The word s bliss, the Great Bliss of all the Buddhas. He is Sam . vara because of [the fact that he possesses] the highest degree of [this] bliss. The Sanskrit of the rst half of this verse is supported by its citation by Vilasavajra while explaining the epithet mahasukhah in his N amamantr arth avalokin , f. 57v12: mahasukha iti s r s am . . vare | tatra mahasukha iti yat tath agatam anasravam ity u. sukham . tan mahasukha cyate | tatraivoktam am iti vikhyatam . sarvabauddham iti. . sukham . s . mahasukham

390

391

392

393

167

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

sam by evidence outside the Buddhist corpus. For Yogin jala . vara is found as the akta name of a Bhairava in one of the secondary Kalpas taught in the S Saiva Picumata,394 which, as we shall see, was a major unacknowledged source for the redactor of the Laghu sam sam . vara. vara. That the form intended there is - rather than -sam . vara- is certain, because the text provides a semantic analysis that takes the rst syllable to mean bliss (sukham).395 However, these are not the only views. Jayabhadra, commenting on 1.2 of the Laghu sam jalasam . akin . vara, takes the same expression to be D . vara, understanding it to refer to the Laghu sam . vara itself and explaining it as The Concealment of the Array of D akin s, deriving the last element of the com.
396 pound from sam and while the Tibetans usually render the . - to envelop; . vr

394

395

396

The rst Pada is also supported by Bhavabhat .t . a, who quotes it without attribution, when explaining d jala sam sam am . akin . varam in Laghu . vara 1.2: s . sukham iti cakhy atam iti vacanat . sam Yogin jala . vara in this text is a form of Bhairava and the term refers by extension to his Mantra and the associated system of practice (vratam). See sarvayogiprasadhanam Picumata f. 251r5v1 (56.4c6b): s r .n . u devi pravaks . yami | yagamantrasamopetam yogin j ala s am varam | yena vij n atam atren a trailokye khe. . . car padam | as adya kr d kulasiddhisamanvitah . I shall . ate mantr . Listen, O Dev sam teach you about Yogin jala . vara together with the deities with whom he is to be worshipped (yaga ) and his Mantra, as the means of propitiating the Yogin s. As soon as the Mantra adept has mastered this he will reach the domain of the Khecar s and move freely through the triple universe, possessing [all] the supernatural powers of the [Yogin ] clans. Picumata f. 251v23 (56.1213b): samuham ity uktam nam . maho. jalam . yogin dayam | s am sukham vara d atr tv a < t > *sam uhatvavivaks ay a ( sam uhatva em. : . . . . a Cod.) samuhatvam siyogabhavastham siyoga conj. : yogayog s . Cod.) | * yoge . (yoge yogin jala sam atmakam The ex. varam | mantram . tu kathitam . devi bhairavasyamit [in Yogin sam pression Yogin jala jala vara] means the exalted totality of the Yogin s, . jalam net denoting multitude [here]. The s am of - s am vara means bliss ( sukham ). . . sam The Yogin jala . vara[mantra] is so named because it is the bestower (-vara) of that bliss, [-vara- being formed as an agent noun from the verb vr . - to give]. It is in as much as it is located in the inner state the granter of this bliss to the Yogin jala of *the Yoga of the Yoge svar s, the plurality of these being intended in the sense of their totality (conj.). The Mantra of Bhairava [that bears this name] is innite [in its power]. Jayabhadra, Cakrasam a on 1.12b (athato rahasyam an na . varapanjik . vaks . ye samas tu vistarat |s r herukasam arthas adhakam | uttarad api cottaram . yogam . sarvakam . d jalasam . akin . varam Next I shall teach the secret, in brief rather than at length, heruka, the accomplisher of all desires, the Dakin the congress of Sr jalasam . . vara, higher even than the higher): uttarad api cottaram iti de syade sakayor abhedat | yany uttaratantran . i samaj ad ni tes am apy uttaratv ad uktam | d akin j alasam varam . . . . iti | d tricakravyavasthitah . | tas am . jalah . samuhas tasya sam . akinyah . sarvas . varah . | sam . varan . am . gopanam ity arthah . It is referred to as higher even than the higher because it is higher even than the Tantras [of the Yogottara class] headed by the [Guhya]samaja , which are higher because the difference between teacher and the taught is absent [in them]. As for [the title] D jalasam . akin . vara, it means the con s that are established cealing of the net, that is to say, of the totality of all the D . akin

168

The Saiva Age

Cakra- name Khor lo sdom pa and so support the form Cakrasam . vara, we also nd Khor lo bde mchog in their translations, which supports the alternative
397 Cakra sam . vara. The reason for this inconstancy is evidently that s a and sa are both pro nounced as s a in Bengali, as they were in the Magadh Prakrit of the drama-

tists.398 Consequently, instead of attempting to decide which form is correct we should recognize that for the east-Indian followers of this tradition there was in effect only one word here (s am . vara/sam . vara), which could be understood either as the highest (-vara- [Tib. mchog]) bliss (s am [Tib. bde]) or as fusion and the like by derivation from the verbal root vr . preceded by the preverb sam. That this was the case is demonstrated by a passage in the Sam . varodaya in which the two semantic analyses, explaining s am . vara- and sam . vara- respectively, are given for one and the same word.399 AH VAJRAV AR I : T HE T RANSFORMATION OF B HAIRAVA AND HIS CONSORT . What marks the new start seen in the Yogin tantras is a far more comprehensive adoption of the practices of the Saiva t Vidyap . ha texts, to the extent that there is little in the observances of these
AND

AM VARA /VAJRARUDRA S .

texts that does not draw on that source. Heruka is now paired with a lustful ah in the Cakrasam in those of consort (Vajravar a . vara texts and Nairatmy Hevajra), and in the case of the Cakrasam . vara tradition, so are the principal t Yogin s of his retinue, a feature that matches the practice of the Vidyap . has Picumata (Brahmayamala ). Moreover, in the case of the tradition elaborated on the basis of the Laghu sam . vara the icon of Heruka has several blatantly obvious features of the iconography of Siva (/Bhairava) in addition to those manifest in

397

398

399

in the three circuits [of the Man .d . vara], sam . ala of Cakrasam . varah . being derived from the verb sam . - to conceal in the sense of the action of concealing. . vr In the DT khor lo sdom pa (cakrasam . vara-) occurs about 250 times and khor lo bde mchog (cakra sam vara -) about 100; see, e.g., DT, Rgyud grel, vol. cha, f. 242v3 (khor . lo bde mchog gi gzugs can); vol. ja, f. 58v7 (khor lo bde mchog gi rgyud), and f. 102r7 (khor lo bde mchog gi sngags). See, for Magadh , Vararuci, Prakr . tapraka sa 11.2: s ah is used in place of . asoh . s . s both s and s . Generally in Middle and New Indo-Aryan the three Sanskrit sibilants . have been reduced to s. It has been reported that in the Tantric Buddhist Doha a, s texts, composed in what has been called Eastern Apabhram has been preserved .s in derivatives of words that have it in Sanskrit (T AGARE 1987, p. 77). It is true that a few such forms are found in the manuscripts (S HAHIDULLAH 1928, p. 37), but there are many cases in which s does not appear, such as sun unya . It is .n . a for Skr. s likely that the occasional distinction between s and s was learned window-dressing and that both consonants were pronounced s . Sam varodaya 3.17c19b: sam varam sarvabuddh an am evam pratis thitam . . . . kare .. kay av akcetas am . karma sarvak araikasam . varam | sam . varam . sukhavaram . bodhir avacyam anidar sanam rahasyam am . milanam . sarvabuddhan . sam . varam . varam.

169

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

the Heruka of the Sarvabuddhasamayoga . He is black-bodied, and has twelve arms and four faces, with three eyes in each. He stands in the warrior pose with a Vajra and a Vajra-topped bell in his two principal hands, holding the bleeding hide of a ayed elephant over his back with his two uppermost hands, and in the remaining eight a rattle-drum (d . amaruh . ), a battle-axe, a chopping knife, and a trident, a skull-topped staff (khat v a ngah ) . . ), a skull-bowl (kapalam lled with blood, a lasso (pa sah . ), and the severed head of the god Brahma, wearing a long garland of fty bleeding human heads around his neck, adorned with ve ornaments of human bone and the ash of cremation-pyres smeared of the over his limbsthese, the bone ornaments and ash, are the Six Mudras alikas, Kap with a tiger skin around his waist, a brahmanical cord in the form of a snake (nagayaj nopav tah al a ) above . ), and a chaplet of skulls (kapalam his forehead, his hair arranged in a high crown-like mass of ascetics braids (jat svavajram) and . amukut . ah . ) adorned at the front with two crossed Vajras (vi ah stands before him in sexual union, with the new moon. His consort Vajravar Heruka holding her to his chest with the hands that hold the Vajra and the Vajra-bell crossed at the wrists behind her back. She is red, one-faced, and two-armed, naked but for a ligree of fragments of human bone adorning her hips (asthimekhala ), her right arm raised aloft holding a chopping-knife, with her index nger extended in a gesture of threatening the wicked, and her left arm, wrapped around Herukas neck, holding to their mouths a skull bowl full of human blood and entrails, wearing a garland of fty desiccated heads and the alika ve Kap bone-ornaments, laughing, and intoxicated by lust. They are sur rounded by a retinue of thirty-six goddesses termed Yogin s, D s, V re svar s, . akin or V rin s visualized in the same K ap alika style, in concentric circuits of four, . twenty-four, and eight, the twenty-four embracing V ra consorts and worshipped as residing in twenty-four sacred sites covering the whole subcontinent, from Ud in the north to Rame svara at Indias southern tip, from Sindhu in .d . iyana the west to Dev kot .t . a in the east. The whole is surrounded by a ring of eight cremation grounds.400 The features of Sivas iconography evident here are the trident, the third eye, the new moon on the piled up braids, the tiger-skin lower garment, the multiple faces and arms, the skull-bowl, the skull-staff, the bleeding elephant the snake as brahmanical thread, the sharp hide, the severed head of Brahma, fangs, the chaplet of skulls, his dwelling in the cremation grounds, and the ashes
400

ah follows that given by Jayabhadra in This description of Heruka and Vajravar his Cakrasam varapa njik a , p. 109, on Laghu sam . . vara 1.10. for the iconography of the Yogin s and V ras see Bhavabhat sam . ti on Laghu .t . as Cakrasam . varavivr . vara, Pat , pp. 2629. . ala 4 (vol. 1, pp. 4447). See also Nis . pannayogaval

170

The Saiva Age

on his limbs. All these had entered Sivas iconography long before the forma tion of the Tantras of the Cakrasam . vara cycle. Sivas trident appears on seals . a and Kus . o-Sassanian periods in Gandhara and intaglios during the Kus . an . an and Afghanistan.401 The third eye appears in sculptures of Siva from Mathura around the beginning of the third century; and the ascetics piled braids and the new moon upon them appear there and elsewhere from the beginning of the fth;402 and all these characteristics, the trident in his hand, the third eye, the ascetics braids, and the new moon, are mentioned in the Mahabh arata ,403 as are his tiger-skin, his multiple faces and arms, his skull-bowl, his skull-staff, his brahmanical thread in the form of a snake, his sharp fangs, his garland of skulls, and his living in the cremation grounds smeared with ashes from its funeral pyres.404 His wearing a bleeding elephant hide is also a commonplace by that time, being mentioned along with his crematorial characteristics in the works of asa. 405 As for the severed head of Brahma, this too derives from the poet Kalid a well-known Saiva myth which though not found in the Mahabh arata in the text common to all the regional versions,406 does appear in the Skandapuran . a For a recent analysis of Siva images in the subcontinent, including those on coins, . a period, see G HOSE 2002, pp. from the rst century B. C. to the end of the Kus . an 7096. K REISEL 1986 (Mathura, c. 400), p. 82; B AKKER 1997, pp. 149151 (Mansar, c. 400450). Mahabh arata 3.8.111a (tri sulap an . eh . ); 13.14.119 (balendumukut . am . . . . tribhir netraih ulajat . toddyotam . kr . ), 12.122.24b (s . adharah . ), 7.172.59c (jat . aman .d . alacandramaulim ). . See, e.g., Mahabh arata 13.127.18a (vyaghracarm ambaradharah . ); 14.8.30d (mahadevam tada sabhujam . um a . caturmukham), 13.14.116c (as .. . sthan . ), 14.8.28a (virup ks sabhujam sabahus tv animis an . ih . am . da . ), 13.17.40a (da . o); 12.36.2c (kapalap . khat ng ), 10.7.4d (khat ngadh arin . am ks tram . va . va . ); 13.15.11cd (t .n . adam .s .. . . . . vyalayajnopav tam), 14.8.21a (t ks traya karal aya ); 10.6.33c (kapalam alinam .n . adam .s .. . ); 10.7.4a (s ma sanav asinam uklabhasmavalipt aya ). . ); 13.14.153c (s Meghaduta 36c: hara pa supater ardran ag ajinecch am . Remove Sivas desire for his [blood-]wet elephant hide; Kumarasambhava 5.67d: gajajinam s on itabinduvars . . .i ca [his] elephant hide that showers drops of blood; 5.77b: trilokanathah . pitr . sadmagocarah . The Lord of the Three Worlds frequents cremation grounds; 5.69c, 5.79b: citabhasmarajah . the ash-dust of funeral pyres; and 5.71b: kapalinah . decked with skulls. Rudra/Siva frequently has the epithet kr ttiv asas wearer of . the hide in the Mahabh arata . The Matsyapuran . a (Pat . ala 153) relates that this is the hide of the elephant demon Gajasura killed by Siva in a great battle between the gods and the Asuras. How the elephant hide was understood when incorporated into the iconography of Heruka is not stated in most instances of its mention. But in two Kalpas in the Abhidhanottara , those of Samaya sam . vara and the Heruka of the ekav ravidhanam , it is said to be that of the elephantine Saiva-brahmanical deity Gan apati (B f. 34v1: aparabhujadvayena gan apaticarm ambara*dharam (corr. : . . dhara Cod.) and (B f. 40v23: aparabhujadvayena gan . apaticarmambaradharah . ). There is a reference to it in a supplementary passage of 26 verses inserted within a

401

402

403

404

405

406

171

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

407 Ambikakhan probably composed in the sixth or perhaps the rst half of .d . a,

the seventh century.408 Other features in addition to these, namely the garland alika of severed or desiccated heads, the chopping knife, the rattle-drum, the Kap bone-ornaments, the consort, the skull-bowl full of blood and entrails, the retinue of Yogin s, their pairing with V ra consorts, the sacred sites, the theriocephalic gate-guardians, and the encircling cremation grounds, are commonplaces of the t iconography of the Vidyap . ha texts. Only the Vajras place a Buddhist seal on the icon. The image, then, has every appearance of representing a Buddhist trans formation of Siva himself in his Bhairava aspect. Indeed in his commentary on the Laghu sam . vara Jayabhadra refers to this Heruka as Vajrarudra, that is to say, as Siva/Bhairava converted and liberated by assimilation into the essence of Buddha-hood,409 thereby denitively surrendering and transcending his Saiva identity. In clear expression of this transcendence Heruka/Vajrarudra and Va ah are depicted and visualized standing on the sprawling, terried bodies jravar atri, of a black Bhairava and a red, emaciated Kalar their own pre-Buddhist iden410 t tities as the principal deities of the Vidyap . ha.
hymn to Siva (13.14.150166) after 13.14.153 in the Maithil and Bengali versions, the Devanagar version of the commentator N lakan .t . ha, in several manuscripts of the composite version, and the Kumbhakonam edition (Anu sasanaparvan , Ap pendix I, no. 6, l. 45): brahma siropahartaya [obeisance] to the remover of Brahmas head. 5.163 (ed. Adriaensen, Bakker, and Isaacson, pp. 132141). See here p. 51. Jayabhadra, Cakrasam a on Pat mantrirat . iti . tapurvasevo . varapanjik . ala 12: kr vajrarudrayogavan When the king among Mantra adepts has completed the preparatory service (purvasev a ), that is to say, when he has achieved a state of complete identication with Vajrarudra . . . ; and on Pat anahetujam iti . ala 27: jn | jn anasya prakars . am vajrarudrah . aparyantam | tasya hetuh . karan . bhagavan . | tasmaj jato bhavat ty arthah anahetujam means born from the cause of knowl. j n edge, where knowledge is wisdoms ultimate degree and its cause is Lord Vajrarudra. Vajrarudra appears already in the Sarvabuddhasamayoga in a passage that associates the nine dramatic sentiments (rasah . ) with Vajrasattva, Tathagata, akyamuni, Vajradhara, Loke svara, Vajrasurya, Vajrarudra, S Arali (or perhaps a svata (Vairocana) respectively. Vajrarudras is the sentiment of terAralli), and S ror (bhayanakarasah . ) and it is probable therefore that we should understand Vajrarudra to be Heruka. Sangs rgyas thams cad mnyam par sbyor ba f. 128r3: rdo rje sems dpa steg pa la | dpa la dpa bo de bzhin gshegs | rdo rje dzin pa snying rje la | rgod pa jig rten dbang phyug mchog | rdo rje nyi ma khro ba la | rdo rje drag po jigs pa la | sha kya thub pa mi sdug la | ngo mtshar la ni a ra li | rab tu zhi la sangs rgyas rtag (* sr are vajrasattvo hi v re caiva tathagatah am . . ng . k karun . | vajradhr . ay tu hasye caiva loke svarah tatha raudre vajrarudro bhayanake | . | vajrasuryas s akyamunis tu b bhatse arallir adbhute tatha | pra sante s a svata s caiva). atri Carcika, Kalar here is the fearsome emaciated goddess variously called Carca, and Karn ; see here p. 231. Camun . amot .d . . a,

407 408 409

410

172

The Saiva Age

T HE R ISE OF THE G ODDESS TO I NDEPENDENCE. Here Herukas consort is visibly his dependent: while he has four faces and twelve arms she has only one and two. But in the subsequent development of this tradition we nd a strongly akta S tendency to elevate her to equality with Heruka and eventually to superi411 t ority, just as occurred in the development of the Vidyap Thus in certain . ha. ah at the centre of the other Kalpas in which Heruka is united with Vajravar Man .d . ala her status is raised by endowing her with four faces and four or more arms. This is the case in the Kalpa of the sixth Pat , . ala of the Abhidhanottara which teaches what it calls the ekav ravidhanam , the procedure in which the two deities alone are worshipped as solitary heroes (ekav ra-), that is to say, without the the retinue of the thirty-six Yogin s and twenty-four V ras. Here Heruka has ah four, holding a blood-lled skull-bowl, a choppingtwelve arms and Vajravar knife raised aloft with the gesture of threat, a rattle-drum, and a skull-staff. But both have four faces.412 In the seventh Pat . ala a two-faced, six-armed Vajrasattva transforms into a six-faced, twelve-armed Heruka Manjuvajramah asukha ac ah who has the same number of faces and arms and companied by a Vajravar severed head is absent here, holds the same attributes in her hands. Brahmas himself is not: his ayed skin takes the place of the elephant hide; but Brahma and in place of a tiger skin we see that of Bhairava.413 We see the same equality ah are ve-faced and tenin the tenth Pat . ala, where both Heruka and Vajravar
411 412

413

See S ANDERSON 1988, pp. 668678. Abhidhanottara B f. 40r3: athanya <m ekav ravidhanakam . > sam . pravaks . yami | . . . (f. 40r6) s r herukam atm anam | caturmukham sabhujam . bhavayet . dvada . . . (f. 41r13) tasyagrato alik alisthit a bhagavat vajravar ah raktavarn catur.a vaktra caturbhuja trinetra muktake s | nagna khan | vame .d . aman .d . itamekhala bhujali nganakap alam . ca dus tamar adyasr . am . gbodhicittaparipurn .. . daks . in . e tarjan vajrakartika | aparabhujadvaye d nga <m>. The retinue is absent . amarukhat . va ah . only in the sense that the deities are not positioned around Heruka and Vajravar Instead the twenty-four Yogin -V ra couples are installed from the head of Heruka down to his feet, and the four Yogin s of the innermost circuit and the eight of the outermost are installed in the twelve objects in his hands. Abhidhanottara B f. 50v56: tatparavr . ttya sadvajram | . vajrasattvam . vibhavayet trimukham | . . . (ff. 52v553r3) anena . s . ad . bhujam . caiva trinetram . karun . arasam codito natho b jam utpannam uttamam | kunkum ak aravarn . abham . vajracihnasamutthitam | *s an mukham (corr. : khanmukham Cod.) dv ada sabhujam . . . . . var ahy asamalam ramahav ram . tam | *s . kr . ad . a(?)v . ardhaparyankasam . sthitam | trinetram . b bhatsam . hasitam . raudram . karalam . *lelihananam . (em. : lelihanalam . Cod.) karun | bhairavam atrim . ca pad akr antatale sthitam | . arasam . kalar athaval d (conj. : mahadbhutam . Cod.) | . tayogam . hasam . sthanakr . *mahadbhutam . . . (f. 53r5v2) *brahman thapravr . ta. ttim utkr . ttya pr .s . ah . (em. : brahman . a Cod.) kr .. vigraham | raudrabhairavacarmen .. tya sam . a *kat . im (corr. : kat . ir Cod.) aves . sthitam | kapalakhat ngadhara <m saradharin . am | anku sapa sad . va . > asi-utpala . amarumun .d . acapadharam tath a | tadvaktr ayudhav ar ahy a mah ar agapade sthit a | ja ngh advaya . sama slis ta mahasurata*sundar (corr. : sum Cod.) | mun a .. . dhara .d . asragdamadehogr s us . ita | evam yog manjuvajramah asukham . . an . mudracihnabh . bhavayate

173

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

armed,414 and in the eleventh, where a six-faced, twelve-armed Heruka wearing ah ;415 the ayed skin of Rudra on his back embraces a twelve-armed Vajravar and in the twentieth, in which a red ve-faced and twelve-armed Heruka em ah with same colour and hand-attributes.416 braces a Vajravar ah is worshipped in her The literature also teaches Kalpas in which Vajravar own right in the centre of a circuit or circuits of Yogin s. She may be one-faced and two-armed, as when she is worshipped as Herukas consort, standing in the warrior pose at the centre of the circle of the eight cremation grounds, naked, red and menstruating, her face contorted with anger, with large fangs, three red eyes, wearing a chaplet of ve skulls framed by two rows of Vajras, with crossed Vajras on her unbound hair, wearing a garland of fty heads, which are not desiccated, as they are when she is Herukas consort, but, like his, freshly severed and dripping blood. She holds aloft a red Vajra in her left hand with her index extended, a skull-bowl full of blood in her right, and a long white skullstaff resting in the crook of her left arm, She may possess, as before, only the rst but some emphasized her pre-eminence by requiring that ve of the six Mudras; since she is now the central deity of the Man .d . ala she should also be smeared with ashes. She is surrounded by the thirty-six Yogin s, disposed as in the Man .d . ala of Heruka, but with the difference that the Yogin s, like her, wear garlands of freshly severed heads,417 or by only the inner circuit of four, or with no retinue

414

415

416

417

Abhidhanottara B ff. 71r372v5: vajrasattvaparavr . ttya herukatvam . vibhavayet | panc ananam da s abhujam v ar ahy asamalam kr tam . . . (f. 72v45) tadvarn . . . . . abhuja*sam a (corr. : sam s tu nagnika vyaghracarma . sthan . sthanam . Cod.) muktake nivasana khan | kapalam alin raudr karun agasuvihval a . .d . aman .d . itamekhala . ar Abhidhanottara B ff. 79v380r6: s ad vaktram v ram b bhatsam s r ng arahasitam . . . . . . . raudram | s abharan . lelihananam . an . mudramudritam . deham . nan . aman .d . itam | var ahy a *tu samapannam a Cod.) janudvayasuves titam . . . (f. . (em. : nusamapann .. 80r2) rudracarmambaradharam a mukta. . . . (f. 80r56) tadvarn . abhujasam . sthan ke s tu nagnika . Abhidhanottara B f. 113r3v4: herukak aram atm anam cayaparavr . tam | . d . akin mahogram n anodbhavodbhavam | raktam lam . raktavapus . am . pancaj . n . ca haritam . p tam antasitordhvakam | trinetram sabhujam al d . s . dvada . hapadasam . sthitam | . . . (f. 113v34) agrato vajravar ahy a tadvarn arin . . . ayudhadh This is the main Kalpa taught in the Abhisamayamanjar (pp. 131, l. 9133, l. 1). I propose the following emendations and corrections to the text of the published edition: for mithya dr tiprahan .a vikr am . (p. 131, l. 15) read mithya .s . taikanan .. dr s t iprah an ad vikr taik anan am ; for cakrikun d alakan t hik arucakakhat v a nga . .. . . . .. .. . mekhalakhyapa ncamudr adhar am (p. 131, l. 18) read cakr kun thikarucaka .d . alakan .. khan nkamekhal akhyapa ncamudr adhar am ; for iti kecit | man atvena .d .a .d . alanayik s ity eke read iti man atvena s ity eke (p. . an . mudritam .d . alanayik . an . mudritam 132, l. 3); for vajraval dvayamadhyakr . ta- read vajraval dvayamadhy kr . ta- (p. 132, l. 9); and for as tavijn an am . nairatmy asvar upatvena read as tavijn an an am . .. .. nairatmyasvar upatvena (p. 132, l. 12).

174

The Saiva Age

at all.418 There are other forms of this kind, among which one is particulary worthy of note because it shows her four-faced and twelve-armed like Heruka himself, his equal as it were or, rather, the fusion of both within her, since her fanged face is divided down the middle into a male half on her right and a female half on her akta s vara left (ardhanar s varamukha ), a S reex of the well-known Ardhanar image of Siva. She has the same hand-attributes as the twelve-armed Heruka except that the battle-axe and trident have gone, an elephant-goad has taken the latters place. The hand that held the skull-staff now holds the skull-bowl, the skull-staff rests in the crook of that arm, and the two hands that are now free form the ame gesture (jval amudr a ) on her forehead. The place of the elephant hide is taken by the ayed skin of a man. She holds the Vajra and bell in her crossed principal hands and turns them over each other in the gesture known as the revolving lotus (kamalavartah . ). She is red, naked, and intoxicated with pas the new moon and crossed Vajras on her hair, sion, adorned with all six Mudras, a chaplet of skulls above her forehead, and the bone-ligree around her hips. She dances wildly in the centre of her retinue, visualized at the moment that she stands with her left leg on the ground exed at the knee and her right foot raised and placed on the inside of her left thigh with the right knee turned out. She is surrounded by the thirty-six Yogin s with the addition of the four goddesses Tar a, and Pan .d Mamak , Locana, of the Guhyasamaja Yogottara sys. aravasin tem. The four innermost goddesses have the heads of a lion, sow, elephant, and horse, and hold in their four hands the skull-bowl, skull-staff, head of Brahma, and chopping-knife. Outside them are the four Yogottara goddesses, each at the centre of a lotus with six petals, six-armed and adorned with the six Mudras. They hold in one of their two principal hands the symbol of the Tathagata-family to which each belongs (a Vajra, a wheel, two crossed Vajras, and a lotus respectively) and in the other a bell, turning them over each other. In the other hands and a rattle-drum, with a skull-staff they hold a skull-bowl, the head of Brahma, in the crook of the principal left arm. The twenty-four Yogin s of the sacred sites are placed in groups of six on the petals of these lotuses. They are four-armed, and hold the symbol of the Tathagata-family of the Yogottara goddess on whose lotus they are placed, a skull-bowl, a skull-staff, and a rattle-drum. They wear chaplets of skulls and show only ve of the six seals. Like the central goddess they are half male and half female (ardhanar s varyah . ). All the goddesses in the Man .d . ala up to this point are naked and dancing. Outside them is the nal circuit of eight Yogin s. The four in the four doors of the Man .d . ala, with the heads of a
418

Abhisamayamanjar , p. 142, ll. 1319.

175

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

crow, owl, dog, and sow, stand naked in the warrior-pose, dwarsh, with squinting eyes. The four in the corners have the heads of a buffalo, an ass, a camel, and a horse, and like all but the door-guardians, are visualized in the dance posture. and chaplets of skulls, and All eight of these outer Yogin s have the ve Mudras in their left hands, and are four-armed, holding a skull-bowl, the head of Brahma a chopping-knife and rattle-drum in their right. 419 The cult of the independent goddess (Bhagavat ) appears to have been a particularly vigorous development, to judge from the exceptionally large number of variant forms that emerged.420 Within the earlier scriptural lit erature the Abhidhanottara contains several sections devoted to Sadhanas of 421 ahi; Vajravar in the Herukabhyudaya eleven of its forty-four chapters are devoted to her Mantras and their procedures;422 and the section of the Tenjur devoted to the Cakrasam oh. 14031606) contains over sixty texts . vara cycle (T ah or Vajrayogin devoted to the varieties of her cult as Vajravar (T oh. 1541 1606). Sakyaraks (10641125), after detailing . ita, a pupil of Abhayakaragupta the Sadhana of several of her forms in his Abhisamayamanjar ,423 adds that these are but a few of the many that were current in his time:424
So it should be understood that in accordance with the various mentalities of those requiring to be trained there are countless traditions of the Goddess such as this, transmitted through the generations from teacher to pupil in accordance with the [founding] instruction of various Siddhas. What I have shown here is no more than an indicative fraction of the whole.

akta This S trend is also evidenced in the practice of the Newars of the Kathmandu valley down modern times. For their ceremony of initiation before the Man .d . vara is followed on the nal day by initiation before . ala of Cakrasam

419

420 421

422 423

424

This form is taught in Abhidhanottara ff. 63v170r4 (Pat . ala 9 in the enumeration of this manuscript), from which it entered the Var ahyabhyudaya . A lightly adjusted version of this Kalpa is found in the collection of Sadhanas of Va ah /Vajrayogin jravar that came to bear the title Guhyasamayasadhanam al a in the colophons of later manuscripts; see E NGLISH 2002, pp. 5459. See E NGLISH 2002 for an illustrated survey of these variants. ah Vajrayogin Pat (4-faced, 12-armed; ardhanar s var mukha ); 22/19: . ala 12/9: Var ah (3-faced and Mr van (4-faced or 8-faced, 16-armed); 36/33: Vajravar . tasam . j etc.); 37/34: Va6-armed or 6-faced and 12-armed, surrounded by Guhyottama ah surrounded by Yamin jravar etc. Pat . alas 6, 811, 2324, 2931, and 34. The Abhisamayamanjar is ascribed to Subh akaragupta in its sole edition. This is an error and goes against the evidence of the colophons of the manuscripts (E N GLISH 2002, p. 357, n. 6). Abhisamayamanjar , p. 152: tad *evamadayah aya Ed.) siddho. (em. : evam ad pade saparamparay at a vineya sayabhedad ananta bhagavatya amn ay a boddhavyah . | dinm atram idam sitam. . dar

176

The Saiva Age

ah ).425 Nor was this conned to the subthe Man (Vajravar .d . ala of Vajradev ah /Vajrayogin continent. In Tibet too Vajravar rose to a position of special honour, notably in the bKa brgyud and Sa skya traditions, but also in later times among the dGe lug pas, rNying ma pas, and Bon pos.426 There are other compilations, scriptural and secondary, that survive in Nepalese manuscripts but did not reach Tibet, which attest her prominence in the last phase of the Mantranaya: the Vajravar ah kalpa, of about three thousand verses, which interweaves the D arn . ava and the Sam . ak . varodaya, ah and and incorporates thirteen non-scriptural Sadhana texts of Vajravar 427 the consort of Hevajra; one of Nairatmy a, the closely related Yogin jala , of about one thousand verses; and the collection of forty-six Sadhanas of 428 Vajrayogin known as the Guhyasamayasadhanam al a . Moreover, two texts devoted to the cult of this goddess were added to the canon of scripture received by the Tibetans. The rst is the Var ahyabhyudayatantra , a short work of three hundred verses counted among the explanatory Tantras of the Laghu sam . vara but consisting almost entirely of passages lifted from the 429 Sam , and the Sam and the second . put . odbhava, the Abhidhanottara . varodaya;

425

426 427

428

429

G ELLNER 1992, pp. 273279. His account of the ceremonies is based upon what he was told by the late Asha Kaji Vajracharya (ibid., p. 273). That the Cakrasam . vara initiation is followed by a separate Vajradev initiation is conrmed by the evidence of the D ks , the manual in the Newari language that guides these rituals. . avidhi See E NGLISH 2002, pp. xxiixxvii. I have not yet undertaken a thorough analysis of the whole text. The interweaving that I report is of D arn . ava, Pat . ak . ala 23 and Sam . varodaya 23 in the rst 3 Pat akyam of the Sam . alas. The nidanav . varodaya is borrowed with the substitution of var ah bhages bhages . u for the Sam . varodayas yogin . u. I have noted the incorpo ration of the following Sadhana texts (identied here with the numbers ascribed in B HATTACHARYAs composite Sadhanam al a ): 217218 in Pat . ala 36, 219225 in Pat . ala 37, 226228 and 231 in Pat . ala 38. This is the title under which the work has been catalogued in T SUKAMOTO et al. 1989, p. 285. It is based, I surmise, on the colophon of the last Sadhana in the collection, the D guhyasamayasadhana of Anangayogin. . akin The correspondences are as follows (S = Sam sam . put . odbhava; LS = Laghu . vara; AU = Abhidhanottara ; SU = Sam varodaya ): 1.56b = S 6.3.2627b; 1.17 = S 6.3.44c . 45b; 1.18ab = S 6.3.45cd; 1.20cd S 6.3.46cd; 1.21 = S 6.3.47; 1.31 S 6.4.39; 1.19; 2.17c18 = S 6.3.23b; 2.2427b = S 6.3.3c 1.3343b = S 6.4.4050; 2.15 = LS 6; 2.27cd = S 6.2.2ab and 6.3.7ab; 2.2829 = S 6.2.2c4b; 2.3133b = S 6.2.4c6b; 2.3440 = S 6.2.6c14; 2.4344d = S 6.2.15c16; 3.12 = S 6.2.2728; 5.814 = S 6.3.1117; 6.12 = SU 7.12; 6.3b6b = SU 7.14c17; 6.6c12b = S 6.3.3540b; 6.1419b = S 6.3.40c45; 6.2330 = AU 14.5865; 7.37 = S 6.3.19c24; 8.35 = AU 3.8c11b; 8.17c18 = AU 16.23b; 8.20b AU 16.3c; 8.20c = AU 16.4a; 8.2122 AU 16.4b5; 8.2437 = AU 16.619; 8.3941 = AU 16.2325; 9.1c5 = AU 4.37b; 9.617a = AU 4.920b; 9.2139a = AU 4.2438f; 9.39c41b = AU 4.42c44b; 9.41c 44 = AU 4.3942b; 9.4551 (47, 48 and 50 are Mantras) = AU 4.44c46 (with the same Mantras); 9.52ab = AU 4.51ab; 9.54ab = AU 4.51cd; 10 = AU 50.

177

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

is the Vidyadhar kramavajrayogin sadhana , which appears in the Kanjur (T oh. 380) between the major Tantras of the Cakrasam vara cycle and those of con. tested authenticity,430 included perhaps, in spite of its genre, because it states in its opening words that it is part of the otherwise unattested Maham ay aj alo rdhvajat . ottaratantra, which, it claims, was extracted from the Trilaks . a, that it to say, from the vast mythical Ur-text of this cycle, the Trilaks abhidh ana .431 . akta Further evidence of this S trend is seen in the views of the tradition concerning the nature of the revelation of this Ur-text, which, it was claimed, contained the required Buddhist preamble (nidanav akyam ) that is lacking in the Laghu sam . vara itself. Bhavabhat .t . a, taking care not to claim direct access to that mythical source, saying only that his knowledge of its nidanav akyam has 432 reached him through the lineage of his teachers (guruparampara ), asserts Mahavajradhara, that it reveals that the teacher of the Tantra was Bhagavan ah , and the reciter Vajrapan . i. the requester his consort Bhagavat Vajravar These then, it follows for Bhavabhat .t . a, are the dramatis personae of the ah was the Laghu sam . vara too. But he reports a contrary view that Vajravar teacher and Mahavajradhara her pupil.433 The imposition on the text of the claim that it is a dialogue between the deity and his goddess-consort brings it t into line with the Saiva scriptural literature of the Vidyap . ha. For there the Tantras take the form of Bhairavas teachings in answer to the questions of the Goddess (Dev /Bhairav ). In the explanatory Tantras of the Cakrasam . vara cycle this model is made explicit in the Vajrad , where Vajrasattva/Vajrad . aka . aka teaches in response to the questions of Dev , and in the D arn . ava and Va. ak jravar ah kalpa, where V re svara responds to the questions of V re svar . But in the Caturyogin sam . put . a, another of the satellite Tantras of this cycle, the ah ) is the teacher and Vajrin (Heruka) the quesgoddess Vajrin (Vajravar . 434 tioner. That this inversion seen in the view reported by Bhavabhat .t . a and
430

431

432

433

434

In Sanskrit it is preserved as the twenty-rst Sadhana in the Guhyasamayasadhanam al a , ff. 85r486r1. Guhyasamayasadhanam al a , f. 62r2: athatah . sam trilaks .s tamaha . pravaks . yami . akr .. may aj alordhvajat . ottaratantre . . . . Bhavabhat a , introduction: mahavajradharo de sakah .t . a, Cakrasam . varapanjik .. . . . bhagavat vajravar ahy adhyes vajrapan . ih a . . . vajravar ahy . ika . sam . gat adhyes ityadi . . . adhyes dev ti ko . itasya bhagavatah . prativacanam etad athata . ika niyama iti cet | guruparamparato hi s ruyate mulatantre saivadhyes . iketi | tata ihapi saiveti gamyate. Ibid., following the preceding citation: bhagavan adhyes de siketi . ako bhagavat kecit. acintyarupo hi tathagat an am abhiprayah . Some say that the Lord ah ] the teacher. [Mahavajradhara] was the requester and the Goddess [Vajravar For the intention of the Tathagatas is inscrutable. Caturyogin sam vajrin dev idam ud rayet | . put . a 2.15d16: atha sa . . vakyam abhis . ekam . *sukathitam . (conj. [=legs par brjod nas Tib.] : kathitam . Cod.)

178

The Saiva Age

in the Caturyogin sam tendency within the . put . a is evidence of a more Sakta tradition is obvious in itself, but it is conrmed by parallel practice in the akta most S of the Saiva scriptures, namely the Kal kulakramasadbhava , the Kal kulapanca sataka, and the Manthanabhairava . AND Y OGA. As for the T HE A DOPTION OF THE V IDY AP IT . HA S C ARY A aktization. practice of initiates into this tradition, that too shows increased s For it now enacts the iconography of their deities through the adoption of t alika the Vidyap mode of post-initiatory observance (caryavratam ). . has Kap Buddhist Sadhakas now carry the skull-bowl (kapalam ) and skull-staff (khat v a ngah ), and put on the Mudr as of human bone and a brahmanical thread . . (yajnopav tam) made of the twisted hair of corpses or human sinew, and dust their bodies with ash.435
*gan . aman .d . alam eva ca (conj. [=tshogs kyi dkyil khor nyid dag dang Tib.] : lacking in Cod.) | aparam devatany asam uttamam Then that goddess . kathayis . yami Vajrin uttered the following words: I have fully explained the initiation rites and . the Gan . aman .d . ala. Next I shall explain the supreme [rite of the] installation of the deities. For the verb ud rayet as a past indicative cf. Pali ud rayi. E.g. Yogaratnamal a on Hevajra, p. 155: caryak ale gan va panc an am . . acakradau mudran . am . dharan .a ; Laghu sam adi . vara f. 37v3 (51.2): nivasanam . pancamudr gatrasya ; Abhidhanottara B f. 10v22 (3.18): pancamudr adharo nityam . kapalakr sekharah | kap alakhat v a ngadh ar ca bhasmoddh ulitavigrahah ; Bhavabhat . ta .t . a, . . . Cakrasam a on Laghu sam ad ti. kan thikac ud . a. varapanjik . vara 51.21a: pancamudr .. keyurakun an . ti; Jayabhadra, Cakrasam a on Laghu.d . alabrahmasutr . varapanjik s am vara : p. 128: pa nca mudr a rucaka s iroman ikun d alakan t hik ayaj nopav tah . . . .. .. panca | sarvada tair avirahito bhavet; Yogin sam 6.12c13d: kan thikarucaka . cara .. kun siroman . itah . yajnopav tam . at rtitam; .d . ala . ivibhus . bhasmeti mudras . kam . prak Khrag thung mngon par byung ba f. 13r4 (Herukabhyudaya 15.27): nub mo ru ni dam tshig ste | dpa bo rtag tu gcer bu yin | sgrub pos sngags dang phyag rgya dang | phyag rgya lnga dang yang dag ldan Observing the vows (samay ), the Sadhaka Hero (v rah ca satatam . ) [should] always [be] naked at night (ratrau . (mantramudranvitah nagnah . [?]), equipped with the Mantras and Mudras . ), (pancamudr and wearing the ve [bone] Mudras asamanvitah . ); Hevajra 1.3.14: cakr kun th ca haste rucaka mekhala | pancabuddhavi suddhya ca eta .d . ala kan .. mudrah . prak rtitah . ; 1.6.2a: s irasi cakr dhartavya (= s iroman . ih . , a circlet of bone; the mekhala is a ligree made of small pieces of bone worn around the hips); Hevajra 1.6.16cd: bhasma ke sapavitram bibharti caryaya ; . ca yog Muktaval ad loc.: ke sapavitram sayajnopav tam; Vajraval B, p. 218: athava . ke nr sakr brahmasutram or the sacred thread may be . naharumayam . tam . ke . va made of human sinew or hair; Abhisamayamanjar , pp. 131132: cakr kun .d . alakan t hik arucakakhan d a nkamekhal akhyapa ncamudr adhar am (see here p. 174) | .. .. kan thikarucakakun s iroman . itam | yajnopav tam .. .d . alani . ivibhus . bhasmeti mudra s rtitam iti kecit. For the Saiva case see, e.g., Svacchandoddyota . at . kam . prak on 3.2b: mudrala nk arabh us . itah ikhakarn thapratis thapitapa ncamudrah . s . aprakos .. .. .; Picumata, f. 101r3 (21.104): karn irasi bah ubhy am asthikhan . itah . au s .d . air vibhus .; arya a verse cited by Yamun ac in his Agamapr am an . ya, p. 93 (Y), edited here by collation with the closely related verse cited by Nirmalaman . i as cited by Brunner in Soma sambhupaddhati vol. 3, p. 681, n. 7 (N): *kan thika (em. : karn .. . ika

435

179

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

akta The pan-Indian topography of the S Saivas sacred sites, their P t . has, 436 Ks and the like, is also adopted. . dohas/Chandohas, . etras, Upaks . etras, Sam Two lists of such sites are found: one in the Vajrad and the other in the . aka 437 Laghu sam vara . Also adopted is the practice of visiting these sacred sites . 438 (p . thabhraman in search of meetings with the Yogin s/D s that are . akin . am)
Y : kun N) kun sikhaman .d . ika .d . alam . caiva *rucakam . (Y : uragam . N) ca * . ih . (n . ih . N : n tam sayajnopav tam . im Y) | *bhasma yajnopav . ca (Y : ke . ca N) *mudra alikas] s ete mahavrat ah . [< mahavrate ]) The [Kap . at . kam . pracaks . ate (Y : mudra are (1) the necklace, (2) the earrings, (3) the bracelets, teach that the six Mudras (4) the hair-jewel, (5) ashes and (6) the sacred thread [made from human hair]. This followed in Y by a second verse: kapalam atha khat ngam upamudre . va prak rtite | abhir mudritadehas tu na bhuya iha jayate The skull-bowl and skull One whose body is sealed by these [eight] is not staff are called the sub-Mudras. born again in this [world]; Jayadrathayamala , S yam . at . ka 3, f. 201v3: dvit . tu vratam alar upin . a<m> | s ire kapalamukut iromal avibh us . itam | . vaks . ye ghorakap . am . s kare karn padau asthikhan . itau | vame kapalam . khat ngam . . au tatha .d . air vibhus . va minus the ashes, that is to say, the tatha vai daks . in . e kare. The six Mudras ve of the Buddhist lists, are dened, but not numbered, in Jayadrathayamala , S . at . ka 1, f. 139r13 (23.3336b), in the order earrings, bracelets, hair-jewel, sacred thread of human hair, and necklace: v ran . am . nr sard ula tantre smin . pa bhairavarcite |s ubhra sankhe prakartavye dvyangule karn ubhe | *rucake (em. : . ike s caruke Cod.) dvyangule s aste turya ngus .. th ikhaman . nnarakacotpannas . ah . s . ih . | trivr tripancasarikah thaj jaghanasam s (*ja corr. : jan Cod.) s astah . samah . | kan .. . spar . pancavat o pi ca suvr ttaman isam gh a*ta (corr. : tah Cod.) sam gh ataik aval sam a | . . . . . . dhary a sadhakacandren es a tadiccha*ya (em. : ga Cod). The 80th chap.a s . abhut ter of the Picumata describes, but does not number, (1) the hair-jewel, (2) earrings, (3) a necklace (kan thamudra ), (4) the sacred thread, and (5) ornaments of bone .. on hands, arms and hips. The last takes the place of the bracelets (rucake) listed elsewhere and in Vajrayanist texts (Picumata ff. 311v-312r): cud . aman . ikapalena s ikhay am . yo nive sitah s varas tatra vijneyo adhidevo varanane | jn ana saktih . | . kriyakhy a ca karn rtite | kan the sthita tu ya mudra aham . ike parik .. . tatradhidevatam | rudro matr . gan atavyas tu varanane | ananta hy upav te tu s aktih . aih . sardham . jn . sarvadhvag a para | hastabahukat s ca vis dhidevatam | s aktayo . isthai .n . ur jneyo vividhak ar a jat am adhidevatam | etan maharthadam ati tattvatah . an . devi yo vijan . | s ivavat sa tu boddhavyo viruddhacaran o pi yah . . . The Saiva term sam . dohah . for one class of site consistently appears in Buddhist treatments in the form chandohah sam . (e.g. Laghu . vara 50.22 and Hevajra 1.6.10). This substitution of initial ch- for s-/ s- is probably an east-Indianism; cf. Oriya chancib a < Skt. sam < Skt. saktuh chaca < Skt. . cayati; Bengali chatu . ; Oriya chac, satya-; Bengali chut, Bengali and Oriya chuta < Skt. sutram ; Oriya chan a . < Skt. s an a < Skt. s advalam ; and Bengali chikal, chikli < Skt. s r . nkhala-, . ah . ; Bengali chadl s r a . . nkhalik On these lists see here pp. 192203. See, e.g. Sam . thadide sagamanena vi suddhadeham . varodaya 8.29b,d: p . . . . vande sada guruvaram irasa natena At all times, with head bowed, I venerate the . s best of Gurus, . . . whose body has been puried by going to the P t . has and other [such] sites; 9.25: p . thopap . thasevanan nirmalo bhavati manavah . | bhraman nimittam sam laks ya nirvikalpena dh matah A man becomes pure by frequent. . . . ing P t t . has and Upap . has. The adept should wander [there] without hesitation, observing [any] signs [that may arise] without inhibition; 26.14 . . . 18c19:

436

437 438

180

The Saiva Age

believed to frequent them and to be incarnate there in human women enlightened from birth or in childhood;439 classifying such women as belonging to one

439

p . the ks sma sanake pujyap ujakasam . tam . etre ca cchandohe melapaka . bandhe amr argham uttamam . . . pratis thahomak ales . u p . thabhraman .. . agocare naimitte yogin pujye mantrasadhanatatks jney a tasya dos . an . e | evam . bahuvidha . o na vidyate In a P t a cremation-ground, or an encounter . ha, Ks . etra, Chandoha, Melapaka, between worshipper and worshipped, wine is the highest guest-water. . . . on the occasion of installation ceremonies, when wandering through the P t . has, during worship of the Yogin s occasioned by some event, and when doing the Sadhana of a Mantra. He should know that there are a manifold [occasions] such as these [on which he may drink wine]. He will not be at fault. Cf. Ni sisam , f. 10v23: . cara evam eva prakaren . a ghorasadhanatatparam | ks sadhakasya . etra paryat . amanasya mahadhiye |s abdam yah scit tasya pra snam aham O you of great . dadati . ka . vadamy understanding, I shall teach [you] the requests [that should be addressed] to any [di vine being] who speaks to the Sadhaka as he wanders in this manner visiting the Ks Tantraloka 29.40ab: iti sam no bhra. etras, intent on the Ghorasadhana; . ketabhij mate p . thes psuh t . ha to . u yadi sa siddh . If a person seeking Siddhis wanders from P P t ha knowing these signs[, the chumm ah ] . . . . . . Jayabhadra, Cakrasam a on 26.1, p. 125: yavanti ks . i yo. varapanjik . etropaks . etran gap . thani tatra vyavasthita dutyah s cumbanavag uhan ad etah . vi ses . siddhida . en . eti s are present in all the Yogap yavat Dut t . has, the Ks . etras, and Upaks . etras. These bestow Siddhi, especially through kissing and copulating [with the Sadhaka]; Laghu sam . vara 41.4c5, reconstucted from the lemmata in the Cakrasam a of Bhavabhat of Kam.t . a, the commentary Sadhananidhi . varapanjik balapada (K), this passage as incorporated in Vajrad f. 41v2 (18.2) (V), and the . aka Tibetan translation (T): sarvottares . thadi d tu sarvavyapin | de se de se . u p . akinyas *bhijayante (V, mngon par skye T : jayante K) jn anayukt ah . svayonis .u | d . akinyas tah . samakhy at ah . vajraman ah . In all these superior [sites] in various re.d . alanayik gions, namely the P t . has and the rest, women are born who are endowed with knowledge in their mothers wombs. It is these that are called D s, leaders . akin of the Vajraman f. 115v34 (16.279c280): vijn ana-m .d . ala. Cf. Tantrasadbhava udayam am . kathyamanam . thaja s cas .. tabhir vars . m as . nibodha me | p . aih . ks . etraja dvada sabdik ah . | dvare s od a s abhir devi yonij ah saptavim s ati Listen to my account . . . . of the emergence of the enlightenment of these [Yogin s]. Those born in P t . has [achieve it] at the age of eight, those born in Ks . etras at the age of twelve, [those born in] Dvaras at the age of sixteen, and those born of [lowly] wombs at the age of twenty-seven. Cf. Tantraloka 15.97cd100b: bahye tu tadr .s antah . sthayogamargavi sarad ah . devyah aj jayante p . tham ucyate | yatha . svabhav . tad bahyam svabhavato mleccha adharmapathavartinah se niyatyettham anayogau . tatra de . jn sthitau kvacit | yatha catanmayo py eti papit am . taih at tatha p . thas. samagam thito py eti jn anayog adip atrat am In the outer [P t has, Ks etras and the rest as . . opposed to these transposed into the person of the worshipper] divine women are born who are innately adept in the path of such internal meditation. Just as the barbarians of other lands naturally follow paths outside of ordained religion, so in some [women] in these places enlightenment and meditation-trance are naturally present. And just as a person becomes a sinner through association with those [barbarians], even though he makes no effort to assimilate, so a person residing in a P t . ha becomes the beneciary of enlightenment, meditation-trance, and [Siddhis]; and 29.40: iti sam no bhramate p . thes psuh labhate . ketabhij . u yadi sa siddh . | aciral tat tat prapyam vadanat If a person seeking Siddhis wanders from P t . yad yogin . ha to P t . ], he quickly attains from the mouths . ha knowing these signs[, the chummah

181

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

or other a xed number of deity-clans (kulam) and of specifying various characteristics of appearance and behaviour that enable the adept to determine these clan-afliations;440 the consumption and offering of meat and alcoholic liquor in their rites;441 the consumption of foul substances without inhibition as an initiatory test of nondual awareness;442 the sacrice and consumption of the esh
of Yogin s whatever he wishes. Laghu sam , Sam . alas 1624 (> Abhidhanottara . vara, Pat . put . odbhava, Sam . varodaya, t Mahamudr atilaka , Vajrad ); and parallel passages in the Vidyap . ha texts Yo. aka gin sam , Tantrasadbhava , Siddhayoge svar mata, and Picumata. For full refer. cara ences see S ANDERSON 2001, pp. 4243 (Table I). Bhavabhat a , p. 497: asu pujan ya madyai s ca mam . sair .t . a, Cakrasam . varapanjik api vajradevyah . pujit a bhaktimato janasya s r herukasyabhiratim . | tah . gatasya sam tacitta varada bhavanti On these [lunar days] [the women who embody] . tus .. the Vajra goddesses should be worshipped with offerings of alcohol and esh. When they have been worshipped they become delighted and bestow boons on any devotee who is attached to Heruka; Abhidhanottara B f. 48v5 (6.50d56a): vividhai<h .> samayottamaih *madyair (em. : padma Cod.) n an avidhai < s > caiva sur ap anais . tathottamaih ramelapakam ra corr. : v ra Cod.) divyam vivi. | *v . (v . yogin dhottama <h ngakar a <h . amarukottama <h <r> . > kapalakhat . va . > kartikad . > | vadyai nan avidhair divyai<r> bhojyabhaks vividhai s cumbanali ngai s . yarasottamaih . cos yalehyottamottamaih | evam vidham s ma s anam tu yaks avet ad ar aks asaih . . . . . . . . . balim (em. : heruko rupam Cod.) udvahet | . tatraiva datavyam . *herukarupam d ta <m a mudraya yukto . tya<m . amaruvajraghan .. . > ca vadyanr . > prakurvati digvas hum . phat kilakil ayate | al d hapadayogena jv al amudr am tu bh avayet mukham . . . ap urya samayaih ras [with Yogin s should be cele. The illustrious assembly of V brated] with [the eating of] the various superior sacramental meats [detailed above], with various wines and excellent draughts of rice-beer. The various Yogin s, holding the skull-bowl, skull-staff, a chopping-knife, and a rattle-drum [should be gratied] with various forms of music, the savours of excellent foods soft and hard, with kisses and embraces, with foods to be sucked and licked. Such [should be] the cremation ground [on this occasion]. There he should offer Bali to the Yaks and . as, Vetalas, . asas. He should assume the form of Heruka. He should [sound] the rattleRaks drum and Vajra-bell, dance, and make music and dance. Naked together with his consort (mudra ) he utters the syllables HUM . PHAT . and cries of joy. Standing in with his hands, having lled his the warrior pose he should make the Flame Mudra mouth with the sacramental meats. Pat . ala 16 of the Sam . varodaya is devoted to the preparation and use of alcoholic drinks. At its end (16.51abc) it says: madyapanam . vina puj a homa s caiva ghr | sadgurum dharmam . tam . vina . ca vina . There cannot be worship without drinking wine, re-sacrice without claried butter, or religious practice without the Guru. Cf. the scriptural passages on the indispensability of wine in Kaula worship cited by Jayaratha on Tantraloka 29.113. One of those passages says that beer is the Goddess and wine Bhairava; sura ca parama s aktir madyam sura *vajrayo. bhairava ucyate (p. 9, line 2). Cf. Sam . varodaya 16.12cd: ya ginya (conj. : vajrayoginyo Ed.) yo madah and . sa ca herukah . Beer is Vajrayogin wine is Heruka. See, e.g., Kumaracandra, Herukabhyudayapa njik a , p. 156: tatreti man .d . ale mbhojabhajane sam skr ta < m > bid alavid adikam daks in abhimukh ac aryo v aso . . . . . . . . baddhasyam is ya om adig ayatry a raks *potang pratipotang . s . yam an . kar . itva pra snottarakriyap urvakam m m sya tadasye . (corr. : potang . pratipotang . Ed.) prave nive sayet There, that is to say, before the Man facing south, .d . ala, the Acarya,

440

441

442

182

The Saiva Age

of human beings believed to have been reincarnated seven times for this purpose (saptavartah . ), recognized in both traditions on the basis of similar physical characteristics, and the use of their skulls as skull-bowls;443 the practice of visu alizations in which the Sadhaka enters the body of a victim through the channels of his vital energy (nad . ), extracts his vital essences, and draws them into himself;444 that of yogically raising ones consciousness out of ones body through
should sacramentalize in a skull-bowl some substance such as cat excrement. He should then lead the blindfolded candidate forward, protect him with the Gayatr [of Heruka] beginning with OM I [, . , and after addressing him with the word POTA NG the chomma of welcome] and having received [the chomma ] PRATIPOTA NG I in response, he should bring him before [the Man d ala] and place that substance in his .. mouth. For the Saiva literature see the passages cited in S ANDERSON 2005c, pp. 113114, fn. 63. See, e.g, Laghu sam . vara f. 10r34 (11.12) and 49.413 (49.48 = f. 35v57; 49.813 = bDe mchog nyung ngu, f. 244r25); Abhidhanottara, Pat , . ala 63; Herukabhyudaya Pat . ala 13 (Khrag thung mngon par byung ba f. 10r7v6); Hevajratantra 1.11.10 11; Mahamudr atilaka f. 23r34 (12.2021): tadr sam saptajanmanam anayet . yatnat | nan ap ujopah aren . a pujayet tam tasyottama ngam utkr . tya karayet . samahitah . padmabhajanam | tatraiva patre madanam prajnay a saha He should . payayet with all effort bring such a man of seven rebirths. With concentrated mind he should honour him with the various offering-substances. Having decapitated him he should make the head into a skull-bowl. In that vessel he should drink wine with his consort; f. 51r5v2 (24.13c): athanyam . *caiva (conj. : caika Cod.) karmakhyam adar ac chr sitamatren . a a su siddhih .n . pravaks . yamy . u | yena pra . pravartate susnigdha s ca sugandha ngah . sugandhasvedaman d itah | satyav ad salajj atm a .. . nive sati ciram | kr nira srayah . paparah . sada . ks . antiyutah . satyavad . | saptajanma t trijanma va . In the Vidyap . ha literature see the treatments of this topic in Jayadrathayamala S sam , Kalaj n anapat , . at . ka 3, Yogin . cara . ala; Tantrasadbhava Adhikara 7; and Tantraloka 16.6364 and Jayarathas introduction to this passage. See, e.g., Herukabhyudayapa njik a on Herukabhyudaya , Pat . ala 13 p. 155: svadehat d h a sadhye gudena prave sya navadvarair nad . margen soh . akin . spharayitv . a pa . sadhyasya *b jam jam vam jam ukradikam a nis sya . (conj. : b . j . b . Ed.) s . grahayitv . ka svadehe prave sayet He should emanate the D s from inside his body, have . akin them enter the victim through his anus [or any one of] the nine apertures and passing through the channels of the victims vital energies, seize his seed, his semen and other [vital essences]. Then he should have them exit [the victim] and return [with these] into [his own body]; on Herukabhyudaya , Pat . ala 42, p. 167: athava sadhyam akr .s p tva bhaks . ya tacchukradi . ayet Having attracted the victim he should [extract and] drink his semen and other [essences], then eat [the esh]; Abhidhanottara B f. 51v13 (9.6264b): var ahy atmabh avena tarjanya nabhi vedhayet | d adi tu cakrastha devya<h sucy akr . t s (em. : sucy akr . tas Cod.) . akiny . > * tatha navadvare *prave syaita (conj. : prave sya tam . Cod.) *vedhayed (corr. : vidhayed Cod.) dhr | yoginya hata*matre (conj. : matram . dayapankajam . Cod.) tu pibet ks atajam uttamam hatam ca bhaks ayet so hi buddho bhavis yati nanyath a . . . . ah he should pierce the navel [of the victim] with his inBy identifying with Var dex nger [in the gesture of threat] and cause the D s and other goddesses of . akin the Man .d . ala to take on the form of a needle [through visualization]. When he has made them enter [the victim in this form] through the nine apertures [of the body] he should have them pierce through the lotus of his heart. As soon as the Yogin s have killed him he should drink his excellent blood and eat his esh. For it is certain

443

444

183

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

the central channel as a means of ending ones life and ascending to a paradise or liberation, a practice known as utkrantih . in Saiva sources and thence in the Buddhist Yogin tantras (Tib. pho ba);445 the adaptation of this practice as a
that [thus] he will become a Buddha; Maham ay a 2.1014b. On the extraction of the t vital essences by such yogic means in Vidyap . ha sources see, e.g., Picumata f. 10v1 4 (3.198c207): pravi sya ca puram (em. : japta Cod.) cas .. ta satam . divyam . *japtva . punah 199 avadh utatanur bh utv a prayogam idam arabhet | pa s ub jasam ayuktam . . -karen U . aiva bheditam 200 kars raktaugham saha . aye tu samadhistho . raktaya | tena raktena mantrajnah . paripurn . akapalake 3.201 sugandhakusumair yukte tenargham tu prad apayet | dev n am devadev aya sarvasiddhyarthak aran . am 3.202 . . -karam datte rghe tu prasiddhyeta trailokyam sam ayah caiva U . . natra .s . | athava pa sub jasamanvitam 3.203 codayitva udanena avadhutatanuh (corr. : . *sada sadah . Cod.) | nirac aren . a bhavena pa sudeham set tatah 3.204 tatrastho . vi . grahan am kury at bh ut an am mantracintakah | ap anena tatah s ghram . . . . . . svadeham . pravi sed budhah 3.205 pancabh ut ani cakr .s ta kapaladhr . k | raktena . . ya pujay prathama <m <m ya <m . sabhaks ya tvak-ca-bhaks . t . > dev . > dvit . > mam . an . e 3.206 tr .a tu caturth medabhaks | snehena tarpayed devam antasam . an .a . pancavyom . sthitam 3.207 etat te paramam s nam . tu pujanam | siddhyartham . guhyam . yoge . caiva mantr n . khecaratvajig s After entering before the celestial Man .d . am . un . am . ala he should repeat the Mantra eight hundred times. When [in this way] he has become one whose body has transcended all duality he should commence the following procedure. In deep meditation he should draw out a stream of the [victims] blood with as the [nal] vowel. conjoined with the Victim-seed with U the [Mantra of] Rakta The Mantra adept should place fragrant owers in a skull, ll it with that blood, and present it as the guest-offering to the goddesses and Bhairava as the means combined of accomplishing all Siddhis. Alternatively he should propel the letter U with the Victim-seed up [along the central channel] with the ascending vital energy and in the state that transcends convention he should enter the victims body. Once within it the adept should take hold of the gross elements [of the victims body] while meditating on the Mantra and then swiftly return into his own body by draw alika ing in his breath. When he has drawn them into himself the Kap (kapaladhr . k) should worship [his deities with them]. He worships the rst goddess by offering her the blood, and the second by offering her the esh to eat. The third eats the skin and the fourth the fat. With the uid of the body he should gratify the god s abhairava] who resides beyond the ve voids [along the central channel]. [Kapal This worship is the highest secret of the Yoge svar s. [I have taught it] to you so that Mantra adepts that seek to master the state of the Khecara may succeed. See also Tantrasadbhava , ff. 181v5182r2 (27.110); Jayadrathayamala ,S . at . ka 3, f. 184r6 (Yogin sam 5.40): yasmatra karman raktakars a | tarpan . cara . o siddh . an . apurvik . am . devatan am . ca For in this [system] the success of the ritual and the gratication of the deities requires the extraction of [the victims] blood; Tantraloka 16.35c51b, describing the yogic process in detail; and Netratantra 20, which describes how Yogin s extract life-essences from their victims in this way in order to offer them up to Mahabhairava and thereby liberate them. Catus p t ha ff. 68v70r (Guhyap . tha, Pat . ala 3) and Bhavabhat .t . a thereon . . (Catus . thanibandha ff. 50v452v7); Vajrad ff. 50r752r3 (Pat . p . aka . ala 21); Sam . a 3); Sam . put . odbhava ff. 78r580r6 (Kalpa 8, Prakaran . varodaya 5.6769 and 19.35c47. In Tibetan tradition this practice is one of the na ro chos drug or Six (9561040), commonly known in English as his Six Yogas. Teachings of Narop a These have been the object of extensive Tibetan exegesis. For English translations of some of these works, including the Chos drug gi man ngag attributed to

445

184

The Saiva Age

means of assisting the dying and the deadwe have seen a ritualized realization of this in the Mantranayas funeral ceremony taught by Padma sr mitra and 446 Sunyasam adhi ; and the practice of transferring ones consciousness out of
447 ones body to pass into and animate a corpse (parakayaprave sah . ). t Nor is the adoption of the Vidyap . has practices restricted to externals. It also extended into the domain of Yoga. For one of the most striking features that distinguish the Yogin tantras from the Yogatantras and indeed from all that pre-

ceded them in the history of Buddhism is that they based their inner practice on the theory that the body is pervaded and sustained by a network of energy channels (nad . ), variously numbered, with three pre-eminent: two vertical lateral channels, lalana and rasana , and a hidden third extending between up the centre of the body to the head, called avadhut or can , with Cakras located .d . al along its course, which was to be awakened and perceived as the means of access to the bliss (sahajanandah ) of enlightened awareness. This Yoga . , mahasukham of meditation on the channels of the vital energy and the Cakras is not found 448 in the transitional Sarvabuddhasamayoga nor indeed in the Laghu sam . vara,
the sNyan rgyud rdo rjei tshig rkang attributed to Narop and the Na Tilopa, a, ro chos drug gi khrid rim yid ches gsum ldan of Tsong kha pa (13571419) (Gsung bum, vol. ta, pp. 401532) see M ULLIN 1996 and 1997. For Tsong kha pas detailed treatment of this practice of ascent from the body see M ULLIN 1996, pp. 209215. His sources are those Tantras listed here: the Catus . tha (and Bhavabhat .t . as com. p mentary), the Vajrad aka , the Sam put a (= Sam put odbhava ), and the Sam varodaya . . . . . . . M ULLIN translates the Tibetan rendering of these titles into English. He identies his Mystic Kiss Tantra as the Caturyogin sam . put . a. It is in fact the Sam . put . a, the work that also appears in this translation as the Sambhuta Tantra, reproducing a faulty Tibetan transcription of the same title. Tsong kha pa notes that this practice of ascent from ones body (utkrantih . ) is a unique feature of the highest (bla na med) Buddhist Tantra class (M ULLIN 1996, p. 209). That is so within the Buddhist Tantras; but the source of the practice is the Saiva tradition, whose texts have al ways placed a great emphasis on it both in the Atimarga and in the Mantramarga; see Pa supatasutra 5.3040; Pampam ah atmya 11.5471 (explaining that passage); Skandapuran . a-Ambikakhan 182; Rauravasutrasam .d . a, Adhyaya . graha, Pat satikalottara 11.1319b; Dvi satika-Kalottara ff. 2v93r6; Tray. ala 9; Sardhatri oda sa satika-Kalottara ff. 30r931r7; Kiran arame svara, . ala 59; Matangap . a, Pat Caryap ada , Pat vijayottara 17.2533; . ala 9; Picumata, Pat . ala 100; Malin Tantrasadbhava f. 36r11v10 (9.294321); Tantraloka 28.292302; and, in Java/Bali, Jn anasiddh anta , chapters 3, 57, and 20. See here pp.126128. For the Saiva adaptation of this practice as a means of liberating the dying see, e.g., Tantraloka 19.156 (sadya-utkrantid ks utkraman d ks ). .a . .a Vajrad aka f. 51r13 (21.1922). In the Saiva literature see Ni s v asatattvasam hit a . . f. 22v4 (Ni svasamula 7.20), (>) Svacchanda 7.328c329b; Picumata f. 11v (3.228 232b); (5.95101); f. 356r4v3 (96.1935); Tantrasadbhava ff. 181v5182r3 (27.1 11); Malin vijayottara 21.919; and Tantraloka 28.294300. This practice too is one (na of the Six Yogas of Narop a ro chos drug); see Tsong kha pa, op. cit. translated in M ULLIN 1996, pp. 215216. See also T ANAKA 1996, p. 272.

446

447

448

185

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

but it is much developed in the latters ancillary scriptures such as the Vajrad . aka and Sam varodaya , and elsewhere in the Yogin tantras, notably in the Hevajra , . the Sam atilaka , and the Kalacakra .449 . put . odbhava, the Mahamudr The elements of this model are purifed through equation (vi suddha-) with Buddhist soteriological factors, either newly acquired, such as the twenty-four ana, sacred sites or long established in the Mahay such as the three bodies of a Buddha (nirman . akayah . , sam . , and dharmakayah . ), equated with . bhogakayah the three principal channels, and Means (upayah . ) and Wisdom (prajn a ), whose co-functioning (yuganaddhavahit a ) is the way to liberation, equated with the lateral pair.450 But the basic conception is derived from the Yoga of the Saivas in general and the Sakta Saivas in particular. T HE I NCORPORATION
OF

T EXT- PASSAGES

FROM THE

V IDY AP IT . HA. In the

light of this evidence of the pervasive similarities between the Yogin tantras and t the Saivism of the Vidyap . ha, and considering the fact that these similarities set the Yogin tantras apart from all earlier forms of Buddhism, the reader will not be surprised to know that there is also evidence that this tradition incorporated

449

450

That the Yoga of the energy channels was one of the principal features that distinguished the Yogin tantras was asserted by the learned of the Mantranaya itself; see Sraddh akaravarman cited here on p.239; also Mkhas grub rje, rGyud spyi, p. 256, ll. 67: phung khams skye mched kyi rnam dag gtso bor ston pas rgyud yin na pha rgyud | rtsai rnam dag gtso bor ston pa ma rgyud If a Tantra principally teaches the purication of the Skandhas, Dhatus, and Ayatanas it is a Father Tantra. A Mother Tantra principally teaches the purication of the energy channels. In this pas sage the distinction is between the esoteric Yogatantras (Mahayogatantras, Yogottaratantras) headed by the Guhyasamaja and the Yogin tantras or Yoganiruttara tantras exemplied by the Tantras of Sam . vara and Hevajra, the two divisions of what the Tibetans called bla med kyi rgyud the unsurpassed Tantra [class]. Mkhas grub rjes tradition rejects this criterion for distinguishing between the two divisions on the grounds that there are Yogin tantras (Mother Tantras) that also teach the purication of the Skandhas and the rest. That is true. We nd this, for example, in the Hevajra (1.7.12; 1.9.69, 1314; 2.2.3136) and the Abhidhanottara (e.g. B ff. 20v521r1; f. 26r3; f. 36r3v6; f. 51r34; ff. 69v270r1). But that is because the second-wave Yogin tantras sought to encompass the tradition of the Guhyasamaja by incorporating many of its elements. He does not, we may note, support his argument by pointing to the presence of the purication of the energy channels in any Father Tantra. From the historians point of view the distinction that he rejects remains accurate in spite of his objections. VAN S CHAIK (2008, p. 50) has noted the absence of material on the manipulation of the internal energies in the Dunhuang manuscripts, which represent Tantric Buddhism up to about the middle of the ninth century. For a comprehensive listing of purifying equations for the principal channels and . acakra at the root of the navel, the Dharmacakra in the four Cakras (the Nirman heart, the Sam bhogacakra in the throat, and the Mahasukhacakra in the head) see . Jn anodayatantra , p. 6, ll. 114 (the four Cakras), and p. 6, l. 20p. 7, l. 9 (the three channels).

186

The Saiva Age

and adapted much textual material from the Saiva scriptures in the process of producing its own. This is particularly evident in the case of the Laghu sam . vara and its satellites. I have reported and tabulated elsewhere correspondences with passages in ve Saiva scriptures: (1) the Yogin sam of the third S . cara . at . ka of 451 the Jayadrathayamala , (2) the short redaction of the Siddhayoge svar mata a much longer redaction, known to Abhinavagupta, has not come down to us, (3) the Tantrasadbhava , (4) the Picumata (/Brahmayamala ), and (5) the t Ni sisam , all of which are texts of the Vidyap . ha. There are also a few . cara correspondences with earlier texts of the Buddhist Mantranaya;452 but unlike t those the Laghu sam . ha are not short passages . varas parallels with the Vidyap of one or two verses but detailed and continuous expositions that run in two cases over several chapters, amounting in all to some 200 verses out of a total of
451

452

The Yogin sam , though it comes to us as part of the Jayadrathayamala , has . cara very probably been incorporated from another source. This is evident from the register of its Sanskrit, from its style, and from its content. This source may be a text closely related to the lost Yogin jala sam . vara. For it claims at its beginning to be about to explain what has already been taught in that Tantra. Jayadrathayamala , am S sam 1.16b): devy uvaca pura tu s . at . ka 3, f. 169r8 (Yogin . cara . vare tantre yad uktam svara | *tan na (em. : tatra Cod.) jn atam . maya deva guhyatantrasya . parame vistarat 2 katham sa bhairavo dehas tvayi deva mah abalah . . | katham . devyo yajanty enam tas am . kati smr . 3 katham ud . ha<m . tas am . . tah . kulas . kramam . mahag . > caram katham am etan me bruhi vistaram 4 evam akarn . vibho | carusiddhih . katham . tas . ya deve syavadan amburuhacyutam | vacomr bhuyo vacanam abrav t . tam . mahadevo 5 sadhu sadhu mahabhage sarvajn an arthabh ajane | maharahasyam atulam . yogin caram uttamam 6 pravaks samasena s r anas a The goddess .n . yami . us . v ekagram said: Parame svara, I have not understood the teaching that you gave of old in the Sam . varatantra, because of the great length of [that] esoteric text. What is the nature, O god, of your mighty embodiment as Bhairava? How do the goddesses worship it? How many are their families held to be? How is the most secret procedure of their worship? How, O lord, do they rotate? And how is one to obtain the sacramental substances for them? Explain this to me at length. Having heard thus the nectar in the form of words that fell from the lotus of the mouth of the goddess Mahadeva replied and said: I congratulate you, illustrious and worthy receptacle of the teachings of omniscience. I shall concisely teach you the incomparable great secret, the unsurpassed Rotation of the Yogin s. Listen with attentive mind. The last part of the rst chapter of the Yogin sam c ara gives an account of the many classes . of female supernaturals as the constituents of the body mentioned in the list of questions and ends with the words: ity evam jala* sam . yoganiyamam . yogin . vare (corr. : sam r .n . care D) | yathotpannam . tu kathitam . *niyogam . (em. : niryogam . D) s .u sam . pratam (D f. 172v45, 1.72cf) Thus I have explained to you the arising of the sam order of the pantheon of powers as [taught] in the Yogin jala . vara. Hear now its application(s). See also D f. 199v67 (7.124c125b): uktani yani karman . i yogin jala sam tu sarvan . i karoty eva hi l laya After repeating the . vare ayutam . japtva Mantra ten thousand times he easily accomplishes all the rites that I have taught sam in the Yogin jala . vara. See here p. 163.

187

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

about 700 with some prose equivalent in length to about 80 more. They teach the characteristics by which the initiate may recognize women as belonging a, and vocabularies of special to various classes of Yogin , D , and Lam . akin words and gestures (chommah . ) for communicating with them when encountered (Pat . ) that bind initiates as they engage in . alas 1524), the rules (samayah post-initiatory carya (Pat alas 2629), the system of P t . . has and other sacred pilgrimage centres for wandering ascetics engaged in this practice (Pat . ala 41), and the characteristics of the ideal sacricial victim known as a saptavartah . or 453 saptajanma (Pat . ala 49). These parallels demonstrate a high degree of overlap with the Saiva t Vidyap . ha in the parts of the text and its satellites that deal with the religious discipline (samayac arah . ) of the adherents of this form of Buddhism. Still lacking, however, was evidence of textual dependence in those parts that deal with that disciplines ritual core. But that gap can now be closed. For since publishing those results I have located further evidence in what survives of the t Vidyap . has scriptures that this corpus was also the source of substantial parts of the Laghu sam . varas instruction in this domain. The areas of prescription in which this textual dependence has emerged are (1) the daily worship of the prescribed in the rst chapter of the Laghu Kulika sam . vara, (2) the ceremony of initiation before the Man .d . ala through which a candidate becomes qualied and obliged to practice the Tantras rites and observance, which is taught from the end of the rst chapter to the beginning of the fourth; and (3) the ritual procedures for supernatural effects, mostly hostile sorcery, that form a considerable part of the work and take the form of re-sacrices (homah . ), and the use of the Mantras and the name of the target (sadhyan ama ) to empower substances in various ways and combinations to bring about these results. These new parallels are as follows: Laghu 1. The worship of the Kulika: sam . vara 1.47b (< Herukabhyudaya 15.610) < Picumata 84.9c16. 2. The initiation ceremony: Laghu sam . vara 1.154.1 < 8.328 of the Yogin sam . . cara 3. The ritual procedures for supernatural effects: aLaghu sam . vara, Pat . ala 34 < Picumata 41.13, 49.3c4c, 41.47b, 41.12abc, and 41.15d.
bLaghu sam . vara, Pat . ala 35 < Picumata 26.12b, 26.41c44.

453

For my tabulation of these correspondences see S ANDERSON 2001, pp. 4147. See also S ANDERSON 1985, p. 214, note 106; S ANDERSON 1988, pp. 678679; and S ANDERSON 1994, esp. pp. 9296.

188

The Saiva Age

cLaghu sam . vara, Pat . ala 36 < Picumata 26.45c48b. dLaghu sam . vara, Pat . ala 37 < Picumata 29.1ab, 30.1, 29.35, 29.3848b,

29.50 [cf. 20.5657], 29.61ab.


eLaghu sam . vara, Pat . ala 50, up to v. 19 (the point at which the earlier

redaction of the text ends) < Picumata 5.1718, 5.23c28, 5.63, 5.67, 5.70. Comparison of the textual parallels reveals that it is the Cakrasam . vara cor pus that has adopted and adapted the Saiva sources rather than the other way round. For the Buddhist versions abound in instances in which it can be seen that Saiva material has been misunderstood, crudely, articially, and incom pletely modied, or rendered contextually incongruous. The Saiva versions, on the other hand, seem to me to be entirely free of signs of textual dependence on Buddhist originals. Before proceeding to demonstrate this through the presentation and analysis of examples I wish rst to address an objection that has been raised against my conclusion.454 I do so before my analysis because that objection, if it were valid, would block in advance the force of all my evidence, being based not on contrary analyses of particular parallels but on a perceived characteristic of all the materials I have identied. This characteristic is that the Buddhist versions are less clear in meaning, less grammatically correct. By concluding that the direction of redaction is from Saiva materials to the Buddhist in spite of this characteristic I am held to have overlooked or violated the textual critics maxim lectio difcilior potior The more difcult reading is to be preferred. This maxim means that when one is confronted by two readings, both of which are plausible, one should prefer that which is less easily explained as the result of the alteration, accidental or deliberate, of the other, provided there is a clearly established line of transmission between the sources of the divergent readings. Thus, it is implied, the less clear and more incorrect Buddhist versions should be judged to have preceded the clearer and more correct Saiva versions on the grounds that it is conceivable that a Saiva redactor revised a decient Buddhist version but not that a Buddhist spoiled a superior Saiva version.455 What exactly the concept of lack of clarity is thought to cover in this argu-

454 455

D AVIDSON 2002, p. 386, n. 105; and G RAY 2005, p. 8, n. 19. In fact it is not clear whether these authors think that the application of this principle means that the Buddhist versions cannot be secondary or only that it less likely that they are. The second alternative alone would accord with a more fundamental principle of textual criticism, namely that there are no hard-and-fast rules because every textual problem must be regarded as possibly unique (H OUSMAN 1921, pp. 6869).

189

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

ment is unclear; but I assume that the authors had in mind not merely grammatical deviations from the Paninian standard of high scholarship, since those are seldom difcult to understand, being characteristic of a particular register of the language, but also and principally lack of clarity in meaning caused by syntactical incoherence and the like, which is indeed a conspicuous defect in the Buddhist versions. Indeed they are sometimes barely intelligible, as is revealed by fact that the commentators confronted by these passages offer widely divergent but equally arbitary interpretations.456 Now, the objection that a version which is less clear in this sense must have preceded one that is freer of these defects, proceeds from a serious misunderstanding of how the rule of the lectio difcilior is to be applied. Firstly, like all other rules of textual criticism, it should never be put to work mechanically and in advance, without the application of thought to the weighing of probabilities in each case; and secondly, it should never be invoked to give precedence to readings that are grammatically defective, incoherent, or contextually awkward.457 Lack of clarity is hardly likely to the fault of the original framers of the text-passages, who, after all, probably knew what they wanted to say in whatever register of Sanskrit they chose to adopt. It is much more likely to be the result of incompetence and/or carelessness on the part of Buddhist redactors who had difculty in understanding the Saiva texts they were cannibalizing. The secondary status of the Buddhist versions is also apparent in another deciency: their greater metrical irregularity. In principle that might be ex plained either as the result of the Saivas having polished the Buddhist versions or as the result of indifference to the preservation of metrical form on the part of Buddhist redactors as they adapted metrically correct Saiva materials. But the latter explanation is much to be preferred. For, as we shall see, metrical irregularity is particularly noticeable in the Buddhist versions at those places where the imprint of Buddhism is apparent.458 Let us assume, however, that there are indeed readings in the Buddhist ver sions which do not derive from the Saiva parallels that I have identied. Would these not refute my conclusion that the Buddhist versions are secondary? No. For
456 457

458

See here p. 216. O (2008b, p. 218). This point has been made against D AVIDSON and G RAY by S Z ANT On the principle invoked here, that a more difcult reading must be plausible, see W EST 1973, p. 51: When we choose the more difcult reading . . . we must be sure that it is in itself a plausible reading. The principle should not be used in support of dubious syntax, or phrasing that it would not have been natural for the author to use. There is an important difference between a more difcult reading and a more unlikely reading; C HADWICK 1957, p. 255: The principle lectio difcilior potior does not extend to nonsense, . . . . See here p. 207.

190

The Saiva Age

the inference that they would rests on the assumption that I consider that the Saiva text-passages redacted into the Buddhist versions were exactly those seen in these parallels. In fact I hold that the collation of these parallels with the Buddhist passages demonstrates that the former are, in most cases at least, closely related variants of the passages on which the Buddhist redactors drew, and that these passages were accessed in what were probably earlier and less elaborate redactions of the works in which I have found the parallels, or else in texts of the same corpus which are now out of reach, such as the Yogin jala sam . vara, the Sarvav rasamayoga , the long version of the Siddhayoge svar mata, and the Panc amr . ta.459 For what survives in the manuscript collections of India and Nepal is only a part of what once existed, as we learn both from citations of other texts in the works of learned Saiva commentators and from the surviving scriptural redactions themselves, which, when listing the canon of texts to which they belong, mention many works, such as those mentioned above, which have not survived or await discovery.460 My argument, then, is not that these Saiva parallels are the direct sources of the Buddhist versions but only that the Saiva parallels are close enough to the Buddhist versions to reveal the direction
459 460

On these sources see S ANDERSON 2007, pp. 234237, footnotes 1516, and 2122. See, for example, the list of Tantras venerated by the circle of Yogin s given in the rst chapter of the Yogin sam as sources on the matters it . cara covers (Jayadrathayamala , S . at . ka 3, ff. D 170v2171r3 [1.2942b]): mula ca yogin tantram jala samvaram | *at ta sambaranam anam . kubjika .. . (ABCE : at ta sasvaranag anam tadhulis tathapar a 1.30 calaks . aram .. . D) hat .. . mahatantram . vi svakr d arakam | maham ayottaram nama sarvav ramatam tatha | . avat . . 1.31 alam . mahatantram at . am (em. : kruncikodgh at . am . grasam . *kuncikodgh ABCDE) eva ca | siddhacakram prak a s am ca pat am t uram *tath aparam (em : . . . . . yathaparam alam . tatha bhairavagahvaram . ABCDE) 1.32 siddhakaulam . mahaj | kulagahvaranam anam 1.33 jha nk arakulam atyugram . kulad . amarabhairavam . tatha siddhamatam ubham | kacan amatam evanyat kusumalikasam 1.34 . s . jnitam siddhayoge svar tantram | picutantram . tatha . . trikasarottaram . maharaudram vimalocchus | 1.35 khad . anam anam taka. masam . jnitam . garavan . tathanyam . . man takaman mun akhyam .d . alam (em. : . .d . anam ABCDE) | karot . .d . amal . s iracchedam 1.36 hah ar avottaram . bhayanakam . tantram . krodham unmattabhairavam | ruruyamalam atyugram 1.37 . tathanyam . rudrayamalam umay amalam evanyad gaur yamalam eva ca | skandayamalam evanyam . tatha bhairavayamalam 1.38 vis eva syan nandiyamalam eva ca .n . uyamalam | s ukrayamalam evanyac chakrayamalam eva ca 1.39 kapal s amatam . nama meghanad s varam | ham nam anam . ake svaram . tatha . can .d . ogram . hat . sayamala 1.40 mahav ame svar tantram s matam uttamam | lampat . lanke . adyam . ca raktadyam . tatha had evanyam evamady a hy aneka sah .d . amatam . param 1.41 durvasamatam . | ete tantravarah . prokta yogin cakravanditah . 1.42 es am . . u tantravares . v eva tas caram . vicaritam . The great majority of these works appear to have been lost. Works that have survived with titles listed here are distinguished by bold characters. Works here that are known only by citations or as loci of attribution in early colophons have been underlined.

191

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

of dependence. It is possible, therefore, that any more difcult readings were in t herited from this earlier stratum in the development of the Vidyap . ha; and this mere possibility is sufcient to invalidate the inference of the priority of the Buddhist versions. If I am mistaken in my conclusion that the Buddhist versions are secondary that will have to be demonstrated by presenting a persuasive contrary analysis of the relationship between the Saiva and Buddhist versions based on a detailed examination of the particulars I have identied. General arguments of this kind, which attempt to settle the matter in advance without engaging with the specics of the parallels, will not sufce.461 Having dealt with this objection I can now turn to the evidence. In advance of a more thoroughgoing demonstration I consider a few passages here that re veal that the Buddhist redactors were using Saiva materials and enable us to see how they did so. I have mentioned the entry into the Cakrasam . vara corpus of two lists of akta S sacred sites. That found in the Vajrad aka , ff. 42r143v3 (18.1060) cor. t responds very closely in the Vidyap sisam , ff. 16v19v (4.6b5.11), . ha to Ni . cara both in content and wording. The passage lists twenty-four sacred sites and identies for each its presiding goddess, the high Tantric goddess to whose family she is assigned, her weapon (ayudham ), the sites sacred tree, and 462 a guardian Bhairava (ks . ). The version in the Vajrad leaves . etrapalah . aka
461

462

The same applies to a line of defence that objects to my conclusion in a manner that renders even a non-specic engagement with the parallels unnecessary. Confronted with the information that such parallels have been claimed some are inclined to respond with the question Why would Buddhists have drawn on Saiva sources? The question is purely rhetorical and somewhat plaintive, implying that since the authors of these texts were Buddhists they would surely not have drawn on nonBuddhist scriptures. The inference has no force at all, because it invokes a notion of the nature of Buddhism and consequently of what Buddhists can or cannot have done that is derived from texts other than those of this corpus. No amount of evidence that other Buddhist scriptures were free of dependence on non-Buddhist texts can counter evidence that these Buddhist scriptures were not. Closely related to the Ni sisam text is a version seen in Kubjikamata 22.23 . cara 46, which lacks one of its elements, namely the specication of the high Tantric goddesses to whose families these local goddesses belong. Another, somewhat divergent and giving the sites alone and the points on the body that should be t empowered by them through nyasah . , appears in the Vidyap . has Madhavakula (Jayadrathayamala ,S akule puj anirn . at . ka 4, f. 124r15 [Kalik . ayah . , vv. 1622 (fol parts of a Kashmirian redaction of the text lowed in Tantraloka 29.5963 (TA): are cited in Tantralokaviveka on these verses (TAV)]; the procedure of the nyasah . is put in Paddhati form in Kal kulakramarcana , f. 22r5v5 [KKK]): at tahasam . .. s ikhasth ane caritram . ca karandhrake | *kulagiryam . (corr. : kullagirye Cod.) priye *karn (corr. : jayam . e (corr. : karn .n . am . Cod.) *jayantya . tya Cod.) *uttare punah . (conj. [cf. jayant p . thapada vamakarn e KKK] : uttaroyan . . e Cod.) | 17 *ujjayanya (corr. : ujjayanyam . Cod.) tu bhrumadhye prayagam . vaktramadhyagam | var an . as tu hr r p . tham thade se tu virajam . daye s . skandhayor dvayoh . | 18 kan .. . *hy erun .d . ya

192

The Saiva Age

this Saiva pantheon and its ancillaries intact, the only major deviation being that it has four sites that differ from those in the Ni sisam . Particularly . cara striking in the Vajrad aka s version is not only the fact that it transmits all the . details of this distinctively Saiva religious map, which includes such well-known deities as Mahalaks of Kollagiri (Kolhapur), Hetuka[bhairava] of Dev kot . m .t . a, 463 . a/Vet a of Nagara (Pat . aliputra/Kusumapura), and Vettad al but also that it preserves the classication of the goddesses of these sites as belonging to one Karal , Can . Karal a, or other of the families of Rakta, , Mahocchus .d . aks . ma, Bh and Mahabal information that is revelant only in the Dantura, mavakta, a, and their attendants that form Saiva context, since these are the four Guhyakas s abhairava and Can Kap alin in the Picumata of the inner retinue of Kapal .d .a 464 t the Vidyap and are not encountered to my knowledge in any Buddhist . ha
(em. [cf. erun p . thapada | udare KKK] : herum .d . .d . ya Cod.) udare priye | *alampuram . nabhimadhye (Cod. KKK : alipuram a TA) *sam . TAV : hal . dohailapuram . priye (Cod. [cf. elapurap . thapada medasi KKK] : kandordhve parame svari TAV) | 19 kandadh are tu gokarn am *marude s am (corr. : marudde s am Cod. : maruko s am . . . . . TA) bhagantare | atha med hropari bhadre j n atavyam s adhakena tu | 20 daks in e *sak. . . . : sakti Cod.) *nagaram (corr. : nagare Cod.) *vame : vame thni (TAV syat (TAV syah . . Cod.) *paun .d . ravardhanam (corr. TAV : paud . ravarddhane Cod.) | vamaskandhe purast ram thapuram thapurap . thapada daks .s .s . *pr .. . (Cod. [cf. pr .. . askandhe KKK] : : udyake elapuram s (TAV Cod.) * janumadhye . TAV) tu daks . in . e | 21 *kud . yake . s (Cod. [cf. kun d ake s p t hap ada j anumadhye KKK] : daks aj anau T AV) *soparam . .. . . TAV) (Cod. : sopanam T A * cottare (em. [=T AV] : c antare Cod.) smr tam | * ks rika . . . (corr. : ks rikam . Cod.) *vamahaste (Cod. [cf. ks rikap . thapada vamahaste KKK] . . tu *may apury a (corr. : may apury an Cod.) tu daks atake svaram . in . e | 22 amr . gulphe vame rajagr ubham | pad adh are tu brahman . kal agnyavadhidh arak . . ham . s The name of the goddess of this city is Vettavasin in the Ni sisam (f. 17v . cara a in the Kubjikamata [4.43]; em. : vet tavasin Cod.) Vetrakacchanivas (22.37c; em. .. [MSS E and K] : cetrakacchanivas a BCDJG : caitrakacchanivas a Ed.), and Vetra in the Kalik akulakram arcana (em. : vatra Cod.). In the Buddhist version we see in the D in the Vajrad .a .a arn . ava. The (em. : vettaheti Cod.) and Vetad Vettad . ak . aka Vasavadatt a of Subandhu (p. 16, l. 2 to p. 17, l. 4) independently identies her as ayayan a: kusumapuram the Katy called Vetal ayan vetal abhidh a . . . . . yatra . . . katy We therefore have two phonetically related but semantically unrelated names, one meaning the goddess who dwells in the thicket of reeds (vetra-) and the other the female Vetala, vettad . a- and vetad . a- being well-attested variant forms of vetala . I propose that the latter evolved from the former through a vernacular synonym a corresponding to Sanskrit Vetralay Cf. Panjab and Hind *Vettal a. al a from Skt. s alayah ival a , Maithil and Hind siwal a from Skt. s ivalayah . ; Panjab . ; and Panjab anist dewal a from Skt. devalayah Mahasam . nipatas utra s Candragarb. . The Mahay hasutra , preserved only in a Chinese translation made by Narendraya sas in 566, gives in its 18th chapter (Mahasam . nipatas utra , chapter 55) a listing of the presiding deities of 55 places extending from India through Central Asia to China (55a58a [prose]; 59a60a [verse resum e]). The name of the guardian goddess of . aliputra is said there to be Bi-lu-chi or Bi-lu-tuo (L EVI Pat 1905b, p. 265). It is tempting to see this as a deformation of the same name caused by an inadvertent inversion of the last two syllables. But I am not qualied to judge the matter. See, e.g., Picumata f. 19r23 (4.254c256): guhyakadyam . tato vaks . ye namato

463

464

193

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

context outside this text-passage and its derivatives. Thus, for example, the Ni sisam (4.1013), covering Kolagiri (Kolhapur) and Jayant , reads: . cara
<m a yonisam 10 kolagiry a karal | . bhava . > mahalaks . m kalar up a sthita dev dan subh s .d . ahasta . an .a 11 tasmin ks devi parvatagrasam a srita | . etre sthita agniketi ca vikhyatah . ks mahatape . etrapalo <m 12 jayantya > dantur a yoni < r > jv al amukhe ti vi sruta | . khad sthita devi sarvasattvabhayam . gahasta . kar 13 tasmin ks etre sthit a devi nimbavr ks asam a s rit a | . . . mahaprete ti vikhyatas tasmin ks . etre mahabalah . ff. 16v417r3 13a tasmin ks Cod. . etre corr. : tasmim . ks . etra

and the corresponding passage in the Vajrad (18.1214) reads: . aka


. mahalaks a yonisam 12 kollagiryam karal | . bhava . m karalar up a sthita devi vikr catibh s . ta . an .a 13 tasmin nagare sthita cogra parvatagrasam a srita |465 varn 255 rakta karal *can a (corr. : can am . Cod.) . atas tatha .d . akhy .d . akhy mahocchus tathaiva ca | ucchus ani guhyakan am . na sam ayah . ma . matantre nam .s . 256 karal a dantura caiva bh mavaktra mahabal a | guhyakanucar a hy etah . kim . karyo nukramen . a tu Next I shall explain the [retinue] that begins with the giving their names and colours. In [this scripture,] the Ucchus Guhyakas, . matantra, are, without doubt, Rakta, Karal , Can a the names of the Guhyakas .d . akhy Karal a, Dantura, Bh and Mahabal . ), and Mahocchus mavaktra, a: (/Can .d . ma. . aks these are respectively their attendant servants. The Ucchus . matantra is the Picumata itself (f. 185r4: ity ucchus . sam . matantre picumate nad . carapat . alah . s . at . are also trim atimah .s . ). The four secondary goddesses that attend the Guhyakas . s. I have not emended can is called their Dut am . , because although Can .d . aks .d . akhy the standard form of the name there are several other places in this text in which a. the goddess is called Can .d . akhy Both the Ni sisam and the Vajrad read parvatagrasam a srita (rDo rje mkha . cara . aka gro f. 49r7: ri yi rtse mor brten te gnas) on a hilltop here. This is surprising because what we expect is a reference to the sites sacred tree, as in the parallel expression nimbavr srita by a Nimba tree in the next verse. . ks . asama It is tempting to emend, therefore to parpat a srita in front of a Box . agrasam [tree], since this is so close to the transmitted reading. However, two consid erations oppose this: (1) in a passage on Kollagiri in the Picumata (f. 7r34 [3.8487]), which agrees in giving Mahalaks as the goddess, Agnika as the . m Ks and dan . etrapala, .d . ah . as the weapon, the sacred tree of the site is said to be a Vaibh taka (84 daks in ena likhen mantr mahaghoram | maharaudram . . . bhayavaham . s ma sanam a kollagir tatha 85 tatra dan madhye . tu namn .d . am . samalikhya vaibh takadrumam | nan avr . ks rn tatha 86 citibhih . asamak . am . kollagiryoparis . prajvalant bhih parivaritam | diks s caiva vidiks s ca bahis tasya . samantat . u . u mahaya se 87 tasyadhast al likhet padmam as tapatram .. . sakarn . ikam | agnikam . ks . tu mahalaks bhayavaham ); and (2) in the Kubjikamata s parallel . etrapalam . m version of this material Mahalaks is described as residing on a hill (22.25: ag. m

465

194

The Saiva Age agnimukheti vikhyatah . ks varananah . etrapalo . | amukh 14 jval ti vikhyat a | khad sthita ghora nimbavr srita | . ks . gahasta . asama ks mahak ayo mahavrate ti vi srutah . etrapalo . f. 42r24 13c vikhyatah . corr. : vikhyat a Cod. hastasthita Cod. 14b khad sthita em. : khad . gahasta . ga-

Moreover, this Buddhist parallel provides additional evidence of the direction of redaction through the state of verse 14. For it lacks the rst quarter, which contained information vital to the coherence of the passage, namely the amukh name of the site over which the goddess Jval presides and the goddess of the Picumata to whose family she is assigned. As a result of this error, commit ted either by a Buddhist redactor or inherited from a defective Saiva manuscript, what was originally the second quarter has become the rst. Aware that the metrical cadences required at the end of rst and second quarters of a verse in this metre are different the redactor has removed the resulting metrical blemish by substituting the synonym vikhyat a for vi sruta . But this was not enough, since to mend the unmetrical mess that resulted from the omission he would have had also to recast the quarters that follow. This was evidently beyond his competence or required more effort than he thought necessary. The result is a verse with ve quarters (a, a, b, a, b) or one and a half verses of which the rst half verse consists of a prior quarter without the posterior quarter required to complete it. As for the four sites found in the Vajrad s version but not in the . aka Ni sisam c ara , namely Ud d iy ana, J alandhara, Tibet, and Malava, there can be . .. little doubt that the presence of the third is the work of a Buddhist redactor, since Tibet had no religious signicance for the Saivas but much for the Buddhists from the eight century onwards. As for the other three, their presence might be explained by assuming that the direct source of the Vajrad s . aka passage was not the Ni sisam as we nd it in its single surviving Nepalese . cara manuscript but rather a closely related redaction either within another version of the Ni sisam , such as we nd in the paraphrases and citations of a work of . cara this name in the Tantraloka of Abhinavagupta and Jayarathas commentary,466
| kolagirye nikena samopetam . dan . nagaukasam mahalaks m .d . ahastam . m . naumi laks vivardhan m). The hypermetrical reading karalar up a in 12c, which was also . m that of the Tibetan translation (rDo rje mkha gro f. 49r6: gtsigs pai gzugs can), is no doubt an error for kalar up a , echoing karal a in the preceding quarter. akta See the paraphrase of the Ni sisam c ara s treatment of these twenty-four S . sacred sites in Tantraloka 15.8897b and the direct citations in Jayarathas commentary on these verses. These show a list that differs somewhat from that found in the Nepalese manuscripts. The latter has At Caritra, .t . ahasa,

466

195

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

or within some other Saiva source. However, this is improbable in the light of the Vajrad s treatments of all four of these sites. For what they have in . aka common is that they deviate from the pattern of the rest of the passage in that of Jalandhara, their presiding goddesses, Mahadev of Ud Can .d .d . iyana, . alin of Tibet, and Seka of Malava, Sahaja are not assigned to one or other of the eight goddesses of the Picumata. Instead, in the case of the rst three the redactor has lled in the text at these points by assigning them to the families (guhyakhy of Guhya ayonisam ), Soma (somasam . bhava . bhava), and Svayambhu (svayambhuyonisambhava ), and in the case of the fourth omitting to assign her to any deity.467 Why he chose these names is unknown to me. Only one is a goddess and not one of them is of any signicance in Tantric Buddhism, unless intended is that of the famous Svayambhucaitya the Svayambhu of Kathmandu. It seems likely that he supplied these names at random in order to maintain the compositional structure. In any case, since it would have been an easy task to insert names from among those of the eight goddesses that structure his Saiva source, it is evident that they meant nothing to him. The other list of sacred places appears in Laghu sam . vara 41.615. The verses rst list these places (68b) and then state the classes of Yogin s and other female supernaturals said to be present in them, though without covering them all.468 The Saiva source, or rather a later redactional variant of it, is seen in the following passage in the Tantrasadbhava :
and Kot Kolagiri, Jayant , Ujjayin , Prayaga, Varan vars kot . a, . a (/Dev .t . a) (the , Hatapura, Elapura, Gokarn svara, Naeight Ks . a, Maruke . etras); Viraja, Erud . . aliputra), and Pun gara (Pat ra, .d . dohas); and Parast . ravardhana (the eight Sam apur Pr , Chos Ks rika, May , Amr atike svara, and Rajagr .s .d . ha .t . hapura, Kun . . mara, . (the eight Upaks etras). The list in the redaction known to Abhinavagupta and . At an . as a, Jayaratha has Prayaga, Varan Jayant , Var , Kalinga, Kulut . a, .t . ahasa, a, Elapura, (the eight Ks Erud rapur , Na, Hal Ks and Lahul a . . etras); Viraja, . apur gara, May , and Marude sa (the eight Sam Nepala, . dohas); and Jalandhara, Hara, Mlecchadigdvaravr Ka sm ra, Gargika, tti, Kuruks etra, and Khet aka (the . . . eight Upasam . dohas). It is striking that this introduces a number of Himalayan re a (Kulu), Lahul (Lahul), Nepala, gions, namely Kulut a Ka sm ra, and also Gargika, if that refers to Garhwal. Mlecchadigdvaravr . tti the pass (?) to the region of the barbarians is also likely to refer to a location in the Himalaya or Hindu Kush. Vajrad f. 43r12 (18.43): *od *mahadev (corr. : mahadevi Cod.) . aka . yayane guhyakhy ayonisam | vajra sr a devya sughora divyarupin . ; f. . nkhaladhar . bhava 43r23 (18.45): jalandhare tu can jney a mudra kat tarikodyat a | soma.d . alin .. sambhava mahadevi sarvai svarya*pradayik a (em. : dayik a Cod.); f. 43r7v1 (18.55): bhot a makaradhvajadharin . | svayambhuyonisambhava . avis . aye sahajakhy saumyasy a divyarupin . ; f. 43v12 (18.57): malave tu tatha seka mudramud gara*dharin . (corr. : dharan . Cod.) | sadhak an am . *priya (corr. : praya Cod.) nityam . jasasvini prasasy ah . syuh . . A related system of thirty-two sacred sites is taught in Hevajra 1.6.1019, and, with some differences, in Mahamudr atilaka , Pat . ala 10 (ff. 17v120v5).

467

468

196

The Saiva Age

kulut ay am aran se sindhude se nage svare . ye 62 samudrakuks . sauras .. tre pretapuryam . himalaye | . yam ka ncy am . lampakavis kau sale sthale . aye kalinge 63 tri sakunis tatha caud upe ca malave | . re kamar dev kot te sudhar ame godavary as tat .. . e rbude 64 es ses . kanyah . striyo va klinnayonayah . u de . u yah . | sarvas tah . kamar upin . yo manoveganuvr . ttayah . 65 s es samutpannah . s akinyo ghoramatarah . es . u yas . | s ay am . aran se ca matar ah . . ad . yoginyah . kulut . ye 66 sindhude se bhaginyas tu nage se kulanayik ah . | samudrakuks . kampilyah .. tre gr . . hadevatah . yam . sauras 67 pretapuryam . mahak alyo rupin . yo himavadgirau | ka ncy am ambah . samakhy at a lampakavis . . tah . aye mr 68 kalinge vratadharin . yah sale pi sita sanah . | . kau cakravaky ah . sthale proktas tri sakunyamar ah . smr . . tah 69 de sadvaye ca s akinyo nayik a v ranayik a <h .>| ... 126 ya s cany a s ca vinirdis ta raudra bhairavamatarah .. . |
469 mahamanth anarudras tu tas am . man .d . alanayakah .

ff. 109v5110r1, 111v1 (16.61c69a, 16.126) 62a samudrakuks . corr. : samudrakuks Cod. 62c ka ncy am . em. : kam . yam . ya . cya Cod. 63a caud sakunyamar ah . . re corr. : cod . re Cod. 64a es . u em. : es . a Cod. 68b tri conj. [Ai sa Sandhi for tri sakunyam amarah . ] : trisam ah . Cod. . yamar

The corresponding passage of the Laghu sam . vara is not present in the incomplete Sanskrit manuscript accessible to me, since the folios that contained it, covering 38.13c to the end of Pat . ala 44, are among those it lacks. But it can be restored with some condence, except in the matter of the presence or absence of a few particles, by combining the evidence of the Tibetan translation,470 the
469

470

The fact that the text of 69ab and 126 are contiguous in the Buddhist version indi cates that the Saiva text on which it drew was not the Tantrasadbhava , at least not in its surviving redaction, but an earlier source to which 69c125, which contain a further, much longer list of Sthanayogin s and their classication as belonging to the families of one or other of the seven Mothers (sapta matr . kulani ), have been added. The alternative, that the Buddhist redactor removed this section because he had no use for this list and its scheme of classication, is not impossible. However, it seems unlikely that in that case he would have taken the special trouble of retaining 126. It is not needed to complete the sense and proved awkward to integrate because he had it in what was evidently an already corrupted form. bDe mchog nyung ngu, f. 238v15 (= Laghu sam . vara 41.615): kuluta dang dgon pa dang | si ndhui yul dang grong khyer dbang | gser gyi gling dang sau ra s ta | de .. bzhin lha yi khyim dang ni | yi dags grong dang kha bai gnas | ka nci am la mpa ka yi yul | ka li ngga dang ko sa la | tri sha ku ne o tre dang | ka ma ru pa ma la wa lha moi mkhar dang ra mai dbang | go da ba ri a rbu da | au d la ndhar dang . ya na dza

197

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

lemmata in the surviving Sanskrit commentaries, and a rewriting of parts of the passage in the Vajrad :471 . aka
41.6 kulatay am . aran se nagare svare | . ye ca sindhude ca gr suvarn pe sauras .. tre tatha . adv . hadevata pretapuryam . himalaye 7 ka ncy am . lampakavis c[aiva] kosale | . aye kalinge tri sakunis tatha od upe [ca] malave . re kamar 8 dev kot te rame svare godavary am . [tatha ]rbude | .. .u od alandharapull ramalayadis .d . iyanaj 9 etes ses ya v radvayavy apin | . u de . u kanya sarvas tah . kamar upin . yo manoveganivr . ttayah . 10 s am . marude se ca matar ah . | . ad . yoginyah . kulatay sindhude se [ca] lam as tu nagare kulanayik ah . | 11 lampake sauras .. tre kuladevatah . | pretapuryam . mahak alyo d saha rupin . . akin 12 himagirau ka ncy am . sabalik ah . | panc alavis . aye gr . hadevata 13 kalinge vratadharin . yah sale pi sita sanah . | . ko pretapuryam . vajrad svare . akyah . sthale 14 tri sakunyam . [ca] amarah . pull ramalaye | kanakagirau antyajah . striyah . y ekavim atih . sahasran .s .

471

| pu ll ra ma la ya sogs | yul di dag gi bu mo gang | dpa bo gnyis med rnal byor ma | de kun dod pai gzugs can te | yid kyi shugs kyis jug pa yis | rnal byor ma drug ku lu tar | myang ma yul na ma mo rnams | si ndhui yul na la ma ste | rigs kyi gtso mo na ga rar | la mpa ka dang sau ra s tra | rigs kyi lha mo rnams yin no | yi dags grong .. dang nags chen por | mkha gro ru pi ka ru bcas | kha bai ri dang ka ncir ni | byis bcas ma ru bshad pa ste | pa nca la yi yul dag na | khyim gyi lha mo ka li nggar | brtul zhugs dzin pa rnams yin no | ko sa lar ni sha za ba | yi dags grong du de bzhin du | rdo rje mkha gro sbom dbang phyug | tri sha ku ner du ma skyes ma | pu li ra ma la ya de bzhin | gser rir sme sha can rigs skyes | bud med stong phrag nyi shu gcig | lhag ma gzhan dag ji snyed pa | dpal ldan he ru ka yi ni | khor loi rnal byor ma yin no | he ru ka dpal sbyor ba che de yi dkyil khor gtso mo yin. Vajrad f. 41v36 (18.3c10b): s ah . mlecchabhas . am . aka . ad . yoginyas tu sadhak . tu bhas . itam | 18.4 kulatay am . tu marude se ca ya matar ah . sindhau ca nagare *ca yah . (corr. : carya Cod.) kulanayik ah . | 18.5 lampake sauras .. tre ya <h . . > kuladevatah | himagirau *ka ncy am . yah . sabalik ah . (em. : ka nc ay am . ya balik a Cod.) | 18.6 panc ala gr am . ya kanya sahajarupin . | kalinge *ko sale (corr. : kau sale . hadevatay Cod.) caiva vratadharin . *pi sita sana (em. : pisitasin a Cod.) | 18.7 pretapuryam . tri sakunau ca sthule svar khan d a*rohik a (em. : rohit a Cod.) sthit a | * p urn agirau .. . (corr. : pun can ah . striyah upe .n . agirau Cod.) jalandhare .d . alaj . | 18.8 od . re kamar ca mahakany ah . devikot svare ca ya kanya mata | *godavary am arbude ca . e rame (corr. : godavary am . bude va Cod.) d parame svar | 18.9 suvarn pa<m . akin . adv .> *yathoddis t am (corr. : yathodhis t am Cod.) ud y ayanam tathaiva ca | etes u de s es .. . .. . . . . .u ya kanya v radvayavy apin | 18.10 sarvas tah . kamar upin . yo *manoveganivr . ttayah . (corr. : manovegonivr . ttayah . Cod.).

198

The Saiva Age 15 anyapi s es s ca yavatyah r herukasya yogin | . a . s mahamanth ana tas am . man a .d . alanayik The words within square brackets are purely conjectural T ESTIMONIA: BhBh = Bhavabhat .t . a ad loc.; DG = Devagupta ad loc.; JBh = Jaya bhadra ad loc.; KP = Kambalapada ad loc.; Tib. = bDe mchog nyung ngu; VD . = Vajrad aka f. 41v36 (18.3c10b). . L EMMATA: 6a kulatay am ityadin a BhBh aran . JBh 6d . yam . marubhumih gr lopat BhBh 8a aran . o rame svarah alan . hadevateti saptam . JBh 8cd od .d . iyanaj dharapull ramalaya adibh ut a yes . ta od alandharapull ramalayadayo . am .d . iyanaj rbudadayah ramalayo na nirdis tah ses . BhBh; pull .. . JBh 9ab etes . u de . u KP, BhBh, VD y a kany a v r advayavy apin VD , BhBh, KP; bu mo gang dpa bo gnyis med . . rnal byor ma (ya kanya v radvayayogin ) Tib.; 9c kamar upin . ya iti BhBh, VD . 9d manoveganivr . ttaya iti BhBh, KP, VD . 10a s . . ad . yoginyah . BhBh, KP, JBh, VD 10b marude se BhBh, KP mat ar a iti BhBh; matarah asy ady ah . JBh 10ab . kak kulatay am . marude se ca matarety adi KP, VD as tv iti JBh; lam a iti BhBh . 10c lam 10d kulanayik ah . JBh, BhBh 11ab la mpa ka dang sau ra s tra Tib.; lampake .. sauras .. tre ya <h . VD am . sauras .. tre kuladevatah . BhBh; 11c . ; lampay . > kuladevatah mahak alo mahabhairavah . mahakany a d saharupin . ti . 11cd pretapuryam . akin BhBh; d bhir iti saharthe tr ya | kim abhih . yah . ty . t . akin . bhut . saha | rupin . | rupin anya rupin . ya s cumbikasab alik aprabhr ah . saha rupin . bhir iti . tayah . thagbhut . pr dras tavyah . 12ab himagirau ka ncy am . sabalik a iti BhBh 12cd panc alavis .. . aye | gr hadevat a gr hadevat ay am BhBh; pa nc ala iti JBh 13a ka li nggar | brtul zhugs . . dzin pa rnams yin no (kalinge vratadharin . yah ca vratadharin . yah . ) Tib.; kalinge . BhBh 13b ko sale pi sita sanah . BhBh 13cd pretapuryam . vajrad . akinyah . BhBh 14bcd pull ramalaye kanakagirav iti | ihantyaj ah . striyah . y ekavim atir . | sahasran .s iti bahulyas ucan artham BhBh; sahasran . y ekavim s atir iti KP 15ab s es anyes . . .u yavatyah r herukacakrayogin tyadi KP, BhK (lhag ma gzhan dag ji snyed . s pa | dpal ldan he ru ka yi ni | khor loi rnal byor ma yin no), DG (lhag ma gzhan rnams ji snyed pa | dpal ldan he ru ka yi ni | khor loi rnal byor ma yin no); s es iti | s r herukasya yogin ti prathamabahuvacanalope . anyes . u hi yavantya BhBh; anya api s es s ca devatyah r herukayoginyah . a . s . JBh (cf. DG: lha mo gzhan dag ji snyed pa | dpal ldan he ru ka yi ni | zhes bya ba la sogs pa smos so | ji ltar zhen | he ru ka yi sbyor chen las | de yi dkyil khor gtso mo yin | zhes bya ba la sogs pa la) 15cd mahamanth ana iti s r herukasya manthanayogy ah . | tas am iti nirdharan .e s th | man a iti tricakravartinya s caturvim atir . as .. .d . alanayik .s d anam ayasvar upatvam upayo va | tenanvitah . akinyah . JBh; mahamanth . prajnop . s r herukah praj n ar upah tasya sam bandhin n am t as am madhye man d alan ayik a . . . . . .. vajravar ah samapanneti bhavah . | mahamanth anam nirm an am nirvibhaktikam . . . . | tas am . nirman . am r herukenaiva sam r herukamahamudr a . s . padyam . yatah . | s man kecit BhBh .d . alanayiketi

In the Buddhist version the total of twenty-one sites has been raised by the addition of Od Jalandhara, and Pull ramalaya at the end of the rst sec.d . iyana, tion (8cd). The reason for the addition is not made explicit in the Laghu sam . vara rya to itself; but the fourth Pat s from Mahav . ala had listed twenty-four Yogin 472 Pracan and in the ritual system followed by the commentators and the .d . a;
472

Laghu sam bhuvanani . vara f. 4v46: *tato (J AYABHADRA : tatah . Cod.) d . akinyo vijr rya cakravartin mahabal a suv ra cakravarmin | . mbhayanti | 4.1 mahav .

199

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

corpus of explanatory Tantras the sacred sites, as we have seen, are likewise twenty-four because each is the location of one of these Yogin s. We have evidence of two stages in the modication of the text that produced this result. For the earlier redaction, attested by Jayabhadra, states that Pull ramalaya is not mentioned in this passage but must be understood to be included.473 It is clear then that his text mentioned only Od and Jalandhara in addition to the .d . iyana twenty-one of the Saiva source. Jayabhadra does not cite the actual wording of the insertion, and no other indications allow us to establish it. However, it is unlikely that the redactor took the trouble of stretching his interpolation of

473

s aun khan cakravega khaganan a 2 haya*karn (corr. : varn Cod.) .d . in .d . aroha .a .n .a subhadra ca * syam adev (corr. : syam athav Cod.) tathaiva ca | surabhaks vayuveg a . tatha mahabhairav a 3 airavat drumacchay a lanke svar kharvar tatha | v ramat mahan as a prabhavat caiva can . pracan ca sadhakah . siddhas tu vai .d . aks .d .a . 4 etah t purvam ati d . ha, though . caturvim .s . akinyah . . This list too has parallels in the Vidyap I have found only partial matches. Thus the Yogin sam of Jayadrathayamala , . cara S at ka 3, gives the following list of twenty-four Yogin s whose names when ut. . tered draw in the Sma sanabh utas (f. 202r57 [9.5861]): s arabhan <an>a suv ra ca vajribha *rasabh a (conj. : rasibh a Cod.) tatha | *cakravart (corr. : cakravarti aun (em. : paun Cod.) ca *s Cod.) ca khad mahatap a 59 cakravega .d . . gakarn .a .d . gajakarn mahay amy a subhadra | cara vai somadev ca gavaks . vayuvegag a . ika as a dam 60 airavat mahan tral ca sukarka sa | vedhan ca tatha bhat ta .s .. .. dron kakenak a tatha 61 yatra nam ani yog nam uccaryante mahatape | tatra .a s ma sanabh ut a s ca sam . nidhyam <n>ti tatks . The eight names in bold char. ya . an . at acters are those that are among the twenty-four of the Laghu sam . vara. Compare Khad also the names Sarabh anan a, gakarn a, Gajakarn ik a, and Somadev with the . . . am Laghu sam vara s Khag anan a, Hayakarn a, and Sy adev . The names of four of . . the Laghu sam vara s D akin s are found among the fourteen inner goddesses of the . . their four Dutis, Picumata, i.e., the four Guhyakas, and the six Yogin s, namely Mahabal (the fourth Dut ), and Cakravega and . (the third Guhyaka), a Can .d . aks as a (the fth and sixth Yogin Mahan s). For the rst eight see 4.254c256 cited here p. 193. For the six Yogin s see f. 19r3 (4.257): kros tuk vijaya caiva gajakarn .. .a appears mahan as a s mahamukh | cakravega rtitah . . Suv ra . ad . yoginyah . prak as one of the eight in Kubjikamata 21.45c and Matasara f. 138r1, Khaganan a aktasiddh of the Kal kula/Krama, Lanke svar S as in Matasara f. 81r1 as one of eight Yogin s in a variant of the inner retinue of the Picumata, and Prabhavat in Kubjikamata 11.115a and 12.23b. . ha, Yogaratnamal See here p.158. Kan a on Hevajra 1.7.12, identies Pull ramalaya . agiri and that appears in its place in listings of these sacred places in with Purn later texts of the Cakrasam . vara cycle, as in Sam . varodaya 9.14. In the treatment of the thirty-two sacred sites of the Hevajra system in the tenth Pat . ala of the . agiri and Pull Mahamudr atilaka we nd Purn ra denoting the same place (f. 17r5 . agiri v1: od . tham akhy atam . p . tham . tham s . tam | p . iyanam . p . jalandharam . smr . purn caiva kamar upam tathaiva ca . . . f. 18r12: s irasi sthitam vajrap t ham s ikh ay am . . . . . jadisam | pull ram kamar upakam ). On the . jnitam . bhrumadhye . mastake jneyam akta . agiri, in the Deccan, see S ANDERSON 2007a, pp. 298299. In S location of Purn Saiva sources it is one of the principal P t . has and is often referred to, but never under the name Pull ramalaya/Pull ra.

200

The Saiva Age

the names of these two places to ll a whole line (8cd).474 The later reading, od alandharapull ramayadis . u, attested by the Tibetan translation and .d . iyanaj by the lemmata in the commentaries of Bhavyak rti and Bhavabhat .t . a, supplies the missing Pull ramalaya and, incidentally, is an almost metrical half-verse: its rst half (od alandhara ) is unmetrical, but the second is not, and together .d . iyanaj they provide the required total of sixteen syllables. As for the meaning of the in sertion, ordinary usage suggests that it is Od Jalandhara, Pull ramalaya, .d . iyana, and others. But that would not sit well with the closed list of twenty-four Yogin s to which the sacred places were required to correspond. Thus it has been interpreted by Bhavabhat Jalandhara, and .t . a to mean beginning with Od .d . iyana, Pull ramalaya, this compound with its locative plural ending being read as qualifying the twenty-one sites, each listed in the common text with actual or virtual locative singular endings. Thus we have twenty-four Yogin s in twenty-four sites. All that was needed to make this t the system known to the commentators was to claim that the Laghu sam . vara is deliberately concealing the true order of the 475 items, both the names of the Yogin s in Pat and the names of the sacred . ala 4 sites in Pat Jalandhara, . ala 41. For in their system that order is not Od .d . iyana, to Arbuda, as the and Pull ramalaya followed by the twenty-one from Kuluta Laghu sam . vara itself indicates, but the added three in reverse order followed by the twenty-one in reverse order, with the order of the Yogin s also reversed, so in Pull rya in Arthat the true sequence is from Pracan ramalaya to Mahav .d .a buda.476
474

475

476

The frequent deviations from correct metrical form in this corpus create the impression that the redactors were largely indifferent to this aspect of composition, happily inserting and deleting without feeling the need to rewrite the result to conform to the rules of the Anus .t . ubh metre. The alternative, that they lacked not the inclination but the ability to do so, seems to me less likely. In the texts of the t Saiva Vidyap . ha, even when the Sanskrit is of a register well below that of the learned, the metrical structure is generally sound. Indeed since we nd forms from both learned and scriptural (Ai sa) registers used in the same texts it seems that by drawing on both the redactors were not only asserting that their compositions were divine rather than human utterances but also making the task of metrical composition easier for themselves by using an Ai sa form that tted the metre when the Paninian would not, as, for example, in the case of the not infrequent use of Ai sa genitives plural in -am in place of the Paninian -an am . On the passage listing the twenty-four Yogin s/D s in Pat . akin . ala 4 Jayabhadra comments (Cakrasam a , p. 115): tricakravyavasthitan am . d nam . pr . thak . varapanjik . akin pr tha n n am ani kathyante | mah av ryety adin a vilomena kathitam The names of . each of the D s that occupy the three circuits are now taught. This has been . akin rya [and ending with Pracan done in the reverse order, beginning with Mahav .d . a]. rya is the last and Pracan the rst, the order of their The order in which Mahav .d .a ritual application, is, however, indicated later in the text, in f. 35r7 (48.13): yoginyah . pracan tatha . .d . adayas Bhavabhat a , f. 126v13 (Ed. p. 547): od alandhara .t . a, Cakrasam . varapanjik .d . iyanaj

201

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

Most of the few other differences between the version in Laghu sam . vara 41 and that seen in the Saiva source are of little signicance. But there is one that is more revealing. The Tantrasadbhava has Sthala between Kosala and Tri sakuni (16.62c63b: ka ncy am . lampakavis kau sale sthale . aye kalinge | tri sakunis tatha caud upe ca malave ), whereas the Laghu sam . re kamar . vara lacks it (41.7: ka ncy am . lampakavis aye kali nge c[aiva] kosale | tri s akunis . .t tatha od re k amar upe [ca] m alave ), and instead between Sauras . . ra and Pre (41.6: kulatay tapur has Gr am . aran se nagare svare . hadevata . ye ca sindhude ca gr pretapuryam | suvarn pe sauras .. tre tatha . himalaye ), . adv . hadevata which the Tantrasadbhava lacks (16.61c62b: kulut ay am aran ye s e sindhude s e . nage svare | samudrakuks . sauras .. tre pretapuryam . himalaye ). Two features . yam are immediately obvious here. The rst is that the additional words tatha ca gr have been added to an otherwise metrically correct verse with the . hadevata result that it has ve Padas rather than the required four, with the fourth and fth both with the cadence restricted to the second and fourth Padas of the Anus .t . ubh, thus crudely violating the required metrical alternation of evenly and unevenly numbered Padas that is hallmark of this metre. The second is that meaning household deity is a most implausible place name. The Gr . hadevata, key to the mistake, which became a permanent part of the ritual system of the Cakrasam . vara cycle, is in the second part of the passage in the version of the Tantrasadbhava , which tells the reader the classes of supernaturals that are present in the sacred sites. For there gr . household deities are said to . hadevatah .t .t be present in Sauras ., . hadevatah . ra in a verse in which the items Sauras . ra, gr and Pretapur are stated in that order (16.66c67b: samudrakuks . kampilyas . yam .. sauras tre gr hadevat ah | pretapury am mah ak alyo r upin yo himavadgirau In . . . . .t in Pretapur al s, Kampil s, in Sauras Mahak Samudrakuks . hadevatas, . ra Gr . . in Himalaya Rupin s). Evidently the redactor has read the sequence sauras .. tre gr . pretapuryam . as though these were three sites rather than one site . hadevatah followed by its resident supernaturals and another site. Probably his manuscript read gr rather than gr . and he took it as a stem-form to be un. hadevata . hadevatah derstood as locative, a licence of kind seen elsewhere in both the Laghu sam . vara and its Saiva sources, as, apparently, in the unmetrical insertion that this pretapuryam error prompted: suvarn pe sauras .. tre tatha ca gr . . adv . hadevata himalaye . Bhavabhat in that . hadevata .t . a duly comments on the occurrence of gr
pull ramalaya adibh ut a yes . ta od alandharapull ramalayadayo rbuda . am .d . iyanaj dayah ah . | bhava s cayam . *pull ramalayam adim . (Cod. : pull ramalayadim . . kulatant Ed.) kr jalandharaud arbud adis . u sant ty upade sartham vyatikrama. tva .d . iyan nirde sah | etena man d ale s ar re ca pull ramalay adis u yogin ny asah . .. . . kathitah .; ff. 126v6127r1 (Ed. p. 547) pull ramalayadis . u pracan OM . KARA KARA .d . adaya . H UM . PHAD PRACAN a bhavy ah .. . E H UM . ityadimantraj .D

202

The Saiva Age

part of the passage with the words gr lopat [We have the . hadevateti saptam form] gr hadevat a [here] because zero has been substituted for the ending of the . locative. The direction of redaction is also unmistakeable in the passage of the Laghu sam . vara (1.154.1) (B) that prescribes the ritual of initiation. This has evidently been redacted on the basis a Saiva source of which an expanded variant is seen in 8.328 of the Yogin sam (A) redacted in the Jayadrathayamala : . cara
A 8.3 girigahvaraguhyes .u B 1.15 girigahvarakunjes .u

mahodadhitat . es . u ca adisiddhe s ma sane va alikhen man d alam s ubham .. .

mahodadhitat . es . u va adisiddhe s ma sane ca tatra man d alam alikhet .. iti herukabhidh ane man arapat .d . alavat . alah . prathamah .

8.4 s ma sanabhasman a mi sram . kapilagomayam ubham . s raktodakavimisren .a tena bhumim pralepayet .

8.5 s ma sanabhasma sam . hya . gr s ma sane s tadalam ubham .. . s s ma san a ng arac urn . am . tu trirekham . man .d . alam . likhet 8.6 ekahastam . dvihastam . va caturas t akaram tath a .. . Cf. B 2.12cd sutrayed rudhiraktena s avasutren . a sutradhr .k Cf. B 2.11cd.

2.1 tatra panagomayena man pralepayet .d . alabhumi s ma sanabhasman a yuktam . panc amr . tasamanvitam 2.2 upalipya tato bhumim . tatra man .d . alam arabhet s ma sanam . tu samacaret 2.3 cityang arac urn . ena s ma sanes .. takasam . yutam alikhen man d alam .. . divyam . ac aryah susalaks an . . . ah .

8.7 akrodhano s ucir daks .o ac aryo jn anap aragah . kapalam al abharan .o raudrabhasmavagun thitah .. .

2.4 samyagjn anatantraj nah . s r herukamantrajnah . akrodhanah ucir daks . s .o yogajno jn anap aragah . 2.5 kapalakr . tamurdhajah . bhasmanulipt a ngah .

203

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

8.8 pancamudr avratadharo bhairava ngair vibhus . itah . mahabh ut astraj alena samantat parives titam .. 8.9 alikhen man .d . alavaram . ghorasiddhipradayakam

sam matrair vibhus . itagatrah . bhavan .

catura sram . . caturdvaram

madhye padmavibhus . itam 8.10 as tapatram .. . tu tat padmam . karn ik adhis t hitam s ubham . .. . tasya madhye nyased devi bhairavam mavikramam . bh 8.11 daks in abhimukham ptam . . . d . bh marupam bhay avaham .

tasyagratah dev . sthita aghora ghoravikrama 8.12 bhairavabhimukh am . kruddham . raudrarup am . nyaset tatah . ... 8.19c tatah is prave sayet . s . yan sopavas a n s uc n snat an arcayed uttaramukh an 8.20 kapalena s irah tva .s . spr .. sam . hr . daye nyaset . put . am khat ngena tu sarva ng an . va alabhet putrakasya tu

mudramantrair alam . tam . kr 2.11 alikhen man .d . alam . ghoram . mahasiddhiprad ayakam tato mr .a . takasutren maharudhirara njitena va Cf. A 8.6cd 2.12 sutrayen man .d . alam . ghoram . herukasya param puram . ekahastam tam . catur as .. . ca Cf. A 8.6ab caturasram . tu samantatah . 2.13 caturdvarasam ak rn . am . catustoran . itam . abhus vicared dvigun . am . mantr yajed d akin j ala s am varam . . 2.14 tasya madhye pratis thapya .. sapatram . karn . ikojjvalam pus s ca kesaranvitam . karai . 2.15 karn ik ay am nyased v ram . . . mahabhairava bh s . an . am tejaskam pta ngam . tu sud at t at t ah asamah aravam .. .. 2.16 kapalam al abharan . am . divyam . trinetram . caturmukham hasticarmavaruddham . ca vajrasam bhinnasabhruvam . 2.17 khat ngakr . tahastam . va . tu s atamal ardhabh us . itam tasyagratah . dev m . sthitam . vajravar ah m . sughoram 2.18 mahabhairav abhimukh am . kr tu . tva trimukh m raudrar upin m . . ...

204

The Saiva Age

8.21 agrato vadayed ghan tam . .. pat ah m d amarum tath a . . . .

vastracchannamukham . devi pus njalidharam . pa . tatha 8.22 pradaks in kr tya puram . . . .

daks urtim a sritah . in . am . tato dav apayet pus p an . devasyopari putrakam 8.23 yasmim . s tat patate pus . pam . tat tasya kulam adi set

hr . nmantraparijaptena tilakan tes . u karayet 8.24 raktena dar sayet tasya mukham udghat . ya man .d . alam yad yasya devatasth anam . tat sarvam sayet . tasya dar 8.25 samaya n s ravayitv a tu pran ipatya puram guroh . . . su sravya purvavidhin a sam . siddhaputrakanvitam 8.26 gurum sam p ujya vidhivad . . vitta sat . hyavivarjitah .

3.2 ghan tan adam alambya .. pus padh upair alam . tam . . kr ghan tam . vadayet susvaram . .. pat ahik am v api s adhakah . . 3.3 hah ak aram . ca karayet evam vidhivat pujya man .d . alam . sarvakamikam 3.4 sam ch adya pat . . avastren .a mukham tes am tu putrak am . . . pus .a njalim . papurn . praks . ipet 3.5 pradaks in am ca tatah . tva . . . . kr sadhakah susam ahitah . . prave sayet tat puravaram . ramyam . daks urtim a sritya . in . am 3.6 pus njalin tatah . pa . ks . ipet man d alasyopari .. yasmin patati tat pus . pam . kulam tatra vinirdi s et . 3.7 s r herukadip . tha dar sayet tatah mudram . pujayen ac aryah . susamahitah . 3.8 s is y an an tu dvit ye ahani . . raktena trijaptena tilakam . tasya karayet mukham udghat . ya s is . yam . dar sayen man d alam tatah .. . . 3.9 yad yasya devatasth anam . tatra tam . dar sayet samyak pran scad . ipatya tatah . pa

3.11 tatas tu gurave dadyat tathagatoktadaks . in . am ... 3.15c tatas tasya tus . yanti

pragr mantran . hya kulajan vratam .s ca samayam . s tatha 8.27 tavad ar adhayed devi yoginyo mataro gurum

d yogamatar ah . . akinyo d lamaya s caiva . akinyo khan tu rupin . .d . aroha

matr . dutyo vratam .s caiva yavadantam kramen . . a tu

205

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

8.28 ar adhanakram ad yati tris as t icaru s odhitah . .. . bhairav bhuvana devi sarva saktibhir avr . tah . A PPARATUS C RITICUS OF A

4.1 tato d bhuvanani . akinyo vijr rya . mbhayanti mahav

Codd. : A ff. 286v2; B ff. 182r4; C ff. 166v3; D ff. 200r2; E ff. 183v7. 8.3c adisiddhe s ma sane B : adisiddhai s ma sanair ACDE 8.7a akrodhano em. : s akrodhano Codd. 8.10d bhairavam Codd. 8.11d vikrama . em. : bhairav em. : vikraman AC : vikramam . B : vikramat DE. Cf. Picumata 1.2d: aghor bh mavikrama 8.19d uttaramukh an em. : uttaramukham C : uttaram . mukham ABDE 8.20b sam . corr. : sam Codd. 8.20c sarva ng an em. : sarva ng a . put . am . put .a ACD : sarva ngo B 8.21a vadayed conj. : vadaye Codd. 8.21b pat m . ah . em. : pat . aho Codd. d . amarum . em. : d . amaras Codd. 8.21d dharam . em. : varam . Codd. 8.22d putrakam em. : putrakah Codd. 8.25a samay a n em. : samayam . . Codd. s ravayitv a B:s ravayitv as Codd. 8.25d sam conj. . siddhaputrakanvitam : sam . vitam A : sam . citam BCDE 8.28a . siddham . putrakam . siddham . putrakam ar adhana conj. : aropana Codd. kramad yati conj. : kramaprapti Codd. A PPARATUS C RITICUS OF B Cod.: f. 2r3. T ESTIMONIA : AbhU = Abhidhanottara 46.1057 (A f. 146r6 [<Laghu sam rti ad loc.; IBh .t . a ad loc.; BhK = Bhavyak . vara 2.1]); BhBh = Bhavabhat =S a ad loc.; JBh = Jayabhadra ad loc.; SV svatavajra ad loc.; Tib. = = Indrabhuti bDe mchog nyung ngu; VV = V ravajra ad loc. 1.15c adisiddhe BhBh : adisiddha Cod. 2.1a tatra panagomayena Cod. AbhU, (chu dang ba byung blangs water and cow dung) : *tatrap BhBh, SV atagomayena Tib. (der ni lci ba ma lhung bas), BhK (de la lci ba ma ltung bas) 2.1b pralepayet Cod., AbhU : upalepayet BhBh 2.3a cityang ara BhBh : citya ng ara Cod. : cityang araka AbhU 2.3b sam . yutam conj. (= AbhU); cf. Picumata 5.116cd: kakavis ta samad aya s ma sanes .. takasam .. . yutam) : sam . yuktam . Cod. 2.4a samyagjn anatantraj nah . Cod., BhBh : samyagjn anes . u tattvajnah . AbhU 2.4c akrodhanah s ca Cod. BhBh 2.11d maharudhirara njitena . JBh AbhU : akrodha va Cod., Tib. (de nas sems med srad bu am | ru di ra ni chen pos brlan) maharudhir a njitena va BhBh : maharudhirara njitam AbhU, Tib. 2.13d yajed JBh : japed Cod. : pujayed BhBh, Tib. (mkha gro dra bai bde mchog mchod) 2.17c tasyagratah . dev m . sthitam . JBh, BhBh, Tib. (de mdun gnas pai lha mo ni) : tasyali ngat asthit a dev Cod. 2.18a mahabhairav abhimukh am . kr . tva tu JBh : mahabhairav abhimukh m AbhU, VV ( rab jigs byed che la phyogs ) : . s r herukabhimukh am . kr tu Cod. BhBh : *maha sr herukabhimukh m . tva . Tib. (he ru ka dpal che la phyogs) : * sr herukajn an abhimukha (he ru ka dpal ye shes phyogs ni IBh 3.2c vadayet Cod. : nadayet BhBh 3.3a pujya BhBh : sampujya Cod. 3.4b putrakam . em. [Ai sa gen. pl.; =AbhU] : putrakan BhBh : putrakan am . Cod. 3.7a s r herukadip . tha BhBh (s r herukadip . theti dvit yalope ): s r herukadim . p . than Cod. 3.7bc tatah mudram ac aryah . pujayen . susamahitah . BhBh, Tib. (de nas slob dpon legs par ni | mnyam par bzhag ste phyag rgya mchod): tatah mudrac aryah mudram . pujayen . susamahitah . Cod. : tato hi pujayet ac aryah mudram . svamudram . susamahitah . susamahitah . AbhU : tatah . pujayen . JBh 3.9a yad yasya JBh, BhBh : yo yasya Cod., AbhU.

206

The Saiva Age

Here we see several tell-tale signs. In the Buddhist version the disciples undergoing the initiation are referred to as putrakah . (3.4ab: sam . cchadya pat . tu putrakam . Having covered the faces of those . avastren . a mukham . tes . am disciples with a piece of cloth), a term that is standard in this technical sense in the Saiva literature but to my knowledge appears with it nowhere else in Buddhist Tantric sources. In 2.15 the installation of the main deity in the centre of the initiation Man am . nyased v ram .d . ala is described as follows: karn . ikay . mahabhairava bh s . an . am On the pericarp [at the centre of the lotus diagram] he should install the terrifying V ra Mahabhairava. The Saiva version (8.10cd) has tasya madhye nyased devi bhairavam mavikramam O Dev , in the centre of that [lotus] he . bh should install Bhairava of terrible might. But for this parallel we might have been tempted to read the Buddhist version not as mahabhairava bh s . an . am . , with mahabhairava as a stem-form substituted for the accusative mahabhairavam . for metrical convenience, a common licence in this register of the language, but as mahabhairavabh s . an . am, preferring a pleonasm most frightening [and] t terrible to a reading that shows the name of the deity of the Vidyap . ha, a clear sign of incomplete assimilation. The Saiva text follows this with tasyagratah . dev m aghoram . . sthitam ghoravikramam | bhairavabhimukh m . raudrarup am . nyaset tatah . kruddham . of frightening might standing before Then he should install the goddess Aghora him, facing Bhairava, furious and of terrible aspect. The Buddhist version rst inserts a description of some of the male deitys iconographic features and then returns to redact its Saiva exemplar as follows: tasyagratah . . sthitam dev m ah m | mahabhairav abhimukh am . kr tu trinetr m . tva . vajravar . sughoram . ah standing beraudrarupin . m [and] the most frightening goddess Vajravar fore him, three-eyed, of terrible aspect, making her face Mahabhairava. The Buddhist name of Herukas consort has been inserted but the redactor has not troubled to do the same for Heruka, leaving the Saiva name unchanged. The accessible Sanskrit manuscript does give the name of Heruka here, reading s r herukabhimukh am . kr tu, and this reading is supported by the commenta. tva (he ru ka dpal tors Bhavabhat t a ( s r heruk abhimukh am . kr ) and Indrabhuti . tva .. ye shes phyogs ni [* sr herukajn an abhimukha ]), and the Tibetan translation (he ru ka dpal che la phyogs [*maha sr herukabhimukha ]). But it is certain that this is a later improvement, because mahabhairav abhimukh am . kr tu is what . tva we nd in the older redaction attested in Jayabhadras commentary, and in the text as incorporated in the Abhidhanottara (mahabhairav abhimukh m . ). It is also supported by the commentary on the later form of the Laghu sam . vara by V ravajra, who gives rab jigs byed che la phyogs facing Mahabhairava here. 207

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

Further, in most places where a Buddhist imprint is visible the text becomes unmetrical. This is most economically explained by the hypothesis stated above477 that what we are seeing is a Saiva source after its redaction by a Buddhist with little concern for metrical accuracy.478 Finally, the Laghu sam . varas account of initiation is remarkably unBuddhist in its content. This is not so much because it adheres so closely to the structure and detail of the ceremony outlined in the Yogin sam , including . cara such distinctive details as the pitching of the lines of the Man .d . ala with a cord soaked with human blood and made from the hair or sinews of a corpse (2.11), the use of such substances as the ve nectars of the body (panc amr . tam) and the ash and powdered charcoal of cremation pyres on the ground of the Man .d . ala 479 (2.13), the beating of a drum in its worship (3.23), and the marking of the
477 478

479

See here p. 190. See 2.4ab: samyagjn anatantraj nah . s r herukamantrajnah . ; 2.13d: yajed d jala sam r herukadip . tha dar sayet. The reading . akin . varam; and 3.7a: s mahabhairav abhimukh am . kr tu (2.18a) probably represents a rst attempt to . tva differentiate the Buddhist version from its metrical Saiva prototype by adding maha . This substitution of inauspicious and dangerous substances in the preparation of t the Man .d . ala is a marked feature of accounts of initiation found in Vidyap . ha texts. See, e.g., Picumata f. 5v1 (3.12ab), concerning the Aghor man .d . ala): asthicurn . atadang araih alikhet puram The mantra-master should draw the . mantrajno Man d ala with powdered bone and charred bone; f. 5v6 (3.31ab): s ma sanotthena .. sutren . a sutrak aryam He should do the outlining with a cord from . tu karayet the cremation ground; f. 10r23 (3.184185): s ma sanotth ani bhan .d vas. ani trasutr adik ani tu | vastrai<r> dhvaja tu kartavya sutren . a karan tatha ke sair . darbha <n> yathany ayam *acchinnagr an (corr. : acchinnagr ah . Cod.) prakalpayet | ves tayen man .. .d . alam . tais tu astrajaptaih . samantatah . The vases, cloths and cords should be made with what has come from cremation grounds. With [funeral] shrouds he should make the banners and with threads [therefrom] the pitching cord. With the hair [of corpses] he should provide the uncut-ended stems of [protective] Darbha grass. After empowering them with the weapon[-mantra] he should surround the man , S .d . ala with them; Jayadrathayamala . at . ka 4, f. 65v7 (Ravin . yagapat ala , [concerning the Man d ala of R avin in the K al kula section of .. . . the Jayadrathayamalatantra ], v. 101cd: s avasutren . a sam asthicurn . adibhir . sutrya likhet He should colour [the Man .d . ala] with powdered [human] bone and the like after pitching its lines with a corpse-cord; Jayadrathayamala ,S . at . ka 3, f. 200r5 6: sutrayed rudhiraktena * savasutren . a (corr. : s avas utren a Cod.) He should . . outline the Man .d . ala with a corpse-cord smeared with blood. The nature of on Svacchandatantra 13.21b: mr this cord is indicated by Ks .a . tasutren . emaraja vaks . acchummakayukty a mr a The expression with a corpse-thread . tasnayun . yaman means with the sinew of a corpse in accordance with the secret vocabulary to be taught below. He refers here to Svacchandatantra 15.5: snayuh . sutram . prak rtitam The word cord means sinew. This understanding is also seen in Buddhist Tantric literature. In his commentary (-pin ka ) on the Hevajratantra .d . arthat . Vajragarbha glosses s ma sanas utren . a cremation ground cord as roi rgyus pa rnams kyis byas pai srang bus a cord made from the sinews of a [human] corpse (S NELL GROVE 1959, Pt. 1, p. 51, n.1, who mistranslates this to refer to a thread made

208

The Saiva Age

foreheads of the candidates with human blood (3.8).480 It is more because the redactor has not added what from the time of the Mahavairocan abhisam . bodhi onwards had been the most marked characteristic of the Mantranayas adap tation of Saiva Man .d . ala initiation, namely the series of consecrations known as abhis . ekah . . The commentators evidently could not accept that this crucial Buddhist signature might be absent. For they have resorted to strained exegesis in order to impose it. Jayabhadra claims that the terse injunction to worship in 3.7 alludes to the guhyabhis the Mudra . ekah . , in which the Guru unites with a consort (mudra ) and the candidate swallows the semen. Then avoiding the difcult task of reading in allusions to any of the six consecrations that normally preceded this climactic act in his time he simply asserts that they should be done following the procedure familiar from other Tantras.481 Bhavabhat .t . a, however, adopts a more bold and imaginative strategy, nding all seven confrom the guts of a corpse). We also read of the use of the hair of corpses for this purpose: Jayadrathayamala , S man . at . ka 3, f. 181r4: alikhen .d . alavaram . tato raudren | prathamam a tu s avamurdhajarajjun a He should . a bhasmana . sutrayitv draw the excellent Man .d . ala with human ash after rst pitching its lines with a cord of corpse-hair; Siddhayoge svar mata 8.8: narake sasamutthena karpas adimayena va | sutrayen man .d . alam . divyam . sarvasiddhiphalodayam He should trace the excellent Man .d . ala, which bestows the reward of all the Siddhis, with [a cord] made from human hair or from bres such as cotton. This option is no doubt xed: cremation-ground substances for ascetics and conventional substances for householders; see, e.g., Jayadrathayamala , S svar yagapat . at . ka 2 f. 9v2 (Vame . ala, vv. 48c49): vam amr . tadibhir lipya tatra man rajobhir *v ramargastha s .d . alam alikhet (em. : v ramargasthai s Cod.) *cityang ar adibhasmabhih ar adi conj. : . (cityang citya ng ar adi Codac : cita ng ar adi Cod pc ) | ratnadi salij atai s ca gr s calikhet . hastha tatah . Having smeared [the ground] with wine and the like he should draw the Man .d . ala upon it with powders such as the charcoal and ash of funeral pyres, if he follows the path of Heroes, and with [ground] precious stones or rice our [etc.], if he is a housholder. Both versions say only that this is to be done with blood (raktena). But a variant specifying human blood (maharaktena ) is attested by the Tibetan translation (mtshal chen gsum lan bzlas pa yis [maharaktena trijaptena]) and the commentators Durjayacandra (mtshal chen lan gsum brzlas pa yis), V ravajra (id.), and Indrabhuti (mtshal chen ni). Jayabhadra, Cakrasam a , p. 114, ll. 911: kulam sed (3.6) . varapanjik . tasya vinirdi itiparyantam sukaram eva | tadanantaram tantr anantaraprasiddhena vidhin a sar. . vam abhis m at pujayen mudram . ekam . nivartyedan . guhyabhis . ekavidhipradhanatv (3.7) ityadin a guhyabhis The text up to he should indicate his Fam. ekam . sucayati ily is easy. He now alludes to the guhyabhis . ekah . with the words beginning he He does so because this is the most important [of the should worship the Mudra. [i.e. consecrations]. [It is should be understood that] he should worship the Mudra the consort] after he has completed the whole consecration [process that should be performed] immediately after that [determining of the candidates Family by casting the ower] following the procedure that is well known from other Tantras. The expression the whole consecration, though singular, should be understood to refer to the whole sequence of the consecrations that precede the guhyabhis . ekah ..

480

481

209

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

secrations up to and including the guhyabhis tan adam . ekah . in 3.23.3a.: ghan .. alambya pus padh upair alam kr t am | ghan t am v adayet susvar am pat ahik am . . . .. . . . vapi sadhakah ak aram . ca karayet Resorting to the resonance of the bell . | hah the Sadhaka should ring the bell after it has been adorned with owers and [fumigated with] incense; or he may [beat] a drum. He should also laugh wildly. He asks us to accept that the ringing of the bell refers to the consecration of 482 [the giving of] the bell (ghant and, more astonishingly, that the . abhis . ekah .) wild laughter enjoined, literally the sound ha ha , is the consecration of [the 483 giving of the initiatory] name (nam abhis Having conjured up these two . ekah . ). consecrations he then asserts that the three that precede them are therefore implicitly intended, namely the consecration with water (udakabhis . ekah . ), the consecration with the crown (makut . abhis . ekah . ), and the consecration with the
484 Vajra (vajradhipatyabhis He then subjects this same passage to a . ekah . ). second reading in order to force it to refer also to the two consecrations that

follow these ve: the ac ary abhis . ekah . , which qualies the initiate to ofciate as a arya, Vajrac and the consecration of the secret (guhyabhis . ekah . ). He claims that in this second reading the resonance of the bell, the ringing of the bell, and the beating of the drum refer to the Gurus uniting for the purpose of the second of these consecrations with a girl of twenty-ve, twelve, or sixteen respectively.485
482

483

484

485

Bhavabhat a , p. 37, l. 17: ghan tan adam ityadin a ghan ta .t . a, Cakrasam . varapanjik .. .. bhis The passage beginning with ghan tan adam teaches the con. ekah . pratipadyate .. secration of the bell. Bhavabhat a p. 38, ll. 67: hah ak aram . ca karayed iti | .t . a, Cakrasam . varapanjik hah ak aro nam abhis ekah | tam gurubhat t araken atmanah k arayet In the expression . . . .. . He should have the hah ak arah . done, the hah ak arah . is the consecration of the name. He should have that done for himself by the venerable Guru. Bhavabhat a , p. 38, l. 10: tata udakamaulivajradhi .t . a, Cakrasam . varapanjik patyabhis ek an am grahan am tatp urvakatv at tayoh From this [reference to the con. . . . . secrations of the bell and the name] it follows that the text also refers [by implication] to the consecrations of water, crown, and the Vajra Lord, because those two have to be preceded by these [three]. The ve consecrations covered here are as in Sam . varodaya 18.27, where they are associated with the ve Tathagatas. Bhavabhat a , p. 38, ll. 1314: ghan tan adah . *svaling a .t . a, Cakrasam . varapanjik .. vasthitapancavim atikadhidh anam (em. : svaling avasthitah atikabhi .s . pancavim .s dhanam Ed.) | ghan ta dvada sabdik a | pat s sabdik a | ghan tan ado vajra.. . ahika . od . a .. kulam | ghan ta ratnakulam | pat padmakulam | hah ak aras tathagatakulam | .. . ahika cakar ad anyac ca | *ghan tan ad ad nam anyatamam ac aryah ta .. . sevayet (em. : ghan .. d nam anyatamanoc asevayet Ed.) | ghan tan adam aho sukheti mantram .. . sadhakah . s is yah k arayed ucc arayed ity arthah | kuto nantaram ity aha | an amety adi | anam a . . . ngus .. thavaktrabhy am . lehayed yogavit sada | somapanavad asv adya siddhim apnoti s a svat m (1.12c13a) iti gatheha yojitavya | tato sya idam arthantaram | purvokta prajn asevay a yad bhutam . tad anam a ngus .. thavaktrabhy am ac aryah is . s . yam . lehayet | sa ca s is yah tatah somap anavad asv adya siddhim apnot ti guhy abhis eko yam The . . . . resonance of the bell denotes a girl of twenty-ve mounted on ones penis; the bell is a girl of twelve; and the drum is a girl of sixteen. [In addition] the resonance of the

210

The Saiva Age

Having made the text refer to the guhyabhis ary abhis . ekah . , he nds the ac . ekah . by using the same argument that he had employed to arrive at the full sequence of the ve consecrations that precede it, namely that its presence is entailed by the supposed reference to the guhyabhis . ekah . , because that requires it as its antecedent.486 He nds a reference to the nal consecration that he needed to discover here, that of wisdom (prajn abhis . ekah . ), in the statement in 3.7 that Jayabhadra had taken to allude to the preceding guhyabhis . ekah . : tatah . pujayen mudram ac aryah fully concentrated, should . susamahitah . Then the Acarya, If, as is highly probable, the consecration understood by worship the Mudra. Bhavabhat aj n an abhis .t . a here was the prajn . ekah . of the initiation manuals, then there would appear to a problem, because the active agent in that consecration arya was not the Ac but the candidate, who now unites with the consort himself. Bhavabhat .t . a is very terse at this point but it is likely that he was attempting to arya remove this difculty when he wrote that the text refers to the agent as Ac here because he is endowed with such qualities as self-control. I take him to mean that it is indeed the candidate rather than the ofciant that is the agent here and that he is referred as an ofciant only guratively, because he has all the qualities that are required of an ofciant.487 These readings are, of course,

486

487

bell is [a women of] the Vajra Family, the bell [one of] the Jewel Family, the drum [one of] the Lotus Family, and the wild laughter [one of] the Tathagata Family. The word and [in and he should laugh wildly indicates [one of] the other [Family, that of Action]. The ofciant should have intercourse with one or other of these women of whom the rst is the resonance of the bell. The meaning is [also] that the Sadhaka, [that is to say,] the candidate, should make, that is to say, utter, the resonance of the bell, that is to say, the Mantra AHO SUKHA [Oh, Bliss]. He [also] tells us that after which [he should utter this Mantra] in the passage [of this Tantra] that begins with anam a . At this point one must read in the following verse (1.12c13a) The master of Yoga should always lick [it, taking it] with the tips of his ring nger and thumb. Having relished it as though it were a draught of Soma he attains eternal success. So there is another sense of this [verse], namely that the ofciant should make the candidate take into his mouth [lit. lick] the product of his sexual union with the aforesaid consort with the tips of his ring nger and thumb; and that candidate, having relished it like a draught of Soma attains Siddhi. This, then, is the guhyabhis . ekah . . Bhavabhat t a, Cakrasam a , p. 38, ll. 2324: sa ca s is .. . varapanjik . yah . tatah . somapanavad asv adya siddhim apnot ti guhyabhis ary abhis . eko yam | ata evac . ekah . siddhah at tasya This is the guhyabhis . tatpurvakatv . ekah . . This itself establishes the presence of the ac ary abhis . ekah . , because the former is preceded by the latter. Bhavabhat t a, Cakrasam varapa njik a , p. 39, ll. 2122: tata ityadin a prajn abhis .. . . ekam . dar sayati | tato guhyabhis | ac arya iti dhairyadigun In the pas. ekanantaram . ayogat sage beginning tatah . he reveals the Wisdom Consecration. The word tatah . (next) means directly after the guhyabhis ekah . He is termed the ofciant [here] because . . he has such qualities as self-control. Bhavabhat .t . a is probably alluding to the qual arya ities of the good Ac as stated in vv. 89 of the Gurupanc a sika : dh ro vin to matiman ks an arjavo sat . amav . hah . | ....

211

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

articial and could be imposed on the text only because Bhavabhat .t . a, like Jayabhadra, could not accept the possibility that there might be no reference to the consecrations in a Buddhist Tantras treatment of initiation. Further exemplication of the direction of redaction can be seen in the rst of the new parallels listed above, that on the subject of the regular rite of wor (as the Laghu shipping the Kulika sam . vara has it). For ease of comparison I give in bold characters those parts of each of the three related texts, the Picumata, the Herukabhyudaya , and the Laghu sam . vara, that partly or completely correspond to passages in one or both of the other two. The Picumata passage is as follows:
mulas utr adik an am . tu kramam . sadhanalaks . an . am arap 10 durlabham alanam . tris . u lokes . u samayac . | jn anam yagam . vidhis tatha obhanam . yogam . cakram . ca s 11 kathayami mahadevi yat tvaya coditam . *balam (?) | madhyamottamacchagena gandhodasahitena tu pra sayet praj nah . puj ak ale vi 12 vat ses . ikam . atah . | vidhanan tu sada yojyam aren . a suvrate . carvah 13 samaye sadhane caiva dravyalabhanakarman .i| . sahaja v tasyaiva dutayah ravandite . siddhah 14 gurun agena sr tidravyadisam .s . adivibh .. . grahe | r tuyogaviyogena anulomavilomaj a . 15 yag adhordhvagat a devi sarvakamavilaks | . an .a kun .d . agolodbhavenaiva svayambhukusumena ca 16 japahomarcanam . bukapus . snanam . pasamanvitam | niyojyam yagap urvakam . svena margen . a svakale f. 319v35 11c madhyamottamacchagena em. : adhamottamacchagena Cod.488

The related passage in the Herukabhyudaya is accessible only in its Tibetan translation. I give that here with a reconstruction of the Sanskrit of the parts

488

I propose this emendation for two reasons. The rst is that the reading contradicts information given later in this chapter. According to that there are three grades of esh for use in the preparation of the sacrament (caruh . ): goat, cow, and human. The rst is said to be inferior (adhama-), the second intermediate (madhyama-), and the third superior (uttama-): adhamam ity uktam . cchagam . madhyamam . gobhavam . bhavet | purus ottamam mah adevi tridh a tu caravah smr t ah (f. 320r5v1 [84.36c . . . . . 37b]). Consequently without this emendation we have nonsense: with the inferior [i.e. goat], the superior [i.e. human], and goat. With it we have a statement that is consistent with this classication: with the intermediate [i.e. cow], the superior [i.e. human] and [the inferior, i.e.] goat. The second reason is that the emendation has the support of the Buddhist parallels, which, as we shall see, read madhyamottoma svasena or madhyamottamocchvasena here.

212

The Saiva Age

that match the passage in the Picumata:


(15.6) sngags dang phyag rgya sbyar bar bya | dam tshig thams cad bskyang bya ste | jig rten gsum na rnyed dka ba (durlabham . tris . u lokes . u) | g.yon nas skyes pas byed pa yin | aralaks (7) dam tshig spyod pai mtshan nyid dang (samayac . an . am) | anam sbyor nyid cho gai yi ge shes ni (yoga eva vidhijn )| r de ni nga yis bshad kyis nyon (tan me nigaditam .n . s . u) | dbugs dbyung mchog gi bar dag ni (madhyamottama svasena )| (8) dri yi chu dang bcas pa dang (gandhodakasahitena [tu] ) | . pra sayen nityam) | rtag tu ril bu bza par bya (vat . ikam ak alavi mchod pai dus kyi bye brag la (puj ses . atah .)| . siddha ) | pho nyas lhan cig skyes dngos grub pa (dutayah . sahajah .)| (9) dman pa mchog dang bring rnams kyi (adhamottamamadhyamah )| de yis sbyor bas dngos grub gyur (tabhir yogena siddhih . syat arthas dod pai don kun sgrub pao (sarvakam adhakah .)| r dpal ldan he ru ka las byung (s herukodbhavam) | (10) rang byung me tog nyid dag gis (svayambhukusumair api) | cho ga shes pas kun tu spyod (vidhijn anasam ac ara -) | a ) | bzlas dang bsam gtan mchod pa dang (japadhy anap uj me tog gcig dang yang dag ldan (ekapus . pasamanvitam) | Khrag thung mngon par byung ba D f. 12r6v2 (Herukabhyudaya 15.610) T ESTIMONIUM Kumaracandra, Katipayaks . ara nama Herukabhyudayapa njik a , r . panca p. 156: evam nigaditam svasah prad pah . . maya .n . s . u | madhyamottama . pra sya (Cod. [f. 3v6] : prapya | gandhodakam amr . tani | vat Ed.) . panc . ikam *bhavan agan . aman (bhavan agan . a corr. : bhavan a gan m .d . aladau . a Ed.) dut . . mantrajah . sahajah . ks pujayet | adhamah . | uttamah . | madhyamah . | . etrajah tasya yoginah tabhih .. . siddhih . syat

The version of the Laghu sam . vara reads:


ara gocarah 1.4 sambhavan nadar up ad vinis ah . samayac . | . krant durlabham antasam . sthitam . tris . u lokes . u adimadhy 5 manthyamanthanasam yogam yath a tath a mantrajapadhy an adiyuktam . . . | anam r yoga s caiva vidhijn .n . tantre nigaditam . s .u 6 madhyamottamocchvasena gandhodakasahitena tu | . pujayen kulikam nityam ses . kalavi . en . a tu . siddha adhamottamamadhyamah . | 7 dutayah . sahajah f. 1v25 6a madhyamottamocchvasena J AYABHADRA : B HAVABHAT .T .A madhyamottama svasena Cod.

The Herukabhyudaya , then, shows a version that is closer than the 213

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

Laghu sam . vara to the text of the Picumata in some details and covers more of it. It is particularly striking that it preserves the Picumatas vat . pra sayet . ikam praj nah . puj ak ale vi ses . atah . (84.12ab), reading rtag tu ril bu bza par bya | mchod pai dus kyi bye brag la Let him always swallow the sacramental pellet, especially at the time of worship, diverging from the Picumata only in having nityam (rtag tu) and puj ak alavi ses nah . and puj ak ale . atah . where that has praj vi ses . is shown by the gloss vat . pra sya . atah . . That the Sanskrit read vat . ikam . ikam in the Herukabhyudayapa njik a (f. 3v6). Even so it shows signs of having had difculty in understanding some of the Saiva proto-texts technical terms and of having dealt with this difculty by resorting to rewriting. Thus in 15.10 me tog gcig dang yang dag ldan together with a single ower corresponds to bukapus . pasamanvitam together with the Buka ower in Picumata 84.16, so that the Sanskrit may be restored from the Tibetan with some condence as ekapus . pasamanvitam. The context is a listing of impure ingredients to be consumed at the time of practice. Now, a single ower yields no appropriate sense in this context, whereas Buka ower (bukapus . pam) does. For the Picumata tells us that in its secret vocabulary bukam means the impurity of the male organ (84.38a: buko lingamalo jneyas ; 87.196d: bukam tells us that . tam), and the Kubjikamata . lingamalam . smr bukapus . pam has the same meaning (25.226ab: bukapus . pa kan . akhyam . ca lingapa nkamalam tath a ). It is probable that the Buddhist redactor, failing to . understand this obscure term, modied the text to produce something that had at least the appearance of sense. Kumaracandra conrms the reading ekapus . pain his Herukabhyudayapa njik a and ventures to explain it as the blood of a [womans] rst menstruation: ekapus am . . pam . prathamam . rajah . vajrapadmabhy sadhyam anam . kapalastham . (p. 156) [After putting it] in a skull-bowl [he should swallow] the one ower, i.e. the rst menses, produced by the penis and vagina. But this gloss is not only strained: it also leads the text into an implausible repetition, since the blood of rst menstruation has just been mentioned in 15.10a, in the term rang byung me tog (= svayambhukusumam). He also seems not to have understood the expression kun .d . agolodbhava- seen in Picumata t 84.15c (kun d agolodbhavenaiva ), another secret Vidyap . ha term, referring to .. the mingled ejaculates. He resolves his quandary by substituting the name of his deity, the Tibetan dpal ldan he ru ka las byung (15.9d) evidently rendering s r herukodbhavam. In the abbreviated version seen in the Laghu sam . . vara we have kulikam in place of the reading pujayen nityam . let him constantly worship the Kulika vat ik am pr a s ayen nityam seen in the Heruk abhyudaya and in the Saiva proto. . text. This is evidently the result of a corruption of a redaction which read not 214

The Saiva Age

vat . but the exact synonym gulikam . ;489 and this hypothesis is conrmed by . ikam the Abhidhanottara , which in its own rst chapter preserves gulikam . in a passage modelled on these verses of the Laghu sam . vara, thus bearing witness to a stage of the redaction of this text that is earlier even than that known to our earliest commentator, since Jayabhadra accords with all later witnesses in reading kulikam . here:
1.7 nadar up ad vinis a samayac aragocaram | . krant durlabham antanirmalam . tris . u lokes . u adimadhy 8 manthamanthanayogena sam yog ad yatra yat tatha | . prakr uddham . thodbhavodbhavam . tiprabhasvaram . s . guhyap 9 nirdos am s a s vatam s antam khasamam tikarakam | .s . . . . . sr .. svabhava suddham svayam . yogin nam . sukhapradam . bhutam 10 japadhy an adibhir yuktam a | . yogasyaiva vidhijnat tantre nigaditam s r .n . tattvam . guhyakadhipate .u 11 madhyamottama svasena gandhodakasahitena tu |
490 . karayed pujayet gulikam dh man pars . aman .d . alam

12 kalavel avi ses tatra dutayah . en . a pujayet . | sahajah . siddhidah . sarva adhamottamamadhyamah . 13 antargatena manasa kamasiddhim | . tu sadhayet Abhidhanottara A f. 2r26; B f. 2r4v3 7ab nad ar up ad em. : nadar upo B : nadar u + A vinis a samayac aragocaram . krant B : + + + + + + caragocaram A 7d nirmalam yatra . A : nirmmalah . B 8b sam . yogad tatra yatha B : sayogad yatra yat tatha A : *yatra tatra yatha tatha (Tib. srub dang bsrub par yang dag sbyor | gang la de la ji ltar bzhin) 8cd prakr . tiprabhasvaram . s uddham . thodbhavodbhavam B : prakr + + + + + + . tiprabhasva . guhyap thodbhavodbhavam A 9a s a svatam uddham . . . A : sasanam . B 9c s . svayam . bhutam conj. [= Tib. dag pa rang byung ste] : s uddhasambhutam . B:s uddham adbhutam . A 10ab dhyan adibhir yuktam adibhir yu + + + + va A . yogasyaiva B : dhyan jnat a A : jney a B

The otherwise unattested kulikam . was then construed by force to mean yogin m . a/the Yogin , and the verb pra sayet let him swallow, since it now made no sense, altered to pujayet let him worship.491
489 490

491

For gulika (variant forms: gut and gud ) see here p. 217. . ika . ika The reading of 11c is further supported by the Tibetan translation: mkhas pas dril bur byas nas ni. Note that dh man (mkhas pas) here is synonymous with praj nah . found at the corresponding point in the version seen in the Picumata (vat ik . . am pra sayet praj nah . ). This, then, has probably survived from the Saiva source on which the rst Buddhist version drew. yogin Bhavabhat a , p. 20: kulika | tam . pujayed ar adhayet .t . a, Cakrasam . varapanjik | nityam . pratidinam ity arthah [means] yogin . It . [The word] kulika . sarvakalam is she that he should propitiate [in this way]; and he should do so constantly, at all times, that is to say, every day. Cf. Jayabhadra, Cakrasam a , p. 110: . varapanjik kulikam iti tantre samayabhas .a | vajravar ah svarup am . bahy a ngan am . pujayed

215

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

That the Buddhist versions arose from Saiva prototypes is clear from the detailed analysis of these and many other parallels. Other features reinforce this conclusion. In all cases the Saiva passages t neatly into the contexts in which they occur, without ragged edges, as it were, at their beginning and end, whereas this is often not so with the parallels in the Buddhist texts, a circumstance that ts well with a scenario in which the latter where constructed by a rather careless process of extraction, insertion, and supercial editing. The same is suggested by the high degree of divergence between the various Buddhist commentators in their attempts to tell us what these new texts mean. They were caught out, as it were, by new materials that lacked roots in the Buddhist textual corpus in which they were trained. They did their best to make sense of what were in many cases barely intelligible passages; but without much guidance from existing Buddhist sources and with no central authority to impose consistency on their efforts they were bound to diverge. We have a good example of this in the passage just discussed, in the words madhyamottama svasena gandhodakasahitena tu . . . . The meaning of the Saiva prototype as seen in the version of the Picumata, namely madhyamottamaccha gena gandhodasahitena tu | vat . pra sayet praj nah . , is perfectly clear to any. ikam one who has read the whole chapter of which it is part. It means The wise [initiate] should swallow a pellet made from beef, human esh, or goat mixed with scented water.492 The case is very different with the Buddhist versions. Their madhyamottama svasena surely began life as a copyists corruption; for it yields no sense in either Saiva or Buddhist terms in the context of this rite of the pellet or, indeed, in any other. Kumaracandra, therefore, in his commentary on the passage as it appears in the Herukabhyudaya , could only guess at the meaning on the basis of the one part of the sentence that made undoubted sense, namely the injunction to swallow a pellet. Knowing that such pellets were made in practice from the ve meats and the ve body nectars he tells us that madhyamottama svasah . the intermediate and upper breath means those meats and that the gandhodakam scented water with which this breath is to be mixed

492

iti | yatha sam tatha karan yam ity arthah . is used in . tos . o jayate . . The word kulikam [this] Tantra following [its own special] convention. It refers to the physical woman [who is the practitioners consort, when she is perceived as] identical with Va ah . He should worship her, which means that he should do whatever is necesjravar sary to satisfy her. In his Kalacakra -inuenced commentary on the Laghu sam . vara . i interprets kulika (Laghutantrat ka ) Vajrapan more esoterically as referring to Va. ah as the non-conceptual central energy-channel: kulikam jravar . pujayen nityam iti | iha kulika madhyamavadh ut vajravar ah niravaran a gr ahyagr ahakavarjit a . (p. 59). See the footnote on my emendation madhyamottamacchagena on p. 212.

216

The Saiva Age

means those nectars.493 Jayabhadra and Bhavabhat .t . a commenting on the same expression when it occurs in the Laghu sam vara , where the second part of the sentence has emerged . through further confusion as kulikam . pujayet , impose quite different but equally arbitrary interpretations, which are based not on the text itself but, in the absence of evident meaning, on their own notions of what the text ought to be saying here. Thus Jayabhadra, who has the variant madhyamottamocchvasena , makes madhyama- mean vagina, uttamocchvasah . the placing of the tongue, and gandhodakam semen, interpreting the sentence to mean that the adept that is to say, his female consort identied with should worship the Kulika, ah , by placing his tongue (uttamocchvasena Vajravar ) together with his semen 494 (gandhodakasahitena) in her vagina (madhyama-).
493

494

Kumaracandra, Herukabhyudayapa njik a , p. 156: madhyamottama svasah . panca prad pah . | gandhodakam amr . tani The word madhyamottama svasah . means . panc the ve lights; and gandhodakam . means the ve nectars. On the ve lights s varak and ve nectars see, e.g., Vag rti, Tattvaratnavalokavivaran . a 18: pancaprad pa sabdena gokudahanalaks sabdena vimum ara sulaks . ta . an . asya amr . an . asya satatanus .. thanam eva sadhyam . manyante [The learned] hold that the expression pancaprad pa- refers to the accomplished regular practice of the [ve meats] of the cow (go-), dog (ku[kkura]-), horse (da[mya]-), elephant (ha[sti]-), and man (na[ra]-), and the expression amr . ta- to that of excrement (vi[t . ]-), urine (mu[tra] ), esh (ma[m . sa]-), blood (ra[kta]-), and semen (s u[kra]-). Cf. Jayabhadra, Cakrasam a , p. 108: adau tavan manonukule sthane nis . varapanjik . adya panc amr . takr . mukhe kr . . . At the beginning [before he begins the . tagulikam . tva Sadhana] he should sit in a place conducive to meditation, place a pellet of the ve nectars in his mouth, . . . ; Bhavabhat a , p. 24: goku.t . a, Cakrasam . varapanjik dahanan am . panc amr . tasya ca vat ik am bh avan arambhe bhaks ayet At the begin. . . ning of his meditation he should swallow a pellet consisting of [the esh of] cow, dog, horse, elephant, and man, and the ve nectars; Sadhanam al a 251 (Advayavajra, Saptaks . arasadhana ), p. 490: yog pratar utthaya samayagulikam . mukhe praks ipya . . . The meditator, having risen before sunrise and placed a Samaya . pellet in his mouth . . . . The term samaya- in samayagulika means the ve nectars; see Bhavabhat a p. 18: samayapalanam .t . a, Cakrasam . varapanjik . samayaraks . an . am . panc amr . tabhaks an am maintaining the samayameans keeping the pledges [and] . . . swallowing the ve nectars; Jayabhadra, Cakrasam a , p. 109: samayo . varapanjik dvividhah yo bhaks ya s ca The samayah . raks . an . . an . . is of two kinds: that which is to be maintained [i.e. the post-initiatory pledges] and that which is to be swallowed [i.e. the ve nectars]. Jayabhadra, Cakrasam a , p. 110 : madhye bhavat ti madhyamah . varapanjik . | padma ucyate | tasminn uttamocchvaso jihvaviny asah . | tena kim | gandho. bhutena dakasahitena tu bodhicittasahitenaivety arthah iti tantre samayabhas .a . | kulikam | vajravar ah svarup am . bahy a ngan am pujayed iti | yatha sam tos o j ayate tath a . . karan yam ity arthah . . The word madhyama-, meaning that which is in the centre, refers to the Lotus [i.e. the vagina]. The word uttamocchvasah . means the placing of the tongue [and madhyamottamocchvasena is a locative Tatpurus . a compound meaning by the placing of (his) tongue] in that. The words gandhodakasahitena tu together with the scented water describe that [placing of his tongue in her vagina] and mean that it should be together with [his] Intention to Attain Enlightenement

217

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

In Bhavabhat .t . as commentary we nd an entirely different understanding. According to him madhyamottama svasena gandhodakasahitena tu | kulikam . pujayet means he should worship the Yogin with the place or time (- svasena ) of re (madhyama-) and earth (-uttama-) together with wind (gandha-) and water (udaka-). The purpose of this invention, which the Sanskrit entirely fails to support, is to nd a reference (1) to the symbols of the four elements as constituting the thrones of the various groups of Yogin s in the Man .d . ala and (2) to various time periods considered to be governed by these elements as the occasions for the successful performance of rituals for hostile purposes (abhicarah . ), re-invigoration (paus tikam), expulsion (uccat . anam), and the averting of danger .. (s antikam ) respectively. That Bhavabhat .t . a has decided what he would like to nd here and then imposed it is clear from the extreme articiality of the glosses that bend the text to his will: the intermediate (madhyama-) is re (vahnih .) because it is falls in the middle of the list of the four elements (actually in the penultimate position); the highest (-uttama-) is that of Mahendra, the presiding deity of the symbol of earth (pr ), because he is the king of the gods; gandhah . thiv . means not fragrance, its lexical meaning, but that which possesses fragrance, namely the wind (vayuh . ), since that is the bearer of fragrance; udaka- is not udakam water but an unattested udakah . a, literally he who . meaning Varun possesses the waters, since Varun . a is the presiding deity of the symbol of water (udakam); and s vasah . means not breath but that in which X breathes, that is to say, by an entirely unwarranted leap, the locus or time of Xs operation.495
[i.e. his semen]. The word kulika is a term specic to the esoteric jargon of this ah . By saying Tantra. It denotes the physical woman [as] identical with Vajravar that one should worship her the text means that one must do what is necessary to satisfy her. Bhavabhadra, Cakrasam a , p. 20: madhyama uttamah vasity asminn . varapanjik . s aneneti va | s vasah . sthanam va | madhyamo vahnih iti . thivyaptejovayava . kalo . pr vacanena madhyodbhavatvat | madhyodbhutatve py upayagrahan . . am . yatas tam vaks devarajatv at | madhyamottamayoh vasah . sthanam . yati | uttamo mahendro . s . kalo vety arthah . pujayed iti sam aha gandhe. | tena kulikam . bandhah . | kim . bhutenety tyadi | gandho syast ti gandho gandhavahatv ad vayuh . | udakam asyast ty udako varun sahito gandhodakasahita iti madhyapadalop samasah . . ah . | tayoh . sthanena ghr tap urn o ghat o ghr taghat o yath a The term s v asah is to be understood here to be . . . . . . derived from the root s vas to breath in the meaning that in which X breathes, X in this case being madhyamah vasah . , then, is the locus of these or . and uttamah . . The s their time-period. The madhyamah . intermediate is re, because it arises in the middle, in accordance with the text earth, water, re, and wind; and the uttamah . highest is the [symbol] of Mahendra[, the presiding deity of the earth symbol], because he is the king of the gods. So the meaning of madhyamottama svasah . is the locus or time of the madhyamah . and the uttamah . . With this he should worship Such is the core syntax. The compound beginning gandha- describes the Kulika. this s vasah . further as accompanied by gandha- and udaka-, meaning together with the locus of these [other] two (gandhodakasthana sahitah . ). This is a com-

495

218

The Saiva Age

Since these confused and barely comprehensible verses are found in the opening chapter of the Laghu sam . vara the redactor has made a greater effort than usual to assimilate them to their new Buddhist milieu. But he has not done this by rewriting them in such a way that Buddhists would recognize and understand them as formulated within their own established discourse. His approach is rather that of montage or bricolage, in which bits and pieces of various texts have been clumsily combined. Instead of rewriting the verses he has sandwiched them between others derived from well-known Buddhist sources. Thus the opening verses of the work (1.13), which immediately precede this passage, are a version of the opening of the Buddhist Sarvabuddhasamayoga ;496 and the verses (1.7c13b) that follow it contain awkwardly collocated variants of verses found in that text and the Buddhist Sarvatathagatatattvasam . graha and Guhyasamaja .497 But this attempt to lend the compilation a Buddhist character by embedding t the passage from the Saiva Vidyap . ha between verses that Buddhist Tantrics would immediately recognize as Buddhist is mostly restricted to this rst section. The rest of the work up to the point at which the redaction known to Jayapound of the type in which an intermediate word is dropped, as when one says a pot of ghee (ghr . taghat . ah . ) when what one means is a pot full of ghee. The other two are gandhah . and udakah . . The rst is a primary derivative of gandhah . fragrance in the meaning that which has fragrance and refers to the wind, because that is the bearer of fragrance. The second is [likewise] a primary derivative of udakam water in the meaning that which has water, i.e. Varun . a[, the God of Water]. The application of this explanation then follows. One is instructed to meditate on the Yogin s one by one in a xed order of rotation tied to the passage of time. Thus on the rst Tithi of the lunar fortnight one meditates on the rst eight Yogin s during the day-time, each for one eighth of the day, the second eight during the eight half Praharas of the night, the third eight during the day of the second Tithi, the fourth eight during the night, and so on. Bhavabhat .t . a explains there that the three eights that make up the 24 Yogin s associated with the sacred sites must have the symbols of re, water, and earth as their thrones (pp. 2122: dev nam asanam vahniman d alam iti dinabh agah ; dev n am asanam v arun aman d alam iti . .. . . . .. ratribh agah . ; dev nam . mahendraman iti dinabhagah . ). This, evi.d . alam asanam dently, is what he means by s vasah . in the sense of place. He explains its second meaning as time in the following: agnyadiyogo py abhicar adau tathaiva jneyah | yath abhic are cittacakrasya vahniks an e s antike v akcakrasya varun . . . . aks . an .e paus tike kayacakrasya mahendraks . ane s ma sanacakrasya vayuks .. . an . e uccat . an . e yogin nam anyatama bhavy a This application of re and the others should also be understood in the case of hostile rites and the like. Thus in a hostile rite one should meditate on one of the Yogin s of the Circuit of Mind (the rst eight) at a re moment, on one of those of the Circuit of Speech (the second eight) at a Varun . a moment in a rite to avert danger, on one of those of the Circuit of the Body (the third eight) at a Mahendra moment in a rite of re-invigoration, and on one of those of the Circuit of the Cremation Grounds (the fourth eight) at a wind moment in a rite of expulsion. See here p. 154. See here p. 163, parallels 1, 5, and 6.

496 497

219

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

bhadra and Bhavyak rti ends consists almost entirely of (1) sections for which I have found close Saiva parallels, (2) sections for which I have not found such parallels but which are of the same type, and (3) sections devoted to giving the Mantras. These, of course, have not been lifted directly from Saiva sources, because the Mantras so taught are peculiar to this and related Tantras. However, the Mantras themselves are Saiva in style; and the method of teaching them by giving them letter by letter in encoded form (mantroddharah . ) has been adopted in imitation of Saiva scriptural practice, appearing rst, as we have seen, in the Sarvakalpasamuccaya that supplements the proto-Yogin tantra Sarvabuddhasamayoga .498 In the light of this one readily understands why the redactor of the version known to Bhavabhat .t . a and the other later commentators and seen in the one accessible manuscript and the Tibetan translation felt the need to add explicitly Buddhist material at the end of the work, thus accomplishing for the whole an unambiguously Buddhist frame, which in the earlier redaction had been present only in the rst chapter.499 C ONVERTING THE O UTSIDERS. The textual dependence of these Buddhist t Yogin tantras on the scriptural corpus of the Vidyap . ha would surely have been obvious to any learned Sakta Saiva who examined them; and there is evidence that it was indeed noticed. We do not nd this evidence in the Tantric Saiva literature, since the only historical data that intrude there are the spiritual genealogies of its teachers. For the rest it is concerned purely with what it sees as the timeless realities of fact and injunction, and it is interested in relations between its own and other traditions only to the extent that it establishes a hierarchy among these traditions by ranking their various goals along an ascent that culminates in its own. If awareness of this textual dependence was to nd expression in Saiva literature then it could only be in the distorting mirror of mythology, where the specics of the tensions between sects could be translated

498 499

See here p. 154. The special character of the added, 51st chapter is indicated in the spiritual biogra ascribed to Marpa (Mar pa chos kyi blo gros). For there phy (rnam thar) of Tilopa anad . akin together with the Jn and her retinue are said to have taught it to Tilopa the oral transmission (T ORRICELLI and N AGA 1995, p. 12): gsungs nas rtsa rgyud leu nga gcig pa bshad rgyud dang bcas pa dang snyan rgyud gnang ngo. The ex tended Tantra was already current when at least some of the Vyakhy atantras were redacted. The Adhidhanottara contains 50.20c51.12b. It is possible that the text was extended rst only to this point. Parts of the 50th chapter after this point are seen in the Sam . put . odbhava: 50.2123b and 24ab > Sam . put . odbhava 5.1.1619b; and 50.25 > Sam . put . odbhava 5.1.19cd. Verses from the remainder of the longer text, from 51.12c to the end, are found in the Yogin sam and the Sam . cara . varodaya: 51.7ab > Yogin sam 17.10ab; 51.13c16b > Yogin sam 17.21c-24b; 51.1819 . cara . cara > Sam . varodaya 32.29c30b; and 51.21d > Sam . varodaya 32.31d.

220

The Saiva Age

into accounts of the interaction of the gods with demons and men. Thus we nd our evidence in a variant of the famous narrative of Sivas burning of the celestial cities of the three demons (tripuradahanam) given in the Haracaritacintaman . i, a collection of Saiva myths for the instruction of the laity compiled in the thir akta teenth century by the Kashmirian S Saiva Jayadratha.500 According to that account Br . haspati, the ingenious Guru of the gods, puts an end to the invincibility of these demons, the reward of their devotion to Siva, by fooling them into abandoning the worship of that deity. He composes and introduces to them various texts for the visualization of Buddhist deities in which Siva and other Saiva deities are portrayed as their inferiors. Then, once they have become used to these, he adds Mantras by adapting those of the Saiva Tantras and composes passages giving instruction in Tantric ritual procedures by cobbling together various excerpts from the same sources. Finally, he composes Buddhist treatises which supplement this Tantric corpus with reasoned arguments designed to undermine the demons commitment to their rites and belief in God:501
500

501

Jayadratha was the brother of Jayaratha, author of the Tantralokaviveka , on whose date see S ANDERSON 2007a, pp. 418419. That Jayadratha shared his brothers akta S Saiva adherence, in keeping with the familys long-established tradition, is evident throughout his work, but particularly in the opening verses of each chapter, in which he gives a metaphysical reading of the myth that follows. Thus in 13.1, introducing this narrative of the destruction of the three cities, whose point is to glorify the Kashmirian sacred site of the volcanic re-Linga (jval ali ngam ) at (on which see S TEIN 1900, vol. 2, pp. 484485), he equates Suyam (Svayambhu) the three cities with the cognizer, cognition, and the cognized differentiated in contracted consciousness, and the re that destroys them with the all-inclusive nonduality whose emergence bestows liberation: etad vedakavedyavedanamayam . dagdhva puran . am . trayam . advairahut a sanena s amayan may amayopadravam . purn | jval ali ngatay a *sphuran (A : sphuraj Ed.) jagadanugrah svayambhur asau devah . sam am . mama param ullasayan nirvr . tim May that god Svayambhu . prati bhasat blaze forth for me now, revealing the highest bliss, he who has favoured the world by manifesting himself as the re-Linga after burning these three cities that are the cognizer, the cognized, and cognition, putting an end to the torment of bound existence with the re of all-inclusive nonduality. This is exactly in the conceptual akta mode of the S Saiva nondualism of Kashmir. Haracaritacintaman . am . bhagavadbhaktir vijaye mulak aran . am . i 13.6183: ripun | sa s aithilyam avapnoti kena yatnena cintyatam 62 tatrabhyup ayah . prayen .a ka scit sam | s ukrasya sam tu katham . pragalbhate . cintito maya . nidhane . karam 63 tes . hitam ukra eva dine . am . *prapayitum . (conj. : prarthayitum . Codd. Ed.) s dine | bhagavadbhaktidard . hyaya prayatnam adhitis thati 64 svayam .. . yady api *te (Codd. : ye Ed.) bhaktas tathapy ai svaryagarvitah . | mitaprajn a s ca yojyante pc helayaiva viparyaye 65 ity uktavan mahendren . cchyate (A : pr . cchate Ed. . a *pr ac A BC) sma sa kautukat | bhagavan bruhi tam . yuktim . ling arcan apah am . tes . am 66 s rutveti so brav t pa sya prayah . sarve pi sarvada | uttarottaram utkars . am . jn atv a rajyanti jantavah s varad r . murdhani sthitah . te ko tra sarves . 67 tad . am . | svavikalpena tasyapi ka scid urdhvastha ucyate 68 evam amayam . . may . tes . am varn astram syate kim nijaya dhiya . yate svopakalpitam | s . ca dar . cil likhitva

221

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

[Br . haspati:] The root cause of the victory of our enemies is their devotion to Siva. We must think carefully what will cause that to fade. I have already thought in general terms of a means of accomplishing that. But how[, I wonder,] will it suc ceed while [their Guru] Sukra is with them? For he exerts himself day after day to strengthen their devotion to the Lord in order to *secure (conj.) their welfare. [But] although they are genuinely devoted [to Siva] they are proud of their power and of low intelligence. It should therefore be easy to lead them astray. When he had said this Indra eagerly asked him to explain the stratagem that would put an end to their worship of the Linga. Having heard this he replied and said: Behold. All persons usually assign their devotion on the basis of their understanding of an ascending hierarchy. Who but Siva is at the summit [of this hierarchy], surpassing all [others]? Nonetheless I shall use my imagination and tell [them] that there is a being above even him. In this way I shall give them false instruction of my own invention. I shall also use my wits to compose and show them some learned writing [in support of my teaching]. I shall deceitfully write visualization-texts of deities in relation to whom this Siva will be placed in a position of inferiority, and I shall tell them that these show that there is another being who is greater even than him, so that they may give up their worship of the Linga and so be de stroyed. However, these false teachings will have no effect while Sukra is present.

69 dhyan ani devatan am . ca likhyante tani kaitavat | yas am . mahe svaro py es .a nyagbhavena *nive syate (Codd. : nyave syate Ed.) 70 evam mahe s var ad anya . utkr ta iti kathyate | tes . yato bhavel lingap uj a saithilyatah .s .. . am . *ks . atih . (Ed. : ks ukrasya sam tu prathante na kaduktayah . itih . A : matih . BC) 71 s . nidhane . | *sa prat tyopapattya (A : saprat popapattya Ed. BC) ca paramarthavi saradah . 72 ity uktavan a ngiraso vasavena sagauravam | abhyarthyate sma sa yuktir akhan kathyatam iti 73 uvaca sa tatah sakram (A : s ukram Ed. BC) .d .a . * akalayya br naucit kvacit 74 es . haspatih . | bhavato bhagavallingavaimukhye . am upaplavayitum *matim (BC : bhaktim A : satyam Ed.) es a mama kramah . . . . | buddher agatam ity etad dar sanam bauddham ucyate 75 buddhah prasiddhas . . tatraikah svarah svara . *sam . kalpyeta (Codd. : sam . kalpeta Ed.) *sure . (Ed. AC : sure B) | dhyane yacchatradhartr . any api 76 gan ye . tve likhyante karan . apatyadayo ca s aiva atyuttamah . sthitah . | tes am m urdhani likhyante dev a bauddh a *am iti . . (Codd. : am ti ca Ed.) 77 mithyopakalpitany evam any alokya danav ah . | . dhyan s ivad utkars iti *muhyanty asam ayam (AB Ed. : muhyanti sam ayam . avanto m .s .s C). 78 evam . u siddhes . dhyanes . u prasiddhim . *lambhites . u (A Ed. : lambites . u BC) ca | s aivatantranuv adena mantran api niyojaye 79 uddhr tya s iva s astrebhyah . . khan khan niyojaye | mantratantradikam . tyam .d . an .d . an . kr . yat kim . cic copakalpitam 80 bandhamoks am . s astram vratarah . avyavasthay . yac ca viracyate | tatra *t . prajn aprakars vratarah vratara Ed.) *paripos . ah . (t . Codd. : t . akah . (Codd. : paritos 81 ling arcan adikas tatra bandhas tavan nigadyate | muktis tu . akah . Ed.) s unyataiva syad itikartavyaharin . 82 yajn adik a kriya *yeyam . (A : seyam . Ed. BC) sa tatra pratihanyate | atm a nast ti sam . yate parame svarah 83 . cintya dus . evam s astram sya (conj. : pravi sya . di *prave . vidham . maya . viracayya puram . dara | hr Codd. Ed.) bhagavadbhaktis tes . vihanyate 84 * sukrasyasam . nidhanam . am . (Codd. : s ukrasya sam ks ks . nidhanam . Ed.) tu tatra siddhyai *prat . yate (Codd. : prat . ate Ed.).

222

The Saiva Age

[For] he, through intuition and reason, is fully conversant with ultimate reality. Thus said the Atharvavedic priest [of the gods]. Then Indra respectfully asked him to explain the stratagem more fully. After some reection Br . haspati said to Indra: It is entirely inappropriate that it should be you that has to divert [these demons] from the worship of Sivas Linga. [So I shall take on this task myself.] My way of destroying their understanding will be this. I shall call this teaching Buddhist, [appropriately enough] since it will be born of [nothing more than] my intellect (buddhih . ). The well-known Buddha will be conceived therein as the sole lord of the gods. Even the greatest deities will be portrayed as his chowry-bearers. Gods that I shall call Buddhist will be depicted positioned on top of Gan . apati and others of the highest Saiva deities. When the demons see these falsely conceived visualization-texts they will certainly make the mistake of thinking that these gods are greater than Siva. Once these texts have been established and I have accustomed the demons to them I shall introduce Mantras modelled on [those of] the Saiva Tantras (s aivatantranuv adena ) and by redacting various passages from these same scriptures (uddhr iva sastrebhyah khan ) I shall add . tya s . khan .d . an .d . an a worthless, concocted system of [Tantric] observances involving Mantras, ritual, and the rest. The learned [Buddhist] literature that I shall compose to dene bondage and liberation will be nourished by higher reasoning of an exceptional degree of rigour. It will explain, of course, that of these two bondage includes such activities as worshipping the Linga; and liberation will be [dened as] a voidness [of self] that [once accepted] will subvert [their commitment to their] religious duties. Their sacrices and other rituals will be opposed there; and coming to be lieve [though this teaching] that there is no soul they will denigrate Siva himself [for teaching otherwise]. Indra, when I have composed learned teachings of this kind I shall insinuate them into their hearts and so put an end to their devotion to Siva. For the plan to succeed we have only to wait until Sukra is absent.

Br . haspatis plan works. The demons Saiva Guru leaves for a year to attend a sacrice. Br . haspati takes on his appearance and thus disguised sets about con verting them to Tantric Buddhism. They become so anti-Saiva that they can no longer bear even to mention the Sivalinga, let alone worship it,502 thus making it possible for Siva to destroy them. Evidently the Buddhist Tantric scriptures that Br . haspati is represented here as having concocted are the Yogin tantras as typied by the Laghu sam . vara and its satellites;503 and the fact that this understanding of the nature of the
502

503

Haracaritacintaman . ti (A : tadaprabhr . ti Ed. B) te . i 13.127c128b: *tatah . prabhr daityah . s ivabhaktipara nmukh ah . | asahanta na lingasya nam api kim utarcanam . That this is the Buddhism envisaged here is in keeping with another anti-Buddhist myth in this collection (Haracaritacintaman . i, chapter 17 and S ANDERSON 1995b, p. 94 for a summary). For there the adherents of Buddhism are said to be led by and Adibuddha (Kalacakra). three demons: Heruka, Sam . vara (the two Vajrad . akas),

223

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

genesis of these texts appears in a work of this kind suggests that it was common knowledge. For the Haracaritacintaman . i, being concerned with the cults of Siva at sacred sites, is not addressed to the narrow community of the initiated but to the widest possible audience for a Saiva text in Sanskrit, that is to say, the uninitiated Saiva laity. Nor can this text be seen in spite of this as reecting the knowledge of a learned minority at the time of its composition. For between the opening and closing verses of each chapter the text is written in a rather . ic tracts in unpolished style that is so similar to that of the anonymous Puran praise of sacred sites that it should not be seen as a composition in the full sense of that term but rather as a compilation in which Jayadratha has lightly edited pre-existent materials of this popular genre.504 The redactional relation between the Yogin tantras and Saiva Tantras of the t Vidyap ha may not, of course, have been so obvious to learned Buddhists once . these texts had been propagated and the work of commentary undertaken, let
17.4: may a sambariko namn a herukakhya s ca darun . ah abhidh ana s . | adibuddh cety asuras traya asate ; 17.9: vajrad ak av iti khy atau tad a heruka s ambarau | . adibuddhena sahitau suran . am . cakratur bhayam. Heruka here is evidently Hevajra, since he is described as eight-headed, four-legged, sixteen-armed, and em (17.5). He leads the Buddhists in their war against the gods. braced by Nairatmy a He is surrounded by an army of Madhyamikas (madhyamanam anah . ), followers of the Mantranaya (mantranayatmak ah . ), bhramamohatmak ah . , mithyaj n an atmak ah ., avakas Sr (s ravak atm anah . ), and Buddhas copulating with their consorts (17.78). The meaning of the terms bhramamohatmak ah . and mithyaj n an atmak ah . is not immediately obvious. Since it is clear from the context that they refer to distinct groups among the Buddhists (bhramamohatmak ah . kecin mithyaj n an atmak ah . pare) I take them to mean those who are devoted to the delusion of [the objective existence of] non-objective cognitions) and those who are devoted to the view that [belief in this reality of] cognitions [containing the appearance of their objects] is false, understanding these expressions to refer to the two aras, kinds of Yogac those who hold mind-only with form and mind-only with aravij anav out form respectively to be ultimately real, that is to say Sak n adins aravij anav ana and Nirak n adins. Classifying Mahay Buddhists into Madhyamikas aras and these two kinds of Yogac and the classication of all these into those who follow the Mantranaya and those who do not, that is to say, those who follow the non-Tantric Paramit anaya, is a commonplace in the doxographical tradition of late Indian Buddhism; see, e.g., Advayavajra, Tattvaratnaval , pp. 48; Sahajavajra, Sthitisamasa ff. 4v16r2 (nirak arayog ac arasthitisam asah . ), ff. 6r27r1 (sak arayog ac arasthitisam asah . ), ff. 7r111r3 (madhyamasthitisam asah . ), s varak and ff. 11r318v5 (Mantranaya); Vag rti, Tattvaratnavalokavivaran . a, pp. 141142 (mantranaye ca vijn anav adamadhyamakamatayor eva pradhanatv at . . . ); Tarkabhas .a , pp. 107110; and K AJIYAMA 1998, pp. 148151, Moks . akaragupta, 154158. Consider Jayadrathas own statement at the beginning of the work (1.5): de se s r vijaye sasya nivasan preran tayoh . i trinetrasya s astradr tani .s . at . | caritran .. gumphaye While living in the land of Siva Vijaye svara I shall string together the deeds of the Three-Eyed [God] as I have seen them in the sacred texts, at the instigation of these two [teachers].

504

224

The Saiva Age

alone to the ordinary lay devotee of the Buddha. But the iconographical reper alika toire, the retinue types, the style of worship and Kap observance, and the growing autonomy and diversication of the goddess, are so closely parallel to akta what we see among the S Saivas that it is hard to believe that any Indian, learned or not, could have seen these deities and observed the practices of those that propitiated them without being aware of this fact. akta This must have been especially so in east India. For the S tradition was particularly strong there, as it still is, and had deep roots in the domain of pop . as of the region as the Dev ular religion, as is evident from such Puran puran . a, 505 Br hann arad yapur an a , Br haddharmapur an a , and K alik apur an a , from non. . . . . eastern testimony,506 from the fact that east-Indian locations are conspicuous in akta early lists of the S sacred sites,507 and from the inscriptions and other his505

506

507

See C HAKRABARTI 2001 passim. The Dev puran . a (39.143145) lists places where . ha, the Mother goddesses are especially present. In this list are Varendra, Rad and Kamar upa: ve syasu gopabal asu tud . akhases . the himavata s *calpa . ahun . u ca | p (?) *jalandhare (corr. : jalandhara Ed.) savaidi se *mahodare (?) varendre ca rad . hay am . ko sale pure | bhot t ade s e sak am akhye *kis .. . kindhe (corr. : kis . kindhye) ca nagottame malaye *kollaname (conj. : koluname Ed.) ca ka ncy am . ca hastinapure are especially present | ujjayinyam . ca ta vidya vi ses . Those Vidyas . en . a vyavasthitah . as (?), Hun . as, and Khasas, in the sacred among courtesans, cowherd girls, *Tud *Mahodara (?), Varendra, Rad . ha, site of Himalaya* . . . (?), in Jalandhara, Vidi sa, Malaya, the capital of Kosala, Tibet, Kamar upa, the great mountain of Kis . kindha, nc , Hastinapura, *Kolla[giri] (conj.), Ka and Ujjayin . . ic passage on the calendrical festivals of Kashmir cited A verse in a Puran by Laks dhara early in the twelfth century in the Niyatakalak an .d . m . a of his Kr al . tyakalpataru (p. 410, ll. 45) associates the sanguinary cult of Durga/Bhadrak with the peoples of Bengal and Orissa (Anga, Vanga, and Kalinga), the Kinnaras, the Barbaras, and the Sakas: evam amlecchagan sarvadasyubhih . nan . aih . pujyate . | angava ngakali ngai s ca kim narair barbaraih s akaih She is worshipped in this way . . . by various foreign communities, by all the Dasyus: the people of Anga, Vanga, and Kalinga, the Kinnaras, the Barbaras, and the Sakas. In this list only the people of Anga, Vanga, and Kalinga and the Iranian Sakas (if this reading is sound) are well-known. As for the Kinnaras and Barbaras, Varahamihira locates the former, under the synonym A svavadana, in the east (Br hatsam hit a 14.6ab: khasamagadha. . s ibiragirimithilasamatat svavadanadanturakah . ), and the latter in the south. od . ra west (14.18c). See S ANDERSON 2001, p. 7, fn. 4. This is particularly clear in the case of the eight principal sites among the twenty-four: the eight Ks . etras, namely At .t . ahasa, ar an . as Caritra, Kolagiri, Jayant , Ujjayin , Prayaga, Varan , and Kot . a/V . ivars .a ar an . as (see here p. 195), or, in a variant, Prayaga, Varan , Kollagiri, At . a/V .t . ahasa, Jayant , Caritra, Ekamra, and Dev kot . a (see, e.g., citation of the Madhavakula in Tantralokaviveka on 29.67; Kularatnoddyota f. 13r34: prayag a varun kolla .a at tahas a jayantika | caritraikamrakam tam tham .. . caiva *devikot .. . [corr. : devikos .. . Cod.] tathas .. tamam). At Kot kot are all in east.t . ahasa, . ivars . a/Dev . a, Caritra, and Ekamra ern India, the rst two in Bengal and the last two in Orissa. The location of Jayant is uncertain. It too is east-Indian if it is the Jayant pura in the Ganjam . aka (Banavasi). Other east-Indian District of Orissa rather than that in Karn . at . aliputra, in sites among the twenty-four are Viraja (Jajpur in Orissa), Nagara (Pat

225

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

is eulogized in an inscription torical records of this period. Thus when Devapala it is for two achievements: his martial success and, as of his son Mahendrapala we have seen, his building of two exceptional temples, one of the Buddha and the akta other of the Saiva Goddess; S Saiva deities gure strongly, as we have seen, detailed in the Siyan inscription: several in the various pious works of Nayapala installed by his Vad abh temples for goddesses, one of them for a hill-top Carcik a . and temples for the predecessor Mahendrapala, temples for the Nine Durgas, [Bhairava] Hetuke svara and a Bhairava accompanied by a retinue of sixty-four Mothers;508 and Madanapala, the patron of Sam is described in . dhyakaranandin, that poets Ramacarita as having attained his success in war through the favour akta . garh has a S of Can .509 Even the Saiddhantika Pra sasti from Ban context, .d . siva of its immediate purpose being to report the building by the Rajaguru Murti 510 a Vad temple for Carcika. . abh
siva], being devoted to pious works, has constructed this Vad [Murti temple . abh which seems to embody his two halves miraculously transformed in a mountain of snow and a mountain of gold. I fancy that Indras elephant, now that he can see the wondrous reection of the lions [on its roof] in the waters of the heavenly Ganges, will recoil [in fear] and no longer drink its waters.

That the temple is described as a Vad surmounted by lions establishes that . abh 511 it is a temple of a goddess. The inscription does not state explicitly that this it did not need to do so since the inscription was not doubt goddess is a Carcika: in situ. But we can infer that she was from the fact that the inscription begins with obeisance to her followed by two benedictory verses in her praise:512
Bihar), and Pun .d . dohas or Upaks . ravardhana (in Bengal) among the eight Sam . etras (Ni sisam f. 15v1 [3.26]; Kubjikamata 22.3238), and Pr (Pis in .s . cara .t . hapura .t . apura Kalinga, in the East Godavari District of Andhra Pradesh), and Rajagr . ha (in Bihar) among the eight Upaks sisam f. 15v34 [3.29]; Kub. dohas (Ni . etras or Sam . cara jikamata 3946). We see the same emphasis on the east of India in the scheme of nine sacred sites (three P t t . dohas) taught in . has, three, Upap . has, and three Sam the Ni sisam . In the version of that text known to Abhinavagupta and his com. cara (Assam), Purn . agiri (in the Decmentator Jayaratha the three P t upa . has are Kamar can), and Ud (Swat). The Upap t . dohas are Pun .d .d . iyana . has and Sam . ravardhana, Varendra, Ekamra, Dev kot , and Kollagiri; see . a (all four in eastern India), Ujjayin Tantraloka 15.83c88. For Nayapalas foundations see here pp. 111114. Sam Ramacarita 4.21: can caran . dhyakaranandin, .d . . asarojaprasadasam . pannavigraha sr kam | na khalu madanam nge sam s am agaj jagadvijaya sr h . sa . Did not the glory of world-conquest come to King Madana when, with the king of Anga, he had achieved success in battle by the favour of the lotus-like feet of Can d ? .. S IRCAR 1983b, v. 25: teneyam ncan acalamah akaut uhal ave sitasv yardh a . himaka rdhavapus va vad pun a nirmita | yatsim . mat . abh . yatman . hapratibimvam ambaradhun toyes tva sam adya na jalany airavatah .s . u manye dbhutam . dr .. . kucadanghrir . *pasyati (em. : pa syati Ep.). See here p. 112. om nama s carcikayai surasura sirah ren a jagat | pantu vi svakr . ta.s . ipat . avasasam

508 509

510

511 512

226

The Saiva Age

Obeisance to Carcika. worshipped by May the world be protected by the dust from the feet of Carcika, the creator of the universe, fragrant powder for the heads of all the gods and demons. protect the world, who at the aeons end, garlanded with human May Carcika skulls, with her body becoming desiccated out of anxiety at the poverty of her fare, thinks: What shall I eat? If I devour this universe in a single bite, it will be no more than a fragment that will lodge between my teeth. What shall I drink? The water of [all] the seven oceans is insufcient to be visible in the hollow of my palm.513

That a Saiddhantika Guru should have built a temple for a fearsome goddess aktism realm. of this kind is compelling evidence of the strength of S in the Pala For there is nothing in the Siddhanta itself to prompt such a construction, that tradition generally marking itself off from the cults of such deities with their gruesome iconography and their ecstatic and transgressive rites. Indeed, as this anomalous foundation suggests, the cult of the emaciated seems to have been particularly well-established in the region. There Carcika are numerous surviving images of this goddess at or from sites in Bihar, West Bengal, Bangladesh, and Orissa, dating from the ninth century to the four akta teenth;514 she gures prominently in the east-Indian S Dev puran . a;515 and
bhyarca s carcacaran dam trasam . dhinil nam ekakavalam vi svam . aren . avah . .s .. . tad a snami kim sapt ambhodhijal ani hastasus ire gupt ani kim p yate | ity ah aradaridra . . takulatay a s us kalpante nr aj jagac . kapalaman . yattanum bibhrat .d . anavidhih . pay carcika . With these verses compare those of the east-Indian poets Bhasoka and Umapatidhara in the anthology Saduktikarn amr ta (vv. 126 and 129), compiled . . dharadasa by the east-Indian Sr in 1205 under Laks being . asena. Bhasokas . man east-Indian is evident from his name in -oka; see the many names of this kind in the east-Indian anthologies Subhas . itaratnakos . ta, Amr . toka, . a, and Saduktikarn . amr Ucchoka in the inscriptions of Bengal (N.G. M AJUMDAR 2003, pp. 179, Sangok a, 27, 37, 178), and Dibboka and Rudoka in the commentary on Ramacarita 1.39. a inscription of the Sena king Vijayasena (r. Umapatidhara composed the Deopar c. 10961159) and is reported in Merutungas Prabandhacintaman . i to have been a minister of the Sena Laks man asena (r. c. 11791206); see N.G. M AJUMDAR 2003, . . p. 45. in the Huntington Archive. For Orissa see also D ONALD See Camunda (Camun .d . a) SON 1991. See in particular Dev puran . a, Patalas 7 and 9 (> Agnipuran . a 135) on Camun .d . as amantra. is described as having her body clothed Padamal In that Mantra Camun .d .a with an elephant hide (gajacarmapravr . ta sar re). This feature, which was borrowed but also, as we have seen, by from the iconography of Siva not only by Camun .d .a ah , is found in most of her east-Indian images. See Cakrasam . vara and Vajravar Huntington Archive, Scans 0058416 (Bangladesh), 0006042 (Itahar, North Dinajpur District, West Bengal), 0013693 (ndspot not recorded), 0013697 (ndspot not recorded), 0002686 (Harsinghpur, Darbhanga, Bihar), 0000308 (West Bengal),

513

514

515

227

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

akta in early canonical treatments of the S Saiva sacred sites this goddess is said 516 517 to preside at Dev kot Pun both in Varendr , and Ekamra .d . a, . ravardhana, (Bhubaneswar) in Orissa.518 In the rst she has the name Karn ,519 accord. amot . . sa according ing to the Ni sisam , Picumata, and Kubjikamata , and Bahumam . cara 520 to the Skandapuran . a-Ambikak an .d In the other two she is called Camun .d . a. . a.
0013061 (Dighapatiya, Natore District, Bangladesh), 0002607 (Munger [Monghyr], Bihar), 0013063 (Bangladesh), 0013062 (Mahatore, Dinajpur District), and 0013476 (Vikramapura, Dacca District, Bangladesh); also AIISPL Acc. no. 32782 (Advahati, from other Burdwan, West Bengal). It is not generally seen in images of Camun .d .a regions. An exception is a ne sculpture at Khajuraho (AIISPL Acc. no. 45199) from the Chandella period (c. 9001150). It is perhaps to be introduced by emen icon in Agnipuran dation into the description of Camun . a 50.21c23b: camun .d . as .d .a kot araks sy an nirm am s a tu trilocan a nirm am s a asthis ar a v a urdhvake s kr s odar . . . . . | *dvipacarmadhara (dvipa conj. : dv pi Ed.) vame kapalam . pat ti sam ulam . .. . kare s kartr daks . s avar ud . hasthibh us . an . . in . e syah .a See here p. 112. Ni sisam f. 18v23 (4.3536): camun a (em. : vikhya Cod.) devya . cara .d . eti ca *vikhyat va *pun d ravardhane (corr. : pun d a Cod.) | mah abal akulotpann a khat v a nga . . . .. kara sobhita 36 bhuktimuktikara devya sam | kumbhakhyo . dohaks . etrasam . sthita ks s ca tasmin ks kulakramarcana f. 21v1: HR IM . . etrapala . etre vyavasthitah . ; Kal R S IM S R I * PUN D RAVARDHANAMAHOPAKS ETRE C AMUN D A AMB AP ADA ( pun d ra corr. . . . . . . .. : pun .d . a Cod.). Ni sisam f. 31r12: *ekamre (em. : ekatye Cod.) *sam . cara . sthito (corr. : sam . sthita Cod.) devi k rti*vaseti (corr. : taseti Cod.) *k rtitah rtita Cod.) | ca. (corr. : k (corr. : camun mun a Cod.) samayu*ktah .d . ay . (corr. : ktam . Cod.) sthana.d . aya balisamanvi*tam (corr. : tah 15.2830: vartamanikakalpe tu . Cod.); Kubjikamata cakramadhyagah ekamraka vanantag ah . | kapal s a*kule sana camun . (kule sana .d .a corr. : kule sanam 29 s r kule svaradevasya hr tadale sthitah . | . tpadme s . Ed.) .. s anakramayogena sr s t im arg avalambik ah 30 karn ik ay am sthito deva s catus . .. . . . . kaparivaritah al acan .d . mahocchus . | raktakar . aks . masamanvitah . ; Kularatnoddyota f. 16r2 (3.140c142b): ekamraka vanantasth a utpanna <h svari 141 . > parame kapal s asamopeta s camun d a *cakramadhyag ah (corr. : s cakra Cod.) | p t hasth an a . . .. s rayodbhut a s catasro nya <h > par ambike | 142 rakt a kar al a can d aks ucchus meti . .. . . prak rtitah .. in Amarako sa 1.1.92 (see here is listed as a synonym of Camun Karn .d . amot .a . a in the series of eight Mother goddesses p. 231). The name appears for Camun d .. when these are given as the deities of the seven sets of sounds of the Sanskrit syllabary plus KS svar mata 16.41c43c: kavarge sam brahm . A in Siddhayoge . sthita cavarge caiva vais mahe svar . tavargastha yamy a pujy a ta-m-adin a | kaumar .n . av sarpavalaya padyenait am . prapujayet yavarge vasav tatra karn s a-m-adin a . amot . | krodhe *jney a (conj. : seya Ed.) para s aktir aghore s Brahm is in the gutturals, svar in the dentals. Vais in the palatals, Mahe in the retroexes, and Yamy a . av .n with the labials. Aindr He should worship snake-bangled Kaumar is in the semi vowels and Karn amot (= C amun d a) in the sibilants. Know that the goddess in ks . .. . .a is the supreme Power Aghore svar . The origin of the name is unknown, the common interpretation Ear-pearl being implausible since it fails to account for the retroex t. . Skandapuran . a-Ambikakhan .d . a 171.109, 112, 124 This name is probably an epithet s personal name and so does not indicate a different that served as this Karn . amot . goddess. The epithet, meaning having much meat, no doubt refers to her insa-

516 517

518

519

520

228

The Saiva Age

Of these sites Dev kot . a appears to have been of special importance from p early times. The Madhavakula refers to it simply as Sr t . ha, that is to say, as the Seat [of the Goddess];521 and the Skandapuran . a-Ambikakhan .d . a describes 522 where this goddess and the other it as a city originally fashioned by Brahma Mothers who accompany her were created by Siva and the other gods from their own bodies in order to destroy the demons who had seized it. After the city has been freed Siva declares that henceforth it will be the Mothers sacred abode,523 that he will reside here with them as Hetuke svara,524 and that they will be worshipped following ritual procedures taught in Tantras that will be composed for this purpose by the grateful gods. The titles of these Tantras of the Mothers (matr . tantran . i), which are listed in the narrative, reveal them to be Yamalatantras, headed by the Brahmayamala .525

521 522

523

524

525

tiable appetite for animal sacrices. The alternative, that it means eshy, that is to say, full-bodied, is highly implausible, since she is described here as the destroyer of the universe and as having a hideous form (171.108c109: tato devo sr . jad dev m . m ubham | vikr asth aya dvit yam api mataram . tam . rudran . mataram . s . rupam | namn a tu bahumam . sam . tam . jagatsam upin . m Then the deity [Siva] em. harar . anated the ne Mother goddess Rudran , and, taking on a hideous form, a second . sa, who embodies the destrucMother, the [well-known goddess] called Bahumam tion of the universe. See here p. 192 and Tantraloka 29.60cd. Skandapuran . a-Ambikakhan kot .d . a 171.78137, referring to Dev . a under its name Kot ivars a. See here p. 113. . . Skandapuran . a-Ambikakhan .d . a 171.120c121b [Siva addresses the Mothers]: bhavat nam idam vars rutam | bhavis . sar. sthanam . kot . . am iti s . yati jagatkhyatam vars vapapapramocanam This place known as Kot . a will be yours, famed through. out the world, with the power to free from any sin; 171.133cd: kot vars . . am idam . sthanam m at r n am priyam uttamam . . . . . Skandapuran . a-Ambikakhan .d . a 171.121c122b [Siva addresses the Mothers]: aham . hetur hi yus . yasmat sr ta mayaiva ca heruke svaranamn aham amy .s . makam .. . sthasy atra varapradah nayakatve vyavasthitah yas tu . | yus . mabhih . saha vatsyami . yus m an may a s ardham vidhivat p ujayis yati | sarvap apavimukt atm a sa par am . . . . gatim apsyati Because I am your cause (hetuh . ) and it was I that created [you], I shall be present here to bestow boons with the name Hetuke svara. I shall dwell here with you as your leader. Whoever correctly worships you with me will be freed from all sins and attain the highest goal. Skandapuran . a-Ambikakhan .d . a 171.127132b [Siva addresses the Mothers]: aham . brahma ca vis s ca r s ca tapodhanah . | matr . tantran . i divyani matr . yajnavidhim .s .n . u . aya . *prati (conj. : param Cod.) 128 pun prakaris yajanam | . yani . yamo . yair avapsyatha brahmam . yamalam 129 sarasvatam . svayambhuvam . caiva kaumaram . tatha . ca gandh aram ai sanam | tantran . y etani yus . tathany any sa. nandiyamalam . makam hasra sah yais tu yus yaks . am . . 130 bhavis . yanti nara . man . yanti bhaktitah . | naran yajaman an am . varan yuyam . pradasyatha 131 divyasiddhiprada devyo divyayoga bhavis s ca naryah yus yaks . yatha | ya . sada . man . yante sarahasyatah . 132 yoge svaryo bhavis yanti r am a divyapar akram ah I, Brahm a, Vis n u, and the as. . .. . tantras for the rites of the worcetic sages will compose excellent and holy Matr ship of the Mothers, by means of which you shall receive offerings. The Brah-

229

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

Moreover, it is probable that some at least of the surviving east-Indian images of the emaciated goddess reproduce the iconography of this important local from the Dinajpur District of Bangladesh, in which form. An image of Carcika
526 Dev kot and . a was located, shows the goddess seated beneath a banyan tree;

we see the same in an image from an unrecorded site in West Bengal.527 In both images severed human heads are attached by their hair to the trees branches, indicating that the site of this tree is a cremation ground, since cremation grounds were also places of execution.528 Now, in the tradition of the Picumata and akta the Ni sisam each of the major S sites is a cremation ground with its . cara own distinctive sacred tree; and in the case of Kot kot . ivars . a/Dev . a this is inmayamala , the Svayambhuy amala , the Skandayamala , the Sarasvatay amala , the sanay Gandh aray amala , the I amala , and the Nandiyamala : you shall have these Tantras and others in thousands, and with them men will sacrice to you in devotion. You will grant boons to men who sacrice to you. Being goddesses of celestial power you will bestow celestial Siddhis. And women who sacrice to you regularly with the secret [rites] will become Yoge svar s, women of celestial might. On the list of Yamalatantras in this passage and its relation to lists of such texts in the t Vidyap , also called . ha see S ANDERSON 2001, pp. 67, fn. 4. The Brahmayamala Picumata, teaches the worship of Bhairava as Hetuka surrounded with the Goddess by eight V ras and twenty-four Yogin s in its eightieth chapter (f. 306r23; 80.3233): hetukam sam . an ras .. takayutam . tabhus . devadeve . kapalakr . am | v . madhye devadevam agniv ayusam . tasam . parodayam . kal . yuktam adhordhvakr . gatim . | nyaset svarupabh asvantam tato yogigan am nyaset . It is striking that this reference to . . . Hetuka, presumably the Bhairava of Dev kot . a, is found in a chapter which is dis t tinguished by being one of the very few passages in the Vidyap . ha that departs . ic type, the subject from the Tantric norm by containing material of the Puran which gives it its title being a myth of the origin of the skull-bowl and skull-staff (kapalakhat ngotpattih . va . ). period; black stone; 9 inches in height; now in the Varendra Museum in RaPala jshahi: Huntington Archive, Scan 0013117. Sena period; black stone; 25.75 inches in height; now in the National Museum, New Delhi: Huntington Archive Scan 0000308. See, e.g., Kumarasambhava 5.73cd; Kathasarits agara 18.130d; Rajatara ngin . 2.7984; Picumata 3.32d93, describing the depiction of the cremation ground at Prabhasa: tato nimbam | saptad . mahabh mam . samalikhet . alam . citibhih . prajvalantibhih nagnam udbaddhakam . | ekaikasmim . likhet d . ale . naram Then he should depict a Nimba tree with seven branches, most frightening with the burning pyres [around it]. On each branch he should draw a naked hanged man; 15.16: kr .. tamyam . caturda syam . s avam ulaprotam .s . hya tha sadhakah .n . as . gr . | udbaddham . s . va aks ngam . tu darakam ; Jayadrathayamala ,S sam . ata . at . ka 3, Yogin . caraprakaran .a 8.71c72b, describing the depiction of cremation grounds: yamy adyair nairr . tantais tu di sair vr ks an sam alikhet udbaddhanarapracchann an ; Vajragarbha on Hevajra . . . 1.7.21 (dhvajam astrahatam . s . caiva) quoted in S NELLGROVE 1959, Pt. 1, p. 71, n.: rgyal mtshan ni rgyal pos rkun po la sogs pa skyes pa am bud med ga zhig chad pas bcad de lus mtshon gyis dral nas ro shing la dpyangs pao a dhvajah . is a corpse of some man or woman guilty of theft or some other crime whom the king has had executed with the sword, which has then been hung up on a tree [in the cremation ground].

526

527

528

230

The Saiva Age

529 deed the banyan (vat This strongly suggests that the local Carcika . ks . avr . ah . ). of the Tamil of Dev kot . a may have been multiplied in the manner of the Nat . araja

country, which though originally the deity of Cidambaram was established in secondary forms in temples throughout the region. We may note also that most of hold the trident, often as the most conspicthe surviving east-Indian Carcikas uous of their held attributes. Both the Picumata and the Ni sisam specify . cara this as the weapon distinctive of the Karn amot of Dev kot a, and the Skanda. . . puran . a-Ambikakhan .d . a says that it is because the goddess of this place slew the demons with her trident here that the site contains a sacred bathing-place ulakun called S .d . a the pond of the trident and that anyone who drinks its water (s ulodakam ) after doing obeisance to her will be safe from all harmful beings 530 (171.124125). The Picumata too refers to this Kun .d . a. aktism Finally, the pre-eminence of the emaciated goddess in the S of eastern India during this period is strongly underlined by the fact it is she that the Buddhists of the cult of Cakrasam . vara chose to represent supine beneath the right akta ah as the female representative of the S foot of Sam Saiva . vara and Vajravar tradition. atri. In textual references to that Buddhist icon she is generally called Kalar But there can be no doubt about her identity. For (1) she is called Carcika 531 in a Kalpa of , in the Vajravar ah sadhana of the Siddha Luy and Camun .d .a the Abhidhanottara and in the anonymous Trayoda satmakavajrad vajra. akin is called Kalar atri var ah sadhana , which is based upon it;532 (2) Carcika in a
529

530

531

532

See here p. 112. That the sacred sites are the cremation grounds (s ma sanam ) of the places listed is clear from the context in the Picumata, that (3.8127) being a description of the nine cremation grounds that must be installed in the initiation Man and eight .d . ala (mahaman .d . alam), one at the centre (Prayaga) an . as [Jajpur in Orissa], Kollagiri [Kolhapur around the periphery (Var , Viraja . aka], Prabhasa svara [in in Karn [in Kathiawar], Ujjayin [in Malwa], Bhute . at Mathura?], Ekamraka [Bhubaneswar in Orissa], and Kot . ivars . a). It is also clear from the account of Kot . a-Ambikakhan . ivars . a given in the Skandapuran .d . a, since that prophesies that the site will become a great cremation ground (171.133c134b): kot vars r . priyam uttamam s ma sanam .n . . am idam . sthanam . mat . am . pravaram . divyam bhavis yati sukhapradam . . . Picumata f. 8r3 (3.119c121b): s ane tu di sabh age kot . ivars . am . prakalpayet 120 vat tatra s ulodakam ulaprot a . am . tatra samalikhya . likhet | diks . u caiva vidiks . u ca s likhet tatha 121 s ula tasyagrato likhya kun . It appears from .d . asyaiva mahatape this that the pond (kun .d . am) was also known as the Sulodaka. Guhyasamayasadhanam al a f. 11r12: vamab ahustanaman . dayasambhava.d . alahr *m litadaks nghrim lita | daks . ghri Cod.) carcika <m <m . in .a . (em. : m . in . am . > rakta .> daks sirah <m . in . a . patita . >. Abhidhanottara , Pat akr antabhairavac amun treading . ala 56, A f. 173v2: padatal .d .a a with the soles of her feet; Trayoda s atmakavajrad on Bhairava and Camun d .. . akin vajravar ah sadhana in Guhyasamayasadhanam al a , f. 78r45: pad akr anta*kr . tas ambhucamun (em. : kr . |s ambhu scamun . Cod.). For the full visualiza. tam .d . am .d . am

231

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

533 verse by the east-Indian poet Bhasoka; and (3) the goddess beneath the foot of ah is depicted as emaciated, with sunken eyes and withered Sam . vara/Vajravar breasts, holding a skull-bowl and chopping knife in her two hands.534 The ema of our surviving images have four, six, eight, or ten arms, but the ciated Carcikas

skull-bowl (kapalam ) and chopping knife (kartrika ) are indeed among their four primary attributes, the other two being the trident and a severed head.535 The reduced to goddess beneath the right foot is, as it were, the east-Indian Carcika essentials: the emaciated body, the red colour, and only two arms, brandishing what were felt to be her two most basic attributes. akta It is inconceivable, therefore, that east-Indians, for whom S Saivism was akta so central, then as now, would not have been conscious of the S Saiva guise of this new Buddhism; and it is equally inconceivable that they would have been blind to the fact that the humilated goddess supine beneath Sam . varas and Va jravarah s feet was the pre-eminent goddess of the east-Indian Sakta tradition. Clearly the east-Indian Buddhists who developed this iconography chose this goddess precisely because she occupied so prominent a position in that tradition and therefore would be instantly recognized. In explanation of why this profound transformation of Buddhism occurred, we might be tempted to say that Buddhism was simply yielding ever more com akta pletely to the S Saiva religious tradition then dominant in the region, failing, as it were, to maintain its original purity in the face of this external pressure and the concomitant expectations of its patrons. This was perhaps how the matter avakay would have been represented by the Sr anists; and no doubt there is some truth in this assessment, since it is extremely unlikely that east-Indian Buddhists would have chosen to develop this new manifestation of their religion if akta S Saivism had not become the pre-eminent religious idiom of the region. But

533

534

535

tion text of which this is part see E NGLISH 2002, p. 407, n. 207. Saduktikarn . ta 126. For the east-Indian character of names in -oka see here . amr p. 227. For this depiction see two stone sculptures from Ratnagiri in Orissa (L INROTHE 1999, gs. 198202), two bronzes, one from Vikrama s la and the other from an unrecorded site in eastern India (L INROTHE 1999, gs. 206208), a Kashmirian bronze (PAL 1975, Plate 64a,b; L INROTHE 1999, g. 211; Huntington Archive Scan 0059531), some early Tibetan bronzes (L INROTHE 1999, gs. 213214), a Nepalese bronze of the fourteenth century (PAL 2003, g. 31), a Nepalese bronze dated 1772 (R EEDY 1997, g. N299), a painting from Khara-khoto, before 1227 (R HIE and T HURMAN 1991, g. 92), and a Nepalese painting of the early seventeenth century atris (K REIJGER 1999, p. 53). In some Tibetan paintings Kalar emaciation is absent (e.g., PAL 2003, g. 117; K OSSAK and S INGER 1998, g. 43; R HIE and T HURMAN 1991, g. 69.2); but that this is a secondary development can be inferred from its much more restricted occurrence. in Huntington Archive. See Camunda (Camun .d . a)

232

The Saiva Age

and Bhairava and the extensive the iconography of the humiliation of Carcika learned literature that developed around the kernel of the Yogin tantras alert us to the fact that those who created and rened this tradition saw the matter in an entirely different light. In their view they were not succumbing passively to an akta alien inuence. Fully conscious that they were assimilating the dominant S Saiva idiom of the region, they justied their doing so as a means of converting non-Buddhists, taking their practices and encoding them with Buddhist meaning so that outsiders could rise effortlessly through what was familiar to them to what would save them, a view exactly reected in Jayadrathas myth of the com akta pilation of anti-Saiva iconography, S Saiva liturgy, Mantras, and Buddhist doctrine as a means of luring devout Saivas away from their faith. For while the learned literature of Tantric Buddhism claims with sincere conviction that its special methods are designed for exceptionally able aspirants within the Buddhist fold,536 its point of entry, namely initiatory introduction before the Man .d . ala, was designed to facilitate the recruitment of those outside it and to this end access was rendered as easy as possible. Thus in the seventh century the Mahavairocan abhisam . bodhi sets out a number of qualities to be sought in candidates but states that if even only one of these is present there is no need to investigate further;537 and in the eight century the Sarvatathagata
536

537

See, for example, the doctrine of the four points of superiority of the Tantric form ana, of the Mahay the Mantranaya, over the non-Tantric Way of the Perfections (paramit anayah pa by an author whose name ap. ) asserted in the *Nayatrayaprad pears in the Tenjur as Tripit . akamala, an implausible name, perhaps an error for Tripit . akamalla (Tshul gsum gyi sgron ma, f. 16v3: de yang pha rol tu phyin pai theg pa chen po dang don gcig pa las dei khyad par gang dag yod pa de brjod par byao | don gcig nyid ang ma rmongs dang | thabs mang dka ba med phyir dang | dbang po rnon poi dbang byas pas | sngags kyi bstan bcos khyad par phags More ana] over, although there may be no difference in the goal [of the Mantramahay ana from that of the Paramit amah ay the points that distinguish [the former] should be stated[. This has been done done in the following verse]: Though the goal is one and the same the Mantra sastra is superior (1) because it is free of delusion [on the path], (2) because it offers many methods [for reaching the goal], (3) because it is free of difculties, and (4) because only those with the highest capacity are qualied [to undertake it]. The Sanskrit of the verse is preserved through citation (without attribution) in the Tattvaratnaval of Advayavajra (p. 8) (A), the Sthitisamasa of his disciple Sahajavajra (f. 11v2 [6.5]) (B), and the anonymous Subhas . itasam py asam *bahup ay ad . graha (part 2, p. 31) (C): ekarthatve . mohad (AB Tib. [thabs mang] : vajropay ad C) adus | t ks ar ac ca . karat .n . endriyadhik mantra sastram sis a?), wrongly . vi . yate. It has also been cited by Ka ro pa (Karop attributing it to a *Prad poddyotanatantra (sgron ma gsal bai rgyud), in his commentary on the Caturmudranvaya (M ATHES 2008, p. 96). According to the view of some, as reported by Gzhon nu dpal, Ka ro pa was another disciple of Advayavajra (Blue Annals, pp. 842843, 847849, reported by M ATHES [2008, p. 89] as saying . i). that he was a disciple of Advayavajras disciple Vajrapan rNam par snang mdzad chen po mngon par byang chub pai rgyud (Mahavairocan a

233

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

tattvasam . graha goes so far as to prohibit the application of any criteria for distinguishing between those who are and are not worthy. Furthermore, it makes this open-door policy absolutely clear by specifying those to whom introduction 538 before its Man .d . ala is intended to appeal:
Next is [the topic of] the detailed procedure that begins with the entry of Va jra disciples into this Great Man In this the rst step is .d . ala of the Vajradhatu. entry in as much it is the means of rescuing all persons without exception and of bringing about the accomplishment of the highest joy for the benet of all. With regard to this entry before the Great Man .d . ala [the ofciant] need not examine candidates to determine who is and is not worthy. Why is that? Venerable Tathagatas, there are (1) people who have commited great sins. By seeing and they will be freed of all the bad reentering this Great Man .d . ala of the Vajradhatu births [that would be the consequences of those sins].539 Venerable [Tathagatas], bhisam . bodhitantra), f. 162v46: de nas de yi phyi de nyin | slob ma dad cing rigs btsun pa | de bzhin dkon mchog gsum la dad | zab mo yi ni blo dang ldan | spro ba che zhing tshul khrims ldan | bzod dang ldan zhing ser sna med | dpa la yi dam brtan pa ni | bcu am brgyad dam bdun nam lnga | gcig gnyis bzhi las lhag kyang rung | dpyad mi dgos par gzung bar bya Then, the next day, he should assemble candidates (1) with faith, (2) of good family, (3) with belief in the Three Jewels, (4) with deep understanding, (5) with great energy, (6) adhering to moral conduct, (7) patient, (8) free of envy, (9) intrepid, and (10) steadfast in their observances. They are acceptable without need for [further] examination if they have [all] ten, or eight, seven, ve, one, two, four, or more [of these qualities]. Sarvatathagatasam vajradhatumah aman . graha, sections 210213: athatra .d . ale vajra sis sadividhivistaro bhavati | tatra prathamam prave so bhavaty . yaprave . tavat a ses ses an . asarvahitasukhottamasiddhikaryakaran . anava . asattvadhatuparitr . atayatra mahaman d alaprave s e p atr ap atrapar ks a na k ary a | tat kasm ad dhetoh .. . . | santi bhagavantas tathagat ah . kecit sattva mahap apak arin . ah . | ta idam . vajradhatumah aman tva pravis tva ca sarvap ayavigat a bhavis .s .d . alam . dr .. .. . yanti | santi ca bhagavantah sattv ah sarv arthabhojanap anak amagun agr ddh ah tah . . . . . . samayadvis .. pura scaran adis v a s akt ah | tes am apy atra yath ak amakaran yatay a pravis t an am sa. . . . . .. . rva saparip urir bhavis . nr asyal asy ah a . ttagayah . yati | santi ca bhagavantah . sattvah raviharapriyatay a sarvatathagatamah ay an abhisamayadharmat anavabodhatv ad anyadevakulaman pravi santi | sarva saparip urisam . u niruttara.d . alani . grahabhutes ratipr tihars iks . asam . bhavakares . u sarvatathagatakulaman .d . ales .u s . apadabhayabh ta na pravi santi | tes apayaman sapathavasthitamukh an am ayam eva . am .d . alaprave vajradhatumah aman so yujyate sarvaratipr tyuttamasiddhisukhasau.d . alaprave manasyanubhavan artham sarv ap ayapratiprave s abhimukhapathavinivartan aya . ca | santi ca punar bhagavanto dharmik ah . sattvah . sarvatathagata s lasamadhi prajnottamasiddhyup ayair buddhabodhim dhyanavimoks . prarthayanto . adibhir bhumibhir yatantah syante | tes atraiva vajradhatumah aman sa. kli . am .d . alaprave matren . aiva sarvatathagatatvam api na durlabham kim a nga punar any a siddhir . iti. The doctrine that the mere sight of the Man .d . ala destroys all ones sins is seen here in section 900: tato yathavan mukhabandham mahaman sayet . muktva .d . alam . dar | man d ale dr s t am atre tu sarvap apair vimucyate Then after duly removing the . .. .. blindfold he should show him the Great Man .d . ala. As soon as he has seen it he is freed of all his sins. But it is much older. It is already found in the Maha

538

539

234

The Saiva Age

there are (2) people who are attached to every [kind of] wealth, food, drink, and other sense objects, who are [therefore] averse to [submitting to] the rules [of the initiated] (samayah . ) and incapable of such disciplines as the Preliminary Obser540 vance (pura scaran If they enter this [Man .d . am). . ala] they too will have all their

540

man thitaguhyaparamarahasyakalpadharan . , which may be . ivipulavimanasupratis .. the earliest Buddhist text teaching consecration in the context of introduction to a Man .d . ala, here with the peculiarity that consecration precedes entry, while in the later tradition entry precedes consecration: f. 53v15 (Tib. f. 384v7): tatah . anena mantren prave sayet: OM . MAN . HITA * SIDDHE . IVIPULASUPRATIS .T . abhis . incya . * SARVATATH AGAT (Tib. : siddha Cod.) ABHIS M AM ABHIS . I NCA . EKAIR (Tib. : SARVATATH AGAT ABHIS . BHARA SAM . BHARA (Tib. . EKAI Cod.) BHARA BHARA * SAM . H UM . (Cod. : H UM . Tib.) | yathabhis : SAM s . BHARA Cod.) * H UM . iktamatra ca sarvapap avaran ani p urvajanmasam j at ani karm avaran ani vi s uddh ani bha. . . vanti sarva* suddhiparigr to (s uddhi em. : s uddha Cod.) bhavati sarvatatha . h gatadhis thitah abhis .. . sarvatathagat . iktah . Then he should introduce him into the Man .d . MAN . HITA . IVIPULASUPRATIS .T . ala after consecrating him with the Mantra OM SIDDHE ABHIS I NCA M AM SARVATATH AGAT ABHIS EKAIR BHARA BHARA SAM BHARA . . . . . H UM . . Merely through this consecration the obscurations of all his SAM . BHARA H UM sins, the obscurations of his actions committed in previous lives, are eliminated. He possesses all purity. He has been entered-and-empowered by all the Tathagatas. All the Tathagatas have consecrated him. According to the Zhen Yuan Catalogue of A . D. 800 (T. 2157935a:26) the Chinese translation of this text (T. 1007) was prepared by an unknown translator of the Liang dynasty (503557). However, I do not yet know if this passage is found in that translation. This is the practice otherwise known as purvasev a . It consists of a high number of repetitions of a Mantra along with ascetic restraints by means of which the practitioner qualies himself to undertake procedures that require its use. See, e.g., Manju sriyamulakalpa , p. 236: adau tavat parvatagram aruhya vim allaks .s . an i japet | p urvasev a kr t a bhavati | ks r ah aren a maunin a n anyatra mantragata. . . . cittena tri saran tena utpaditabodhicittena ca pos s lasam . h . aparigr . adha . varasamadapan abodhisattvasam tena japtavyam | tatah . i bhavanti Be. h . varaparigr . karman fore [beginning the Kalpa] he must rst climb to a mountain top and [there] repeat the Mantra two million times. [Thus] the Preliminary Service [of the Mantra] will have been accomplished. He must repeat the Mantra while sustaining himself with [nothing but] milk, maintaining silence, with his mind xed on the Mantra and nothing else, after taking the three Refuges, having formally resolved to attain the Awakening, and having taken up the Pos . adha fast, the restraint of morality, and the restraint of a Bodhisattva. [Only] then can the rituals be undertaken. This, barring the specically Buddhist vows, is exactly as prescribed in the Saiva Mantramarga, where, as here, the terms purvasev a and pura scaran am/pura s cary a . are standard and synonymous. See, e.g., Ni svasaguhya , f. 80v3: japamana-m eva masena purvasev a kr bhavati By repeating the Mantra for a month the Pre. ta Svacchandoddyliminary Service will have been accomplished; and Ks . emaraja ota ad 7.104cd: pura scarya prathamam eva mantragrahapurvam . vratam . niyatajapadikaran scarya is the observance that follows immediately after . am The pura receiving the Mantra. It is to do a xed number of repetitions [of that Mantra] with certain other [requirements]. Living on a diet of milk and maintaining silence is also a standard feature of Saiva Mantra observances; see, e.g., Ni svasaguhya f. 81r4: da saham ks r ah aren a japtavyah k alamr tyum jayati ; f. 82vr4: nakt a s ks aro . . . . . . . rah va maunena tu japed yas tu | sa s ivo bdena manavah . ; f. 84v6: anena mantren .a ks rah aro sam . . vatsaram . japet.

235

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

hopes fullled in accordance with their desires. Venerable [Tathagatas], there are ana (3) people who cannot grasp the nature of the understanding of the Mahay of all the Tathagatas because they are attached to dancing, singing, joking, amusements, and the pleasures of eating, and [so] take initiation before the Man .d . alas of other[, non-Buddhist] families of deities. Being afraid of the moral regulations [of Buddhism] they do not enter the Man .d . alas of the family of all the Buddhas, which comprise the fullment of all aspirations, which bestow the highest happiness, delight, and joy. It is for these too, who are inclined to enter the way of Man .d . alas that lead to bad rebirths, that this entry into the Man d ala of Vajradh atu is ap.. propriate, so that they may experience every happiness and delight, the highest Siddhi, joy, and contentment and be turned aside from the path that leads them to enter all [Man there .d . alas that result in] bad rebirths. Venerable [Tathagatas], are also (4) pious persons, who seek the Buddhas enlightenment by means of the morality (s lam), concentrations (samadhih a ) of all the . ), and wisdom (prajn Tathagatas but who experience hardship as they strive to attain the levels of the meditations (dhyanam ), liberations (vimoks . ah . ), and the other [states on the path taught in the Paramit anaya]. They will easily attain All-Buddha-hood without difculty in this very life (atraiva), all the more so other Siddhis, simply by enter ing this Man .d . ala of Vajradhatu.

Thus the text offered Man .d . ala initiation not only to Buddhists, and in particular to those who had found themselves unable to progress on the exacting path of the Paramit anaya, but also to sinners and sensualists regardless of their religion, and, most important in the present context, to outsiders who had already taken a non-Buddhist Tantric initiation or might otherwise be expected do so. The Sarvatathagatatattvasam . graha does not tell us whether it has particular kinds of non-Buddhist Tantrics in mind. We can only guess from the character of the initiation ceremony, with its emphasis on possession, and the cult to which akta initiation leads, with its erotic and sensual elements, that S Saivas must have been intended. Later sources, however, do make clear that it is indeed the non-Buddhist followers of the kinds of practice being adapted by the Buddhists that are in mind. Thus Anandagarbha, the period of whose activity, though not yet narrowly determined, may be assigned to the ninth century,541 attempting
541

The dating of Anandagarbha in the ninth century seems probable solely on the grounds of the range of his exegesis, which covers the Yogatantra systems of the Sarvatathagataattvasam . graha (his Sarvavajrodaya, his commentaries on the Sarvatathagatatattvasam oh. 2511]), the Paramadya (his commentary . graha [T [T oh. 2512]), the May aj ala (his commentary [T oh. 2513]), Guhyasamaja (his commentary [T oh. 1917]), and the Sarvabuddhasamayogad jala sam . akin . vara (his commentary on the Sarvakalpasamuccaya [T oh. 1662]). In the last of these Tantric systems we also have in Sanskrit but not in Tibetan translation his Vajrajvaloday a nkr . tyayana nama s r herukasadhanopayik a in a codex photographed by Rahula Sa

236

The Saiva Age

in his commentary on the Guhyasamajatantra to explain the extraordinary fact that the place where the Buddha is said to have been residing at the time that he revealed this Tantra is the vaginas of the goddesses, declares:542
If it is asked why he was residing in their private parts, the answer is [that this is] in order to bring it about that those devoted to the Tantras of Vis . u and the .n other [gods], who have not yet abandoned [their attachment to] the objects of the senses, may come through desire itself to delight in the abandoning of desire. For they seek to attain the Siddhis of such [gods] as Vis . u by resorting to women, .n and using such [offerings] as beef and urine. Those engaged in the quest for the Siddhis taught by these [gods do indeed] copulate with women [for this purpose]. [the possessor of bhaga-] in that For [it is said in their texts]: Vis . u is Bhagavan .n ayan . a [for the same he resides in the genitals (bhaga-) of women. He is called Nar reason,] because [by residing there] he gives pleasure to men.543 in the Ngor monastery in Tibet which comprises apart from this work forty-one items pertaining to the cult of Hevajra (I SAACSON 1999). The dating is supported by the tradition (Blue Annals, p. 373) that he was a pupil of D pankarabhadra, who ana, (r. c. 775812) (see was a pupil of Buddhajn a contemporary of king Dharmapala here p. 93). gSang ba dus pai dka grel, f. 4r35: cii phyir de dag gis gsang ba la bzhugs she na | smras pa khyab jug la sogs pai rgyud la mngon par dga zhing yul yongs su mi spong ba rnams ni dod chags kyis dod chags spong ba di la dga ba bskyed par byai phyir te | di ltar bud med bsten pa dang *ba sha dang (conj. : bshad Derge, Cone, Ganden) gci la sogs pa bsten pas khyad jug la sogs pa bsgrub par dod cing | des bstan pai dngos grub tshol pa la zhugs pa de dag btsun moi gsang pa la mngon par jug par gyur te | de yang | bha ga legs ldan khyab jug ste | bud med kyi ni mdoms na gnas | mi rnams dga bar byed pas na | des na sred med bu zhes bya zhes bshad do. The unknown author of this verse intends a nirvacanam of nar ayan . ah . . A nirvacanam is a kind of semantic analysis that explains why a word is appropriate to that to which it is applied (anvartha-). When this is not thought to be adequately revealed through ordinary grammatical analysis one may resort to an analysis in which the meaning sought is discovered by deriving one or more of a words syl lables from a verbal root that resembles it in sound. See the analysis of Yaskas statement of this principle in K AHRS 1998, pp. 3539. In this case the name is made to mean he who gives pleasure to men. The rst component in this analysis of nar ayan . ah , understood as either as sons of man (nara-) . was evidently naraby As tadhy ay 4.3.120 (tasyedam; cf. Manusmr . ti 1.10ab in another nirvacanam of .. nar ayan . ah : apo n ar a iti prokt a apo vai naras unavah . . ), or as men (nara-) by application of As tadhy ay 6.3.136 (anyes api dr yate) to account for non-standard .s .. . am lengthening of the rst vowel. For these two alternatives see Kulluka on Manusmr . ti 1.10ab and Medhatithi on the same for the second. Since aya- can mean good fortune, I speculate that the author found his meaning by deriving the last syllable, -na, from n - to lead [to], arriving by this artice at he who leads men to good fortune, i.e. happiness (nar an ayam ti nar ayan . ah . sukham . nayat . ), the substitution of n for n being caused by the preceding r. The articial derivation of -na . from n - is seen in the semantic analysis of samanah . for the fourth of the ve vital energies implicit in, e.g., Ni svasanaya 4.124ab (Ni svasatattvasam f. 40r3) (> . hita Svacchandatantra 7.308d): samanah . samatam . nayet, and Sardhatri satikalottara

542

543

237

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

It comes as a surprise that Anandagarbha attributes the extreme Tantric practices that he details here to Vais . avas, since nothing of this kind has been .n noted in their known literature. Because of this and because the use of female consorts, cow-esh, urine and other products of the male and female body in the propitiation of deities for the attaining of supernatural powers or effects appears t in our sources to be the hallmark of the Saiva Vidyap . ha, and of the Picumata in particular,544 it is tempting to propose that Anandagarbha has made a mistake and that had he been better informed or less careless he would have attributed these practices to those whom we know to have adopted them. But this cannot easily be accepted in the light of the fact that he backs up his attribution by citing a verse that supports it. I conclude, therefore, that his claim is rather evi dence that some Vais Saiva style . avas had assimilated the transgressive, Sakta .n of observance, just as the Buddhists had. In any case, whatever the accuracy of this attribution, it is extremely unlikely that Anandagarbha did not also have akta the S Saivas in mind when he referred to those devoted to the Tantras of Vis . u and other [gods]. .n Similarly Sraddh akaravarman, one of the Indian teachers of the Tibetan translator Rin chen bzang po (9581055), says in his *Yoganiruttara-

544

10.10cd: samam . u samano nama marutah . nayati gatres .. aktigarte ks See, e.g., Picumata f. 280v4: 67.71 s ipel lingam a <m . puj .> . . tatah samarabhet | gati-r-agatiyogena s aktiviks . obhatatparah . He should insert his penis into the vagina of his consort and then begin the worship, intent on bringing his consort to orgasm through to-and-fro motion; f. 106v34: 22.152 aktim s vidyay as .. tasatam japec caiva . japet | mantrasya va . tu ks . obhayen mantr . sam svayagavidhicoditam sya pura kr gomam . tva . 153 dravyapra . yutam . . kincisam | suras .. thina samayuktam tam kr 154 ks . tan tatha . pis .. . pin .d . . obhadravyen .a sam ak aram . tu karayet | praks . mardya ling . iped yonimadhye tu nimis . am . calya p d ayet 155 mantram ucc arayen mantr sam khy ay as t a s atam tath a | kars ayitv a . . .. . . tu tam . gud . karayet tatah 156 japarcanavidhau nityam . lingam . ikam . . pujayet sadhakottamah . The Mantra-adept should arouse his consort and [as he does so] 108 times. He should do the repetition of his Mantra as prerepeat the Vidya scribed in the procedure for his set of deities. First he should swallow the substances. Then he should grind cow-esh mixed with faeces and suras .. thi (urine?) into a ball, kneed it with the ejaculates, make it into the shape of a Linga, insert it into [his consorts] vagina, move it about for a short while and then compress it. The Mantra-adept should utter the Mantra 108 times, then withdraw the Linga, and make it into a pellet. The best of Sadhakas should always offer [this] when he . sam performs the repetition of the Mantras and the act of worship; f. 10v5: gomam . guggulam caiva pin y akam la s unam tath a 3.210 siddhyartham gud ik a hy eta . . . . . . . sasurayanvitam homayen nityakarman gomam . tva . i | man .d . ale tarpan . am . kr . Cowesh, bdellium, oil-cake, and garlic: he should offer this [mixture as a] pellet into . sam the consecrated re in his daily ritual; f. 141v2 (28.38cd): gomam . suraya mi sram homay ta vicaks an ah The adept should offer into the re cow-esh mixed . . . . with wine; f. 39v3 (5.40ab): sam a tu mutra homam He . put . e sthapayitv . tu karayet should place urine in a bowl and offer it into the re.

238

The Saiva Age

tantrarth avat arasam . graha, referring to the Yogatantras as the Tantras of Method (Upayatantras) and to the Yogin tantras as the Tantras of Wisdom 545 atantras): (Prajn
A Method Tantra is one in which the Man .d . ala shows mainly male deities in order to train (vin -) men and insiders (svayuthya ), whereas a Wisdom Tantra is one in which, in order to train women and non-Buddhist outsiders (bahyat rthika-), the Man .d . ala shows mainly female deities, deities, that is, who are appropriate for these.546 A Method Tantra is one that exhibits deities that purify the outer and inner aggregates of personality (skandhah . ), the elements (dhatavah . ), and the faculties and their objects (ayatan ani ), whereas a Wisdom Tantra is one that exhibits deities that purify the outer and inner channels of the vital energy (nad . ) and the Bodhicitta [semen]. A Method Tantra is one that exhibits deities [whose appearance and conduct are] in conformity with the [norms of] the world, whereas a Wisdom Tantra is one that exhibits deities [whose appearance is] contrary to [these norms of] the world.

Since Sraddh akaravarman states here that the predominance of female deities akta is designed to recruit non-Buddhists he can mean only the followers of S Saivism, since there is no other known group to whom this feature would have been particularly appealing. As for the other features that he identies as distinctive of the Yogin tantras, he does not state explicitly that they were introduced with the same purpose in mind; but it seems to me probable that he means this to be understood, since the transgressive character of these deities, his third distinctive feature, is indeed a fundamental characteristic of the goddesses worshipped by these outsiders. The Buddhism sponsored by the Palas had come a long way: too far, in fact, for those conservative Buddhist monks at Vajrasana who adhered to the ancient
545

546

rNal byor bla na med pai rgyud kyi don la jugs pa bsdus pa, ff. 103v7104r3: gang du skyes pa dang rang gi sde pa dul bai phyir lha poi rnam pa mang par ston pai dkyil khor ni thabs kyi rgyud do | gang du bud med dang phyi rol mu stegs can dul bai phyir de dag dang rjes su mthun pai lha moi rnam pa mang pai dkyil khor ston pa ni shes rab kyi rgyud do | gang du phyi nang gi phung po dang khams dang skye mched kyi rnam par dag pai lha ston pa ni thabs kyi rgyud do | gang du phyi nang gi rtsa dang byang chub kyi sems rnam par dag pai lha ston pa ni shes rab kyi rgyud do | gang du jig rten dang rjes su mthun pai lhai rnam pa ston pa ni thabs kyi rgyud do | gang du jig rten dang gal bai lhai rnam pa ston pa ni shes rab kyi rgyud. Part of this formulation, namely the doctrine that the Yogatantras are designed to appeal to men and the Yogin tantras to women, has scriptural status, being found in the mKha gro mai dra bai rdo rje gur rgyud (D vajrapanjaratantra ), f. 104v5 . akin 6: skyes bu rnams ni gdul bai phyir | rnal byor rgyud ni yang dag bshad | btsun mo rnams ni bsdu bai phyir | rnal byor ma yi rgyud bshad do The Yogatantras were taught in order to train (*vinayanaya ) men. The Yogin tantras were taught in order to recruit (*sam ) women. . grahaya

239

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

avakay Buddhism of the Sr ana. For according to the testimony of Taran atha they broke up the silver image of Heruka in the temple and burnt the collection of Tantras housed there, saying that these were the teachings not of the Buddha but of Mara, the evil obstructor of the Buddhas enlightenment.547 AKTISM AKTISM T HE R EFLUX OF B UDDHIST S INTO THE S OF B ENGAL . In akta deed, Buddhism had assimilated the S Saiva style of religion so thoroughly akta that some of its creations went on to be adopted into the later S Saivism of eastern India with little or no revision. This is the case with the goddesses Chin and Ugratar a. The Buddhist origin of Chinnamasta is certain, since namasta akta R . H UM . PHAT her S Mantra is S IM HR I M KL I M AIM VAJRAVAIROCAN I YE H UM . . . . . 548 A , and the two companions that ank her are D SV AH akin and Varn in . In the . . Buddhist prototype the anking goddesses are Vajravarn and Vajravairocan , . an and the Mantra for recitation (japamantrah . SARVABUDDHAD . AKIN I YE . ) is OM . H UM . H UM . PHAT OM I YE OM I YE H UM . OM . VAJRAVARN . VAJRAVAIROCAN . PHAT . . AN Moreover, the procedure of her visualization retains features dis tinctive of her Buddhist Sadhana, notably that one is to visualize the goddess standing on a red sun-disk marked with a Yoni triangle on a white lotus in ones navel.550 The only differences here are that in the Buddhist Sadhana the triangle A .549 SV AH

547

548

549 550

Rgya gar chos byung, p. 168, ll. 14: he ru kai sku dngul las byas pa chen po zhig dang | sngags kyi glegs bam mang dag cig yod pa si nga gling pa sogs nyan thos se ndha pa ga zhig gis di dag ni bdud kyis byas pao zhes byas nas | glegs bam rnams kyis bud shing byas | sku gzugs de yang dum bur bgos nas rnyed pa byas so There was a great silver statue of Heruka and many manuscripts of [texts of avakas the] Mantra[naya]. Some Saindhava Sr from such [regions] as Sri Lanka, saying that these manuscripts had been created by Mara, used them as fuel, and, moreover, after dividing up the image into pieces pocketed them; HBI, p. 279. aktapramoda S , p. 222 (her Mantra); pp. 221, 224225 (the visualization of Chinna D masta, akin and Varn ) . . in Abhisamayamanjar , pp. 151152. aktapramoda S , pp. 224225, Pura scaryarn . ava, p. 816, Karmakan .d . a, vol. akta 4, p. 239d240a (in the Kashmirian S sraddha): svanabhau n rajam . dhyayec chuddham samadhye tu man . vikasitam . sitam | tatpadmako .d . alam . can .d . arocis sam . ah . | japakusumasam . ka . raktabandhukasam . nibham | rajah . sattvatamorekhayoniman d alaman d itam | madhye tasya mah adev m s uryakot isamaprabh am .. .. . . | chinnamastam . kare vame dharayant m m . svamastakam | prasaritamukh . bh mam . lelihan agrajihvik am | pibant m m am . nijakan thavinirgatam . raudhir . dhar .. | vik rn sapa sam . ca nan apus . pasamanvitam | daks m . ake . in . e ca kare kartr . mun d am al avibh us it am | digambar am mah aghor am praty al d hapade sthit am .. . . . . | asthimal adhar am . dev m nopav tin m | ratikamoparis tham . ca sada . nagayaj .. dhyayanti mantrin . ah . He should visualize a pure, open, white lotus in his navel, the disc of the sun in the centre of the seed-pod of that lotus with the colour of ower, resembling the red Bandhuka the Japa blossom, adorned by a Yoni triangle with [three] lines[, red, white, and black representing the Gun . as] Rajas, Sattva, and Tamas. At its centre Mantra adepts always visualize the Great Goddess Chin-

240

The Saiva Age

has the strictly Buddhist name dharmodaya and that the goddess is visualized as a transformation out of a yellow HR IH visualized in that triangle.551 . a the Buddhist origin is even more apparent, since here the In the case of Tar akta dependence extends to textual borrowing. For the S literature of the worship of this goddess has incorporated the Mahac nakramatar as adhana of the Bud a svatavajra, which appears almost in its entirety in the eleventh chapter dhist S akta of the S Phetkarin . tantra. a svatavajra I am unable to determine within narrow limits how long after S this Tantra was composed.552 The earliest mention of the text in sources known to me is in 2.15 of the Sarvollasatantra of Sarvanandan atha, in a list of a canon of sixty-four Tantras cited from the Tod . alatantra but not appearing in the pub lished text of that work. It is probable that Sarvanandan atha, who wrote his work in Senhati in what is now Bangladesh, was born around the beginning of the fteenth century.553 It is tempting to assume that the Phetkarin . was svatavajras than to Sarvanandan written at a time closer to Sa athas, that is to

551

552

553

shining like ten million suns, holding her own [severed] head in her left namasta hand, fearsome, with the mouth [of her severed head] open wide, with the tip of her tongue licking greedily, drinking the stream of blood that gushes from her neck, her hair loosened, adorned with various owers, holding a chopping-knife in her right hand, adorned with a garland of heads, naked, most terrible, standing in the d Pratyal . ha posture, with a necklace of bones and a snake as her sacred thread, standing on Kama and Rati. Abhisamayamanjar , p. 151: svanabhistha suklakamalasuryasthitasind ur arun . adharmodayamadhye p tahr h a svayam eva kartitasvamastakam . karaj . vamahastasthitam . . . Arising by transformation of a yellow syllable HR IH . in the . dharayant triangle upon a sun[-disc] on a white lotus in centre of a vermilion-red Dharmodaya his navel, holding her own head, which she herself has severed, in her hand . . . . a svatavajras Sadhana a (= Sadhanam The take-over of S of Ugratar al a 101) by the Phetkarin . tantra and its subsequent inuence have been demonstrated by a svatavajra ourished around the last decades the tenth B UHNEMANN (1996). S century and the rst decades of the eleventh. His Bahyap uj avidhi (= Sadhanam al a 252), Hastapuj avidhi (= Sadhanam al a 253), and Cakrasam varabalividhi are found . in the series of ritual texts published in F INOT 1934 from a manuscript brought to China in 1057 by the Dhyana master Baocang on his return from India. His a is found in the *Sadhana Sadhana of Ugratar sataka (a facsimile of an undated Sanskrit palm-leaf manuscript from Tibet has been published in B UHNEMANN 1994 = T oh. 3306 ff.) and was translated into Tibetan by the Indian Pan .d . ita *Amoghavajra and the Tibetan monk Bari Rin chen grags of Khams (T oh. 3373; DT, Rgyud, Mu, f. 49v1, colophon: rgya nag poi rim pai sgrol mai sgrub thabs slob dpon rtag pai rdo rjes mdzad brjogs so | pa n ba .d . i ta don yod rdo rje dang khams pa lo tsa dge slong ba ris bsgyur cing zhus so). The latter was born in 1040 (Blue Annals, pp. 73 and 405) and was appointed to the chair of Sa skya in 1103 (Blue Annals, p. 211). A Sanskrit manuscript of his most important work, his commentary on the Laghu sam oh. 1410), survives in the . vara, translated by Bu ston Rin chen grub (T Potala Palace in Lhasa, where it awaits study. S ANDERSON 2007b, p. 236, fn. 89.

241

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

say, when the Buddhist Mantranaya was still at its height in eastern India, before the destruction of the great monasteries around 1200. But this destruction did not eliminate Tantric Buddhism and its literature from the region at a single stroke. For it was still alive in the early fteenth century, when Vanaratna (13841468) travelled to Tibet in 1426, 1433, and 1453, gave various Tantric initiations, notably in the Kalacakra according to the system of Anupamaraks . ita, and assisted in the translation of Tantric texts, as is attested in the biography of this extraordinary gure given by Gzhon nu dpal (13921481), 554 who collaborated with him in a translation of the *Trayoda satmaka sr cakrasam . varaman oh. 1489). We also have the Vanaratnastotrasaptaka, a San.d . alavidhi (T skrit hymn in praise of Vanaratna composed during his lifetime by a devout lay Buddhist Aditya, whom both the Sanskrit and Tibetan colophons say was ana a native of Magadha;555 and we have a manuscript of the Mahay classic Bod hicaryavat ara copied by a lay Buddhist in Bengali characters at Ven in . ugrama 556 1436. a became with Daks After her incorporation from the Mantranaya Tar . inakal akta and Tripurasundar one of the three principal deities in the east-Indian S which soon became widely disseminated throughsystem of the ten Mahavidy as, out the subcontinent. Thus in a passage cited from the scripture Jn anadv pa in are said to be [Daks the Sarvollasatantra (3.129) the ten Mahavidy as . a]kal . in am a), Tar a, and Tripurasundar (Sy (S od a s ), with the third dividing into eight: . . herself and the seven others that make up the total of ten, namely Bhuvane svar , Dhum avat ng , and Kamala. The Bhairav , Chinnamasta, , Bagalamukh , Mata akta centrality of these three goddesses is reected in the corpus of east-Indian S scriptures. The Tod . alatantra teaches the rites of these three alone, and the akhy the great goddess Br latantra follows the same model but adds Kam a, . hann of Assam. Their centrality is also evident among the Paippaladin Atharvavedins of Orissa; for when they absorbed the inuence of the Saktism of Bengal in the ngirasakalpa latest stratum of their diverse A corpus it was principally the rites and Tar a that they adopted.557 of Daks . akal . in aktism a in late east-Indian S The importance of Tar is independently

554 555

556

557

Blue Annals, pp. 797805. On the career of Vanaratna see E RHARD 2004. H AHN 1996, p. 37: samaptam idam . tir magadha. [vana]ratnastotrasaptakam | kr de s yadity an am iti; p. 40: dpal ldan bla ma nags kyi rin chen bstod pa bdun pa di ni rdzogs so | yul ma ga dha nas byung bai bsnyen dam pa nyi ma pa zhes bya bas mdzad pao (*samaptam idam s r guruvanaratnastotrasaptakam | kr . tir magadhade s yaparamopasak adity an am ). S HASTRI 1917, p. 21: ASB MS 8067. The scribe identies himself as Sadbauddha karan . akayasthat . hakkura Amitabha. S ANDERSON 2007b, pp. 235236, fn. 88.

242

The Saiva Age

conrmed by the existence of substantial texts devoted exclusively to her nkara worship, notably the Tar arahasyavr ya Sa composed in 1630, . tti of Gaud . the Tar abhaktisudh arn . ava, a work in some 11,000 verses composed by Nr . sim . ha s T abhaktitara ngin . i of Ka natha, composed in 1682 . hakkura c. 1688, the Tar aja of Nadia in West Bengal, and two at the request of Kr .s . acandra, Mahar .n other works with the same title, one by Vimalanandan atha and the other by sanandan Praka atha. AIVA M ANTRA S ASTRA S

T HE J AINS A DAPTATION

OF THE

Jainism too enjoyed royal support during this period, notably in western ., India under the Caulukyas and in Karn among the Gangas of Tal . ataka .akad 558 .t . as, and Hoysal the Ras and it too developed a Tantric ritual culture .as; . rakut along Saiva lines for the propitiation (ar adhan a ) of Mantra-goddesses for mun Japa, and offerings into re (homah dane benets using Mudras, . ). Among god s var desses worshipped in Jaina rites for such purposes are Laks m and Vag . (Sarasvat ) belonging to the higher world, the Vidyadev s belonging to the mid559 attendants of the dle, and, most important, in the lower world the Yaks . T rthankaras, associated with major Jaina pilgrimage sites, notably Ambika . man .d (/Kus in ), the attendant of Nemin atha at Girn ar, Cakre s var , the attendant . svanatha of R s abha at Satru njaya, Padmavat , the attendant of Par at Sravan .a .. am alin , the attendant of Candraprabha.560 Bel .gol .a, and Jval That these deities were developed on the basis of the Saiva tradition is more transparently obvious here than in Buddhism. Thus the Bhairavapadmavat kalpa, the Digambara Mallis . as Paddhati on the propitiation of . en Tvarita, Nitya, Tripura, Padmavat , written in 1057 equates her with Totala, 561 and Tripurabhairav , all well-known Mantra-goddesses of the Sakta Saivas.
558 559

560

561

See S TEIN 1998, especially pp. 147152. In the classical listing these are the following eighteen: Rohin , Prajnapti, . Vajra sr nkhal a, Vajr a nku s a, Apraticakr a, Purus adatt a, K al , Mah ak al , Gaur , . . , Sarvastramah al a, Manav Acchupta, Manas Gandh ar ajv , Vairot , and . ya, anas Maham . Cakre am alin see, e.g., AIISPL, For images of Ambika, svar , Padmavat , and Jval Accession numbers 45246, 10029, 58659, and 19995. On the cult of Padmavat see am alin see S ETTAR 1969. J HAVERY 1944. On the cult of Jval On the worship of goddesses in Jainism and their division between the three worlds (urdhvalokah . , tiryaglokah . , and adholokah . ) see C ORT 1987. On the centrality of the culture of Mantras and Mantrasiddhas in medieval Jainism see the survey and analysis by Paul D UNDAS (1998), who writes there of the Jain mantra sastra s partial linkage to an ultimately Saiva-inspired style of religiosity (p. 36), of the Jn an arn . ava of the Digambara Subhacandra, probably in the tenth century, that it blends much of the software of Saiva mantra sastra with specically Jaina so-

243

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

Unlike Saivism, Pancar atra, and Tantric Buddhism in its mature form, Jaina Tantrism did not claim to offer Jainas a new path to liberation. It remained entirely focused on mundane benets. Nonetheless it was not the preserve of the laity. Monks produced the manuals and monks were held to and other Mantra-adepts perform these propitiations. Thus Ya sobhadrasuri (mantrik ah . ) use the power that they have obtained by propitiating the goddess to unblock the throat of Devac arya Kurukulla when on the sixteenth day of a between him and the Digambara debate in the court of the Caulukya Siddharaja Kumudacandra the latter had used his supernatural power to silence him undertakes a by causing him to choke;562 the Jaina Guru of king Ajayapala on the Raivataka mountain at Girnar in two-month propitiation of Ambika order to gain for himself the boon of equality with the renowned Svet ambara Hemacandra and for his patron that of equality with Kumarap ala, the great 563 Caulukya king of Gujarat. Hemacandra, Devendrasuri, and Malayagirisuri go to the same mountain at night to undertake the propitiation of the Siddhacakramantra, after rst performing preliminary rites to summon the presiding into their presence;564 and Hemacandra propitiates the spellgoddess Ambika goddess Tribhuvanasvamin in An . ahillapattana, the Caulukya capital, in order 565 to ask her about the previous birth of his pupil Kumarap ala. As in the non-Jaina tradition the goddesses were put to work to serve the ac arya, interests of rulers. The Prabandhacintaman written at . i of Merutung in eastern Kat . hiav ad . in 1304, claims that Padmavat Vardhamana (Vad . hvan) was propitiated by means of a re-sacrice by a Digambara monk in order to an . as protect Var , the capital of king Jayacandra (in the late twelfth century), . aka at the court of Ya from attack by a Muslim army;566 bards in Karn sodhara . at

562

563

564

565 566

teriological concerns (p. 35), and of the Bhairavapadmavat kalpa that it contains an account of the well-known six magical arts (s . i), not greatly dissimilar . at . karman from their Hindu equivalents (p. 33). Merutunga, Prabandhacintaman se dine akasmike devac aryasya ka. i, p. 169: s . od . a n thavagrahe mantrikaih r ya sobhadrasuribhir atulyakurukulladev prasadalab .. . s dhavarais tatkan thap . that ks ks av at ke sakan . takarman .. . an . at . apan . akakr . anubh .d . ukah . patay am . cakre. Kumarap aladevaprabandha 54: cintitam adhanam manorathan am . . devatar . vina siddhir na | ato raivatake gatva dev m ambam . paritos aryasamo bhavi. ya hemac s | upavasatrayam tikay am . paran . am | ekah . yami . tad anu talahat .. . paricaryakarah . | evam m asa 2 tapah pr ante devy amb a pratyaks a j at a k aryam vada | tenoktam y adr .. . . . . s ah aladevas tadr .s am ajayapaladevam .s o hemac aryas tadr .s am . . kumarap . yadr . mam vidheh ti. Kumarap alaprabodhaprabandha 61. On the worship of the Siddhacakra see J HAVERY 1944, pp. 167169. Kumarap aladevaprabandha 21. Prabandhacintaman . i, pp. 294295.

244

The Saiva Age

a to secure the king victory in battle;567 and are said to have invoked Aparajit these powers are fully conrmed by the manuals for these rites. According to the unpublished Jval am alin kalpa, composed by the Digambara Indranandin in . aka in 939, the benets that can be attained by propitiating Jval am alin Karn . at include the splitting open of the gates of enemy forts; and the Bhairavapadmavat kalpa teaches a spell (vidya ) for making ones enemies fall asleep and magical receipts both for causing dissension among them (vidves . an . am) and causing their death (maran . am). Moreover, Padmavat was the lineage goddess . aka568 and functioned in (kuladev ) of a number of Jaina ruling houses in Karn . at this capacity much as she would have done if they had not been converted. Thus sakapura (Sosavuru) she appears in a local manifestation as the Padmavat of Sa in a Jaina myth of the origin of the name of the Hoysal .a (/Poysal .a) dynasty related in an inscription of 1133.569 When a Jaina ascetic Yogin was trying to subjugate this goddess with a Mantra and a tiger sprang out to break its power
570 the ascetic commanded king Sal The .a, saying Strike [it], O Sal .a (poy sal . a). Since this story king then worshipped the goddess under the name Vasantik a. introduces an account of the conquests of the dynasty it is probable that the akta goddess is seen here in the manner of the martial lineage goddesses of the S Saiva type venerated by non-Jaina kings during the early medieval period as

the source of their sovereignty and military might. In one important respect, however, Jaina lineage goddesses were bound to differ from their non-Jaina counterparts. Since Jainas are the strictest of vegetarians and are rigorously opposed to the harming of any living creature, their goddesses, like those of the Buddhists, had to renounce the animal sacrices that were so conspicuous a part of their cult in non-Jaina lineages.571 Thus the Osval
567 568 569 570 571

C ORT 1987, p. 248. ah aras, .t Notably the Sil Rat see C ORT 1987, p. 243. . as, and Santaras; EC 5:124. Cf. EI 6:10, l. 6: sa hoy sal tam am . . eti prapat . kila vinihatya hoysal . akhy In the Buddhist case, however, animal sacrice, though unusual, does occur. We see it in the mahabali sacrice performed by the Buddhist Newars at Lagankhel on the occasion of the chariot festival of Bugmaloke svara (Karun amaya); see S IN . CLAIR 2008. Nor is this a recent innovation. See Catus . thatantra ff. 30r232r3. . p The Mantra for the Bali there (f. 31v2) is derived from a Saiva prototype seen t in the Vidyap sisam (14.5663; ff. 47v548v2: ekavr ma sane va . ks . has Ni . cara .e s o has kindly informed me (personal communi. . . ). My pupil P eter-Daniel Szant cation, 4 March, 2009) that the verses that immediately precede that Mantra in this manuscript, containing the reference to sanguinary offerings, are not part of the original Catus . tha but have been added from the Catus . thaman a . p . p .d . alopayik of Caryavratip ada (19.3033 [f. 20r]). On that work, its author, and the incorpo O 2008a. He ration of material from it in this MS of the Catus . tha see S Z ANT . p has also drawn my attention to references to sanguinary offerings elsewhere in the . in (2.4.75), (2.4.6366) and in that of Cus Catus . tha itself, in the Sadhana of D . . akin . p

245

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

or SacJainas of Rajasthan and Saurashtra hold that their lineage deity Saccika adopted her present non-violence only when she and they were converted ciya probably in the twelfth century,572 in to Jainism by the monk Ratnaprabhasuri, consequence of his having miraculously cured a boy of snake-bite when he had already been thought dead and prepared for cremation. They claim that before their conversion they had been Rajput warriorsa claim also found among whom they propitiated with the other Jain castes573 and she a erce Camun .d .a Tantric rites of the Vamam arga. Her pre-Jaina past is still visible in her tem near Jodhpur, the Osvals original home. For the outer wall of her ple at Osian tala, Mahis and a innermost shrine shows images of Camun , S .d . a, . asuramardin 574 naked Bhairava. We have another story of the conversion of a lineage goddess in Jaina accounts of the life of the Caulukya king Kumarap ala of Gujarat (r. 1143 1174), who converted from Saivism to Jainism under the inuence of the illustrious Svet ambara scholar monk Hemacandra. According to these accounts Kan svar , the lineage goddess of the Caulukyas, and the other goddesses .t . he associated with her had always been placated during the nine days of the annual

572 573

574

and to a reference to the attracting of animal and human victims (pa suh . ) at the end of the ninth chapter of the Vajrad . That passage is derived from Laghu sam . aka . vara 32.12 and 31.23b. See also here p. 182, on human sacrice. See D UNDAS 2002, p. 149. On the claims of Rajput ks . atriya ancestry among the Jain castes of the Osvals, mals Khan d elv als, Agrav als, and Sr see B ABB 1993, pp. 78. .. A GRAWALA 1954 and 1956; C ORT 1987, pp. 243244; and B ABB 1993, pp. 910, . ORIY A 1988. For photographs of the Camun and following accounts in B H UT .d .a asuramardin see AIISPL , Accession numbers 59386 and 59388. An account Mahis . is found in a chronicle, the Upake of the conversion of Saccika sagacchapat taval , .. laity, which ends with the inof the monastic community followed by the Osval in [Vikrama] 1655. See pp. 237238 of the translation by stallation of Siddhasuri H OERNLE (1890), who does not provide the original, for which see A GRAWALA 1954. describes Saccika in that account as follows (H OERNLE s translaRatnaprabhasuri tion, p. 237), addressing her former devotees: O ye faithful, ye should not go to the temple of Sachchika-dev ; she is merciless, and incessantly delights in hearing the sound of the breaking of bones and the killing of buffaloes, goats, and other animals; the oor of her temple is stained with blood, and it is hung about with festoons of fresh skins; the teachers of her devotion, rites, and service, are cruel men; she is altogether disgusting and horrible. The text continues: Hearing these words of the arya Ach , they replied, What you say, O Lord, is quite true; but if we do not go to arya worship that cruel Dev , she will slay us and our families. The Ach , however, promised to protect them; whereupon they ceased to go any longer to the temple then goes on to convert the goddess, a tradition also of the Dev . Ratnaprabhasuri asserted in an inscription of 1598 (C ORT 1987, p. 244). Thereafter, it is said, she would accept no sanguinary offerings and not even red owers, because they resemble such offerings.

246

The Saiva Age

Navaratra festival by the sacrice of thousands of goats and buffaloes.575 But this stops when Kumarap ala, now a convert to Jainism, declares a fourteen-year ban on the taking of life. Kan svar appears before the king and demands to .t . he know why she and the other goddesses have been denied their usual sacrices. When he explains that he cannot sacrice to her now that he is a Jaina she is enraged and strikes him on the head with her trident, causing leprous sores to break out on his body. Hemacandra miraculously cures his afiction, tries to persuade the goddess to accept in future offerings of vegetarian food of equal value, and when this fails binds her with a Mantra. Thoroughly humbled, she begs the king to free her, promising that if she is released she will give up her ways and work instead to police his ban on the slaughter of animals throughout his realm. With Hemacandras permission he releases her and she takes to her new role as the kings informer with all the zeal of the convert.576 She reports a .t vassal king in Sauras ala . ra for secretly butchering goats in his home: Kumarap sends his minister Udayana at the head of an army to punish him.577 She reports a merchant for plucking a louse from his wifes head and crushing it: his entire property is seized and the money used to fund the building of a Jaina 578 avih monastery, named accordingly the Monastery of the Louse (Yuk ara).

575

576 577 578

Three thousand seven hundred goats and thirty-seven buffaloes were to be sacriced: a hundred goats and one buffalo on the rst day, two hundred goats and two buffaloes on the second, three hundred goats and three buffaloes on the third, and so on, so that nine hundred goats and nine buffaloes were sacriced on the ninth (Mahanavam ). See Somatilakasuri, Kumarap aladevacarita vv. 387 389: s uddhasamyaktvaput atm a mahanavam parvan i | kum arap alabh up ala . amig adibhir akhyata 388 dev *kan the svar (corr. : kam te svar Ed.) gotradev svam .. .. . bhavyam hate | ekam satam eva . chaga . caiko mahis . ah . pratipaddine 389 etavad dvigun ye divase punah ye trigun navame *navasam . t . am . dvit . | tr . am . yavan . gun . am (corr. : nava sam gun am Ed.); and Kum arap alaprabodhaprabandha 75: ath am arim . . . pravartayati rajani a svina suklapaks | tatra *kan th svaryadidevat an am . o gat .. . e (kan th svaryadi corr. : kan te svaryadi Ed.) arcakair vijnaptam . .. . e .. . deva saptamyam sapta s atani pa savah sapta mahis a s ca devat an am puro d yante r aj n a | evam . . . as tamyam as tau s atani navamyam . nava s atan ti. In the editions of the .. .. Kumarap aladevacarita and the Kumarap alaprabodhaprabandha the goddess name appears in the form Kan svar . I have corrected this to Kan svar on the .t .t . e . he dubious strength of a passage in the Prabandhacintaman i of Merutu nga in which . the author implies that she owes her name to the fact that in the eighth century Vanaraja, the founder of the Capotkat . a dynasty that preceded the Caulukyas at An thah . ahillapattana, had a shrine built for her in the kan .. . (narrow entrance?) of his palace (p. 35: tatha ca tena dhavalagr hakan t he kan the svar pras ada s ca . .. .. karitah . ). Kumarap aladevacarita , vv. 387396 and Kumarap alaprabodhaprabandha 75. Kumarap alaprabodhaprabandha 85. Kumarap aladevacarita , vv. 404406; cf. Kumarap alaprabodhaprabandha 77. The same sources relate another occasion on which the Jaina Mantravada was used to curb a sanguinary goddess. Hemacandra and Ya sa scandra y through the

247

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

akta Thus, while drawing heavily on the S Saiva tradition of the propitia tion of Mantra-goddesses, the Jain Mantravada, was bound to keep itself free of the sanguinary aspects of those cults and, also, one would assume, of all other transgressive elements that would conict with the ascetic character of the Jaina path, notably the use of esh and alcohol, and the employment of female consorts. However, that exclusion was not as complete as one would expect in respect of the last of these elements. This is apparent in the accounts of two of the pro pitiations mentioned above. We are told that when Hemacandra, Devendrasuri, undertook the propitiation of the Siddhacakramantra on the and Malayagirisuri Raivataka mountain they did so with a Padmin in the person of the wife of a village headman as their Tantric assistant (uttarasadhakatvena ).579 How the wife of the village headman assisted in the propitiation is not stated. But the story of Hemacandras propitiation of Tribhuvanasvamin is more explicit. Again he has the assistance of a Padmin . The daughter-in-law of a farmer is brought to the city for this purpose and the goddess shows her favour after Hemacandra has

579

air from An . ahillapattana to Bhr . gupura (Bhr . gukaccha, Bharukaccha, modern who had Bharuch/Broach) and attempt to tame the Tantric goddess Saindhava, possessed the minister Ambad . a. She shows her contempt for Hemacandra by sticking out her tongue. Ya sa scandra punishes her by pounding some grains of rice in a mortar. The rst blow causes her temple to quake, and the second and third cause her image to shudder and then be dislodged. She falls at Hemacandras feet begging for his protection. See Somatilakasuris Kumarap aladevacarita , vv. 7685 is no doubt the Sindhava and Kumarap alaprabodhaprabandha 87. Saindhava whose temple is located outside the walls of Broach to the north, not far from Ma the temple of N lakan up to .t . ha. She was receiving goat sacrices on Mahanavam the 1940s (D ESAI 1993, p. 48). According to Somatilakasuri, she was the principal Ma also has temples in Ahmedabad, of the non-Jaina deities of the city. Sindhava near Bilimora, and Kayavarohana, Vadodara. Kumarap alaprabodhaprabandha 61: te ca trayah . s r -ambika . tapurvakr . tyah . kr kr ah . s ubhadhyanadh radhiyah r raivatadevat adr .s tau triyaminy am a . tasannidhy . s .. hvan avagun thanamudrakaran adibhir upacarair guruktavi .. . amantranyasavisarjan dhina sam pasthapadmin str kr tottaras adhakakriy ah s r siddhacakramantram *a. . sadhayan (em. : asadhayat Ed.). And those three, after performing the prelimi with their nary service (purvasev a ) and bringing about the presence of Ambika, mind rmly concentrated in the pure mode of meditation, in the sight of the goddess of the Raivataka mountain, performed at night the Sadhana of the Siddhacakramantra following the procedure taught by the Guru, with all the [re installing the Mantras quired] rites of summoning, enclosing, making the Mudras, [on their bodies], dismissing and the rest, with the actions of the Tantric assistant performed by that Padmin beside them. According to the erotological literature Padmin s are one of four classes of ideal love-partner (nayik a ); see, e.g., Pancas ayakama njar 1.6: sampurn . endumukh kuranganayan a p nastan daks mr vikacaravindasurabhih yam atha gauradyutih ararat a . dvang . in .a . s . | alpah vilasaku sala ham sadgatir lajjalur gurudevapujanapar a syan nayik a pad. sasvana min ; and in Tantric literature Hevajratantra 2.7.25 and Sam . varodayatantra 31.35b.

248

The Saiva Age

repeated the Mantra for three days on the Padmin s vulva (tasya yonau).580 The text tells us that Hemacandras mind remained undisturbed during this practice, no doubt wishing to stress that he was not compromising the monastic rule of celibacy. Indeed there is no evidence of which I am aware that the Jaina Mantravada, unlike Saivism and Tantric Buddhism in its later phases, created lite that two levels of discipline, one for ordinary practitioners and one for an e transcended the rules that apply to the rst. Nonetheless, we see from this story that it had gone surprisingly far in this direction, too far for some, one suspects, who would have preferred monks to avoid any practice in which they could be suspected of departing from the straight and narrow Jain path of purication. AIVISM S

IN THE

B RAHMANICAL S UBSTRATE

As for the long-established brahmanical tradition, the Saivas saw it as subsumed within their own, accepting it as the only valid source of authority in what they saw as the lesser domain of mundane religion (laukiko dharmah . ). This perception is much emphasised in their literature,581 and it is expressed through the
580

581

Kumarap aladevaprabandha 21: atha s r hemac aryais tribhuvanasvamin m . vidyam ar adhayituk am a bhan .d arikam yan mehatagr ame . ag . kapardinam . prahur trihun s catvarah . | laghor vadhuh . padmin | . asim . hah . kaut . umbikah . | tasya putra yadi say ati tada *tasya avacyaprade se (corr. : tasyav acyaprade se Ed.) dinatrayam . jape datte dev pras dati | etad atidus na vidheya | . karam | kapardinoktam | cinta bhan .d arikas tatra gatah tah . he | tena satkr . tah .s . ag . kaut . umbikagr . | prayojanam . pr .. . | bhan .d arikenoktam laghuputravadhum . mamarpaya | tenoktam sasi . ag . kim idam adi | evam eva | vicaro pi na kartavyah . *vicare samay atam . | tenoktam . yadi bhavatam idam (?) tadaivam astu | sukhasane dhiropya pattane samagatah r hemasuribhih . |s . paramann ah araparair avikr yonau dinatrayam . kr . tacittais tasya . tah . japah . | dev tus t a Then Hem ac arya, desiring to propitiate the spell-deity Tribhuvanasv amin .. said to his treasurer Kapardin: There is a farmer called Trihun . asim . ha in Mehata village. He has four sons. The wife of the youngest is a Padmin . If she comes here and I offer Japa for three days on her unmentionable part the goddess will favour me. This is extremely difcult [to accomplish]. Kapardin told him not to worry. So the treasurer went to the home of the farmer in that [village] and after being honoured was asked his purpose. The treasurer said: Give me the wife of your youngest son. [The farmer] said: Is this an order?. He replied that it was but that he should not be concerned. [The farmer] said: So be it, if this is *what you have decided after due deliberation (?). So [the treasurer] put her in a comfortable sedan and returned did the Mantra-recitation on her with her to the capital. The venerable Hemasuri vulva for three days, intent on eating paramannam , with his mind undisturbed [by lust]. The goddess was pleased. The food paramannam is, I presume, the dish of rice, milk, and sugar or jaggery otherwise known as payasam and considered the ideal food for offering to a vegetarian deity. It is encapsulated in the often cited words of their scripture Bhargavottara : iti varn a s ram ac ar an manas api na la nghayet | yo yasminn a s rame tis t han d ks . .. . itah . s iva sasane | sa tasminn eva sam thec chivadharmam So he should not . tis .. . ca palayet transgress the practices of his caste and [brahmanical] discipline even in thought.

249

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

collocation of the epithets paramamahe svarah . and paramabrahman . yah . that is sometimes found with the titles of our kings in inscriptions. 582 But the brahmanical tradition was not merely accepted by the Saivas. It was also inuenced by them. During this period we nd an ever-growing corpus of traditions that while claiming to be on the brahmanical side of the divide . as derive from the Saiva, both Saiva devotional literature assigned to the Puran . ic texts such as and a form of worship that followed Saiva models. In Puran the Uttarabhaga of the Lingapur an . a,583 the Kalik apur an . a, the Dev puran . a, and 584 the Agnipuran . a, the boundary between the Smarta and Tantric domains has almost completely dissolved, prompting the conservative brahmanical author Ballalasena, the twelfth-century Sena king of Gaud . a, to reject them as invalid as sources of the knowledge of religious duty, objecting particularly to their con taining instruction on such matters as Saiva initiation and idol consecration.585 In reality there was no reasonable hope of turning the tide by this period, as had to be conceded even by so conservative an authority as the Nibandha ah ara on the Yaj navalkyasmr the Sil king . ti compiled by or under Aparaditya, . a in the last quarter of the twelfth century. While rmly denying in of Konkan general the validity of the practices taught in the Saiva scriptures, it admits a partial exception in the case of the Sthapaka, the priest who consecrates idols and shrines. It is admitted that he may draw on these texts to supplement the

582

583

584

585

He should remain in the discipline in which he was when he was initiated into the Saiva religion and [at the same time] maintain the ordinances of Siva; see S ANDER SON 1988, p. 662 (= 1990, p. 139); 1995, p. 23; 2005a, p. 389; 2007a, pp. 231232. The Saivas understanding of how the relation between the general, Vaidika ordi nances and those of the Saiva scriptures should be perceived is explored at length in S ANDERSON forthcoming b. .d ins/Pan .d in We see this combination in the case of the Pan .s . uvam . avas of Mekala of the fth century (S HASTRI 1995, nos. II: III), the Sailodbhava Madhavar aja . a in the seventh (EI 6:14), the Pallavas Parame Kongod svaravarman I (c. 669690) and Narasim . havarman II (c. 690728/9) (M AHALINGAM 1988, nos. 45, 53) around Net of Orissa in the eighth the turn of the seventh and eighth, the Bhanja .t . abhanja (EI 28:41, ll. 1617), the descendants of King Nimbara of Kartikeyapura in Hi machal Pradesh in the ninth and tenth (EI 31:38), and the Eastern Calukyas in the eleventh (EI 6:35; EI 6:36). On the presence of the Saiva Mantramarga in its Saiddhantika, Daks .a . in akta (Bhairava), and S forms in the Uttarabhaga of the Lingapur an . a see S ANDER SON 2005b, pp. 235236. On the Agnipuran . as incorporation of the Saiddhantika Saiva Paddhati of Soma sambhu see p.65 above. In vv. 55-67 of the introduction to his Danas agara Ballalasena rejects on these and allied grounds the Garud . a, the Brahmapuran . a, the Agnipuran . a, the . apuran Vais n avapur an a in twenty-three thousand verses, the Li ngapur an a in six thou.. . . sand, the Dev puran . a, and parts of the Bhavis . a. That he did not include . yapuran the Kalik apur an . a in his list strongly suggests that it postdates him.

250

The Saiva Age

ritual of consecration when installing a Siva, and likewise on the other appropriate bodies of non-Vedic scripture when consecrating images of the Goddess and the like, provided that his Vedic procedure needs to be supplemented, provided that the imported auxiliary does not offend the Vedic procedure in any way, and provided that he does not take the initiations (d ks ) which those scriptures re.a 586 quire. In other words it had to be conceded that a hybrid of Tantric and Vedic rituals procedures was already an institutional reality; and that this was so is conrmed by a Saiva source, which protests against their existence, insisting that patrons should engage only initiated Saiva ofciants of full conviction, who would perform Saiva rituals of consecration uncontaminated by such hybridization.587
586

587

This position is established at length in the course of the commentary on Yaj navalkyasmr . ti 1.7, which lists the valid sources of knowledge of religious duty (dharmamulam ), namely Sruti, Smr . ti, and observation of the practice of exemplary brahmins, supplemented by personal judgement and preference where the other sources of knowledge leave scope for them. Aparaditya consid supatas, ers at length and rejects the proposition that the scriptures of the Pa ncar Saivas, Pa atrikas, and others not rooted in the Veda (vedamula ) should be added to the list (vol. 1, p. 10, l. 6 ff.). He concludes: tata s ca devapuj adau narasim hapur an adiprasiddhaivetikartavy a gr ahy a n any a | evam d ks ay am apy . . . . avagantavyam | na hi puran . aprasiddhay am . d ks am . jati sodhanam asti (vol. 1, . ay p. 14, ll. 1719) . . . evam thay am api puran . adyuktaivetikartavyat a grahy a . pratis .. nany a tes eva vyami sradharmapraman . atvena bhavis . e parijn atatv at . am . yatpuran (p. 15, ll. 12) And so the procedure for such [rituals] as the worship of deities . as as the Narasim that may be adopted is that taught in such Puran . ha-, and no other. The same should be understood to apply in the case of initiation. For in . as the [objectionable Saiva] the initiation established in the Puran rite of the elimination of [the initiands] caste is lacking. . . . Equally, in the case of rituals for the installation [of the image of a deity and the like only the procedure taught in . as and [related texts] may be adopted, since the Bhavis Puran . a acknowl. yatpuran edges none but these as sources of valid knowedge of hybrid religious duty. By hybrid (vyami sra-) Aparaditya means procedures that incorporate auxiliary elements from the Tantras. The issue of this hybrid installation rituals is taken up in detail on pp. 16, l. 119, l. 12. This source is the Saiddhantika scripture Devyamata . It devotes several verses to distinguishing types of Sthapaka and to exhorting patrons to avoid all but one, who is described as learned both in the general Saiva scriptures and in the special ized Tantras of Installation, as content with the teaching of Siva, focused wholely upon it, strictly adhering to the discipline of the initiated (samayac arah . ), without any inclination towards the scriptures of the uninitiated (pa su sastram ), tak ing no pleasure in the mundane religion, but delighting in the religion of Siva alone: (2.16cd, 17ab, 19ab, 20ab): ac aryah iva sastraj nah . pratis thatantrap aragah . s .. . . . . 17 s iva sastr arthasam tah arap alakah iva sastraikacitt atm a . tus .. . samayac . | . . . 19ab s pa su sastrapar a nmukhah ivadharmanura njitah . | . . . 20 virakto laukike dharme s .. Sthapakas to be avoided are those who are Vaidika in their religious commitment and learning. Some of these have no more than a partial knowledge of the Tantras of Installation; but they should be avoided even if they mastered both the Tantras of Installation and the general Saiva scriptures (2.78b and 2.1314):

251

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

Instances of incorporation of Saiva ritual in the Smarta domain can be adduced from most regions and periods;588 but perhaps the most striking because it was so widely disseminated and accepted by those who considered themselves to be on the Smarta side of the divide is represented by the Prapancas ara attributed arya to Sankar ac and the closely related Sarad atilaka of Laks sika. These . ade . man two texts, which, I have argued, were composed in Orissa or on the basis of Orissan tradition, most probably in the twelfth century,589 present a system of ritual that differs from the properly Tantric only in its catholic characterin Smarta fashion it includes rituals of propitiation for all the main deities, its avoidance of all the elements of impure practice that the Smartas castigated in the Saiva cults of Bhairava and the Goddess, and its expurgation of doctrines that were contrary to what could be found in acceptably brahmanical sources, notably the doctrine of the thirty-six levels of reality (tattvani ).

THE CAUSES OF THE DOMINANCE OF SAIVISM Saivism, then, was undoutedly the most successful among the religious systems that received royal patronage during the early medieval period. It was the most commonly adopted. Of the others some were absorbed by it and the rest while ourishing independently beside it came to remodel themselves along Saiva lines. No doubt there were many factors that led to Saivisms rise to dominance within this complex environment, and no doubt many of these will remain invisible to us, since they could be discerned and weighed only if we had access to much more detailed evidence of the activities and motivations of individuals and institutions, both religious and political. Nonetheless, I venture a general explanation. T HE E ARLY M EDIEVAL P ROCESS On the basis of the epigraphical record of acts of patronage, and consider ing evidence of changes over time within the Saivas prescriptive literature, I
pratis thatantraki ncijj nah . pa su sastr anura njitah sah na s ca nac aryo na .. . | tattvopade ca sadhakah 8 tena sam sth apitam li ngam siddhidam na kad a cana | . . . 13 pa. . . . . davakyapram an . ajno brahman thatantraki ncijj nah . sthapako . o vedaparagah . | pratis .. na pra sasyate 2.14 pratis thatantratattvaj nah . s iva sastravi saradah .. . | so pi na sthapakair is tah su sastr anura njitah .. . pa .. akta One of these, the assimilation of S Saiva propitiation rites by the Athar vavedic tradition of the Paippaladins of Orissa, has been demonstrated at length in S ANDERSON 2007b. S ANDERSON 2007b, pp. 230233.

588

589

252

The Saiva Age

propose that the fundamental reason for the religions success, underlying and structuring the mass of particulars now lost to view, was that it greatly increased its appeal to royal patrons by extending and adapting its repertoire to contain a body of rituals and theory that legitimated, empowered, or promoted key elements of the social, political and economic process that characterizes the early medieval period. These elements were: 1. the spread of the monarchical model of government through the emergence of numerous new dynasties at subregional, regional, and supraregional levels; 2. the multiplication of land-owning temples, both royal temples in nuclear areas and lesser temples in peripheral zones, often established by subordinate local lords, thus promoting the rural economy and the progressive penetration of the authority of the centre into new territories; 3. the proliferation of new urban centres, both commercial centres that grew from below through a process of agglomeration, and planned settlements, growths from above, founded by rulers; 4. the expansion of the agrarian base through the creation of villages, land reclamation, and the construction of water-reservoirs, wells, and other means of irrigation, with the steady growth in population that these developments imply; and 5. the cultural and religious assimilation of the growing population of communities caught up in this expansion.590 At the same time it took steps to integrate itself with the brahmanical sub-

590

For this positive characterization of the period I am indebted to the work of a number of historians who in recent decades have shown the invalidity of the widespread view that it was a time of decline, de-urbanization, fragmentation, and general impoverishment in the aftermath of a glorious classical age that culminated under the Gupta kings and ended with their demise. I acknowledge in particular the research, conclusions, and hypotheses of Noboru K ARASHIMA (1984), R. C HAMPAKALAKSHMI (1986), Hermann K ULKE (1990, 1995a, b), Brajadulal C HATTOPADHYAYA (1994), Upinder S INGH (1994), Burton S TEIN (1994, 1998), James H EITZMAN (1995), and Cynthia T ALBOT (2001). That judgement, which owes more, one suspects, to the concept of the European Dark Ages after the collapse of the Roman empire than to unbiased analysis of Indias epigraphical and archaeological record, has its counterpart in the not uncommon assessment that these centuries also witnessed a progressive degeneration of Sanskritic literary, intellectual, and religious culture. It is refreshing to see that the work of those historians who are engaging vigorously with the epigraphical and archaeological evidence of the age has brought forth a view that is more consonant with the abundant literary evidence of intellectual and aesthetic vigour.

253

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

strate in ways that rendered it accessible and acceptable to a far wider constituency and therefore all the more appealing to rulers in their role as the guardians of the brahmanical social order. AIVISM S

AND

M ONARCHY

Saivisms engagement with the rst and most crucial of these elements is apparent in the fact that from the seventh century onwards inscriptions and pre scriptive religious texts reveal that Saiva brahmin Gurus were holding the position of royal preceptor (rajaguruh . ) in numerous new kingdoms both on the Indian subcontinent and in Southeast Asia and in this capacity empowering and legiti mating the monarchs rule by granting him Saiva initiation (s ivaman ks ). .d . alad .a It might be thought that this would have been an unappealing step for any but the most reclusive and ineffectual of kings, since after initiation Saivas were obliged to adhere to a complex and time-consuming program of daily and oc casional rituals. However, early in the development of the Mantramarga, the Saivas, no doubt in order to extend their recruitment and hence their inuence, admitted a category of initiates who in consideration of the fact that they were incapable of taking on these onerous duties were exonerated from doing so.591 The king was considered to qualify for this less arduous route to liberation by reason of his royal obligations. He was therefore required to adhere only to the obli gations of an uninitiated devotee of Siva taught in the texts of the Sivadharma corpus, which in his case were principally to support the religion and its institutions and to sponsor and appear in conspicuous ceremonies in the civic domain. Moreover, according to prescriptive sources the kings initiation was to be followed by a Saiva modication of the brahmanical royal consecration ceremony (rajy abhis . ekah . ), bestowed both on the king and his chief consort, and also given to the heir apparent at the time that he was consecrated to succeed to his fathers

591

The distinction between these two categories of initiate, those who receive initiation with post-initiatory duties (sab ja d ks initiation with seed ) and those .a who receive it without (nirb ja d ks a initiation without seed), is not present in . the earliest Saiddhantika scriptures, namely the corpus of Ni svasa texts found in the Ni svasatattvasam codex, the earliest of which, the Mulas utra , was probably . hita composed at some time between 450 and 550, for which dating see the conclusions of a recent workshop on this text summarized in the newsletter of the Nepal-German Manuscript Cataloguing Project (G OODALL and I SAACSON 2007). On the relatively archaic character of the Ni svasa corpus see S ANDERSON 2001, pp. 2231 (archaic features listed in fn. 32, pp. 2931), and S ANDERSON 2006. The category of exonerated initiates appears later in the Kiran svara, and the Svaccha. a, the Parame nda, and, following the latter, in the Paddhatis. The textual evidence is given in S ANDERSON forthcoming a.

254

The Saiva Age

592 throne (yuvaraj abhis . ekah . ).

This new ceremony was added to the purely Saiva consecrations recognized by the core tradition, through which a Saiva Guru empowered an initiate to take ofce as a Sadhaka (sadhak abhis . ekah . ), a specialist in Mantra-rituals for supernatural effects (siddhih aryah . ), and that through which a retiring Guru (ac . ) consecrated his chosen successor (ac ary abhis . ekah . ), passing on to him his duties. In this way the monarch was incorporated as a third kind of Saiva initiate, who differed from the Sadhaka and the Guru not in the character of the initiation itself but in the consecration ceremony that followed it: while they were to be consecrated for purely Saiva functions, the king was to be consecrated to take up ofce as the head of [the brahmanical social order of] the caste-classes and 593 religious disciplines (varn sramaguruh . a . ), the role already assigned to him by brahmanical prescription.594 As the function of the Saiva consecration is modied in this case, so its form, though in general Saiva, incorporates distinctive non-Saiva elements appropriate to its mundane and brahmanical aspects, such as the inclusion of the royal

592

593

594

The textual and epigraphical evidence for the practice of royal initiation, and the textual evidence for the kings exoneration from Saiva duties, and this ancillary Saiva modication of the brahmanical royal consecration ceremony are presented in S ANDERSON forthcoming a. On the brahmanical consecrations of the king, queen, and heir apparent see S ANDERSON 2005a, p. 382 and notes 115117. Naimittikakarmanusam f. 74v1: [4.118] varn am a sraman . am . ca gu. dhana . an rubhav aya bhupateh | yo bhis ekavidhih so pi procyate d ks it atmanah I shall also . . . . . teach the rite of consecration as the means by which a king, provided that he has received [Saiva] initiation, becomes the patron of the caste-classes and brahmanical disciplines. Manusmr am a sraman . am . ca raj a sr to bhiraks The king . ti 7.35cd: varn .s . an .. . ita has been created as the guardian of the castes and disciplines; Br . haspatismr . ti 1.9ab: tasmad varn sraman . am . tu netasau nirmitah he was created of old . a . pura as the leader of the castes and disciplines; Vis ah .. . ti 3.13: atha rajadharm .n . usmr prajaparip alanam | varn a s ram an am sve sve dharme vyavasth apanam Next the du. . . ties of the king: protection of his subjects [and] ensuring that the castes and [followers of the] disciplines keep to their respective duties; Vis .n . udharmottara 2.65.55: varn sramavyavastha tu tatha kary a vi ses raj a sva. a . atah . | svadharmapracyutan dharme viniyojayet And his special duty is to establish the castes and disciplines. The king must force those who have fallen away from their duties [as members and followers of these] to practice them. The characterization of the king in accordance with these injunctions as the Guru of the castes and disciplines (varn sramaguruh . a .) is a commonplace in our period. See, for example, Satvatasam hit a 24.1617 ( > . svarasam I 17.1415); Somadeva, Kathasarits agara 12.6.85; Candraprabhasuri, . hita Prabhavakacarita v. 284ab; Ks a 2.60c and 27.22b. See . emendra, Avadanakalpalat also the cognate expressions sarva sramaguruh sramin . guruh . and a . am . in Netratantra 19.87 and 20.55b, varn a s ramadharmamary ad ac aryah and akhil a srama. . guruh . in Agamad . ambara, Act 2, prose after 20 and Act 3, v. 4, and varn . aguruh . in Rajatara ngin . 3.85ab.

255

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

banners, weapons, and armour in the objects of worship,595 the seating of the king on a platform covered with the skins of a ghting bull and a cat,596 the
595

596

Naimittikakarmanusam , f. 75r4v1 (4.129c132): ghat san . dhana . es . v abhyarcya loke sastr an indrapura<h > sar an 130 s ivam agni n ca het s ca ketum (conj. : ketu s Cod.) . . ce sadivedis on het s and dhvajacihnam s] . u [Marginal glosses: khad . gadi . on ketu | sam kr cakravartinah 131 udagvedi sira<h . tya sam . nidh . tarpya pujayec . . >sthes .u kala ses sikhan (corr. : anta Cod.) digvidiks . uktalaks . masu | anantadi .d . y*antan .u yathakramam 132 tasyas tadvad adha<h > sthes u rudram atr gan arthad an | . . . . grahasurapal a s*akhy an (conj. : akhya Cod.) bhoginam adhipan api He should wor ship Indra and the other Lokapalas together with their weapons in the vases, and then Siva, Agni, the [royal] weapons, and the [royal] banner on the altars beginning [with that] in the northeast. He should then summon, gratify, and worship the [eight] Universal Monarchs [, i.e. the Vidye svaras], beginning with Ananta and ending with Sikhan .d . in, in the vases whose required characteristics have been stated above, set on the northern altar, and likewise, below that [altar], the Rudras, . s, Kubera, the Grahas, the Asuras, the esh-eating [Raks . asas], and the the Matr Naga lords; f. 76r24 (4.141142): s ivagnihetiket un am . karit abhy am atharcanam | pancagavyam am . dattva ca dvija sodhanam svapayitv a tu tau tatra . carum . tabhy saraks | pr sirasau mahyam . sam sayyayoh . tha<k> prak . au vedikadvaye . yatau ks . auma . He should make both [the king and queen] offer worship to Siva, the Fire, the [royal] weapons, and the [royal] banner, and then give them the ve products of the cow, rice porridge [prepared on the sacred re], and a tooth-cleaning twig. He should then have them sleep on the ground with their heads to the east on beds of linen on the surface of the two altars, having provided them with protection (saraks . au). They should observe chastity [throughout the night]. For the protection mentioned here see the rites such those of protecting the beds by reciting of the Weapon-Mantra over them and surrounding them with Weapon-empowered lines of mustard-seeds, sesame-seeds, and ash set out in Uttarakamika 23.5459 (elaborating the related expression saraks an sv apayen ni s i ) and Mr gendra , Kriyap ada 7.98c103, both cited . . in B RUNNER 1977, pp. 216221. As for the requirement that the king and queen should sleep with their heads to the east, this too expresses the relatively mun dane nature of this consecration. For at this point in Saiva initiation ritual candidates are to sleep with their heads to the east if they seek benets other than liberation; see Mr ada 7.99ab: bubhoks ayanam guruh . gendra , Kriyap . oh . s . kuryad . prac namastakam. Naimittikakarmanusam f. 76v45 (4.150152b): het n astren .s . dhana . a ketum ca varman a ka nkat any api [Marginal gloss on ka nkat ani : sam nahy ani ] | . . . . sugandhapus adyair naivedyantaih ca anantad m ca *vidye san . padhup . prapujya .s udagvedyam . (conj. : ved+ + + + + vedya s Cod.) ca purvavat | rudrad m ca ghat .s . es .v is tva vedyor urdhvam athastaret br surasya vr asya car[man ] . haduks .s .. .n . o ti . adam .s . After worshipping with offerings beginning with fragrant owers and incense and ending with cooked food the weapons and the banners with the Weapon-Mantra and the cuirasses with the Armour-Mantra, he should worship Ananta and the other *Vidye svaras on the northern altar (conj.) as before and after worship . s, Kubera, the Grahas, the Asuras, the esh-eating ping the Rudras[, the Matr . asas),] and [the Naga (Raks lords] he should spread on the two altars the skins of a ghting bull and a cat. Cf. Varahamihira Br 47.7576, on the royal . hatsam . hita pus : gatva dvit yaved m sec carman . upari raj a | deyani caiva . yasnanam . samupavi . am carman . y upary upary evam etani vr s asya vr s adam s asya ruro s ca pr s atasya ca | .. .. .. . tes upari sim ca tatah . am . hasya vyaghrasya . param; and Vis .n . udharmottara 2.21.35 on the brahmanical royal consecration (rajy abhis .s . kasya Ed.) . ekah . ): vr . asya (corr. : vr

256

The Saiva Age

recitation of the Mantra text of sixteen verses prescribed for the brahmanical prototype when the water of consecration is poured over the kings head,597 and, after the ceremony is complete, the kings return to his palace in full military parade, mounted on an elephant or white horse, preceded by the royal banners, and showered with parched rice by the women standing on the roofs of the mansions along his route.598 Just as this brahmanical rite is subsumed within the Saiva process of initiation and consecration, so its outcome, the kings entitlement to rule as guardian of the brahmanical social order now entails the additional requirement or, one might say, compensation to the Saivas for this descent into the mundane, that he should ensure that the authority of brahmanical prescription be subsumed within, and subordinate to, that of the Saiva scriptures, an injunction supported by the promise that by enforcing this hierarchical relationship he will secure the stability of his rule and kingdom, implying that by neglecting to do so he will bring about their collapse.599

597

598

599

vr asya dv pina s ca bhr | tes upari sim ca tatah .s . guttama . adam .s . am . hasya vyaghrasya . param. Naimittikakarmanusam ff. 78r179r1 (interrupted by the loss of a folio), . dhana beginning (4.168169): loke vede prasiddha <m ca vipran etarhi pat . hayet | . >s abhis sis lokan r <m ca tad yatha .s . eka . ah . (corr. : abhis . ekasikhah . Cod.) s . iprokta . >s suras tvam abhis ye ca siddha <h ah . | brahma vis s ca s ambhu s . incantu . > puratan .n . u ca s akrady a s ca marudgan . . . . . These verses are prescribed for this purpose by . ah Varahamihira in the rst half of the sixth century in Br 47.5570. . hatsam . hita Naimittikakarmanusam f. 84r25: ar ud . ho bhadramata ngam athava . dhana vajinam atapatren ubhren .a (conj. : ca + + . sitam .a s . a hemadan .d . ena *carun Cod.) | *nigr tatapah tatapah s vetair v jyamana s ca . h . (conj. : + + h . Cod.) *camaraih (em. : c aparaih Cod.) c atura ngabalopetah puratah ketum alay a . . . . astavighno nukulena dhutay a + + *vayun a (diagn. conj. : + + + Cod.) | saudhagravedik asth abhih bhir adar at prayuktam . kulapatn . lajavars . am . ca manyamano *bahupriyam (conj. : vahapriyam Cod.) | pravi set svapuram . *pauraih . (conj. : pau + Cod.) + + + + vikasibhih .. Mohacud . ottara f. 21v22r (4.276281): s rutismr . ani agam a dharmade sakah . . tipuran | etair yo vartate raj a sa rajyam ciram 277 puran . am vedair . bhunjate . badhyate agamai s ca taduktayah anyam ses aivam ses . | sam . ca vi . am . ca s . vai . ikam . vacah . 278 badhyab adhakabh avena no vikalpyam . vicaks . an . aih . | yad yathavasthitam . vastu sarvajnas tat tad avadet 279 agam an am . bahutve tu yatra vakyadvayam . bhavet | kim . am grahyam . am a nkaram 280 *granthad . praman . tada . praman . s . vacah . granthantaram t k a (?) s apeks anirapeks ayoh | sam adh anam tayoh k aryam . . . . . . . arthapatty adis adhanaih atv a suradhyaks . vraja | . tim . 281 evam . jn . a nirvr . paramam evam raj ni svaras .. tre sarvada s ivam [The sources] that teach religious . dharmanvite . as, and the Agamas. . as duty are the Vedas, the Dharma sastras, the Puran The Puran are outweighed by the Vedas and the teachings of the latter by the Agamas. The common and the special, the latter being the teachings of Siva, are related so that the second outweighs the rst. The learned should have no doubt about this. [For it is] all-knowing [Siva that] has taught everything as it truly is. When, there being a plurality of scriptural authorities, there are two [contradictory] text-passages

257

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

The Saivas also adapted the theory of their ritual practice to enable them to claim that those rulers who underwent their ceremonies would be empowered in their efforts to maintain their supremacy and extend it through conquest. The ceremony of initiation had been conceived as the means of obtaining liberation and was always presented in these terms in theoretical texts. But a fteenthcentury Kashmirian scholar can proclaim in a eulogy of his patriline that by receiving initiation from one of his ancestors kings had expelled their enemies and long enjoyed distinguished reigns.600 Similarly, an inscription of the twelfth . a tells us that the effect of the initiation of or thirteenth century from Hariyan was to give him power beyond that of all his rivals.601 It adds King Surap ala that if his Guru Murtigan . a initiated a brahmin, a king, or his minister he thereby made them [respectively] the repository of knowledge, the master of all the earth, and the foremost of men.602 In the Malkapuram inscription of A . D. 1261 we are told that the effect of the initiation given by Vi sve svara siva to the Kakat ya prince Rudradeva was to make the might of his [right] arm, that is to say his valour in battle, shine more brilliantly.603 The same notion is apparent in the great Mebon inscription of A . D. 953 of the Khmer monarch Rajendravarman.

600

601

602

603

[one non-Saiva and the other Saiva] and the question of which is valid arises one must privilege the teaching of Siva. The two should be reconciled, as respectively dependent and independent [in their validity], by means of implication and other exegetical tools, *[on the evidence of] the texts [themselves in which those statements occur], related texts, and commentary (?). Having understood this, Indra, achieve the highest bliss. Provided that the king adheres to religion in this manner, his kingdom will always prosper. anaka Raj Sitikan anakavam apra sam , v. 5ab: tasmad yodhagurur .t . ha, Raj .s . sa babhuva bhagavan sam d ks . yatah apastavairinikar a s . prapya . am . | prajyam . rajyam cakru s ciram bh ubhujah His son was the Venerable Yodha. When kings received . . initiation from him they drove off all their enemies and had long and outstanding reigns. For the probable identity of these kings see S ANDERSON 2007a, p. 397. EI I, pp. 61-66, ll. 1213.: tadbhaktiman murtigan ndro (corr. : gun . o gun . . im . dro Ep.) babhuva bhup alahr dabjas uryah | sadd ks ay a yasya sa s urap aladevo . . . babhuv apratimaprabh avah . Then there was his devotee Murtigan . a, foremost of the virtuous, the sun that opened the lotus that is the heart of the king, by whose excel lent initiation Surap aladeva became [a king] whose might was unequalled. Ibid. ll. 1314 (continuous with the passage cited in the preceding note): . . . vipram yam athavam atyam ks . bhumipatim . tad . sa yam . d . ayet | tam . tam . bodhanidhim . samastapr natham . sthan . um tarum iva . thiv .n . pradhanam . nr . am . patrin . am atanot s r yaj navalkyo munih . Any brahmin, king, or minister that he initiated he made the repository of [all] knowledge, lord of the whole earth, and the foremost of men, navalkya just as the sage Yaj caused a tree, a [mere] plant, to burst into leaf. When the dissolute king Supriya contemptuously refused the sacred water and grain that navalkya navalkya Yaj had brought to the palace to restore his health, Yaj sprinkled them on to a rotten tree and departed. Seeing that the dead tree immediately burst into leaf the king tried without success to have him return. PANTULU 1930, v. 22: s r vi sve svarade sikendra sivahastodbhasidorvikramas .

258

The Saiva Age

In a passage describing his marching forth to war it speaks of the ceremony of [Saiva] Man .d . ala initiation as intensifying his brilliance, a statement that in the context must be taken to refer to his power to conquer his enemies.604 Nor was it only the theory that was adjusted to suit their patrons. According to the Br the Saiva Guru was to close the initiation ceremony by . hatkalottara giving abhis ekah to the horses, elephants, chariots, and soldiers of the army . . by sprinkling them with the water from the vase of the Weapon-Mantra (astrakala sah . ), one of the two main vases prepared in the course of the ceremony, in order to remove all obstacles and to ensure victory in battle.605 The Saivas also created a double of their ritual of post-initiatory consecration (abhis . ekah . ) to be 606 performed for the king before he entered the fray. A much elaborated form of this consecration for victory (jayabhis Saiva rather than . ekah . ), involving Sakta Saiva Mantra-deities and one thousand vases, is taught in the 248 verses of the 27th chapter of the Uttarabhaga of the Lingapur an . a. They also offered a wealth of apotropaic, invigorative, and hostile Mantrarites that could be performed on demand for the benet of the realm, to promote the success of royal patrons, and to frustrate their enemies. The evidence for such

604

605

606

The Mebon inscription (in F INOT 1925 [=K. 582], pp. 309352), vv. 3940: itas tato vidyud ivadyutac chr s tavan nr am . pracala prakr | ramya s arat pradur . pan . tya abhun na yavad yad yayatr asamayo nirabhra 40 t vrastran rajanar ajita sr r d pto mahaman ks yah ngamantrai s ca kr . tatmaguptih .d . alad . aya . | vidya . asa[dhaya]t siddhim udarabh utim The fortune of kings, [though] unstable by nature, did not icker here and there like lightning until the charming, cloudless autumn appeared, the season of his marching forth. His splendour enhanced by the lustration of his mighty weapons, he himself [made more] brilliant by initiation before the Great nga Man Mantras, he accomplished .d . ala [of Siva], his person protected by the Vidya the Siddhi of total success. Br A, f. 45v23 (22.24c25b): hastya svaratha*yodhan am . (em. : yo. hatkalottara dhyan a Cod.) secanam astravarin .a | kartavyam samanam jaya. vighna . sam . grame karan . am He should [then] consecrate the elephants, horses, and soldiers with water from the Weapon[-vase] to remove obstacles and [so] bring about [the kings] victory [in war]. Kiran <d> vijayartham . a f. 52v (27.23c25b): prokto yam abhis . eka<h . > sya . nr d | sarva. pasya ca | 27.24 saubhagyajananam . mukhyam . grahap . anivartakam sampat*pradam r dam s r da Cod.) ya sok rtivivardhanam 27.25 . s . (corr. : prada s antipus tikarah sakah .. . proktah . seko yam . vighnana . This consecration that I have taught may also be performed to ensure a kings victory. It is the principal means of bringing about good fortune. It removes oppression by possessing spirits. It bestows all success and wealth. It augments [the kings] fame and reputation. I have also taught it as the means of warding off ills, restoring vitality, and eliminating obstacles; Cf. Siddhantas arapaddhati : evam anenaiva vidhina rajyak amasya bhras tarajyasya putrakam ay ah . saubhagyak am ay a abhis .. . ekam . kuryat Following this same procedure he may perform the consecration for one who desires sovereignty, for one who has lost his kingdom, and for a woman who desires a son or good fortune.

259

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

akta rituals in the scriptural literature of the Saivas, especially in its S Saiva texts, is pervasive.607 There is also historical evidence of specic performances. adhir For example, an inscription of the fth year of the reign of the Cola Raj aja s vara temple at Arpp II (r. 11631179 or 11661182) from the Tiruval akkam nc puram608 tells us that when an army from Sri Lanka had invaded near Ka .d the Pan svaram, and . ya country, plundered the treasury of the temple of Rame interrupted the cult of Siva there, the emperor, fearing that the war might spread ana sivadeva of Gaud approached a certain Jn . a, who can be seen from his name to have been a Saiddhantika Saiva Guru, to free the country from this menace by ritual means. The Guru, we are told, then worshipped Siva for this purpose for twenty-eight days continuously, and it was reported subsequently that these attackers of Siva (s ivadroh ) had indeed been defeated. The Badaun inscription praises the Rajaguru of Lakhan Murtigan . apala . a for his expertise in the great rites of subjection and attraction (l. 13: va syakr .s timahavidh ananipun .. . ah . ); and kula who also held ofce as the Hrasvanatha, a Kashmirian Guru of the Kal minister of peace and war under Ya saskara (r. 939948), performed a ritual to kill his king and other rituals to cause dissension and immobilize, presumably directed against an invading army.609 Just as the Guru imbued the king through the ceremonies of initiation and consecration with the numinous power of Sivahood in the exercise of his sovereignty, so the Saiva rites by which the Guru assumed his ofce ensured that he, as Sivas agent among men, was imbued with the numen of royalty. As in the brahmanical consecration of a king, in which the royal astrologer was to provide him with the royal elephant, horse, throne, parasol, y-whisk, sword, bow, and jewels,610 so at the time of a Gurus consecration he received from his predecessor the non-martial symbols of sovereignty (raj a ng ani, rajacihn ani ), such as the turban, crown, parasol, sandals, y-whisk, elephant, horse, and palanquin.611 To these we may add the throne supported by sculpted lions
607 608 609 610

611

For some examples see S ANDERSON 2007a, p. 281, fn. 166. ARE 20 of 1899, SII 4:456; ARE 1899, 2338 (partial translation in 34). See S ANDERSON 2007a, pp. 280291; 2007b, pp. 295296. Vis am . s tasya kuryat sa daivavit .n . udharmottara 2.4.18c20b: tato bhis . ekasam . bhar | kunjaram tasya raj nah . par ks . turagam . kuryat . itau | bhadrasanam . ca chattram . ca valavyajanam eva ca | khad capam vividhani ca. . garatnam . tatha . ratnani Bhojadeva, Siddhantas arapaddhati f. 41v (< Svacchandatantra 4.470): us s .n . . amakut acchatrap aduk ac amarahastya s va s ibik adir aj a ng ani . . . dattv a . Svacchan. datantra 4.70b has a throne or seat (chatram asanam ) where Bho. padukam jadeva has a y-whisk, but his account agrees with that of the Svacchandatantra as transmitted in Nepalese and Grantha manuscripts. Thus NAK MS 1-224, f. 48r3: us s am .s ca cchatrapadukac amarah sva sibikady am .s .n . . amakut . ady . | hastya ca raj a ng ani a ses 96: us s am .s ca . atah . ; and IFI T. 1032, p. .n . . amakut . ady chatracamarap aduk ah . | hastya sva sibikady am .s ca raj a ng ani a ses In . atah ..

260

The Saiva Age

(sim ) so intimately associated with kingship in the Indian tradition.612 . hasanam For a manual for royal initiation, the Amr sad ks , instructs the king . te . avidhi to reward his Guru with gifts that should include golden jewellery set with rubies and pearls, a pair of jewelled sandals, a parasol, two white chowries, an elephant, and also a golden lion-throne;613 and the Malkapuram inscription arya of A . D. 1261 describes Vi sve svara sivac sitting on such a throne by virtue of his ofce as the Saiva Guru of the Kakat ya king Gan . apati of Warangal (r. 11991261),614 decked out in royal splendour, with his mass of tawny locks adorned with a diadem trembling [as he speaks], with the full-blown lotus of his face radiating blessings, with his pearl ear-rings striking the tops of his shoulders [as he moves his head from side to side], entrancing with his strings of pearls.615 Furthermore, according to the prescriptions of the Saiva scriptures the residence to be built for the Guru by his royal disciple was in many respects similar in its layout to the royal palace. It included, for example, an arsenal for the storage of weapons of war.616 That Gurus should have needed the
Lingapur an . a, Uttarabhaga , 27.259261 the attributes of kings (nr ) are . pacihnani the conch, the y-whisk, the drum etc., a moon-white parasol, a palanquin, and the war-banner (s ankhac amarabhery adyam ibikam . . chattram . candrasamaprabham | s vaijayant m ca s adhayen nr pateh s ubh am | r ajy abhis ekayukt aya ks atriy aye s var aya . . . . . va | nr nanyes . ks . am . vidh yate). . pacihnani . am . atriyan a from Sirpur For an image of such a throne see, e.g., the eighth-century metal Tar pura) in H UNTINGTON 1985, plate 30. The notion that the throne is the very (Sr embodiment of sovereignty and imparts its power to the enthroned is already found in the Vedic literature, in the Satapathabr ahman . a (12.8.3.4) (G ONDA 1966: 4546): asandy am abhis | asand sad vai sam . rajyam ajyenaivainam ajyam . incati . samr . samr . gamayati He consecrates him by affusion on the throne. The throne is indeed true sovereignty. Through [this] sovereignty he causes him to achieve sovereignty. Amr sad ks f. 16v23: 37 pa scad gurur daks yah . te . avidhi . an . svarn . abharaih . *suvistaraih taraih | man . ikyamuktakhacitair alank arai s ca . (em. : suvis .. . Cod.) adbhutaih tatha vai ratnapaduke | haimam . | 38 navaratnamayair dantais . sim h asanam chattram dattv a vai c amare s ubhe | 39 man imukt a s van agendra-us tra. . . . .. mes adivis s ca s ubhair varaih . agavadibhih . | ks . etragram . ayair man .d . alai . After that the Guru should be rewarded with extremely large quantities of gold, with marvellous jewellery set with rubies and pearls, made of the nine jewels, and of ivory, and, having given him a pair of jewelled sandals, a golden lion-throne, two white chowries, with jewels, pearls, horse, elephants, camels, rams, cows and the like, elds, villages and the like, districts, and ne provinces. PANTULU 1930, v. 38d: tasmin gan s agurutasim . hasan adhy asini s r vi sve. apatyadh s varade sike While the Guru Vi sve svara[ siva], occupies the lion-throne of his ofce as Guru of King Gan asanam parasol, . apati. Note also the reading chatrapadukam sandals, and throne in the Kashmirian text of Svacchandatantra 4.470. PANTULU 1930, v. 39: tvangatpi ngajat . tam udayasmeraravind ananam . akir . muktakun d alat ad it am sa s ikharam h arair manoh arin am | vidy aman d apavartinam gan a.. . . . . .. . . patiks alad ks r vi sve svara sambhum ks . te caks caks . . map . agurum . s . itavatam . us . . us . Mayasam dhanuh sarad ni vidadhyat tu gr . haks . graha 5.182ab: . khad . ga . ate;

612

613

614

615

616

261

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

means of warfare may surprise. But a fragmentary inscription of the late tenth a in the Guna District of Madhya Pradesh relates that century from Kadwah when hostile forces had invaded the region and the king had been slain, the Saiva ascetic Dharma siva, abbot of the Aran . ipadra monastery, went into battle and routed the enemy through his skill as an archer, at the cost of his own life.617 Nor is this an isolated instance. From the Jubbulpore stone inscription of Vimala siva, Rajaguru of the Kalacuri kings Jayasim . ha (r. c. 11631188) and Vijayasim . ha (r. c. 11881210), we learn that the activities of his predecessor K rti siva, Rajaguru of Narasim . ha (r. 11531163), extended beyond the spiritual to those of a military commander who expanded his monarchs realm and added to his own through the appropriation of temples in the territories gained.618
Pingal amata f. 71r12 (10.28c31): gr astrasam aya . haks . ham . ate gr . caiva s . sthapan tu | khad . adhanu s caiva kut mudgaras tatha | cchurika kuntadam s ca . gaban . haro . ta citradan akti pa sa s ca kan ulapatrakah .d . as tathaiva ca | lakut . am . s . ayah . s . | cakrasi gadavajra s ca anku sa s ca kupat t i s ah | evam ady ani c astr an i phar an i vividh ani ca | .. . . . sthapitavy ani deve se gr . he gr . haks . haks . atasya tu. The term gr . atah . here denotes [the deity of] a segment immediately to the east of its centre of the southern edge of the square plan. In the last verse I take phara- to be a variant of sphara- shield from Iranian (Old Persian spara-barai shield-bearer; Persian ispar shield). EI 37:20, ll. 1016. The inscription is fragmentary, but this much of its meaning is clear: while the ascetic Dharma siva was in the monastery at Aran . ipada (elsewhere called Aran . ipadam kr . ipadra) performing austerities (tenaran . tam . nama . padam aninditam . . . dattv aran ipade . . . tasya dharma s iva ity abhavaj jit atm a s is . . . yah . . . . tasyas rame vardhayatas tapam . si [ll. 1012]) a ruler called Gobhat . a came there with a force of elephants (tatrajag amonmadasindhur an . am . balena bhupah . kila gobhat . akhyah . ]pen . [l. 12]). Someone, perhaps the local ruler, was killed by this king ([nr .a paragat asuh . sahasa papata [ll. 1213]); and he, evidently Dharma siva, wept with compassion for a while when he heard the news (tasyavagamya sa katham . karun . avimuktabas . pah . a[laks . ah . ks . an . am . [l. 13]), then, ying into a rage (tad anu kopavipat .] [l. 13]), went into battle, a veritable Siva on earth, armed with a bow *that had come [down to him] from Prabhava[ siva?] (?) (atha prabhav agatak armuken . ai s ca . a ban d ptah sa dhar avr s a nkah [l. 14]), and, like Siva in his Tripur antaka embodiment, .. . . routed the whole army of the enemy before ascending to the incomparable world [above] in a shower of owers scattered by Indras celestial nymphs (atta[sva]l las tripurantakasya . . . sakalam api sa jitva s atravam arvakalpah . s . | surapatiraman . nam . pus pavr s t y avak rn ah puram anupam[am ] . . . [l. 15]). The poet refers here to . .. . . . . the reward conventionally attributed to a warrior who dies bravely when ghting to protect his country; see, e.g., Mahabh arata 8, supplementary passage 14, ll. 3134; 13, supplementary passage 15, ll.13581361. EI 25:33 (A . D. 1174), vv. 2324: na syandanam na ca candrasuryau cakre . vasumat na sarathir abhut sa ca vi syayonih . i tathapi bhasma cakre . | nes . ur harih . parapuran yatah rti sivah sobhir induvi sadais tathaivarivikars . sa iti k . sphut . am . sah . ya . itaih . | apupurat sa sarva sa vivekakusumair iva He was manifestly [worthy of the name] K rti siva [Temple/Fame-Siva]. For he [was a Siva in as much as he] reduced the cities of his enemies to ashes [just as Siva did to the cities of the three demons] even though his war chariot [unlike Sivas] was not the earth, the sun and moon were and his arrow was not Vis not its two wheels, its driver was not Brahma, . u; and he .n lled all the directions with the moon-white temples that he had wrested from his

617

618

262

The Saiva Age

Kings rewarded their Gurus with the donation or construction of monasteries (mat . hah . ) and with grants of revenue from designated lands with which they themselves constructed and endowed such institutions. Thus in the rst half of the ninth century the Rajaguru Purandara founded two monasteries in Gwalior, one at Mattamayura and a second at Aran . ipadra, using the funds he had received from king Avantivarman as the daks for performing the . in .a kings Saiva initiation, for which purpose he had been persuaded to move to Mattamayura, probably from Malava. The wealth received is described in the inscription that records these events as [the revenue of] the most valu able portion of his kingdom.619 Similarly, when the Kalacuri Yuvarajadeva
foes, just as he did with the [white] blossoms of his Vivekas. My translation nds a reference to [lost] works by K rti siva entitled Viveka, presumably commentaries on Saiva texts. It is possible that the poet refers not to works but to K rti sivas spiritual insights (vivekah . ). Ranod inscription, EI 1:41, vv. 1015: tasmat purandaragurur guruvad garimn . ah . prajn atirekajanitasya babhuva bhumih . | yasyadhun api vibudhair itikr sam . tya . si vyahanyate na vacanam acintya. nayamargavidbhih . 11 vandyah . ko pi cakasty mahima tulyam a rajann uttama sabdapurva sikharabhyarn . munir bhasvat . am prak rn ks ti vaco ni samya sukr caroktam urv patir yasyehana . t . adyutih . | d . arth yanaya yatnam akaroc chr man avantih 12 gatva tapasyantam upendrapurve . pura pure tada s r madavantivarma | bhr s am sam ar adhya tam atmabh umim katham . . . . cid an ya cakara put am 13 athopasadyapya ca samyag ai s m ks . sa daks . d . am . o gurudaks | nivedya yasmai nijarajyas aram . svajanmasaphalyam avapa bhupah . . in . artham 14 sa karay am asa samr . munir mat | prasi. ddhibhajam . ham . sanmuniratnabhumim ddham av aridhi merukalpam r matpure mattamayuran amni 15 punar dvit yam . s . svayam advit yo gun ndro ran | tapovanam res thamat . air mun . ipadrasam . jnam . s .. . ham . vidhaya pres thah tham . paramam . ninaya Then came the Guru Purandara, .. . pratis .. who as betted a Guru had the gravity that comes from the highest wisdom, whose teachings concerning the duties [of Saiva initiates] have still not been surpassed by scholars learned in the way of discipline, whom the glorious and virtuous king Avanti[varman] made efforts to bring to this land because he desired to receive [Saiva] initiation and had heard from one of his agents that there was a certain holy ascetic in the vicinity of Uttama sikhara shining in unimaginable glory, shedding his radiance like the sun. Avantivarman then went to [Purandara], who was practising austerities in Upendrapura, and having striven to win his favour succeeded in bringing him back to sanctify his kingdom. Then, having served him with devotion he duly received Saiva initiation [from him]. The wise king then presented him with the best part of the wealth of his kingdom as Gurus fee and so brought the sage then his human birth to fullment. In the splendid town of Mattamayura caused a richly endowed Meru-like monastery to be built, a treasury of jewel-like ascetics, the fame of which has reached [throughout the continent] to the oceans. This foremost of sages, himself unmatched in his virtues, built and richly endowed a second and most splendid monastery, [this] hermitage of Aran . ipadra. I say that Purandara probably came from Malava because we are told here that before he was brought to Mattamayura he was in Upendrapura and a grant of 1110 issued by king Naravarman (EI 20:11) refers to the gifting of land in a village the Paramara in the district of Upendrapura (l. 5: upendrapuraman .d . ale), which must have been within his kingdom, that is to say, in Malava. It is probable that this town and

619

263

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

I alias Keyuravars . a (r. c. 915945) induced Purandaras spiritual descendant siva (/Sadbhava siva) to move to his kingdom in Chattisgarh, he Prabhava founded for him at huge expense the great monastery at Golag ,620 granting him by royal charter numerous villages and a whole well-populated town, which, since it is not named, was probably Golag itself,621 or, according to the account
kings according to the district bore the name of Upendra, the rst of the Paramara genealogy given by the poet Padmagupta in 11.76 of his Navasahas a nkacarita . In all secondary sources, including S ANDERSON 2007a (p. 274), the name of this monastery (mat -. That spelling is well attested, but only in . hah . ) appears as Golak manuscripts and inscriptions from the Dravidian South, where the scribes, speaking languages in which voiced and unvoiced consonants are not distinguished, are liable to substitute k for g. We also nd kolak there. I now correct to Golag - because this is what I nd in the earliest testimony, which comes from regions whose vernacular languages do distinguish these consonants, namely Nepalese palm-leaf . garh Pra manuscripts of the Kriyak an .d and the Ban sasti of the time . akramaval (r. c. 10271043) (S IRCAR 1983b, v. 6: golagyas of Nayapala sa mahamat . hah . ). The name appears as Golagg in the Chandrehe inscription (caran . aputagolaggikah . ). I identify Golag with modern Gurgi (244 31 N, 81 27 E), about 12 miles due east of Rewa Town, in the north of the Kalacuri kingdom. This is the site of once vast Saiva ruins (C UNNINGHAM 1885, pp. 149154; M EYER et al. 1908-1931, vol. 21, pp. 282 283; B ANERJI 1931, pp. 4145). A full account of my reasons for proposing this location and for rejecting as groundless the widespread view that the monastery at . on the Narmada river, close to the was in the south of the kingdom at Bher . agh Kalacuri capital Tripur , must be set out elsewhere. Chandrehe inscription, CII 4i:44, v. 5: tato madhumat pateh . tamahatapah . kr .sam siva ity abhut sakala saivacud . aman . pavanditah . cayah . prabhava . ih . | anekanr . sa yuvarajadevena yas tapodhanapatih s caran . ta . kr . aputa*golaggikah . (my reading : golagnikah M IRASHI , B ANERJI [ EI 21:23]) Then after the abbot of Madhumat . siva, who had accumulated came that crest-jewel of all the Saivas called Prabhava vast power through his asceticism and was revered by many kings. He puried Golagg [=Golag ] with his feet after being appointed by Yuvarajadeva as overlord of the ascetics [of the monastery at that place]; and the Gurgi inscription, EI 22:21, vv. 67: tasyakhilaks ngac ud . aman ada . itipatipran . atottama . idyuticayarcitap p . thah is bhuvanatrayak rtan yah r matprabhava sivanamamunir . | s . yo babhuva . s man s an ya yam a nayajnah . s r mugdhatungatanayo yuvaraja . . sahajavasanay devah | sattvopak arabhavaduttamak rtihetor agr ahayan mat ham anantadhana. . siva, worpratis tham His disciple was the glorious and learned ascetic Prabhava .. thy of celebration throughout the three worlds, the pedestal beneath whose feet was honoured by the dense rays of the crest-jewels on the heads of all the kings who prostrated themselves before him. Yuvarajadeva, the son of Mugdhatunga, skilled in policy, brought [him to his kingdom prompted] by an inborn predisposition and had him accept a monastery that he established [for him] with innite wealth. The damaged vv. 3540 at the end of this inscription list the places that the king made siva: [sthanam over to Prabhava rtan [yam aya mu. ] . - . . . - . ya k . ] pun . yanvit naye svayam arcitaya | - - nam ullikhita[ sasana - . - - keyu]avars . patih . anr . [svayam ajah ara] 36 pakk + + . - - [tam sarasad . ?] tatha . ollakam | vakkad . ollakarajyauddhe ko + +[na]sapun 37 + + + + . - - + + + puram | . nakalabh rapall ++ .d . ika . khat . ollika + + sarasvat 38 [etes am ] dv ada s aka n ca kavacaks etram eva ca | s amantap at aka s . . . . caiva vat ] s asanam . a + + . - . + 39 + + + ya[tallapat . . [sa]tram ity api | sa + + bhaddhaci[u]r a [kusu?]mva ca ku[kku]d 40 rajogram anvit a[n etan s a]sanatvena dat. iya

620

621

264

The Saiva Age

of the Malkapuram inscription, gave him a vast reward which that ascetic, after he had himself founded the monastery, transferred to it as its endow II (r. c. 945970) ment.622 In the next generation the Kalacuri Laks . araja . man brought in Hr siva and gave him the monasteries attached to the temples of . daya Vaidyanatha and Nohale svara, the second of which Hr siva passed on to his . daya . garh Pra disciple Aghora siva;623 and the Ban sasti reports, as we have seen, that
tava[n] | + + + + . [siddha]ntap arag aya gar yase puram rn . paurajanak . am . ++++ samastakam | bhaktya samarpayam asa s asanatve[na bhu]patih . . PANTULU 1930, vv. 25c26: tasmai nih alac ud . aman . hacetase galacuriks . spr . map . ir . trilaks m gram an . am . yuvarajadevanr 26 kr . patir bhiks . tva . am . . dadau sa s aivamunir adbhuta s lamurtih . s r golak mat udattacittah . ham udaram . | [ta]syakarasya nr sikamauktikan am . vr sakalam api tam . trilaks m . pade . ttim . cakara . To that [ascetic] whose mind was free of all craving the king Yuvarajadeva, that crest-jewel among the Kalacuri monarchs, gave a 300,000 endowment of villages. That Saiva ascetic, the noble-minded embodiment of extraordinary good conduct, built the great Golak [Golag ] monastery [there] and then made over the whole of that 300,000 living to that [monastery, which, ocean-like, has become] the source of [many] pearls in the form of Rajagurus. M IRASHI (CII 4i, p. clviii) interprets the words gram an . am . bhiks . trilaks m . am . . a 300,000 endowment of villages to siva and points out that if the mean that 300,000 villages were given to Prabhava report is correct it indicates that the king assigned to him one third of the total revenue of his home province of D which, according to tradition, comprised . ahala, nine lakhs of villages. This would indeed be a vast endowment, so vast indeed that I nd it hard to accept his interpretation. The Gurgi inscription mentions only about twenty villages and a town and the Malkapuram inscription need mean only that the endowment [consisting of the revenue capacity of these places] was valued at 300,000 of some unspecied monetary unit. This alternative was already considered by PANTULU, the rst editor of the Malkapuram inscription. For though he proposed the interpretation later adopted by M IRASHI, he saw the difculty it entails (1930, p. 52): The founder of the monastery was one Sadbhava Sambhu who obtained a gift of three lacks [sic] of villages (or was it a villages [sic] fetching an income of Nishkas (coins)?) from the Kalachuri king Yuvarajadeva and gave away those villages to the Mat ha as an endowment. In favour of this more . realistic reading is a parallel expression seen in an inscription of the sixth century from a site near Mrohaung in Arakan. There we learn of the gift to a Buddhist monastery of a trisahasriko gramah am a ttrisahasriko . (EI 37:13, l. 13: denguttan gramo nisr to), which can only mean a village which has [a revenue yield of] 3000. .s .. As the editor, D.C. S IRCAR points out (p. 63), this refers apparently to the revenue income in the standard coin. inscription, EI 1:31, vv. 5658: 56 kim Bilhari sau munipungavo thava . stuyate s r cedicandro nr upayanaih sya . patih . tadarah . ttadutaprahitair . kr . | sadvr . pradar bhaktim aya yam 57 s r mallaks pi tasmai sutapase svayam | . vidhinanin . man . arajo mat r vaidyanathasya bhaktiyuktah 58 sv kr munir bhuyo . tyapi . ham . s . samarpayat mat ham s r nauhale s varam | aghora s iva s is yasya s adhuvr ttasya dattav an Or rather . . . . why should I praise that foremost among ascetics? [It sufces to report that] king Laks the moon of the Cedi dynasty, brought him [to his kingdom] after . araja, . man earnestly showing his devotion to him through presents sent by virtuous envoys, and then out of his devotion freely bestowed on that [saint] of great austerity the monastery of Vaidyanatha. The ascetic also accepted the monastery of Nohale svara and then gave it to his virtuous disciple Aghora siva.

622

623

265

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

emperor Mah I (r. c. 9771027) bestowed a lofty gilded monastery the Pala pala 624 . on the Guru Indra siva at Sivav at near Kot . ivars . a. Moreover, we have several records of Gurus using their resources in sivas disciple dependently to establish further monasteries. Thus Prabhava Pra santa siva built a monastery at Chandrehe for ascetics devoted to meditation625 and a hermitage on the banks of the Ganges at Benares.626 His disciple, the Rajaguru Prabodha siva, also built a monastery at Chandrehe;627
624

625

626

627

. garh inscription, S IRCAR 1983b, v. 9: s Ban r man indra sivah . sphut . am . hariharapray am . s ivendrakr . tim bibhrad vam avibhus . an .s . am . samabhavac chis . yo sya pun ncanapu njama njuracitapr as adamerusphuratkail as abha . yatmanah . | yasmai ka mat iha mah palo nr . pas tattvavit The disciple of that [Guru] devoted to . ham . dadav piety was the illustrious Indra siva, an ornament of his lineage, who did indeed have an appearance [matching his name, in that it was one] that embodied both Siva and Indra [=Upendra, i.e. Vis n u] as though it were an image of Harihara [in which .. Siva is both himself and Vis pala, [once he . u in a single body]. To him king Mah .n had become through initiation] a knower of [ultimate] reality, gave in this place a monastery that resembled Mt. Kailasa, radiant with its Meru-like towers beautifully wrought with much gold. Chandrehe inscription, CII 4i:44, vv. 6a, 7: pra santa sivacandramas tad anu tasya s is on sailamule tulam . yo bhavat . . . 7 sa s . anadasam . game bhramara . priyalavanasam a sanah viditam sant a .n . kule phalamr . alakand . | cakara . janair munisakhah . pra s ramam nktibhih yah The successor of [Prabha. t . svapadapadapa . pavitabhutalo . kr va siva] was his disciple, the moon-like Pra santa siva. . . . Eating [nothing but] fruits, lotus stems, and bulbs, that wise friend of ascetics built the famous hermitage with a srama] at the foot, thick with a forest of Priyala trees, of the his name [the Pra sant Bhramara hill, at the conuence of the river Son, purifying the earth with the lines of his foot-prints; and the Gurgi inscription, EI 22:21, vv. 8 and 13: tasyamalena tapasa ca vivardhamanavidy abalena ca samastajagatprat tah is . | s . yah . prakamakaman yagun s r matpra santa sivanamamunir babhuva . . . 13 dahott . aikadhama rn samitadravyarthis arthaspr ac karat tad apa. hah . asuvarn . adana . siddhasthanam ram on ropari | yasmin yogajus sya niyamadhvastantar ay adhayah . yah . s . at . ah . pravi . s ant ah . siddhasamadhayo cchamatayo gacchanti mukteh . padam The disciple of siva] was the ascetic Pra this [Prabhava santa siva, who was known to all for his unblemished austerity and the power of his ever growing knowledge, the unique abode of the most desirable of qualities. . . . [13:] He, who quenched the desire of a multitude of people in need of funds with re-rened gold, built another [monastery as] a seat of Siddhas on the bank of the river Son, where masters of Yoga enter, abolish the torment of [all] hindrances through their ascetic restraint, and, when they are at peace, having achieved perfect concentration, reach with pure awareness the goal of liberation. Gurgi inscription, EI 22:21, v. 14: t rthasnananis atyan. evanodyatadhiyam tavi srantaye yas tat karitav an munih surasaritt re tapah sth anakam | yat sam . . . sevya mahe svararcanarat a var an . as vasino manyante bhavasagaram n . gurum api ks . . am . yatha [gos . pa]dam That ascetic had a hermitage built on the bank of the Ganges for the complete repose of those whose minds were devoted to the practice of bathing at its T rthas. By resorting to it those living in Benares who are devoted to the worship of Siva consider the ocean of transmigratory existence, vast though it is, to have dwindled into a mere puddle. Chandrehe inscription, CII 4i:44, v. 16ab: gurukr ar ad ar ad amum . tasurag . mat . ham

266

The Saiva Age

siva, a spiritual descendant of Purandara through another line, Patanga built a monastery in Gwalior at a site now unknown;628 and the Rajaguru Vi sve svara siva, after receiving a village in Andhra from the Kakat ya Queen Rudradev , built a monastery there and renamed the village Vi sve svaragolak after both himself and the original home of his preceptorial lineage in Chattisgarh, dictating that only a Guru of this lineage, one consecrated by another Guru of the same (golak vam yakr . tabhis .s . ekah . ), should be allowed to preside over his foundation.629 According to the same source he also established monasteries s varapura, Mandrakut . anagara (v. 82), and I in Kal svarapura (v. 85), no doubt under the same conditions. In this way there developed a far-reaching network of interconnected seats of Saiddhantika Saiva learning. Figures at the summit of this clerical hierarchy thus came to exercize a transregional authority whose geographical extent could be greater than that of any contemporary king. Vi sve svara siva while holding of ce as the Rajaguru of the Kakat ya Gan . apati is said also to have been the Guru 630 of the Kalacuri king, the Cola king, and the king of Malava; and praise of Saiva

628

629

630

unnatam sah ubhrabhr abham salam ac karat Near the temple . svakam iva ya . s . vi built by his teacher he built this broad and lofty monastery that resembles a white cloud, as though it were his own fame. Gwalior Museum inscription, M IRASHI 1962, v. 40: mat as . ham . devakulam . kup tad an am . ca pancakam | pra[k a]ro vat . ika . . . A monastery, a temple, wells, ve . ag reservoirs, a circumvallation, *an orchard (?) . . . . Malkapuram inscription, PANTULU 1930, vv. 4245 and v. 70: 69c72: devasya sattrasya mat sarvasya ca so dhikar 70 yo . hasya tasya gramasya gol ak vam s yakr t abhis ekah s antah s ucih s aivarahasyaved | s aiv agam an am . . . . . . . api paragam sam alah . samalos tahema 71 sarvan . i bhut any anukam. tanap .. pamanah . samastavidyasu kr ahah . | mah surah lavatam . purogo bhavettaram . . tavag . s nais thikade sikendrah sve svara sivac aryo dh man rajaguruh .. . | 72 vi . svayam evam aryas aj n apayad dh rah aivac arya satair vr . tah . s . Surrounded by hundreds of Saivac arya the learned and noble Vi sve sva sivac personally ordered that the superintendent of the [temple of the] god [Vi sve svara], the refectory, the monastery, and the whole settlement [that he had established] could only be an ascetic Guru whose consecration [to ofce] had been performed by [a Guru] of the lineage of Golag , a brahmin outstanding among the virtuous, tranquil, honest, one who understands the esoteric doctrines taught by Siva, who has mastered the Saiva scriptures, a guardian of his initiatory line, for whom a clod of earth and gold are of equal value, compassionate to all living beings, and deeply versed in all branches of learning. Malkapuram inscription, PANTULU 1930, v. 38: s r cole svaramalavaks . itipat rajanyac ud . aman yacchis patir yatsutah . . yau kim atah . param . gan . apatiks . on . . | na syat kasya mude sa de sikavarah aivagam ambhonidhih r vi sve svarade sikah . s . s . kalacuriks alad ks the crest. map . aguruh . The Cola king and the king of Malava, jewels among rulers, were his disciples. King Gan . apati too was his [spiritual] son. Whom does this excellent Guru not delight? The Guru Vi sve svara, this ocean of [knowledge of] the Saiva scriptures, was the Guru that [also] initiated the Kalacuri king.

267

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

Gurus as venerated by a plurality of kings is common, even a commonplace.631 The wealth accumulated by these Gurus enabled them behave like royal patrons themselves, not only founding new monasteries but also bestowing landgrants on brahmins, rewarding poets, founding temples and new settlements, and providing the means of irrigation. The Badaun inscription reports that the Rajaguru Murtigan . a honoured brahmins in abundance with many gifts of land that he had received due to the devotion of his royal disciple;632 the Malkapuram inscription says concerning the Rajaguru Vi sve svara siva, a native of Gaud . a in eastern India: Who can count the Gaud . a [brahmins] whose wishes he has granted, the ascetics who have received rich endowments [from him], the leading poets who have been delighted [with the rewards he has be . garh Pra stowed]?;633 and the Ban sasti relates that Sarva siva, the Rajaguru of Nayapala, the Pala gave [to brahmins] all the Great Gifts (mahad an ani ) of the . ic tradition, including the tulapurus Puran in which the donor gives away . adanam his weight in gold, an activity that increasingly became emblematic of exemplary siva, to kings during the second half of the rst millenium.634 His brother Murti
631

632

633

634

See, for example, in the colophonic verses of the Praya scittasamuccaya of svara Hr siva, concerning his Guru I siva (see S ANDERSON 2001, p. 3): as t . daya tatsam r - s vara siva iti | jagat patibhir nr adapa nkajah . paih . tatau munih . s . pujitap .; Chandrehe inscription (CII 4i:44), v. 4b, concerning Purandara: yatra puranda siva: anekanr rah jajne gurur bhubhuj am ; v. 5c, concerning Prabhava . tatapa . pa. kr inscription (CII 4i:45), v. 50b, concerning Dharma vanditah siva: bhup a . ; Bilhari siva: nr lamauliman arcita nghrih . paih . ikantibhir . ; v. 51bcd, concerning Sada . | yatpadadvayam ekharam .s ubhih siva: . daya . vandyam arcitam . s . ; v. 54cd, concerning Hr nr tair yasya man . ikyacakrair akr . kantam ekantava . pamukut . ta caran . anivis .. . amulam siva: tasyakhilaks ndyam; Gurgi inscription (CII 4i:46), v. 6, concerning Prabhava . itipatipran ngac ud . aman adap . thah is bhuvana. atottama . idyuticayarcitap . |s . yo babhuva trayak rtan yah r matprabhava sivanamamunir man s ; and v. 17cd, concerning . s . sana siva: s I r s ana sambhur akhilavanip alamaulim al aman sangitap adapa . idyutipi dmah .. Badaun inscription, EI 1:10, l. 15: sva sis alabhaktilabdhena bhurin .a | . yavarabhup bhumid anena yo vipran pujay am asa bhurin .a . PANTULU 1930, v. 39ab: gaud . purn . amanorathah . kati kati prapta sriyas tapas ah . . ah sam tah . kavipum . kati kati pradhvastapa sa nr .. . pah . tus .. . gavah S IRCAR 1983b, v. 11. The inscription lists pr danam , merudanam , vi svacakra. thiv danam , [sapta]sagarad anam , brahman .d ad anam , kalpavr ks ad anam , [hiran . . . . ya]kamadhenudanam , bhavanadanam , gramad anam , godanam , parvatan am . danam (the ten parvatadan ani of the Matsyapuran . a, with Meru in the centre), sakalpadrumabhadraghat , hiran sva[ratha]danam , hiran , . adanam . ya . yahasti[ratha]danam hiran yagarbhad anam , a s vad anam , tul apurus ad anam , and s r nand s varad anam . . . . ic and other sources For an exhaustive presentation of the prescriptions of the Puran on the Great Gifts see especially the fth Adhyaya of the Danakhan .d . a of the Caturvargacintaman written while he was a minister of Mahadeva, . i of Hemadri, the Yadava king of Devagiri (r. c. 12601270). The s r nand s varadanam mentioned in this inscription is, I presume, the gift of a golden image of Nandike svara that is to accompany the gift of a thousand cows (Caturvargacintaman . i, vol. 1, p. 253). On

268

The Saiva Age

whom he handed over his ofce as Rajaguru is likewise praised in that inscrip siva is tion for his abundant donations to brahmins.635 Sarva sivas disciple Rupa 636 siva, the disciple also praised there for his generosity to supplicants, as is I sana of Pra santa siva, in the Gurgi inscription.637 The predecessors of the Rajaguru Vimala siva receive similar praise for their pious largesse in that Gurus Jubbulpore inscription, and Vimala siva himself is commended there for the support he gave to the brahmanical order by bestowing gifts on brahmins, and adorning the land with gardens, water-tanks, charitable feeding-houses (sattran . i), temples, and 638 . garh Pra siva and Dharma houses for brahmins. In the Ban sasti Vidya siva are
the drift away during our period from the sponsoring of Vedic (Srauta) sacrices to the bestowing of the Great Gifts such as the tulapurus see D IRKS 1976. . adanam S IRCAR 1983b, v. 15cd: bhrat a murti sivah dan ambusekair jagat . sa manyamahimo siva, of venerable glory, washed the world putam . yah . . . His brother Murti . tavan . kr clean with the water he poured when making donations. The poet refers to the rite of pouring water on to the hand of the brahmin recipient, or, in his absence, on to the ground, that must accompany any formal act of donation (Caturvargacintaman . i, vol. 1, p. 92); and by saying that he cleansed the world with these libations he suggests that his donations to brahmins were frequent, widespread, and very numerous. S IRCAR 1983b, v. 28: s is sivasya d ptatapasah aman . yah . sarva . sarvarthicint . ir . . . | s r man rupa sivo babhuva The disciple who succeeded Sarva siva, [that Guru] of siva, who was a wishing-granting blazing ascetic power, was the illustrious Rupa jewel for all supplicants. EI 22:21, v. 18ab: . . . [sarvarthi ]nam . yena s r r gamitopabhogapadav m . daurgatyaduh khacchid a He caused [his] wealth to be enjoyed by all suppli. cants, thus ending the torment of their poverty. EI 25:33. The inscription precedes its account of the life of Vimala siva with some information about the predecessors in his Guru lineage. Unfortunately the section on his predecessors is lacunose because of damage to the stone, with the loss or partial loss of some of these Gurus names. The inscription yields the following succession: . . . N > Vimala siva > Astra sivain ll. 56 I read . . . (l. 6) vastra sivabhidh anah . where the editor, M IRASHI, reads . . . (l. 6) vastu sivabhidh anah . : Astra siva is a Saiddhantika initiation name but *Vastu siva is not > N? (if Astra sivas successor was covered in the lost v. 11) > N- siva (the rst part of the name has been lost: . . . s ivah is siva, Guru of Ya sah . karn . a (r. 10731123) . s . yah . in l. 6) . . . N > Purus . a > Sakti siva, Guru of Ya sah rti siva, . karn . as successor Gayakarn . a (r. 11231153) K Guru of Gayakarn siva, Guru . as successor Narasim . ha (r. A . D. 11531163) > Vimala of Narasim . has successors Jayasim . ha (r. 11531188) and, on the evidence of EI 40:46, Vijayasim siva we are told (v. 11): + s ivah is . ha (r. 11881210). Of N- . s . yah . purus aya sam am . ca dhanan am . ca paropakr . taye param [His] . arth . padam | gun . an disciple N- siva [employed] his abundant virtues only for the accomplishment of the goal of human existence and his abundant wealth only for the welfare of others; and of his now nameless successor we learn . . . (v. 15) pr tih ratis . patre t rthe sthitih | bhaktis bhave bhavat tasya samasya That as. pathi mate satam cetics only delight was in [giving to] worthy recipients, his only attachment was to holy sites, his only adherence was to the path approved by the good, and his only devotion was to Siva. Of Vimala siva we learn in v. 34cd: [yaccha]y am . vibudhagan . o dhigamya dhatte vaidhuryam . na khalu [mahotsa]vodayes . u Enter-

635

636

637

638

269

Genesis and Development of Tantrism

siva for building many640 praised for building temples,639 and the Rajaguru Murti and excavating numerous reservoirs.641 In the Gurgi inscription Pra santa siva is said to have added a lofty temple of Siva at Golag to the north of one that had
642 been established there by king Yuvarajadeva; and in the Chandrehe inscrip-

tion his successor Prabodha siva is said to have provided that place not only with a monastery but also with a water reservoir and a well.643 The Gwalior Muing the shade [provided by the parasol] of this [patron] a multitude of brahmins was freed from the distress [of penury] on the splendid occasions of major festivals; in v. 38: yasyarthidvijar ajadar sanava sad dan ambu[bhir vardhate] s raddha [ratridivam dharmasya *tantr r (?) iva | yo dar ses . ] varen . a vidhina . v api sadaram . dvijapat n aks n sobhabhar an daks nam . s ataih . . a . o yojayate suvarn . avikasatsadrohin . . At the sight of great brahmin supplicants his faith grows day and night along with the [frequency with which he does] the pouring of the water of donation, in accordance with the best procedure, like a * . . . (?) of religious duty. And on the days of the new moon [this] learned [Guru] bestows with devotion on the leading brahmins, their rich adornments never diminished, hundreds of ne ruddy cows shining with gold [adorning their horns]; v. 41bc: [dattam tat | patram . ] na yan nasti . tan na yad arcitam . there is no gift that he did not give, no worthy recipient whom he did not honour; and v. 43: udyanasaras [sattra]pras adadvijave smabhih . parib. | bhumih havaty asya na kair bhus . abharair divam With what rich adornments [created by him], with gardens, reservoirs, charitable feeding-houses, temples, and houses for brahmins, did [this] land not surpass heaven? S IRCAR 1983b, v. 8ab: s is sivas taponidhir abhut tasya vyadhad yo . yo dharma dbhutam pr as adam bhagavattrilocanaguror v ar an as bh us an am His disciple, the . . . . ascetic Dharma siva, built a marvellous temple of the blessed three-eyed teacher [of the world] that beautied Benares; S IRCAR 1983b, v. 7cd: s r vidya siva ity as macaritas satk rti sakh a satapragbh arasthagit ambaro munir abhut tasmad yatharth anvayah After him came Vidy a s iva, an ascetic of boundless virtuous con. duct, in whom the lineage fullled its purpose, who concealed the sky with the mass of the countless branches of his ne temples; vv. 1619. S IRCAR 1983b, v. 19: mah yas yam mah yatha tapasvinas tasya mahan . na tatha iha sayah | tath a hi bh umih kila k rtibhir bhr t a gato na tasy a s aya es a vismayah . . . . . This land though vast was not large enough for the ambition of this ascetic. The wonder is that it did not cease even when the earth was lled to capacity by his temples. S IRCAR 1983b, v. 17ab: . . . nirmita s citram hara* sriyo . thiv . diks . u vidiks . u yena pr (conj. s riya Ep.) d rghikah . Wondrously he created reservoirs in all directions as a beautiful garland to adorn the land. Gurgi inscription, EI 22:21, v. 11: yena s r yuvarajak aritalasatkail asa sr . ngopamapras adottaratah sumeru s ikharaspardhi prasiddha[m bhu]vi | sadma sth apitam . s varasya *sakalatrailokyavismapakam Ep.) . (trailokya corr. M IRASHI : trailakya yat svargam yaya sasah arg ayate To the north of the temple . vrajatas tad . sopanam that resembled the shining peak of Mt. Meru he built his famous built by Yuvaraja temple of Siva. That [too] rivals the peak of Meru, causing wonder throughout the three worlds, a ight of steps, as it were, for his fame as it ascends to heaven. The seems lame, but its probable point is repetition of the comparison with Mt. Kailasa that the Gurus temple was no less impressive than the kings. Chandrehe inscription, CII 4i:44, v. 16cd: anugiram atho sindhuprakhyam . tad . agam ac khanat pracurasalilam prabodha sivah am Then here [after . kupam . catra . s building the monastery] the ascetic Prabodha siva excavated an ocean-like reservoir

639

640

641

642

643

270

The Saiva Age

644 siva built a great temple of Siva seum inscription records that Patanga and

excavated four huge reservoirs.645 The Jubbulpore inscription records that the vara in honour of his preceptor Rajaguru Vimala siva built a temple of Siva K rt s and predecessor, the Rajaguru K rti siva.646 A Kannad . a inscription recording the death in 931 of the Saiva Guru Tribhuvanakartaradeva alias Kaliyugarudra tells .i us that during the forty years of his rule as the pontiff of Avani in Nol .ambavad 647 he built fty temples and two large water reservoirs; and the Malkapuram in scription records that the Rajaguru Vi sve svara founded temples to house Sivas . anagara, Candravallinabearing his own name in Vi sve svaragolak , Mandrakut and also that he gara, Vi sve svaranagara, Kommurgr ama, and Uttarasoma sila, founded a town with his own name (Vi sve svarapura) at Ananda.648 The exalted status and king-like behaviour of these Gurus is reected in the fact that we have inscriptions in which they have been given royal, even impe rial titles. This is so with Vamadeva, also called Vama sambhu, the Rajaguru of ngeyadeva a Kalacuri of Tripur who was probably Ga (r. c. 10151041), on whom that king is said to have transferred his status as the monarch (nijarajalaks ) . m as payment for his service as his Guru (gurudaks ) when he set out on a cam. in .a
near the [Bhramara] hill and a well with abundant water. M IRASHI 1962, v. 29: tenedam sikharam . haramandiram . su . yat sarvatah . sundaram . bhaktya