Buddhist Studies in Honour of Hammalava Saddhatissa

BUDDHIST STUDIES IN
HONOUR OF
HAMMALAVA
SADDHA TTSSA
Editors:
Gatare Dhammapala
Richard Gombrich
K. R. Norman
1984
HAMMALAVA SADDHATISSA FELICITATION VOLUME
COMMITTEE
University of Sri Jayewardenepura, Nugegoda,
SRI LANKA
e the watermark
Editorial Committee:
Yen. Dr. Kamburupitiye Wanaratana
Yen. Dr. Gatare Dhammapala (Joint Secretary)
Yen. Dr. Labuduve Siridhamma
Yen. Dr. Bellanwila Wimalaratana
Prof. Wimal G. Balagalle
Prof. Mahinda Palihawadana
Dr. Mahanama Karunaratna (Joint Secretary)
Mr. Russell Webb (Joint Secretary, u.K.)
DF. Chandra Wickramagamage
First Publishe.d in 1984
Buddhist Research Library Trust
~ Sorata Mawatha, Nugegoda, Sri Lanka.
. .
- Pfinted by Lake -II(jiJ.se _Printers and Publishers Ltd.
41 W. A. D. Ramanayake Mawatha, Colombo 2.
Sri Lanka.
We, the editors respectfully dedicate
this volume of papers on Buddhist
studies to the Yen. Dr. Hammalava
Saddbatissa Sangha Nayaka Them
foJ' his invaluable service in the disse-
mination of Buddhism and Oriental
Studies in the East and West, for more
than four decades as a Dhammaduta
and an academic and a writer.
Colleagues, students, friends and
well-whhers of Yen. Saddbatissa from
the four corners ofthe world have got
together with unity of purpose to
houour one who is worthy of honour.
ACKNOWLEDGEMmNTS
With deep appreciation and gratitude we wish to t h n ~ all those who
gave their assistance and co-operation in bringing out this volume.
We oifel' our special thanks to:
Ven. Dr. Hammalava Saddhatissa for giving consent for this publication
in his honour;
Ven. Sri Devarakkhita Sumana Nayaka Thera of Tissava Rajamaha Vihara,
Ven. Medagama Vajiragnana, Ven. Polommaruve Hemasiti, Ven. Mala-
gane Atthadassi, Mr. C. P. Jayawardene and Mrs. N. Paranavithana who
participated in the inaugural prepal'atolY committee meeting for their
valuable assistance and encouragement; members of the Editol'ial Com-
mittee for their advisory assistance; our contributors for sUbmitting articles
in time; and Fefel'ees fOF theil' reviews and at times for revamping articles,
Mr. Russell Webb, the Secretary of British Mahabodhi Society for his
painstaking preliminaries and excellent job as a Joint SecIetary; his wife
Sara for translating two papers from the original French;
Mr. Karunasena Kodituwakku, the Vice-chancellor, University of SFi
Jayewardenepura, for his assistance;
Professors Wimal G. Balagalle, Mahinda Palihawadana and L. P. N. Perera
for their constructive suggestions and proof reading; DF. Mahanama
Karunaratna for his valuable assistance as a Joint Secretary;
Mr. W. B. Dorakumbul'e for his constructive suggestions;
Ml'. Sumana Dissanayake for designing an attractive cover;
Buddhist Research Libmry tl:ust for facilitating the publication of this
volume;
The Staff of Lake House Printel1s for their excellent job in printing the
volume;
and all others-too numel10us to mention by name-who assisted us in
many ways in the course of preparation and publication of this volume.
-Editol'S-
Contributors
General Abbreviations
SubhasaJPsanam
CONTENTS
Eulogy, Tl'. Ven. Balangoda Ananda Maitreya
Pge
Russell Webb, Hammalava Saddhatissa: A Tribute 01
Mahanama Karunaratna, "Revered and Honoured": an Appreciation 04
W. B. Dorakumbura, Publications ofVen. Dr. Hammalava Saddhatissa 10
Harvey B. Aronson, "Buddhist and Non-Buddhist Approaches to the
Sublime Attitudes (Brahma-vihiira) 16 .
Sures Chandra Banerji, "Bengal Buddhists and Sanskrit Literature" 25
Andre Bareau, "The Empire of King Re:t;lU and the Date of the
Mahagovinda-Sutta" 34
John Ross Carter, "Beyond 'beyond Good and Evil' " 41
L. S. Cousins, "Samatha-Yana and Vipassana-Yiina" 56
Lily de Silva, "Self-Identification and Associated Problems" 69
Gatare Dhammapala, "Towards the Definition of Saddha and
Bhakti" 77
Uruwala Dhammaratana, "Revival of Vipassana Meditation in
Recent Times" .. 82
Jotiya Dhirasekera, "Poetic Beauty Reflected in the Buddhist
Vision," 88
Richard Gombrich, "Notes on the Brahrninical Background to
Buddhist Ethics" 91
Ratna Handurukande, "TriratnabhajananusaJPsa" (romanised
Sanskrit text and translation) 103
Yoneo Ishii, "Modern Buddhism in Indonesia": 108
Padmanabh S. Jaini, "Some Niti Verses of the Lokaneyya-
Pakarm:za" (including romanised Pali text and translation) 116
L. M. Joshi, "The Buddhist Perspective on the Unity and Diversity
of Religions" 123
Tissa Kariyawasam, "Devasthapanaya: An Appendix to the
Sariputra, " the Text on Buddhist Inconometry. .. 131
Phra Khantipalo, "The Highest Goal" 138
Etienne Lamotte, "Problems Concerning the Minor Canonical
Texts" 148
Trevor Ling, "Buddhist Ethical Concerns in the Work of Martin
Wickramasinghe (1891-1976)," 159
Kogeu Mizuno, "A Comparative Study of Dharmapadas" 168
K. R. Norman, "The Metres of the LakkhaI;1a-suttanta" 176
Mahliida.Paiihawadana, "Dhammapada 1 and 2 and their Com-
mentaries ' , 189
L. P. N. Perera, "Canonical Vinaya Texts-the Question of their
Lower Limit" 203
Walpola RiihuIa, "Pali as a Language for Transmitting an
Authentic Religious Tradition" 211
Shanta Ratnayaka, "Is Whitehead a NeD-Buddhist? " 219
C. H. B. Reynolds, "Buddhism in the Maldives: Excavations in 1958" 228
Genjun H. Sasaki, " A Note on the Derivation of Pali Anamatagga' , 236
Fumimaro Watanabe, "A Study of the SafJ1skara Chapter in
SafJ1yuktabhidharmasiirasastra" 238
Chandra Wickramagamage, "The Origin of the Buddha Image" 249
Nandadeva Wijesekera, "Sinhalese Buddhist Painting, its Styles and
Tradition" 256
CONTRmUTORS
Mr. Russell Webb, 15 Stedham Chambers, Coptic Street, London WCIA
INL, England
Dr. Mahanama Karunaratna, Dept. of Language and Culture, University
of Sri Jayewardenepura, Gangodawila, Nugegoda, Sri Lanka
Mr. W; D. Dorakumbura, The Library, University of Sri JayewaFdene-
pura, Gangodawila, Nugegoda, Sri Lanka
Prof. HarveyB. Aronson, Dept. of Religious Studies, University of Virginia,
Cocke Hall, Charlottesville, VA 22903, USA
Dr. SUI"es Chandra Banerji, 77A Golf Club Rd., Calcutta 700033, India
Prof. Andre Bareau, College de France, 11 Place Marcelin Berthelot,
F- 75231 Paris Cedex OS, France
Prof. John Ross Carter, Dept. of Philosophy and Religion, Colgate
University, Chapel House, Hamilton, NY 13346, USA
L. S. Cousins, Dept. of Comparative Religion, The University,. Manchester
M13 9PL, England .
Prof. Lily de Silva, Dept. of Buddhist Studies, University of Peradeniya, Sri
Lanka .
Ven. Dr. Gatare Dhammapiila, Dept. of Sinhala, University of Sri Jaye-
wardenepura, Gangodawila, Nugegoda, Sri Lanka
Ven. Dr. Uruwala Dhammaratana, The Maha Bodhi Society of India, 4-A
Bankim Chatterjee St., Calcutta 700073, India
Prof. Jotiya Dhirasekera, Postgraduate Institute for Pali and Buddhist
Studies, University of Kelaniya, Sri Lanka
Prof. Richard Gombrich, Balliol College, Oxford OXI 3BJ, England
Dr. Ratna Handurukande, Dept. of Languages and Cultural Studies, Univer-
sity ofPeradeniya, Sri Lanka
Prof. Yoneo Ishii, The Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto Univer-
sity, 46 Shimoadachi-cho, Yoshida, Sakyo-ku, Kyoto, Japan
Dr. Padmanabh S. Jaini, Dept. of South and Southeast Asian Studies,
University of California, Berkeley, CA 94720, USA
Prof. L. M. Joshi, Guru Gobind Singh Dept. of Religious Studies, Punjabi
University, Patiala, India
Dr. Tissa Kariyawasam, Institute of Aesthetic Studies, UniveI'sity
of Kelaniya, Colombo 7, SI'i Lanka.
Phra Khantipiilo, Wat Buddha-Dhamma, Ten Mile Hollow, Wisemanll
Ferry, N W 2255, Australia
Mgr Etienne Lamotte, Place du Roi Vainqueur 15, Boite 10, B-I040 Brussels,
Belgium
Prof. TrevoI' Ling, 14 Clifton TeI'l'ace, Brighton, East Sussex, England
Prof Kogciin VIrlverslty, 1-23-1
Tokyo 154, Japan
K. R. Norman, Faculty of Oriental Studies, Sidgwick Av("., Cambridge
CB3 9DA, England
Prot Maliindii.-Paliliawadana, Dept: of Language ana Culture, Vniversity
of Sri Jayewardenepura, Gangodawila, Nugegoda, Sri Lanka
Prof. L, ]\ N. Pel'era, Dept. of Pali and Buddhist Studies, Univellsity
. of Sl'i Jayewardenepura, Nugegoda, Sri Lanka ' .,
Yen. Dr. Walpola Rahula, Flat 4, Gilling Ct, Belsize Grove, London NW3
',' 4UY, England' , . '
Shanta Ratnayak3., The University of Georgia, Dept. of Philosophy
" and Religion, Peabody .Hall, Athens, GA 30602, USA
C. H. :ij.'Reynolds, Dept .. of Ip.dology and of the Modern Languages and
,. .' of South Asia, School of Oriental and African
Malet St. London WClE 7HP, England . . ,
Prof. Genjun H. Sasaki, Faculty of Buddhist Studies; Otani University;
, , Kita-ku,Kyoto 603, Japan ,., " , .
Frof. Fumimaro Watanabe, 1-1-79 Nanryo-cho, Uji City, Kyoto 611, Japan
Dr. Wiciqamagamage,pept. ofPaH and Buddhist Studies, Univei-
,sity of Sri Jayewiudenepura, 'GangodawiIa, Nugegoda, Sri lanka
Dr.'Nandadeva Wijesekera, 34, Dudley Senanayake Mawatha, ,Colombo 8,
; "., },anka: . "
GENERAL ABBREVIATIONS
N.B. Texts published by the Pall Text Society (PTS), London, unless other-
wise indicated.
A
AA
BD
BSOAS
D
DA
Dhp
DhpA
DhsA
GOS
IHQ
Ja
JBTS
JPTS
JRAS
M
MA
NA
Nd.l
Netti
PED
Pv
S
SA
SBB
SBE
SHB
Sn
T
Thag
UCR
Vin
VinA
Vism
Atiguttara Nikaya
Manora hapiira1)i (Commentary to A)
The Book of the Discipline
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London
Digha Nikaya
Sumangaiavilasini (Commentary to D)
Dhammapada
Commentary to Dhp
Atthasalini (Commentary to Dhammasanga1;li)
Gaekwad's Oriental Series, Baroda
Indian Historical Quarterly, Calcutta
Jataka
Journal ofthe Buddhist Text Society, Calcutta
Journal of the Pali Text Society
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London
Majjhima Nikaya
Papaficasiidani (Commentary to M)
Commentary to Netti (SHB)
Niddesa I: Mahiiniddesa
Netti pakara1)a
Pali-English Dictionary (PTS)
Petavatthu
Sa!p.yutta Nikaya
Saratthappakasini (Commentary to S)
Sacred Books of the Buddhists (PTS)
Sacred Books of the East
Simon Hewavitarne Bequest Colombo
CSutta-Nipata
J. Takakusu and K. Watanabe (ed.) Taisho Shinshu Daizokyg. 55
vols, Tokyo 1924-9. Example of reference: XXV (Vol. No.) 1590
(text no.) vii (chiian= folio no.) 136
a
(page and column no.)
3 (line).
Theragathii
University of Ceylon Review, Colombo
Vinaya Pitaka of various schools
Samantapasadika (Commentary to PaIi Vin)
Visuddhimagga (usually Harvard Oriental Series)
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"

SUBHASAMSANAM
Srfman sadgUl;aratnama!lrjitavapur vidvajjanai!;z pujitab
ciiturvaidhyakasarrzvrtav'abhirato dhanyo satam agra!lf!;z
jato hammalavahvaye sitayasa la1}rjan vihariidhipa!;z
Sraddhatisya yatfsvaro vijayatad ratnatrayanugrahat
bhaktir yasya jagadgurau gU!lanidhau sr'iSakyasirrzhe sada
vancha visvahitarthasadhanavidhau bhftisca pape pararrz
purvacchiitrabhamadhyagendusadrso bhaty atra yas tarrz sada
kurvantas subhamangalarrz suraga1}ii vai sarvathiI
janatarrz sificann ayarrz sarrzyamf
saddharmamitabhojanarrz sukhakararrz bhojayan
sraddhadyaryadhanarrz yatharuci dadad yuii janchubhasa rrzsanarrz
sarrzsarottara1}aya vartma nayate sattvanukampodyata!;z
saddharmasya jagacchivarrz pradadato, vrddhau vivrddhisprha!;z
tyaktvayarrz nijade.am unnatamana englantadese vasan
Lankanikayatraye
taddesfya yatfsvaratvam agamat sanghanumatyadhuna
srutvainarrz yamino' sya netrpadav'ipraptirrz satarrz var!l italJ1
Sri Vidyodaya sastramandiravare chiitra!;z samarrz
magna udarasaya
bhaktyettharrz vinata!;z svayarrz vidadhate tasmai .subha.alJ1sanam
SiktassUavisuddhasftasalilai!;z salJ1Sr $(adharmamrtai!;z
trailokyadhipasasanamaravane, daivena salJ1vardhita!;z
niinadesajanalipali sahita!;z
sambhiitad yatir kalpataruvallokarthasiddhyai ciram
ittham asamsate
Sri Laizkaya agrarajadhanibhute kolamba nagare
prathitayasasarrz Vidyodaya
parive!lam adhivasataf!l sastk$aka1}af!l si$yti1}tilJ1
saf!lsat
Sri sambuddhtibde

phtilgu!lamtise munitithau.
EULOGY
1. Hail by the Grace of the Triple Gem, to His Holiness the Superior
Thera, Saddhiitissa of Hammalava, illustrious, possessing a body
adorned by the ornaments of virtues, honoured by the wise, delighted
in the fourfold self-restraint, taking the lead of the good, possessing
pure fame, the Head of the London Buddhist Vihara.
2. May the gods bring him good luck and protect him by all possible
means-him whose devotion is firm ever for the Lord Buddha the Teacher
of the world, the treasury of virtues, whose only aim is to do his service
for the benefit of the world, whose conscience is immensely clear and
who illuminates like the moon amid constellations, the former students
of this institute.
3. This Thera, being active, out of pity for people, bathing them with the
water of goodwill, forbearance and compassion; feeding them with
the ambrosia of Holy Dhamma which brings happiness and is the basis
of Emancipation; heartily distributing the holy wealth of Saddha and
the like; and pronouncing benediction, Jeads the way to cross over
the ocean of the round of rebirths.
4. Though old, wishing the spread of the Dhamma that bestows Perfect
Peace on the world, being lofty-minded he has left behind his own native
land and now lives in England and consequently has been appointed
the Chief Niiyaka (Buddhist Primate) of monks living abroad by the
Chapters of the Buddhist monks of all three fraternities in Sri Lanka
the descendants of Arabant Maha-Mahinda.
5. We, the students and the members of the staff of Vidyodaya Pirivena,
the institute of great renown, hearing the appointment of:hisThera
to the leadership of monks, valued by the elite, have been immersed
in the ambrosial ocean of joy and are bending down before him with
devotion and best wishes, and make thus our blessing promoting his
prosperity.
6. This Thera, resembling a wish-fulfilling tree be sprinkled with pure and
cool water of his virtues mingled with the ambrosia of Dhamma, grown
up by the power of his fortune in the heavenly grove of the dispensation
of the Buddha the Lord of the three worlds, overhung with the flowers
of good fame and visited (like swarms of bees) by the people of various
countries-may he shine long with full brightness for the good and wel-
fare of mankind.
Thus hails the association
of the students together
with the members of the staff
of Vidyodaya Pirivena the world-famed institute,
situated :n Colombo the capital of Sri Lanka,
on the 24th day of the Phalguna month (Feb-March)
in the Buddha Era 2524.
Translated by Yen. AggamahapaI;Il;lita Balangoda Ananda
Maitreya MalUlnayakc Thera
HAMMALAVA SADDHATISSA: A TRIBUTE
RUSSELL WEBB
The MaIigala Sutta cites "association with the wise and honouring those
worthy of honour" as a most beneficial activity, whilst the Dhammapada
states" Happy is association with the wise, even like meeting with kinsfolk. "
To meet Venerable Dr. Saddhatissais to enter into a calming atmosphere,
where a basic kindly spirit, devoid of material considerations, manifests
itself. A serenity and warmth of feeling are ever displayed which must
surely characterise the inner detachment of someone far advanced on
the path to enlightenment. "Just as a city gate fixed in the ground is
not shaken by the winds from the four directions, .even so do I declare to
be a good man he who thoroughly perceives the noble truths, " so proclaims
the Ratana Sutta.
The future Sanghanayaka of Great Britain and longest serving Dhamma-
duta in the yVest was born in Satkorale province, Ceylon, the son of the
local ayurvedic doctor. After primary school education he expressed the
wish to enter the Sangha (and even ran away from home to make his point!).
He was permitted to undertake pabbajja at the end of 1926 and attended
the Sastrodaya Pirivena at Sandalankawa. Thereafter, he pursued higher
studies in the Vidyodaya Pirivena (now University) in the classical Buddhist
subjects, won academic fame and occupied senior positions at several
prestigious institutes of Oriental learning, both East and West, as the
curriculum vitae below will best amplify. As an example of a keen and
conscientious student of the Dhamma, one may recall his copying out by
hand the voluminous Saddharmapu1J.Q.arYkasutra when a copy could not
be made available in India.
He made himself conversant in modern Indian languages (Hindi, Urdu,
Gujarati and Punjabi), in addition to Burmese and English, which were to
stand him in good stead when teaching or preaching in the sub-continent.
This work culminated in the mass conversion ceremony of half a million
Untouchables at Nagpur in 1956. He had acted as a spiritual adviser to
their leader, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, and continued this pastoral activity
amongst the Indian Buddhists in England when he was appointed Head
of the London Buddhist Vihara in spring of the following year.
The Vihara had only been reopened in 1954 and being the only traditional
Buddhist centre in the country (and in the whole of Europe) at that time
what was urgently needed was clear direction of purpose, depth of exposition
and stability. During the next decade the Vihara was the only permanent
centre to remain unaffected by the factional in-fighting that briefly charac-
terised the infant Buddhist movemt;nt in London, This centre soon acquired
2 FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAMMALAVA SADDHATISSA
a reputation for sound instruction and practice of the Dhamma, encouraged
by Ven. Saddhatissa (who has become identified with it and) whose stated
aim has always been that, whilst serving the traditional religious need>. of Asian
Buddhists, eventually the Vihara will be run for and by Western Buddhists.
Although primarily an outpost of the Theravada, representatives of other
Buddhist traditions have always been made welcome at the London Buddhist
Vihara. An inviting, international climate of interest in the Dhammawas
enhanced with the re-establishment of the British Mahabodhi Society
which ~ a d been founded by the great Sinhalese reformer and non-denomina"
tional Buddhist, Anagarika Dbarmapala, forty years earlier in 1926. This
catholic outlook has resulted from Ven. Saddhatissa's breadth of vision
based on a deep knowledge of both Pali and Sanskrit Buddhist texts, which
attitude has permeated the centre and benignly influenced all visitors and
enquirers. His attitude has been accentuated by worldwide travel and
familiarity with other peoples and cultures. Indeed, his sincere interest and
participation in interreligious dialogue sterns largely from this recognition
of the validity of others' views and feelings. .
Because of his close connection with lay followers it was perhaps appro-
priate that his choice of subject for a doctoral dissertation was the Upiisaka-
janiilalikiJra, the only full-length Pali text devoted to the laity. Moreover,
his main books in English have become prescribed textbooks at colleges
and universities in the West. The most notable example is The Buddha's Way
which has been described as "the best, simplest, most readable and com-
prehensible short introduction to what the Buddha taught that has yet
been written in English"-or, for that matter, in the other languages in
which it has been translated. Added to this interest in the welfare of the
laity was an ability to explain the fundamentals of Buddhism in unambiguous
terms, as witness his prolific output of articles for journals in England, Sri
Lanka, India, Malaysia and Singapore, it was natural for Kelaniya, Sri
Jayewardenepura and Peradeniya Universities to confirm their award of
D. Litt "in appreciation of his yeoman service to world literature and
universal thinking".
On the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of his service as a Dhamma-
diita based in London, it is fitting to present a volume of papers from friends
and colleagues to Venerable Saddhatissa who is "worthy of offerings and
reverential salutation".
Undergraduate
1933
1939
HAMMALAVA SADDHATISSA:
ACADEMIC RECORDS
Vidyodaya Pirivena (Oriental College), Cokimbo
(winning First Prizes in the anriual examinations)
Final Examination of Vidyodaya Pirivena (Hons.) in
P d i ~ Sanskrit, Prakrit, Sinhala and Buddhist History
1944
1954
Postgraduate
1957
1958-61
1963
1979
1981
Academic
1940-4
1950-3
1956-7
1958-60
1966-9
1973
1978
Other Academic
1955
1963
1966
Examinations
1954-7
1955-7
1958
1966-9
1980
NonAcademic
1957
1966
1966
1980-J
RUSSEL WEBB
3
Final (paI;l9ita) Examination, Second Class, in Sinhala,
Prakrit, Logic, History and Archaeology
RA. Second Class' in Pali, Sanskrit, Ancient Indian
History and Culture, Banaras Hindu University
M.A. in Pali with Buddhist Sanskrit (placing first in
Higher Second Class), Banaras Hindu University
Research Scholar of Buddhist Philosophy at the School
of Oriental and African Studies, University of London
Ph.D. University of Edinburgh (diss. "A Critical Edition
and Study of the Upasakajanalalikara' ')
D. Litt (h.c.) University of Kelaniya, Sri Lanka
D. Litts (h.c.) Universities of Sri Jayewardenepura and
Peradeniya, Sri Lanka
APPOINTMENTS etc.
Senior Member of Staff and Principal, Vikramashila
Pirivena, PalleweJa, Sri Lanka
Senior Lecturer in Pali, Mahiibodhi College, Sarnath,
Banaras
Lecturer in Pali, Banaras Hindu University
Lecturer in Sinhala, University of London
Professor of Pali and Buddhism, Dept. of East Asian
Studies, University of Toronto, Canada
Visiting Lecturer in Buddhist Studies, University of Oxford
Visiting Lecturer in Pali and Theravada Buddhism at
various universities in Japan
Collaborator, Chattha-sangayana of Pali Tipitaka in
Burma
Member of Executive Council, Pali Text Society, London
Member, American Oriental Society
Examiner, Postgraduate PaIi Institute, Nalanda, Patna
Examiner, Banaras Hindu University
Examiner, University of London
Examiner, University of Toronto
Examiner, Oxford University
Head of the Lond0n Buddhist Vihiira
president, British Mahiibodhi Society, London
President, Sangha Council of Great Britll.in
Sl;!.nghanayaka of Gre?:t
"REVERED l ~ D HONOURED"
AN APPRECIATION
MAH.AN.AMA KARUNARATNA
Born and bred in the Satkorale in Sri Lanka, well acquainted with the
manners and the scholarly traditions as well as the practical activities
of the Buddhist order, the Ven. Hammalava Saddhiitissa has risen to the
limelight as a pre-eminent scholar and Buddhist dhammaduta worker.
He was born on May 28. 1914 to the Bannehd<a family of Hammalava
and had his primary education at the government bilingual school, KuIiya-
pitiya. After his ordination as a novice in 1926 under the name of Hammalava
Saddh1itissa, he joined the Sastrodoya Pirive:o.a, Sandalankava, where he
continued his primary and secondary education and also received a tlaining
in the rudiments of the monastic discipline. Thereafter he joined the
Vidyodaya Pitivena, Maligakanda, the reputed seat of oriental learning.
There he came under the expert guidance and tutelage of such eminent
scholars as theVen. KahaveRatanasara, Baddegama Piyaratana, Kukulnape
Devarakkhita, Kalukondayave Pafifiasekera and Weliwitiye Sorata for a
period of six years. Being the most outstanding student of his class he won
many academic awards. He passed the final Examination of the Vidyodaya
Pirivena in Pali, Sanskrit, Prakrit, Sinhala, Buddhism and History, ob-
taining a first class in the year 1939. By this time Ven. Saddh1itissa was well
known among his coleagues and friends as well as among the local Buddhist
devotees as an able exponent of the Dhamma. He joined the staff of
Wikramasilii Pirivena, Pallewela and started his career as a teacher.
Whilst serving as a teacher he, continued his studies and passed with honours
the final examination of the Oriental Studies Society, Colombo in 1944.
As a mark of recognition of his erudition he was invited to India
as a Buddhist dhammaduta. During his stay in India he became fluent in
Hindi and Bengali which enabled him to become a very successful dhamma-
ditta. He continued with his scholarly pursuits with vigour in India and from
1950-53 served as a lecturer in Pali at the Mahabodhi College, Saranath.
Undaunted by the difficulties of his twofold career as dhammadiita and
lecturer, he passed the B.A. examination with honours in Indian History
and Oriental languages from the Hindu University, Banares in 1954. He
joined the staff of this university where he later passed the M.A. examina-
tion in PaIi, Sanskrit and Buddhist Civilization.
It was a significant event in Ven. Saddhatissa's life to be called upon to
serve as religious advisor to Dr. B. R. Ambedker in 1956 when the latter,
together with 500,000 Harijan followers embraced Buddhism. As his fame
MAHANAMA KARUNARATNA . 5
spread as an eminent scholar and an able religious advisor he was invited
by the Mahabodhi Society to take the post of Head of the London Buddhist
Vihiira, which is the centre for Theravada Buddhism in the West. Ven.
Saddhatissa's resuscitation of the British Mahiibodhi Society, (founded
by the late Anagarika Dhammapala) served as an impetus to the spread
of the Dhamma and to Buddhist scholarship in the western world.
While serving as an examiner in Sinhala at the school of Oriental and
African Studies, University of London, he did research in the field of
Buddhist studies. In 1963 the University of Edinbourgh conferred on him
the Ph.D. Degree for the thesis" A Critical Study and Edition of Upasaka
Jan2:laIikara;" which was published by the Pali Text Society in 1965.
It is not usual for a scholar involved in intellectual activity to be con-
cerned with the religious needs of ordinary men and women. In this respect
DF. Saddhiitibsa has proved to be an exception. No other educated monk
from Asia has served the western world so well and for so long in the
capacity of a scholar and a successful Disseminater of the Dhamma.
Dr. Saddhatissa has organized a number of Buddhist educational centres
in Bdtain and Europe where Theravad.3. tradition is given pro.ninence and
the study of otber schools of Buddhism is given its proper place as part
of the comparative study of the Buddhist tradition. London Buddhist
Vihara, which all Sri Lankans in England regard as their home from home
serves them as a religious as well as a cultural centre. Dr. Saddbatissa's
ambition has been to build up this institution as a centre of peace internally
as well as externally, turning it into a temple like the ones in the homeland.
It is opportune here ,to discuss the contribution of as a
Buddhist scholar. He has edited a.nd published several books and learned
articles of which Upi'isaka Janiilafzkiira occupies the pre-eminent position.
Upi'isaka Janiilalikara, composed by a schohr-monk named Ananda in
the 12th century during the reign of king Parakramabahu I, is a work that
had escaped the attention of scholals who had studied the History of Pali
literature. Saddbatissa, recognizing its importance and the unique place
it occupied as a manual of Buddhist instruction for the laity, made a
thorough study of it and classed it among the exagetical works such as
Visuddhimagga, Suttasaligaha and Siirasangaha etc., which summed up
different aspf.cts of the teaching of the Buddha. He rightly points out that
Upiisaka Jani'ilafzkiira is a summary of the Buddha's teaching for the laity.
In his introduction Saddbatissa discusses at length the authorship, date
and contents of this work. His conclusions on these constitute a
valuble contribution to scholarship.
Upasaka Jani'ilafzki'ira makes allusions to various other Pali texts without
giving titles or definite references. Saddha:tissa's research was so com-
prehensive that he was able to trace the sources of all such allusions with
the exceptions of three verses.
1
He has made a comparative study of con-
temporary works such as SiiratthadipanI, Saddhammopayana etc. and
6
FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAl\JMALAVA SADDHATISSA
has discussed the affiliation of their contents to those of Upasaka Janilla!i-
kara and established the authenticity of the latter work. Dr. Saddha-
tissa's attempt was to bring the text of the Upiisaka Janiilafzkara as close
as possible to the original text of the author, based on a critical study of
manuscripts and the allied literature. He ha& given a very interesting account
of certain words and usages not found in other PaJi sources but peculiar
to Upiisaka Janalankara,e.g. terms such as iiyatana gatam, upiisakasilam,
paiana gurukulam, duddatam etc. to menLon a few. He also refers to the in-
fluence that Upasaka Janaiafzkiira has had on some celebrated writers like
GUl'ulug6mi, Agama Chakravarti and Saran ankara Sangharaja.
This scholarly study of Upasaka Janiilafzkiira has been recognized by
eminent scholars of Pa!i and Buddhist Studies as a work of very high quality.
Another important work of Dr. Saddhatissa is his manual on Buddhist
Ethics. In this work he discusses the definitions and the historical back-
ground of ethics which shows his familiarity with eastern and western
theorie:;. of ethics and philosophy. This work is meant for not only scholars
and experts of the subject but also for the intelligent ordinary reader and
is presented in such a way that ont; could grasp the essentials of the Buddha's
view on the ethical conduct as a necessary foundation for the attainment
of the supreme goal.
He has ably shown the important place of ethics occupy in the system
of the Buddha's teaching. Citing material on the theme from various
Buddhist scriptures, he emphasises the autonomus status of Buddhist ethics
comparing, where necessary, material from Vedic, Upanishadic and other
Indian as well as Greek ~ o u r e s in order to substantiate his arguments.
Says Maurice Walshe in his forward to this work: "This book will be of
great value to serious students of Buddhism or of comparativ.j I'eJigion
and morals. Its exhaustive collection of material makes it a scholarly con-
tlibution of permanent value, while its lucid presentation makes it a pleasure
to read and its wide range mabs it in many ways suitable as a general
Introduction to the study-and practice-of Buddhism. ,,2
This work is of paramount importance to seekers of solutions to the
current world problems as it points out in lucid terms that the practice of
Buddhist principles in day to day life can pave the way for the peaceful
co existence of human beings. The author explains'he peace of mind that
results from taking refuge in Buddha, Dhamma and .Sangha and also from
the practice of the five precepts which could bring sincerity and honesty
for the whole of mankind regardless of its various dogmas and beliefs.
Dr. Saddhiitissa shows that the compulsion of being dutiful towards one-
self as well as to others is the basic foundation for world harmony. For
this, material is heavily drawn from the Sigalovada Sutta which presents
what the Buddha taught as the essentials fOI social harmony. In the chapter
"The Layman's Relation to the State," the author compares the thoughts
of Socrates, Plato and the Buddha and draws from scriptures to show that
MAHANAMA.KARUNARATNA
the responsibility for community development lies not only on the state
but also on the masses, the contribution of whom by right livelihood makes
it easier for the state to rule the masses so as to meet their needs and improve
the quality of living, which in tum develops a healthy relationship between
the state and the laity.
This final chapter of the book deals at length with the ultimate goal and
discusses the treatment of the subject in the Pali Scriptures and exegetical
works. The author discusses the tactics that the Buddha employed in using,
changing, remodelling and restating the then existing concepts and
terminology in order to make his teaching understood by people of
difLrent academic and traditional backgrounds.
Another important work by Dr. Saddhatissa is his "Buddha's Way,"
originally meant for those Western readers who as the author says-know
next to nothing of the subject. This book introduces the fundamental
teachings of the Buddha and attempts to give a glimpse of their contents
in a nutshell. It opens with the basic principles of Buddhism, giving and
account of the Buddha's life and the way in which one gets initiation into
Buddhism. The positive and negative aspects of morality are clearly ex-
plained as a necossaFY background for understanding the Buddha's t('aching
based on the four noble truths which is the subject-matter of 2nd chapter.
Having discussed the philosophical aspects of the Buddha's teachings he
gives in the third chapter plelirninal'Y instructions for meditation and in-
Samatha and Vipassanii explaining the various methods and ways
of practising meditation. This book not only serves as a compendium of
Buddhism for the westorn reader but also provides ample information for
students of the history of Buddhism and its expansion in vaFious parts of
the world. Particularly informative are the contents of the appendix i.e.
the tran&lations of a number of Suttas and the chronological tables and
accounts. The total Buddhist population in the world (citing census reports)
and the way they are scattered can be seen at a galance from" Four main
Buddhist traditions and their allocation in the world." The chronological
table of events in East and West is of equal valuo as it gives a date chart of
important Buddhist events.
In addition to these well known books Dr. Saddhatissa has edited the
Dasabodhisattuppattikatha, the birth story of ten much
researched work published by the Pali Text Society. It is a cr:itical study
and edition of the text with an English translation.
This edition is a result of an attempt to reproduce the text as close as
possible to the original. The editor has taken a keen interest in finding the
available editions and manuscripts and has made a comparative survey
of the existing versions in Sinhala, Cambodian and Burmese.
Books of this nature are rare in the Theravada tradition Which emphasise
the aspect of Saddhii (confidence based uponk nowledge) rather than Panna
(wisdom). Although the Jatakas give various stories of Bodhisattas no
detailed account of ten future Buddhas and their choronological order, is
given. This book being greatly influenced by the Mahayana tradition extends
a valuable report on the ten Bodhisattas-the names of the Buddhas given
as the editor has visualized are the personified super-human qualities.
The editor in his introduction has given a detailed account of the Bodhi-
sattva cult referring to various Theravada, Mahayana, Vedic and Hindu
texts such as Mahapadana, A tanatiya sutta, Lalitavistara, Lankavatara sutra,
SuvanJaprabha-?a sutra, Sukhiivativyuha, four Vedas, BhagavadgIta and
Puranas. He also has collected most of the legends about Metteyya Bodhi-
satta concept and relates them in order to exemplify the gradual and
miraculous development of the Bodhisatta cult.
This work has not been focused by scholars in their compilations of the
History of Pali literature which indicates that it has not been a widely used
book.
The latest edition and translation of this book by Dr. Saddhatissa has
illustrated his erudition and experience as a research scholar.
Dr. Saddhatissa has aho written a large number of otheI' books in English,
Sinhala and Hindi on Buddhist Studies and related subjects. Some of these
books have become very popular in the West. Buddha's Way and The
Life of the Buddha published by George Allen and Unwin Ltd., London,
have been translated into German, French, Spanish, Portugese and Hindi.
Some time ago Ven. Saddhatissa commenced a research project on the
Pali Literature of Thailand, Cambodia and Laos. TheFesults of this research
have been published as papers in a number of scholarly journals.
Dr. Saddhatissa's contribution to learning is not confined to his writings.
He has served as the Professor of Pali & Buddhism in the Dept. of East
Asian Studies, Toronto University, Canada, 1966-69 and as a visiting
professor in Buddhist Studies, University of Oxfold in 1973. He is the
Buddhist chaplain to the School of Oriental and African Studies, University
of London. He is Vice-President of the Pali Text Society and has con-
tributed to its progress as editor and translator of various Pali texts and also
as compiler of the Pali TripUaka Concordance. He also is a member of the
American Oriental Society.
Though first and foremost a scholar, he did not forget that a part of his
duty lay in serving as a disseminator of the Dhamma in its practical aspects.
His time and energy was devoted for the development of the London
Buddhist Vihara, to establish the Buddhist Centre in Oakenhalt Oxford,
and also a number of othel Buddhist centres in England and Europe.
In recognition of Dr. Saddhatissa's contribution to learning and to
Universal Thinking the Universities of Kelaniya, Sri Jayawardenepura, and
Peradeniya conferred the D.Litt. (Honoris Causa) degree in 1979 and 1981
respectively.
In recognition of his service to the world, the Sangha councils of the three
Nikayas in Sri Lanka, appointed Dr. Saddhatissa as the Chief Sangha
MAHANAMA KARUNARATNA 9
Nayaka of BI'itain. This is perhaps the only occasion where the three 5ects
jointly approved the religious leardersbip of a Bhikkhu belonging to one
particular sect. This was later approved by various other Sangha councils.
A person of the calibre of Dr. Saddhatissa is indeed very rare. While he
is rever-ed by devotees, his scholarship is recognized and appreciated
throughout the Buddhist world.
1. I. B. Harner, Upasaka note p. VII, PIS 1964.
2. M.O.C. WaIshe Foreword p. 8. Buddhist Ethics of Dr. Saddhiitissa ed. Georlle A 11"",
Publications of Yen. Dr. Hammalava Saddhiitissa
W. B. DORAKUMBURA
It was with great pleasure that undertook the assignment to compile a
selected bibliography of pUblications by Yen. Dr. H. Saddhatissa. The
purpose in compiling this was to apprise the Buddhist public, both here
and abroad, of the enormous contribution the Nayaka Thera has made
towards propagating Buddhism and encouraging Pali and Buddhist studies.
In setting about the task, numerous difficulties wel'eencountered, some
of which could not be, overcome due to limitations of time and unavaila-
bility of some publications in Sri Lankan LibraI;ies, especially serial publica-
tions. Yen. Saddhatissa has been a prolific writer not only in the field of
Buddhism but also in the fields of Sri Lankan History and Culture, Sinhala
Language and literature, Pali, national issues and in many related fields.
His publications range from newspaper articles to scholary monograpbs
in many languages, and published in many countries, and are spread over
four decades. It was therefore not possible to include all the writings in the
bibliography and certain limitations on its scope had to be imposed. It
was decided in consultation with the editors of this Volume to exclude
newspaper articles. Of the other writings emphasis has been on contribu-
tions mainly in Sinhala and English and the selection has been based on
the importance of the contents of the article/book as reflecting the author's
main theme of propagating Buddhism in the West and of exemplifying
the main teachings of the Buddha to the Buddhist layman. Even within
this framework, the task was not easy, for it was not possible to locate all
the author's publications for examination and evaluation. A fair number
of entries in the bibliography is based on information supplied by scholars
and some of the editors, with a personal knowledge of these publications.
They have been included without verification on the presumption that
their information is corFect.
It is earnestly hoped that the bibliogFaphy will focus the attention of
&cholars to the cause for which the life of Ven. Dr. Saddhiitissa has
been dedicated with utmost zeal and scholarship.
Selected Bibliography of publications
by Yen. Dr. Hammalava Saddhatissa up to 1983
BOOKS
The birth stories of the ten Bodhisattas and the Dasabodhisattupattikathii.
London: Piili Text Society, 1975.
Des Buddha Weg, ZUFicb, 1977.
W. B. D.ORAKUMBuRA
11
The Buddha's way, London: Allen & Unwin, 1971. Also published in Braille
Stockport: National Library for the Blind, 1981.
Buddhist ethics: Essence of Buddhi&m: London, Allen & Unwin, 1971.
A Buddhist's manual, (with Russell Webb) London: British Mahabodhi
Society, 1976. 2nd ed. 1982.
o Caminho do Buda, Rio de Janeiro, 1977.
De Leer van Boeddha, Amsterdam, 1977.
Handbook for Buddhists, Benaris: Maha Boddhi Society, 1956. 2nd ed.
Calcutta: Mahabodhi Society, 1973.
Introduction to Buddhism, London: MahabOdhi Society, 1981.
The life of Buddha, Lo,ndon: George Allen & Unwin, 1976. This book has
been tramlated into Finnish, Hindi and Japanese in 1979,1981 and 1983
respectively.
Nibbima, Sir Baron Jayatilaka memorial lecture, Borella: Y.MB.A., 1981.
Upasakajaniilalikara: a critical edition and study, London: Luzac for Pali
Text Society. 1965.
Studies in Pali and Buddhism: a memorial volume in honour of Bhikkhu
Jagdish Kashyap, Delhi: B.R. Publishers (As editor along with A. K.
Narain et al), 1979.
A Vida do Buda, Rio de Janeiro, 1978.
Saral Pali S i k ~ a a pali grammar in Hindi. Benares: Mahabodhi Society
of India, 1948.
Guuaganga (The river of virtue), Kandy: Buddhist Publication Society,
1972. (in Sinhalese)
Vidyiiyugaya/a Budusamaya, Colombo: Ratnavali Prakasakayo, 1974.
(in Sinhalese)
ENGLISH ARTICLES
The Abhidhammatthasailgaha and it& tlka, Studies in Indian Philosophy:
a memorial volume in honour of Pandit Sukhla!ji Sanghvi, ed. by Dalsukh
Malvania and Nagin I. Shah. Ahmedabad: Jaina Research Institute,
1981, p. 315-323.
Anatta, the crux of Buddhism The Mahiib8dhi, Calcutta: Mahabodhi
Society of India, 85,-1977, pp. 84-87.
Atisa and spread of Buddhism in Asia, Atisa Dipankara Srijniin 1000th
Birth Anniversary Souvenir, Kamalapur: Dhammarajinka Buddhist
Monastery, 1983, p. 1-9.
Britain welcomes Buddhism, The Buddhist, Colombo: Y.M.B.A. 30, 1959-60,
pp.58-60.
The Buddha and his message, World Buddhism, Nugegoda: Buddhist
Publication Society, 13, 1964/65, pp. 3-4.
i2
FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAMMALAVA SADDHATISSA
The Buddha's teaching of non-violence, Vesak Annual, Singapore:. Sri
Lankarama, 1977, pp. 2S-29.
The Buddha's way to self-knowledge. The Buddhist, Colombo: Y.M.B.A.
41, 1970/71, pp. 3-5.
Buddhism: a self-delivel'ence, World Buddhism, Vesak Annual, Nugegoda'
Buddhist Publication Society, 1972, pp. 4S-49.
Buddhism in Britain, MahiibOdhi, Calcutta: Mahabodhi Society of India,
SO, 1972, pp. 346-347.
Buddhism spreads in Britain, World Buddhism, Nugegoda: Buddhist
Publication Society 9, 1960/61, pp. 9.
Buddhism through Dhammapada, Sangha: the Journal of the English Sangha
Association. 5, 1961. pp. 4-8.
Buddhist concept of non-violence. Buddhist quarterly. London: British
Mahabodhi Society, 2-1, 1969. pp. 7-10.
The Buddhist doctrine of Ahi!p.sa, MahiibOdhi, Calcutta: Mahabodhi
Society ofIndia, 6S, 1960, pp. 147-150.
Buddhist revival in India, The Buddhist, Colombo: Y.M.B.A., 24, 1953/54,
pp.165-66
Chief aim of Buddhism is peace, World Buddhism, Nugegoda: Buddhist
The dawn of Pali literature in Thailand, Malalasekara Commemoration
Volume. ed. by O. H. de A. Wijesekal'a. Colombo: Malalasekara Com-
memoration Volume Editorial Committee, 1976, pp. 315-324.
Disappearance of Buddhism from India, The Buddhist, Colombo: Y.M.B.A.
26, 1955/57. pp. 51-52.
Disappearance of Buddhism from India, World Buddhism, Nugegoda:
Buddhist Publication Society, 23, 1974/75, pp. 63-64.
The doctrine of Ahimsa in Buddhism, MahiibOdhi, Calcutta: Mahabodhi
Society of India, 86, 1978. pp. 83-S4.
Doctrine of rebirth. Buddhist quarterly. London: British Mahabodhi Society
4-4, 1972, pp. 3-10.
Fountain of Buddhism in the West. World Buddhism, Nugegoda: Buddhist
Publication Society, 13, 1964/65. pp. 13-14.
How can we best understand Nibbana, Unisains Buddhist, ed. by. Lim
Chye Gaik. Penang, 1980. pp. 84-85.
The inner workings of man. The Buddhist, Colombo: Y.M.B.A., 42, 1971/72
p.3.
Literature in Pali from Laos. Studies in Pali and Buddhism: a homage
volume to the memory of Jagadish Kashyp. ed. by A. K. Naraian
Delhi: B. R. Publishing, 1979. pp. 327-340.
W. B. DORAKUMBURA 13
The main characteristic of life, The Mahiibodhi, Calcutta: Mahabodhi
Society of India, 81, 1973, pp. 28-29.
Meditationa1 practice in Buddhism, World Buddhism, Vesak Annual, Nuge-
goda: Buddhist Publication Society, 1970. pp. 47-49.
My association with Dr. B. R. Ambedkar. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: his iije and
his mission, London: Dr. AmbedkaF Memorial Trust, 1947, pp. 8, 14-15.
My faith-what it means to me, The Buddhist, Colombo: Y.M.B.A., 31
1960/61, p. 146.
Negative aspects of Buddhist morality, World Buddhism, Vesak Annual,
Nugegoda: Buddhist Publication Society, 1970, pp. 55-56.
A new chapter in modern history of India, The Buddhist, Colombo
Y.M.B.A., 27, 1956/57, pp. 165-166.
Nibbana, The Buddhist, Colombo: Y.M.B.A., 37, 1966/67, pp. 10-13.
Pali Buddhist Studies in Thailand today: Nyiinatil aka Centenary Volume,
ed. by Nyanap6nika. Kandy: Buddhist Publication Sodety, 1978. pp.
31-46.
Pali literature in Cambodia, Journa!ofPali Text Society, 9, 1981,pp.178-179.
Pali literature of Thailand, Buddhist Studies in Honour of I. B. Horner,
ed. by L. Cousins, A. Kunst and K. R. Norman. The Hague: D. Reidel,
1974, pp. 211-225 .
. Pali studies in Cambodia, Buddhist Studies in Honour of Walpola Rahula
London: Gordon Frazer, 1980, pp. 242-250.
The Pali Text Society's centenary, 1981, The M ahiibadhi, 87,1979, pp.173-174
Parents and children. Buddhist quarterly. London: British Mahabodbi
Society, 2-3, 1969. pp. 2-4.
Paticcasamuppada-dependent production, World Buddhism, Nugegoda:
Philosophy of tbe life of a Buddhist, World Buddhism, Nugegoda: Buddhist
Practice of meditation. Buddhist quarterly. London: British Mahabodhi
Society, 5-3, 1972. pp. 3-11.
Prince Chula Chakrabongse of Thailand, World Buddhism, Nugegoda:
Buddhist Publication Society, 12, 1964, pp. 21-22.
Progress of Buddhism in Great Britain, Ceylon DaiZv News, Vesak number,
1960, pp. 26-32.
Reason for believing in rebirtb. Buddhist quartely. London: British Maba-
bodhi Society, 1-2, 1968. pp. 1-3.
Rebirth in Buddhism simplified, The Buddhist, Colombo: Y.M.B.A, 31,
1960/61, p. 69.
Reciprocal duties of parents and children, World Buddhism, Nugegoda;
The relevance of the precept. Buddhist quarterly. London: British Maha-
bodhi Society, 9-1, 1976. pp. 13-15. '
The Saddha concept in Buddhism, The MahiibOdhi, Calcutta: Mahabodhi
Society of India, 84, 1976. pp.124-128.
Salient features of Buddhist metaphysics. Buddhist quarterly. London:
British Mahabodhi Society, 1-1, 1968. pp. 1-4.
Self reliance in the Dhamma, The Buddhist, Colombo: Y.M.B.A., 31, 1960/61
pp.22-24.
The sevenfold purification leading to Nibbiina, Kalpa: Journal of the
Cambridge University Buddhist Society, 2, 1969, p. 28.
Society and the Sangha. The middle way: Journal of the Buddhist Society
London, 49, 1982, pp. 165-167.
Spread of Buddhism in the world. Buddha Jayanti Souvenir, Kuala Lampur:
Buddhist Missionary Society, 1956, pp. 26-30.
Survey of Buddhist Meditation, World Buddhism, Nugegoda: Buddhist
Publication Society, 19, 1970/71. pp. 263-265.
The test of virtue. The Buddhist, Colombo Y.M.B.A., 20, 1949/50, p. 7.
What the Buddha Taught, The middle way, Journal of the Buddhist Society,
London. 57, pp. 135-139.
Why Buddhism disappeared from India, MahiibOdhi, Calcutta: Mahabodhi
Society ofIndia, 79, 1971, pp. 181-182.
HINDI ARTICLES
sutra. Dharmadut, Hindi monthly, Sarnath, July, 1953.
p. 39-40.
Bauddhadharmem dana denekI rlti, Dharmadilt, Hindi monthly, Sarnath,
May, 1945. p. 95-96.
BauddhadharmemKarm. Dharmadut, Hindi monthly, Sarnath, Mar., 1956,
p.218-219.
Car aryasatya. Dharmadut, Hindi monthly, Sarnath, Oct., 1953. p. 121-122.
Citta Ko Kaise Sant Karen? Dharmadut: Hindi monthly, Sarnath, May,
1953. p. 35-36.
Mahatma Dharmapiil, Dharmadut, Hindi monthly, Sarnath, Oct. 1953.
p. 67-68.
Tathagat Ki janmasthtin: Lumbin i', Dharmadilt, Hindi monthly, Sarnath,
May-June 1956, p. 23-25.
Triratn au/' saraniigaman. Dharmadut; Hindi monthly, Sarnath, Sept. 1953,
p.9495.
2500 Yin Buddha-Jayanti trackt, Sarnatb; Mahabodb5 onndia, 1956,
p.1-4.
W. B. DORAKUMBURA
SINHALA ARTICLES
Aka! maraJ;la agukaragata hliki marga, Ahimsii Journal, 1955. p. 5.
As6kayange dharmavijaya, Vesak Sitisara; 1954.
15
Bauddha bhavanava batahira ratavala plitira tibena ayuru, Bhavanii
Colombo: Ministry of Cultural Affairs, 1972, pp. 61-62.
Bauddha dadanaya. anka l Sumaga (Feb.), 1960.
Bauddha dadanaye vika&aya, Sumaga (May), 1951.
h i k ~ u 6amsodhartaya, Rasaviihini (May), 1962. pp. 82-84.
Budurajanan vahansegen samaja sa:tp.sodbanayak no vIda ? Bauddha ba/aya
(Sept.) 1963, p. 7.
CaJ'vaka darsanaya, Vidyodaya, (Jan.-Apr.), 1968, pp. 11-14.
Dambadiva puriivastu, McCallum vesak Kalapaya, 1954, pp. 17-18.
Dambadiva sasanaparihiiniya. Sinhala Bauddhaya Vesak KaJapaya, 1952.
pp.43-44.
Dbarmasangayanavo I. Sumaga (Nov.), 1950.
Dharmasangayanavo n. Sumaga (Jan.) 1951.
Diyatapatala dharmadesakayiino, Pratiravaya, ed. P. D. Jayawardhane.
Colombo, 1981. pp. 21-23.
Diyata ratala paIj visaradayiino, Sri Buddhadatta, ed. Siri Sivali Thera,
Colombo, 1965, pp. 164-168.
Gibi,inaya (a tract). Colombo: Dharmapraciiraka, Sabhii, 1963, p. 19.
Ma:tp.siihiiraya hii janasaukbyaya, Borella: Sri Lanka Abi:tp.saSamitiya,
1949,p.34. .
Ntitana Indiyii itibiisaye nava parichchedayak udaveyi, Sinhala -Bauddhayii
vesak KaJiipaya,p. 23.
Pradhiina bauddha sampradiiyo, Sumaga (Oct.), 1950.
Punil.l:utpattiya. Biitipuda Vesak KaJapaya, 1980, pp. 9-10.
Siihityaya yanu kumakda, Sahityodaya, 1946. pp. 6-7.
Saukkyayata avasya pradbiinama aharaya, Ahimsajournal (Oct.), 1949, p.6.
Taksilii visvavic1yiilaya, Sinhala Bauddhaya Vesak KaJiiaya, 1945. pp.53-54.
Uturu Dambadiva Bauddha tatvaya, McCallum Vesak KaJtipaya, 1955. p.13.
Vaidika sahityaya, Sahityodaya, 1946, p. 222.
Vicara svat,mtratiiva, Sumaga, (Aug.), 1951..
Vikramasilii visvavidyiilaya. pilibanda IangadI aniivarana) a vii vadagat
toraturu, Sahityiidaya, 1946. p. 12.
Y:ur6paye l;,'uddhiigania, Gunasena Vesak KaJiipaya., 1962, pp.1-3.
BUDDHIST AND NON-BUDDHIST APPROACHES TO THE SUBLIME
ATTITUDES (Brahma-vihara)
HARVEY B. ARONSON
IN response to the social gospel of Christianity and the economic visions
of Marxism, Theravada thinkers have turned to the Buddha's teachings
on the sublime attitudes (brahma-vihtira)-love, compassion, sympathetic
joy, and equanimity-to find inspiration and response to a world beset
by economic disparity and social upheaval (Aronson, 1980, pp. 1-12).
The popularity of this use for the cultivation of these attitudes should not,
however, blind us to a more profoundly Buddhist religious context in which
these attitudes can be employed; that is, in the cultivation of insight leading
to the realisation of nirvat;la and ultimately escape from all rebirth.
In the "Discourse at the City of Atthaka" the householder Dasama asks
jhanda whether there is one practice taught by the Buddha which can liberate
the mind, destroy the harmful influences and yield the unsurpassable freedom
from bondage (M I 349). Ananda answers by giving eleven practices which
would accomplish this goal, one of which is the following:
... A monk continues to relate towards one direction with a mind
endowed with love, then likewise towards the second, the third and the
fourth, and in the same way upwards, downwards and across. He
continues to relate everywhere, all around, to the whole world with a
mind endowed with love-a mind which is untroubled, free from
enmity, vast, enlarged and measureless. He then reflects in this way:
'Even this liberation of the mind which is love, is produced and intended.
Whatever is produced and intended is impermanent, is subject to
cessation. ' He understands this. He becomes established in this (under-
standing) and destroys the harmful influences. If he does not destroy
the harmful influences, then due to his lust for practice, due to his
pleasure in practice, he destroys the five lower fetters and becomes an
individual who has a spontaneous rebirth (in heaven involving no
parents] .... (M 1351)
The above method of practice is repeated for the three other sublime
ways of living, the first four absorptions and the first three attainments
of the formless realm (M I 350-52. See also A V 360-1 for the same eleven
practices, with the same purpose, but phrased somewhat differently.). The
commentary states that those practitioners who can give up all lust
(chandaraga) for the practice of serenity and insight can become Worthy
Ones (MA III 13-14); those who cannot, become Non-returners (MA III
14). Giving up lust for practice should not be confused with giving up
practice. According to the commentaries, a wholesome mind has such
HARVEY B. ARONSON .' .
17
factors as"intention, application of mind, energy, zeal, decision etc., which
allow the wholesome mind to initiate work without involving lust or
greed (Vism xiv. 133). "
Buddhaghosa explains that" spontaneous rebirth" is the type of rebirth
attained by deities (Vism xvii. 154). Those individuals who followed the
above instructions without attaining full liberation would be reborn in
heaven and attain complete liberation there.
In the Gradual Sayings the Buddha asserts that there are individuals
who cultivate love, etc., according to the usual method (DI 250-251) and
then see whatever constituents that are present-consciousness, perception,
feeling, conditioning mental factors or form "as impermanent, as suffering,
as an illness, as boils, as arrows, as grief, as an affliction, as alien, as dissolv-
ing, as empty and as selfless" (A II 130). The Buddha states that such
individuals are reborn in communion with the Suddhavasa deities after
death. Thecommeutary states that the various visions, such as seeing the
constituents of personality as boils, etc., refer to insight with regard to
impermanence, suffering or selflessness (AA III 126). It goes on to say
that those individuals who understand the impermanence, etc., of the five
aggregates realize the first three paths and fruitions (AA III 126). Those
individuals who become established in insight and cultivate equanimity
at the level of the fourth absorption are reborn in communion with the
Suddhavasa deities (AA III 126).
The process of deve] oping insight based 0 n the sublime attitudes is ela bora ted
in the commentary on the "Discourse on the Simile of the Cloth." The
continUity of this discourse is quite choppy (M I 36-9). The Buddha first
descrIbes a monk who realizes that greed, covetousness,enmity,ect., are
defilements and abandons them. The Buddha then states that this monk
becomes endowed with unwavering conviction in the Buddha, the Dbamma
and the spiritual community. The monk then cultivates love, etc., according
to the usual instructions and goes on to realize, "There is this. There is
that whIch is inferior. There is that which is excellent. There is an escape
which is beyond this perception" (M I 38). The Buddha concludes by
saying that such a monk has destroyed the harmful influences (asava) and
completed what was to be done. In other words, he has become a Worthy
One (Arahant).
On first reading of the above discourse, one would consider that an
individual who had given up all the defilements of greed, covetousness,
enmity, etc., would be a Worthy One. One would wonder why later ort
in the same discourse the individual seems to become a Worthy One yet
mice again. Buddhaghosa explains that the abandonment of the defilements
at the beginning of the discourse is the abandonment of the Nonreturner
(MA I 71). Though the individual is said to have given up all the defile-
ments, it is to be understood that the abandonment at the beginning of the
discourse is only of the Nonreturner and that all the defilements are actually
18 FESTSCHRIFr FOR HAMMALAVA SADDHATISSA
given up with the attainment of being a. Worthy One described later in
the discourse (M I 71). Thus Buddhaghosa establishes that the individual
who cultivates the fourfold instructions is a Nonreturner. Buddhaghosa
relates the above-mentioned realization, "There is this .... " to the Non-
returner's cultivation of universal love, etc., according to the usual method
of the discourses in the following way:
In this way the Fortunate One has shown the Nonreturner's cultivation
of the sublime attitudes which [by means of suppression] counter the
defilements covetousness, etc., (which have not been abandoned yet).
These [states of mind, the sublime attitudes] occur as [suitable] proximate
causes [for the attainment of the state of being a Worthy One] due
to their being free from opposition, in that the [Nonreturner] has com-
pletely abandoned sense-desire and anger. In order to show the attain-
ment of the state of being a Worthy One, and to show the insight of
a Worthy One, he began by saying, He [knows] 'There is this. ' This means
the Nonreturner possesses the sublime attitudes cultivated in the way
[described in the discourse]. He emerges from any of these [absorptions
. of the J sublime attitudes and defines just the constituent factors of
the sublime attitudes as 'name' (nama). 'Their support is the heart-
basis. The elements are the support of the heart-basis.' In this way he
defines the constituent factors which are the elements and the derivatives
of the elements as 'form' (rupa). Thus, he knows, 'There is this.' So far
he has defined the truth of suffering. Then realizing the origination
of that suffering (he knows). 'There is that which is inferior.' So far he
has defined the truth of origination. Then discriminating the means for
abandoning [suffering and its origination], he knows, 'There is that
which is excellent.' So far he has defined the truth of the path. Then
discriminating the condition which is to be attained by the path, he
knows, 'There is an escape beyond this perception.' The intention is
the following, he knows, 'The escape, which is beyond this perception
of the sublime attitudes which I have. attained, is So far he
has defined the truth of cessation. (MA I 176)
This process of cultivating insight is dealt with in great detail in chapters
eighteen through twenty-two in the Path of Purification. The specific dis-
cussion on the "definition" (vavatthapana) of "name" and "form"
occurs in chapter eighteen.
The term "heart-basis" does not occur in the three baskets of canonical
literature. It is asserted in the commentaries to . be the physical support
of the mind-element (manodhiitu), and the mind-consciousness-element
(manovififia1;ladhiitu, Vism xiv. 60. See PP xiv n. 26 for a discussion of the
heart-basis). consciousness occurring in the sublime attitude-absorptions
would be one kind of mind-consciousness-element supported by the heart-
basis (Vism xiv. 121, and PP table on p. 884).
In the above commentary. the states of mind (alQng with their co-arisen
HARVEY B. ARONSON
19
mental factors) of cultivated love etc., are called the "sublime attitudes".
The commentary points out that the advantage of developing the sublime
attitudes as bases for insight is that, at the t m ~ the meditator has one of
these states of absorption, his mind is completely free of defilements (by
means of suppression). The clarity of mind which exists at the time of
absorption persists for some time even after the meditator emerges from
absorption (Vism xxii. III). The meditator sharpens and clarifies his mind
by means of the absorptions of love, etc., emerges from absorption and
uses his clarified mind for the development of insight with regard to the
nature of the constituents of the previous absorption and the heart-basis
which supported it.
The process of "defining" (vavatthiipana) mental and material factors
involves realizing the nature of these factors. In Theravadin texts con-
. sciousness and its associated mental factors normally receive the appellation
"name". According to Buddhaghosa, the meditator realizes that con-
. sciousness and its associated mental factors "bend towards their object"
(namana, Vism xviii. 3) and thus these factors are "name" (nama). The
meditator also realizes that the material factors are "molested" (ruppana),
(Vism xviii. 4) by cold etc., and thus they are" form" (rupa) ..
The meditator's understanding of "name" and "form" deepens as
his perception of their impermanence, suffering and selflessness becomes
sharper. Eventually he thoroughly realizes the suffering associated with
name and form; he defines the truth of suffering. Even the pleasant percep-
tion of the sublime attitudes is seen to be characterized by suffering. When
the meditator defines the truth of origin he understands theoriginof suffering.
When he defines the truths of cessation and path he sees the end of suffering
as well as the path to that end. The meditator realizes nirva1).a and sees that
it is beyond all the suffering of conditioned phenomena.
In the Kindred Sayings a group of monks visits a group of non-Buddhist
renunciates and informs them about what the Buddha has taught them
(8 V 115-21). The monks tell the renunciates that the Buddha has taught
, them to.. abandon the five hindrances which defile the mind and which
weaken wisdom, and cultivate universal love, compassion, sympathetic joy
and equanimity according to the usual method of the discourses. The re-
.uunciates inform the monks that they themselves practise in the same way
: . and they wonder how the Buddha's practice differs from their own.
,The. surprised monks leave the renunciates in order to get an answer
to t.heir question fJ;9m the Buddha.
At this point it may be noted that this discourse is one that C. A. F. Rhys
Davids mentions when she hypothesizes that the Buddha did not originate
. the meditative instructions on love etc., but that he took them over from
some other teacher (C. A. F. Rbys Davids, 1928, pp. 278-286). F. L.
. Woodward, the translator of the Kindred Sayings agrees with this view
. (K8 V 98 n. 5). In addition to the evidence from the above-mentioned dis-
course, the thrust of Rhys Davids' is that because the fourfold
instructions did not appear in the first and last discourses of the Buddha,
because they did not appear in the list of correct conduct in the Dialogues
of the Buddha (D I 4-12), because they did not occur in the statement of
the Buddha's teaching in the "Lion's Roar Discourse" (N I 68-83) and
because a practitioner of the fourfold instructions did not appear in the
list of outstanding practitioners in the Gradual Sayings (A I 23-6), therefore
the fourfold instructions are not unique to the Buddha (C. A. F. Rhys
Davids, 1928, pp. 271, 274, 280, 282). These are interesting points. It may
be noted that it is stated in the Dialogues of the Buddha that the list of correct
conduct (D I 4-12) constitutes the correct forms of conduct that a worldly
individual would notice in the Harmonious One (D I 3). There is no mention
of any meditation at all on this list. C. A. F. Rhys Davids certainly makes
a point concerning the relative importance of the instructions on love, etc.,
in the teaching of the Buddha. It seems highly questionable though whether
the relative importance of these instructions in the Buddha, 's teaching
necessarily tells us anything concerning the pedigree of these instruc-
tions.
The other evidence that exists is the following. The have
preserved certain teachings concerning harmlessness which seem to be
harmonious with the Buddha's instructions on love, etc., (Cha. 8 15, 1).
There are three instances in the first four collections of discourses where
it is stated that the Bodhisatta in earlier times practiced the fourfold instruc-
tions (D II 186-187; 250; M II 75). The Bodhisatta JotipaIa had heard
that the elder Brahma:t;tas taught that becoming absorbed in the absorption
which is compassion would lead to seeing Brahma and being able to talk
to him (D II 220-252). This statement is interesting in that it is actually
an ClJternative way of discussing the meditation on compassion and it is
attributed to pre-Buddhist Brahma:t;tas. It is similar to, but different from.,
the instructions which occurred in the fourfold instructions.
It is hard to assess the evidence in the discourses concerning the lives
and practices of the Bodhisattas. In order to base judgments on this evidence
it would have to be decided whether or not these discourses validly represent
the Buddha's teachings. It would then have to be decided whether or not
the Buddha's recollections of his past lives were accurate recollections.
It would then have to be decided if the discourses referring to the lives of
the Bodhisattas referred to the recent past 0r the distant past. If it were
decided that the discourses validly represent the Buddha's teachings, and
. his recollections were accurate and they referred to the recent past, then
it could be stated that the fourfold instructions and practices similar to
them were taught prior to the time of the Buddha. From this it could be
concluded that at the time of the Buddha the fourfold instructions were
. proba.bly not unique to the Buddha. The problems to be overcome in
.. establishing this chain of deductions seem insurmQWltable at the present
HARVEY B. ARONSON 2L
time. Whether or not the fourfold instructions were unique to the Buddha
in his day, it can be said that the discourses concerning the BrahmaI;las'
teachings on compassion and the Bodhisattas' practice of the fourfold
instructions show that the fourfold instructions were not considered the
unique teachings of Gamma Buddha in the discourses.
The non-Buddhist evidence points to the Theravadin instructions on
love, etc., starting with the Buddha. The instructions and the tetrad of
factors love, compassion, sympathetic joy and equanimity as a group do
not appear in pre-Buddhist Indian scriptures. Maurice Winternitz states
that instructions to practice these factors do appear in the Yoga Siitras and
in the second century A. C. writings of a Jain named Umasavati (Winternitz,
1936, p. 53).
Winternitz adds:
It seems, for chronological reasons, more likely that both the author
of the Yoga Siitras and Umasvati have borrowed it [the practice of
cultivating love, compassion, sympathetic joy and equanimity from
the Buddhists, than it is pre-Buddhist.
At this time, it seems there is just not enough information to tell whether
the fourfold instructions or the tetrad of factors were unique to the Buddha
in his day or not. It is worth taking cognizance of the fact that it is recorded
in the discourses that at the time of the Buddha other renunciates affirmed
that they practiced the cultivation of universal love, etc, according to the
method of the fourfold instructions. It cannot be said whether the renun-
ciates mentioned in the Kindred Sayings (see above) had originated this
practice, or whether they had adopted it from the Buddha, his disciples,
or a third group. The Buddha never asserts in the Kindred Sayings or else-
where that he originated (or reintroduced) the practice of the fourfold
instructions in his lifetime. He did not address himself directly to the origin
of these instructions.
When the monks in the above-mentioned discourse tell the Buddha that
other renunciates have said that they develop love, eta., according to the
usual method of the discourses, the Buddha tells the monks to ask those
renunciates the following questions:
Friends, how is the liberation of the mind which is love cultivated? .
What does it lead to? What is its limit? What is its fruit? What is its
conclusion? (S V 118)
The Buddha repeats the same questions with regard to compassion,
sympathetic joy and equanimity respectively as the discourse continues
(S V 119-120). The Buddha says that he sees no one who could answ(:jr
this question except a Harmonious One, a disciple of the Harmonious. One
or an individual who heard it from them (S V 118). It can be wondered
whether this means that the BrahmaI;las in earlier times who taught
the absorption which is compassion and the renunciates in J;Juddha:s
time who taught the fourfold instructions were somehow conm;:cted.to .the
22
teachings of a Buddha, or whether this means that their teachings did not
contain the answers to these questions.
The latter seems to be the case. There is no trace of the usual instructions
in the answers to the above questions that the Buddha gives (S V 119-20).
The usual instructions were the teaching common to earlier non-Buddhist:
teachers (the Bodhisattas) and the Buddha. In the answers to the above
questions the Buddha gives his unique teachings concerning the cultivation
of the liberations of the mind which are love., etc.
In answering the above questions the Buddha first states that a monk
cultivates the limbs of enlightenment in connection with love,etc., (S V
119-20). According to the commentary to this discourse this means that
the monks are supposed to cultivate insight with regard to love which has
already been developed in absorption (SA III 172). In the discourse the
Buddha states that one limit of the liberation of the mind love is the libera-
tion called the "beautiful" (S V 119). The commentary explains this is a
state which is achieved after love has already been established at the level
of absorption (SA III 172-3). It seems that according to the commentaries
the above questions should be understood to mean, "How is the liberation
ofthe mind which is love cultivated filrther once it has already been developed"
(according to the usual instructions). This seems to be the intention of the
discourse-to set off the Buddha'sfitrther (unique) teachings on the libera-
dons of the mind which are love, etc., from all others' teachings on love.
C. A. F. Rhys Davids feels that the Buddha's questions were genuinely
religious, but she elects to ignore his answers in the following way:
These [questions (see above)] are the words of a genuine religious pioneer.
The re.:>t of the reply is so different, so obviously monkish, so according
to coee that I leave it there. (C. A. F. Rhys Davids, 1928, p. 279}
In the above-mentioned article Rhys Davids asserts the fourfold
instructions were not unique to the Buddha, which is never denied in the
discourses. Above, she ignores the only teachings .on love, etc., that were
ever asserted to be unique in the discourses. The establishment of certain
topics as "monkish" seems arbitrary. The implication that these chosen
topics are "later" accretions to an "earlier un-monkish" doctrine
establishes a dualism with no sound methodological basis. It is a dualism
based on one individual's personal biases rather than on any rigorous
division of textual material.
Buddhaghosa explains that the above-mentioned renunciates had heard
the Buddha's teaching and were repeating it (SA III 171). He goes on to
say that at that time non-Buddhists did not know about the abandonment.
of the hindrances or the cultivation of the sublime attitudes (SA III 171).
The statement concerning the hindrances seems a bit extreme insofar as
the Buddha was said to have had (non-Buddhist) teachers who taught him how
to achieve high meditative states (M 1163-7) which are normally said to
be preceded by the abandonment of the hindrances. The latter. statement
lIARVEY B. AltONSON 23
concerning the sublime attitudes seems a bit extreme as well. According
to this discourse, o t ~ r renunciates did know the cultivation of love, eto.,
according to the fourfold instructions though how they came to know these
instructions is not stated. The point of the Buddha's questions and answers,
which Buddhaghosa fails to emphasize, isthat other renunciates did notknow
the cultivation of love, etc., in connection with the limbs of enlightenment,
or what these practices lead to etc. The Buddha did not state that the other
renunciates did not know the fourfold instructions.
The Buddha answers his own questions in the following way:
Monks, with regard to this [series of questions], a monk cultivates the
limb of enlightenment mindfulness in connection with love (mettasaha-
gata) .. .. he cultivates the limb of enlightenment equanimity in con-
nection with love (S V 119).
These instructions on love are repeated for compassion, etc., (S V 119-20).
These instructions should be understood to ref"r to the cultivation of all
seven limbs of enlightenment in connection with love, etc. The Buddha,
in an answer which he claims is unique, refrains from mentioning the four-
fold instructions as the ways to cultivate the liberations of the mind love,
etc. This, along with the above-mentioned evidence, supports the contention
that the usual instructions were not considered unique to the Buddha.
The instructions on the cultivation of the limbs of enlightenment in con-
nection with love, etc., in conjunction with the enumeration of the results
attainable through these practices constitute the Buddha's uncommon
instructions on the cultivation of the liberations of the mind love, etc.
It is not immediately clear whether the above instructions mean the
practitioner cultivates the liberation of the mind which is love by cultivating
the limbs of enlightenment mindfulness, etc., "in connection with love"
(mettasahagata, in the sense of" at the same time as love' ') till it becomes a
liberation of the mind, or if they mean the practitioner further cultivates
the liberation of the mind which is love by cultivating the limbs of enlighten-
ment mindfulness, etc., "in connection with love" in the sense of "in
relation to the already developed liberation of the mind love". The com-
mentary states the latter.
Mter the above-quoted instructions, the Buddha states that the. monk
could, if he wished, have the perception of repulsiveness with regard to
that which is non-repUlsive (S V 119). Or he could have the perception
of non-repulsiveness with regard to that which is repulsive. Or he could
have the perception of repulsiveness with regard to both the repulsive and
the non-repulsive, or the perception of non-repulsiveness with regard to
both. Or, he could abandon repulsiveness and non-repUlsiveness and remain
possessing equanimity, being mindful and discriminating.
The whole discussion about the ability to have the perception of the
repulsive in the non-repulsive, etc., is an allusion to what are called the "noble
powers" (D III 112). The Worthy One who has destroyed all the harmful
influences has the power to develop the various perceptions mentioned
above (D III 112). The Worthy One has the ability to retain equanimity
in the face of all circumstances (Vism IV 157; A III 279). The Buddha,
in "insiders' language". is stating that if a monk cultivates the limbs of
enlightenment in connection with love, etc., he can become a Worthy One.
The Buddha's uncommon answer to the question, "What does it [the
liberation of the mind which is love] lead to? " is that it leads to becoming
a Worthy One.
In summary, the Themvadin discourses indicate that the usual instruc-
tions for the cultivation of love may have been known in earlier times and
also seem to have been known to non-Buddhist renunciates at the time of
the Buddha. Outside sources point to the Theravadin discourses as the
earliest recorded instances of these practices. The Buddha differentiates
the usual instructions which lead to high rebirth from those associated
with insight which leads to liberation from rebirth. While the ethical and
psychological benefits of the cultivation of mere love, etc., are extolled and
advocated in the discourses, the special contribution of the Buddha is his
coupling of these attitudes to a cultivation of liberating insight. This union
is the uniquely Buddhist way of cultivating love, compassion, sympathetic
joy, or equanimity.
Works cited by author
Aronson, Harvey B. "Motivation to Social Action in Theravada Buddhism:
Uses and Misuses of Traditional Doctrines" in A. K. Narain (ed.),
Studies in History of Buddhism. Delhi: B. R. Publishing Co., 1980. (See
also, Aronson, Harvey B. Love and Sympathy in Theraviida Buddhism
Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas; 1980).
Rhys Davids, C. A. F. "The Unknown Co-Founders of Buddhism: A
Sequel ", in JRAS 1928, pp. 271-286.
Winternitz, Maurice. "Problems of Buddhism, " in Visva-Bharati Quarterly
NS. II, Part I May 1936, pp. 41-56.
Chao "Chandogya in The Principal Ed. S. Radha-
krishnan. London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd. 1969, pp. 335-51a.
The Book of the Gradual Sayings (Anguttara Nikaya). Tr. F. L. Woodward.
I, 1932; rpt. 1970. II 1933; rpt. 1973. Tr. E. M. Hare. III, 1934; rpt. 1973
IV, 1935, rpt. 1965. V. 1936; rpt. 1972.
KS The Book of the Kindred Sayings (Sarpyutta Nikaya). Tr. F. L. Wood-
ward. IV, 1927; rpt. 1972. V. 1930; rpt. 1965.
PP Buddhaghosa, Path of Purification (Visuddimagga). Tr. Bhikkhu
NaI).amoli. 3rd ed., Kandy 1975.
'," "
.. BENGAL BUDDHISTS AND SANSKRIT LITERATURE
SURES CHANDRA BANERJI.
We do not know when Buddhism was introduced to Bengal. By 'Bengal'
'we mean the entire province as it was in pre-independence days. It is, however,
certain that the Pilla kings, themselves Buddhists, supplied a great stimulus
.to this religion in the area. The Buddhists of Bengal did not rest content
.by merely following the teachings of the Great Master, but made substantial
,contributions to Sanskrit literature. In fact, without their literary produc-
tions, Bengal would have lost mnch of her literary glory, and the scholarly
world would have been poorer to a great extent .
. Bengal achieved literary distinction quite early. The rhetoricians,
and Bhiimaha, as early as the eighth century A. C. recognised the. Gaui
riti since Bengal was well known for the grandiose arrangement of words
This may be true of some compositions from
Bengal but there are writings by other poets of this province which are in
soft words, e.g. the Gitagovinda .
. Not only Kavya, but various other branches of learning, Abhidhiina,
Tantra, Vy1ikara.Q.a etc., also attracted the attention of Bengali scholars.
In many fields, the contribution of the Buddhists of tbis province is con-
siderable in bulk and quality. A detailed account is beyond the scope of
this paper, so we will take a bird's eye view only.
Let us start with grammar .
. Candragomin, whose affiliation to Bengal is not free from doubt and who
is supposed to have lived in north Bengal,
l
is credited with the autborship
of the Candravy1ikara.Q.a.
2
The date of its composition is controversial,
although the reference in the work to the Gupta King's victory over the
HiiI}.as is supposed by some to point to a contemporary event, so he is placed
in the fifth or sixth centw:y A. C. Candragomin, at first a pupil at Nalanda,
later became a teacher there.
. The object of the composition was to prepare an epitome of the
yayi of Pa.Q.ini in a s.impler form. Instead of paI}.ini's eight chapters, he
wrote six. In place of Pa.Q.ini's 4,000 siUras, he gives 3,100, and omits
the Vedic portion of the One of the pratyiihiiras of Pa.Q.ini was
rejected by Candragomin and some. new ones were given. He alters some
ofthe sUtras ofPa.Q.ini in order to facilitate their pronunciation. This grammar
is sometimes called Asa:rpjnaka, probably because it does not contain any
sUtra separately for Sarrzjiias.He uses tbe word Niiman in place of Sarnifiii.
Besides the above six. chapters, the work contains U.Q.adisiitra, Lhiganu-
l)"pasa,rg.a Vrtti and Va,rI}.asiitra, etc. '
26 FESTSCHRiFT FOR HAMMALAVA SADDHATISSA
Jinendrabuddhi's Buddhistic persuasion is hinted at by the word Jinendra
and, in an autobiographical reference, he describes himself as "Bodhisattva-
ddiyacarya". As he is mentioned by Bhamaha (seventh-eighth cent.), he
cannot be later than the middle of the eighth century.
Besides a Dhatupradipa, he wrote the Kasika-vivara1J.a-pai'icika or Nyasa
3
a commentary on the Kasika commentary on the The Nyasa
was commented upon by the commentary being called
Tantrapradlpa. Maitreya also wrote a Dhatupradipa.
4
Maitreya quoted
Kajjata (Kaiyata) on the Kaiyata's date is the earlier half
of the eleventh century, which is the upper limit of Maitreya 's date.
tamadeva cent.) refers to Maitreya in his Lalitavrtti and Jfiapaka-
samuccaya. Thus, the twelfth century is the lower terminus date of Maitreya.
Since the manuscripts of Maitreya 's works are all in Bengali script and not a
single manuscript of his Tantrapradipa has been found outside Bengal,
he was almost certainly a Bengali.
The home of is not known with certainty. His com-
mentator, states that he wrote his work at the behest of
ma1)asena (twelfth cent.) who is known to have been a king of Bengal.
This seems to hint at his home being in Bengal and the following factors
support this conjecture:
(1) There is no distinction in 's work between the
vargiya b and the antabstha v; this is a feature of the work of Bengalis.
(2) On Pa1)ini's rule ii 2 24, says
this remark is common among the Bengali scribes.
(3) Under Pa1J.ini v 2 110, mentions Padmavati, a famous
river in Bengal generally called Padma.
In the opening verse of the pays homage to the
Buddha. In some examples, he refers to Buddhist philosophy. These facts
appear to indicate that he was a Buddhist.
His is a commentary on the He omits the Vedic
portion, presumably because the Veda is taboo to the Buddhists. Brevity
and lucidity are the characteristic features of this commentary.
Besides the above work, the lexicons, Haravali
6
and
7
the grammatical works, Ga1J.avrtti and the anthology,
and the hymn, are attributed
to whose identity with the author of the is
not free from doubt.
To Ramacandra Kavibharati, mentioned below, is attributed an original
work on metrics, called Vrttamala, besides a commentary called Vrttarat-
nakara-pafijika (1455).8
Candragomin's contribution to Sanskrit epistolary literature is the
lekha.
9
In this didactic poetical work, consisting of 144 verses; the author
seeks to inculcate into his disciple, Prince Ratnakirti, infatuated by power
and self, the hollowness of these things. The author attempts to .make him
'21
turn to the path of righteousness-which consists of doing good to others
and renunciation of the craving for the objects of the senses.
Another poem of this type by Ansa has been mentioned in connection
with this. scholar. To Candragomin is also attributed the Sanskrit dr:ama
entitled LGkananda. This has only survived in a Tibetan translation.
1o
The versatile scholar, Ramacandra Kavibharati, suffered greatly for his
devotion to Buddhism and left Bengal to settle in Ceylon. The contemporary
King of Ceylon, Parakramabahu VI (1412-67), conferred on him the title
BauddluJgamacakravarti. There he became a disciple of Rahula. He calls
himself Gaw;!adeslya and informs us that he was born in the village of
VlravatI to GalJ.apati by his wife Devi. His two younger brothers were
Halayudha and Ailgiras.
His poetical work is the Bhaktisataka
ll
in which the Buddha is eulogised
according to the bhakti doctrine of the Hindus. In accordance with the
manner laid down in poetics, it is composed in 107 verses.
Of the anthologies known so far, the of Vidyakara
is the earliest. Although its date is not certain, it is supposed to have been
compiled in the first quarter of the twelfth century, that is, towards the
close of the Pala rule. The fact that the very first section deals with Sugata
tends to point to the Buddhistic persuasion of the author. It is believed that
the compiler was a resident of the Jagaddala monastery of Bengal. The
anthology is a very important work, quoting as it does verses by other
authors which have not been quoted, in any other anthology. Some of these
poets are Vallal).a, Buddhakaragupta, etc. Verses by Bengali
authors such as CakrapalJ.i, SiilapaI).i, are quoted in it.
Several poets have names ending in 'oka', e.g. AiJ.goka,pimboka, Vittoka
etc. They are supposed to have been Bengali.
Bengal mayor may not have been the birthplace of Buddhist Tantra,
but the enrichment of this literature by the works of Bengal is undoubted.
The contribution of the Buddhists of Bengal to Buddhist Tantra and
philosophy far outweighs that made in other fields. A galaxy of scholars
wrote on Tantra, but unfortunately these works are mostly preserved only
in Tibetan translation.
In this connection, it should be stated that the Siddhacaryas of Bengal
are well"known as Buddhist authors of the Bengali poems of the Caryapada.
13
Some of them are Kukkuripada, Sabari and Lui-pa, and the Sahajiya doctrine
is the theme of many of the doM type of poems they composed.
We give below the names of the Bengal writers on Buddhist Tantra and
philosophy, along with the titles of their major works:
Candragomin, referred to earlier, is credited with the authorship of thirty-
six works on Buddhist Tantra (Vajrayana), a work on logic, called Nyaya-
Siddhyaloka, and several hymns to Tara
14
and MaiijusrI. A of
Samatatain:'Bengal, he was born in to. a Brahmin .Raj family and embraced
Buddhism at NaIanda. He later became the head of the great Nalanda
institute. He died about 654 A. C. According to Hstian-tsang, he wrote
many treatises. Some of his works are preserved in Chinese translation and
his Aryabuddhabhumi-vyakhyana exists in Tibetan translation.
was, according to some, a resident of Jahore (Sabhar) now
in the Dacca district of Banglade5h, having been born into a royal family
iIi 705. Others take him to have been a native of GauQa Vanga. According
to one tradition, he was the preceptor and priest of the king of Gangetic
Bengal.
He went to Tibet where he was received as a teacher of religion and
honoured as the royal preceptor. He was given the honorific appellation
of Acarya Bodhisattva. His sister's husband, Padmasambhava, is stated
to have taken up the charge ofthe Tantric aspect of Buddhism and established
Tibetan Buddhism on a firm footing. is known to have esta-
blished a temple in Tibet in 749 and to have died there in 762.
His TattvasaijIgraha
1S
seeks to establish the superiority of Mahayana
Buddhism in comparison with other Indian systems of philosophy. His
other work is the Tattvasiddhi. Furthermore, he wrote mainly on Buddhist
Tantra and these works exist only in Tibetan translation.
Kamalafila, a disciple of is regarded as a Bengali, having been
born in 713. It is understood that he went from Magadha to Tibet where
he . defeated a Chinese scholar who was visiting Tibet to debate on philo-
sophical polemics relating to Buddhism. He then completed the work started
by his preceptor and wrote three manuals summarising the Madliyamaka
course of training: the Bhavanakrama.
16
Siintideva is supposed to have lived sometime between 648 and 816. In
the Tanjur he is stated to have been a resident of Jahore (Sabhar). Tradition
makes him a prince who, at the inspiration of the goddess Tara, renounced
his kingdom and took up the life of a Buddhist mendicant.
Of the many works penned by him, the and Bodhi-
caryavatara
18
have been published. In the former, he briefly states the
Mahayana doctrine. In the latter is described the ideal life of a person
aspiring after Buddhahood. In both works he tries to establish the hollow-
ness of all earthly things; pleasure and pain, attachment and detachment-
all this is unreal. He attempts to inculcate the lesson thatthe aim of life should
be sympathy towards others and to eliminate the misery of earthly existence.
In the Bodhicaryavatara, the author is more anxious to preach the philo--
sophical doctrine than to produce a literary work. At the outset he states
that the work is intended for the author himself and like-minded persons.
It consists of nine chapters: i. BodhicittanusaijIsa, ii. Papadesana, iii. Bodhi-
citta-parigraha, iv. Bodhicitta-pramada, v. vi.
vii. Virya-paramita, viii. Dhyana-paramita, ix. Prajiia-
paramita.
Prajiiakaramati wrote the Bodhicaryiivatara-paiijika, a commentary on
the Bodhicaryavatara.
SURES CHANDRA BANERJI 29
Kumiiravajra was a contemporary of the kings Mahlpala-Nayapala (between
the end of the tenth cent. and the first balf of the eleventh). According to a
Tibetan tradition, he wrote the Cakra-saIp.vara-maI).<;lala-vidhi tattvavatara
about the Buddhist Kalacakrayana.
Divakaracandra was, according to the Tanjur, a Bengali contemporary of
King Nayapala (first half of the eleventh cent.) and a disciple of MairtIpaIa.
In the Tanjur there are Tibetan translations of some works of Dlvakara,
including a Buddhist Tantra. The Herukasadhana is also one of his works.
Jetiiri. Two Buddhist scholars of tbis name are known. The older of tbe two
was a resident of Varendra in north Bengal and had the proud distinction
of being the preceptor of the famous Atlsa DlpaIikara. Jetari was a scholar
at the Vikramasiia Vibara in the time of King MahlpaIa. Only Tibetan
translation of the three Nyaya works and eleven works on the Vajrayana-
sadhana by Jetari are extant. According to Taranatha, he was the author
of one hundred works.
Atifa Dipal?lkara. This illustrious son of Bengal,19 a brilliant luminary in
the firmament of Buddhism, was born in 980 or 982 at VikramaI).ipura into
the Gau<;la royal family. His father was Devahita Pal (or, KalyaI).asrl) and
mother PrabhavatI. His original mime was Candragarbha. Quite early in
life he was recognised as an adept in (threefold training, viz. moral
principles, meditation and knowledge of religion). After completing training
at the Vihara, at the age of nineteen, he received initiation from
a preceptor at the Odantapurl Vihara, who gave him the epithet
Dlpalllkara Srljiiana. At the age of thirty-one he received the Bodhisattva
initiation, the highest in a monk's life. Having become a monk, he travelled
to Ceylon and went to Magadha where King NayapaIa appointed him as
the principal teacher at the Vikramasiia Vihara. He mediated in a dispute
between King NayapaJa and the king of Kafl;J.a (Kanauj?). The then Tibetan
priest-king invited him, through messengers who brought him a great quantity
of gold, to go to Tibet. AtiSa was not tempted by the gold and felt the time
was not yet propitious; also, his abbot was reluctant to let him go.
Mea.nwhile the Tibetan priest-king, Lama Isa.d (Ye ses-'od), was made
captive by another king who demanded a huge quantity of gold as ransom.
The captive king refused to pay this, as he desired that the gold should be
spent on the dissemination of Buddhist education and that this might be
conveyed to AtIsa. The king died while still in captivity, but there was a
renewed invitation to AtiSa by his suci:essor, This time Atlsa did not decline.
He went to Tibet in 1040 or 1042 and reformed the Buddhist religion pre-
vailing there. He established the Tibetan Buddhist sect called Ka-dam
(bKa-gdams-pa), later to become the Ge-Iuk (dGe-lugs-pa) school, though
other traditions have it that it was his most prominent Tibetan disciple,
'Brom-ston, who did this. According to' some it was the Tibetans who
conferred on him the epithet Atlsa. He died in 1053 or 1054.
It is said that, during his thirteen-year stay in Tibet, he wrote about 200
30
FESTSCHRIFT FORHAMMALAVA SADDHATISSA
Buddhist works, including the Bodhimargapafijika, Bodhipathapradipa,20
Ekavirasadhana, Prajnaparamita-piw;ldartha-pradlpa,21 RatnakaralJ.qodg-
hata-nama-madhyamakopadesa and LokatIta-saptangavidhi. He also trans-
lated many Sanskrit works into Tibetan, and several of his ovvn ,exist in
Tibetan translation only, While in Nepal, en route for Tibet, he wrote a
letter, the Vimala-ratnalekha, to King Nayapala of Bengal, which is one of
the few letters of admonition which form a distinct literary genre. The
Sanskrit original is lost and it exists in Tibetan translation only.22 According
to Tibetan sources, AtISa met 'Brom-ston in the Purang Gompa, where
the latter not only dissuaued him from leaving Tibet as he had intended
but also became his disciple and remained a devout follower until his death.
'Brom-ston wrote a biography of AtIsa, entitled Guru-gu.t;la-dharmakara.
Atlsa is worshipped as an avatara, and the place near Lhasa where his dead
body was disposed of is looked upon as a holy place.
jiianasrimitra, a Bengali contemporary of AtIsa, was a teacher at the Vikrama-
sila Vihara. He wrote the noted Karyakara.t;labhavasiddhi
23
on Buddhist
logic, which exists in Tibetan translation only. The work is, however, dis-
cussed in the Sarvadadana-saI11graha.
Ratnakarasanti lived sometime in the,: tenth century and is known to have
composed some works on Buddhist Tantra and two on Buddhist 10gic.
24
.
Abhayakaragupta was born in the eleventh century into a family
of Bengal. According to some, he hailed from Orissa or Bihar. The Tanjur
informs us that he wrote about 20 works on the Vajrayana, of which at
least four original Sanskrit texts are extant. Some of his renowned works
are: MarmakaumudI,' Bodhipaddhati, Srlmafijuvajradi-kramabhisamaya-
sarouccaya:-ni (yo gavall -nama), 25 Va jra yanapatti -mafijarI, Amna ya-
mafijarL It is not certain that he ever visited Tibet, but his influence there
was considerable.
BibhiUicandra was one of the scholars at the Jagaddala monastery in north
Bengal, established by. Ramapala. It is not definitely known whether he
came from Bengal or not, but it is believed that he was a contemporary
of Abhayakaraguptaor flourished sometime later. According t.o. a Tibetan
tradition he was a prince. Besides glosses and commentaries, he is aJso
stated to have written several original Sanskrit works. Bibhiiti translated
into. Tibetan, or helped others in the translation of some .of Abhayakara's
works. According to H. P. Sash'i, he wrote the Amrta-karal}ika commenta.ries
on the NamasangIti in accordance with the.
Danasila was also a teacher at the Jagadd:tla Vihara. He too was either a
conteinporary of Abhayakaragupta or flourished sometime Jater ... He. wrote
thePustakapathopaya as well as a: Sanskrit-Tibetan dictionary, the Ia:tter
in collaboration with other scholars. With Sakya-srlbhadra, he also tra:qs-
lated a Sanskrit work by Abhayakara into Tibetan.
Prajfiiivarman was a teacher at the Katatya Vihara of Bengal, aI),d is beJieyed
to have been a writer of the Paia period. Beside,:s Tibetan, translations of
SURES CHANDRA BANERJI 31
many Sanskrit works, he completed the 'unfinished commentaries by Dharma-
trata on the Udanavarga,27 and commented upon the Tantric works
stava-tlka and Devatisaya-stotra-t
1ka
.
Besides the above, some other Buddhist authors from Bengal are known.
A brief account of them is given below:
Author
Kumaracandra
Personal data
An Avadhuta of the
Works
Ratnavali commentaries on
Vikramapuri Vihara com-
mentaries on Srivajra-bhairava-
tantrapai'ijika and another
Tantra (only Tibetan transla-
tions exist).
Nagabodhi
A resident of Sivasera Yamarisiddha-cakra-sadhana;
in East Bengal. Des- Arya-nIlambaredhara; Vajrapa-
Putali
cribed as Ur!4iytina- t;tisadhana, etc., numbering '13
vinirgata. Stated to be a (only Tibetan translations
, disciple of Nagarjuna. exist).
Born into a Siidra
family of Bengal. One vanopiiya (only Tibetan trans-
of the 84 lation exists).
Bodhi bhadra
Teacher at the Rahasyananda-tilaka; Samiidhi-

Somapura Vihiira. sambhara-parivarta; Bodhisaw-
vara-vidhi;
Bodhisattva-sawvaravil1lSati-
pai'ijika; Kiilacakragat;tita-
mukhiidesa, etc. (only Tibetan
translations exist).
Teacher at the Jagaddala
Vihiira ?
Subhiikara Do, and preceptor of
Sakya-srlbhadra ?
, , The following Tantric works are attributed to Matsyendranatha (variously
known as Macehindra, Macchaghna, he flourished probably in the first
half of the tenth century at Candradvlpa in Noakhali, East Bengal):
Srikamakhyii-guhya-siddhi Nityiihnika-tilaka

Kaula-jnana-nirt;taya
Ji'ianakiirikii
Kultananda-tantra
AkulavIra-tantra
Of these, the Kaulajiiana
28
is the longest and most important.
32
NOTES
1. See Mark Tatz, "On the Date of Candragomin ", Buddhism and Jainism I, Institute
of Oriental and Orissa Studies, Cuttack 1976; "Candragomin and the Bodhisattva
Vow", Ph.D. diss., University of British Columbia 1978; "The Life of Candragomin
in Tibetan Historical Tradition", The Tibet Joumal VII, 3, Dharamsala 1982. The
last named paper includes a list of Candragomin's works extracted from the Peking
edition of the Tanjur.
2. Ed. B. Liebich, Abhandlungen fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes XI, Leipzig 1902,
vrtti, 1918; both repr. 1966 and K. C. Chatterji, 2 parts, Pooua 1953/61. .
3. Ed.S. Chakravarti Rajshahi (East Bengal), 1913 onwards; Shastri and Shukla,
2 parts, Varanasi 1965.
4. Ed. S. C. Chakraborty, Calcutta 1919.
5. Ed. I. P. Minaev, Memoires de fa section orientale de la Sqcilfte imperiale d' Archeo-
logie de Russie IV, St. Petersburg 1889.
6. Published in Abhidhana-sa'l1graha I, Bombay 1889.
7. Published with commentary, Bombay N.D.
8. Published in JETS 1896.
9. Ed. and tr. into Russian by I. P. Minaev, lvlemoires IV, op. cit. .'
10. Ed. and summarised in English by R. Handurukande, MaJ)icLir;liivadai!Cl 'and Loka-
nanda, SBB 1967; ed. and tr. into German by M. Hahn, Wiesbaden 1974.
11. Ed. and tr. by H. P. Sastri in JETS 1893. The only translation of this text exists in the
form of two short anthologies by Amarasiri Weeraratna, "Buddhist Devotional
Literature", World Buddhism, XI., Colombo 1961, and "Acharya Sri Ramachandra
Bharati's Bhakti Sataka", The Mahabodhi, 80, Calcutta, 1972.
12. Ed. D. D. Kosambi and V. V. Golchale, Harvard Oriental Series, Cambridge, Mass.
1957; t1'. D. H. H. Ingalls, An Anthology. of Sanskrit Court Poetry, ibid. 1965.
13. This produced a genre of religious poetry, incltlding caryagftis, caryapadas and
dohas. The best known collection is the Caryagltikosa, an anthology of about fifty
such poems, which was first edited by H. P. Sastri under the title Bauddha Gan 0
Doha (Ca1ctltta 1916) from which a short selection was translated by S. Beyer for
his anthology, The Buddhist Experience (Belmont 1974). Successive scholars also
produced editions and studies based on this material, notably M. Shahidullah, Les
chants mystiques de Ka!1ha et de Saraha (paris 1928), P. C. Bagchi (ed.), Dohakosa
(Calcutta Sanskrit Series, 1938), and in collaboration with Shanti Bhikshu Shastri,
a new edition of the Caryagitakosa (Shiintiniketan 1956). Rahnl Sankrityayan
brought new materials from Tibet which he edited (and provided with a Hindi
translatioil).linder the title Sara/w's Dohiikosa (patna 1957). The original compiler
ofthis collection was Munidatta (13th century) who also wrote a commentary (vrtti)
on it. Upon this work Per Kvaeme has produced "A Study of the Cariyagiti"-
An Anthology o/Buddhist Tantric Songs (Oslo and New York 1977).
Both a caryagfti and its vrtti are translated Utlder Appendix C. "Selected writings
of Dipafikara" in Alaka Chattopadhyaya, Atita and Tibet (Calcutta 1967; repro
Delhi 1981). This appendix first appeared in Indian Studies Past and Present Vilr,
Calcutta, 1966). '
14. E.g. tr. C. Chen, Hymns (sic) to Tara,
Chen's Booklet Series no. 7, Kalimpong 1963; and
stava, tr. S. Beyer in The Culto/Tara, Berkeley 1973, repro 1978. See.also S.C.
Vidyabhusan, Bauddha Stofra Sm;grahah or A Collection 0/ Buddhist Hymns, Calcutta
1908; and Atindra Mojumder, The Caryapadas, C:J.lctltta 1973. ' .
15. Ed. E. Krishnamacharya, 2 vols, GOS 1926 (with the Paficika of KamalaSIla); D.
Shastri, 2 vols, Varanasi 1968. Tr. G. Jha, 2 vols, GOS 1937-39. The only studies
on this text wonld appear to be the doctoral dissertations by Walter Liebenthal,
"Satkarya in der darstellung seiner buddhistischen gegner. Die prakrti-parllqa
is Tattvasamgraha des zusammen mit der Pafijika des Kamalasila"
(Breslau 1933; published Stuttgart-Berlin 1934), and Arnold KUtlst, "Probleroe der
buddhistischen Logile in der Darstellung des TattvasaI:1graha" (Warsaw 1934;
published Cracow 1939). KUtlst also edited KamalaSfla' s Commentary on Santirakeita' s
Anumanaparfkea the TattvasaJ)graha (Bruges 1947).
16. I (with English slL'nmary) and Iil ed. G. Tucci in Serie Orientale Roffia, 1958/71.
Tr. Jose van den Broeck, La progression dans la meditation, Brussels 1977. ill tr.
C. Pensa, Rivisti degli Studi Grientali XXXIX, Rome 1964. Selections from I tr.
S. Beyer in The Buddhist Experience, op.cit.
17. Ed. C. Bendall, Bibliotheca Buddhica, St. Petersburg 1897; repro The Hague 1957,
Osnabruck 1970 and Tokyo 1979. Tf. l;3endall and W. H. D. Rouse, London 1922;
SURES CHANDRA BANERn 33
DelhF1971 and 1981. See also L. 'M. Joshi (ed. and tr.), Sdntideva's
muccaya-Ktiriktis, Sarnath, Varanasi .1965.' . .
18. Ed. 1. P. Minaev, Memoires d",I'Academie imperiaLe des sciences de St.petersbourg,
1889-repr. JBTS 1894; L. de La Vallee Poussin, Bibliotheca Indica, Calcutta 1901-
14 (with Prajiiakaramati's Paiijika); P. L. Vaidya (both texts), Buddhist Sanskrit
Series, Darbhanga 1960. V. Bhattacharya, ibid. 1960; Tr. La Vallee Poussin,
"Introduction a. la pratique des futurs Buddhas" (Revue d' histoire et des litterature
religieuses, Paris 1905-07; off printed 1907), L. D. Barnett, The Path of Light (London
19().9, repr.1947), Louis.Finot, La marche a la lumiere (paris 1920), Richard Schmidt,
Der Entritt in den Wandel in Erleuchtung (paderborn 1923), G. Tucci, In cammino
verso La luce (Turin 1925), A. A. G. Bennett, "Approach to the Life of Enlightenment "
(MS, Shantiniketan 1962), Marion L. Matics, Entering the Path of Enlightenment
.. (London and New York 1970), Ria Kloppenborg, De Weg tot het Inzicht (Amsterdam
1980), Emst Steinkeliner, Stintideva.Eiiltritt in das Leben zur Erleuchtung (Diisseldorf-
Cblegne 1981), L. MiilI (in Estonian-Tallin 1982) and A. Pezzali, Stintideva e if .
bodhicarytivattira (Bologna 1982). From the Tibetan version: Stephen Batchelor,
A Guide to the Bodhisattva's Way of Life (Dharamsala 1979); from Sinhalese:
Amarasiri Weeraratne, Santideva's Bodhicharytivattira (Colombo 1979).
19. He is claimed also by Bihar. In the works Bodhimarga-pradipa-paiijikii-nama and
Ekavirasadhana-nama by Atisa himself, however, he is referred to as a Bengali.
20. Tr. in Atrsa and Tibet, op. cit. Ed. and tr. Jose van den Broeck, La Flambeau sur Ie
de I'Eveil (Brussels 1976), H. Eimer, Bodhipti!hapradrpa. Ein Lehrgedicht
des Atisa (Dfpa1/1karairijiiti/Ja) in der tibetische Uberlie/erung (Wiesbaden 1978)
and G .. J. Senghe (tr.), La Luce suI sentiero dell' Illuminazione (Istituto Lama Tzong
Khapa, Pomaia 1975. See also R. F. Sherburne (tr.), "A Study of AtiSa 's Commentary
on His Lamp of the Enlightenment Path" (ph.D. diss., Univ. of Washington, Seattle
1976.)
21. See. G. Tucci (ed. and tr.), "The Prajiiaparamita-PilJ-gartha of Dinnaga" (JRAS
1947) and Bhikkhu Pasiidika (tr.), "On the Meaning of the Perfection of Wisdom"
(The Wisdom Gone Beyond, Bangkok 1966)
22, . From wbich an English translation bas been made in Atrsa and Tibet, op. cit.
23. Ed. 'with other texts by A. L. Thakur, Jiitinairimitranibandhtivali Tibetan Sanskrit
Works Series, Patna 1959. See also Ernst Steinkeliner, "Jiianasrimitra's Sarvajiiasi-
ddhif<," Prajiitiptiramitti and Related Systems. Studies in Honor of Edward Conze.
Ed. Lewis Lancaster, Berkeley 1977.
24. One, the Antarvyaptisamarthana, has been ed. by H. P. Sastri, Bibliotbeca Indica,
Calcutta 1910.
25. Ed. B. Bhattacharya as GOS 1949. For further details of his
works see D. Seyfort Ruegg, 'The gotra, ekaytina and tathtigatagarbha theories of
the Prajiiaparamita according to Dharmamitra and AbhayakaraiUpta;" PraJiitipd-
ramitd and Related Systems, op. cit. .
26. See Prticfn Vlilar Gaurav, 1946, p. 41.
27. UdanavargavivaraJ;la, tr. with the Udanavarga by W. W. Rockhill, London 1883;
repro Taipei 1972. .
28, Ed. P. C.Bagchi, Calcutta 1934.
THE' EMPIRE OF KING AND THE DATE' OF THE' MAlIA-
GOVINDA-SUTTA '
. A1\rnRE. BAREAU
... "",.;,
The ':kiahagovinda-sutta
1
js a sutta from the Digha-nikiiya, in which the
Budciha toa god narrating a legend which can be connected with a
of latah. In at the end of the narration, the Blessed One
announces that he is 'identical with its hero.
If'ispossible to ,see jn this story, as in others inserted into'the various
suttaso( the Digha-nikaya and the Majjhima-nikaya, one of the earliest
o(this'type', 'composed in its original version prior to the formation of the
Jatakacollection which comprises one of the principle parts of the Khuddaka-
nikaya:-this hypothesis is confirmed by substantial indications showing
that this original version, if' it 'does not actually date baok to the life of the
would have it, wasai least compiled quite a
long time before the reign of the emperor Asoka.
A.first indication is supplied to' us by the fact that, the Mahiigovinda-sutta
has'come 'doWn to us, not only in its PaIi. version; but also in a Sanskrit
verSIon, that ofth6Mahavastu,2 and in two Chinese versions, hence in
fo11'r ,:differeht versions, prepared and established by as many different
schools. The.,PaIi. text .is the work of the Theravadins. the Sanskrit of the
0',theMahas3.1l1ghika group, one 'of the two Chlnese
that'pertaimng to the Dharmaguptalq!s3 and:the
of yersion belol1ging to a school we have not been able to ascertain:. +,
of 'the'very miny analogouS cases, '>"here a:cano'nical
text has been preserved in several versions, each of the four' versf6n 'ofthe'
Mahiigovinda-sutta only differs from the other three in secondary elements
of narrative and in detail. These differences are basically due to the fact
that each of the four versions was for a long time transmitted orally and
independently of the other three within the tradition of its own school and
it therefore underwent modifications and additions in the course of time.
In that two of these versions, the PiiJi sutta and the narrative included in
the Mahavastu, belonged to such widely separated schools as the Therava-
dins and the Lokottaravadins, we are led to believe that the original version
from which they are both derived was drawn up before the tlrst schism,
the one which separated the Mahasa1l1ghikas from the Sthaviras some years
after the Council of Va is ali, that is, towards the middle of the fourth century
B.C.
5
Nevertheless, it cannot be unreservedly confirmed that this origiilal
version goes back to such an early date, since the possibility of a borrowing
of this legend from an earlier date cannot be completely for example,
-ANDRE'BAREAU
35
a--borrowing taken from the Theravadins by the Mahasa:Ijighihs two or
three centuries later and then transmitted to the Lokottaravadins.
The second indication of antiquity weakens this possibility of a later
borrowing without, however, disposing of it completely. This is supplied
to us by a passage of the story itself, by a combination of precise and signifi-
cant details the similarity of which in the four versions leads us to think
immediately that it belonged to the original form of the legend and which
reflects historical circumstances prior to the beginning of the Maurya
dynasty, the importance of which is easily understood.
In the passage in question, it is in effect said that King RelJ.u, a distant
incarnation of the future Buddha Gotama, divides up his kingdom fairly
into seven parts, the central one of which he keeps for himself and the other
six he distributes to six of his friends who respectively become kings ofthem.
These seven new kingdoms are, in the Pali text: Dantapura of the KaliJigas,
Potana of the Assakas, Mahissati of the Avantis, Roruka of the Soviras,
Mithila of the Videhas, Campa of the Angas and BaralJ.asi of the Kasis.
6
The Mahavastu names them thus: Dantapura of the Kalingas, Potana of
the Asmakas, of the Avantis, Roruka of the Soviras, MithiIa
of the Videhas, Campa of the Angas and BaralJ.asi of the Kasis.
7
The Chinese
translation of the Dharmaguptaka tradition gives the following Jist: T'an-te
(Dantapura), Ch'ia-ling (Kalinga) capital; A-p'o (Asvaka), Pu-huo (Pohana)
capital; A-p 'an (Avanti), Great-Lord (Ta-tien, Mahe'samatI) capital; Yang-
'ch'ia (AJiga), Chen-p'o (Campa) capital; Numerous (Shu, Videha?), Mi-
sa-Io (Misala,?) capital; Steep-Western-Slopes (Hsi-t'o), Lu-lou (Roruka)
capital; P'o-lo (BaralJ.asi), Chi'ia-she (Kasi) capital.
8
Finlilly, the Chinese
translation of the text of unknown origin supplies us with this series of mi.mes:
the town of Nai-to-pu-Io (Natapura?) in the kingdom of the Chia-ling-o
(Kalinga); the town ofPao-tan-na, (Potana) in the kingdom of the Mo-
(Masmaka); the town of Mo-hsi-sha-mo in the
kingdom of the Wan-tiona: (Avanti); the town6fLao-lu-chia(Roruka)
in the kingdom of the Su-wei-Io (SuvIra); the town of Wei-t'i-hsi (Videha)
in _thekingdoriJ. of the Mi-t'i-Io(Mithila); the great ,town of 'the Chen-po
(Campa) in the kingdom of the Mo-ch 'ia-t '0 (Magadha); the great town
ofChia"she (Kas'i) in the kingdom of the Po-Io-nai (BaralJ.asi).9 The com-
parison of the data given here by the four versions'undoubtedly discloses
variations due above all to some errors by the Chinese translators, in parti-
cUlar -confusing towns and peoples or countries, and to the inaccuracy of
the. Chinese transliterations. The most important difference is, without a
doubt,that which makes Campa a town of the Magadhas and not of the
Angas, but this is easily explained by the fact that the latter's territory was
conquered very early on by the Magadhas. The form of Natapura for Danta-
pura certainly originates in the dropping of the initial syllable dao The
- expression Steep-Western-Slopes is most apt for the region situated to the
north of Bombay, where the Deccan plateau falls in a,bruptshelves to the
36 FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAMMALAV A SADDHATISSA
coastal plain, and can therefore designate the land of the Sovlras. Moreover,
it is easy to rediscover Mithila behind the variant Misala and Asmaka
behind Masmaka. In brief, a quite remarkable identity is discernible between
the lists of the four versions, and this enables us to think that they stayed
faithful to the one which appeared in the original story.
Of the seven names of towns, five are well-known as being those of
historical cities: Dantapura, Mithila, Campa and BaraI}.asI.
They are associated in other sources, many with regard to the last three,
with the names of the peoples to whom these towns belong in these four
lists: Dantapura with the Kaliligas, with the Avantis, Mithila
with the Videhas, Campa with the Aligas and BaraI}.asi with the Kasis.
10
It can therefore be believed that the other two cities, Potana and Roruka,
were also real towns in ancient India, the former situated in the land of the
Asmakas and the latter in that of the Soviras. With regard to the Avantis,
it is a little surprising l,1ere that their capital is given as and not
the famous UjjayinI, but this must reflect the political situation at a certain
timo when the kings of the Avantis had established their residence in
mati and stayed there for some time.
The seven names of the peoples are all well-known to us through various
and often numerous sources as having in fact been those of the populations
of ancient India, more exactly during the last six centuries before the
Christian era, when Buddhism arose and gradually spread throughout India.
In contrast to what appears here and there in the Jatakas, the authors of
the present legend having King ReI}.u as its hero did not think or judge it
necessary to replace the names of the peoples and towns by other purely
imaginary ones. It was indeed the India of their own time that they had in
mind while composing this story, and not any vague and fabulous cities.
Without their being aware of it, they have therefore left us here with
interesting evidence of the political situation of the India of their time,
even while claiming to describe that of a very remote and purely legendary
past.
The kingdom of ReI}.u which the Mahiigovinda-sutta defines as such is
not given, moreover, as being one of the various states into which the vast
territory of India was divided. On the contrary, it was what the two Indian
versions, PaIi and Sanskrit, call the" great land" (mahiipa{havi, mahiiprthivlll
and what the Dharmaguptaka version names as Jambuuvipa,12 that is,
nothing less than the whole of India and even neighbouring lands.
Although King.ReI}.u is nowhere called "universal sovereign" (cakravartin
rajan), tbe context nevertheless shows clearly that the authors of the legend
considered him as the most powerful of Indian sovereigns that tbey could
imagine, and this all the more so in that tbelocalisation of tbe story in a
fabulously remote past was enough to remove all limits to tbeir imagina-
tion on this point as on otbers.
It is clear enough that those authors defined the king<tom of their hero
ANDRE BAREAU 37
from a real model which they knew and which was then the 1argest territory
united under the authority of a king in the Ganges basin. Ifthey had known
of an even more wIdespread empire encompassing that same region, there
is no doubt they would have takenitas an example and consequently pushed
the frontiers of Ret;lu '5 one further back. The size and limits of the latter's
domain given by them should enable us to determine in which period the
Ganges basin and the neighbouring regions were politically organised as
described in the Mahiigovinda-sutta. That period must be the one during
which the original version of this text was composed, or at least should
supply us with useful indications for an attempt at defining the date of this
composition.
Howthen was that powerful empire which ReI.lU divided into seven states
constituted? At the centre, there was the" kingdom of the KiiSis ", having
as its capital the famous city of BaraI).asI, but its territory must have been
incomparably larger than that of the Kasis ever was in reality. In fact, since
its frontiers must have touched the other six kingdoms, it therefore stretched
throughout the whole middle basin of the Ganges, from about the 86
meridian in the east to 78 in the west, from the 27 parallel in the north
to 24 in the south. It had thus absorbed the old domains of the Magadhas,
Vrjis, Kosalas and Vatsas besides those of other less important peoples in
the region.
To the east, it included the territories of the Videhas and Aligas, that is,
. the eastern part of the Ganges basin, to the north and south of the river,
up to approaches of the 87 meridian. In the south-east, it had conquered
the domain of the Kalingas, present-day Orissa, namely, the MahanadI
delta and the neighbouring hills. To the south-west, it had annexed the
kingdoms of the Avantis, and SoVIras, in other words, the vast
plateau region which between the lower course of the Yamuna
and the Gulf of Cambay, reaching the upper course of the Godavari in
the south-west and the banks of the MahI in the west.
In comparison to the territories possessed by the kings of the Magadhas,
Kosalas and Vatsas during the life of the Buddha, this kingdom attributed to
King ReI).u was indeed immense, but compared to that which Candragupta,
the first sovereign of the Maurya dynasty, placed under his command, it
was quite modest. The Greek historians, in fact, inform us that shortly after
his accession in 324, Candragupta had already pushed back the frontier
separating his possessions from those of Seleukos I as far as the Indus and
that, some years later, he spread his empire even further towards the west,
through the conquest of what is nowadays Baluchistan and the eastern half
of AfghanistanY The new frontier as.it was thus defined was to remain
that of the Mauryas' domain in that direction for more than a century ...
In fact, the whole north-western region, from the western part of the
Ganges basin to beyond the Indus,was the cradle of Vedic and Brahmanic
civilisation, and also the most exposed to invasions as is inordinately proved
by the whole history of India. For cultural and strategic reasons, no great
Indian sovereign could ignore this, and this is indeed why Candragupta
Maurya tried to seize it from the beginning of his reign. In his eyes it was
much more important than those other parts of India which the Mahii.-
govinda-sutta lists, those regions situated to the east, and south-
west of the Middle Ganges basin, relatively poor and peopled by barbarians
or'sparsely colonised. If then King Rel,lU had, in the minds of the legend's
authors, possessed all or part of the vast territories spreading to the. west
and north-west of the Middle Ganges basin, everYthing leads us to believe
that they would not have failed to attribute them to him .and add their
names to the list examined above. The silence of our text over this therefore
means that the hero had not included them in his empire and that the latter
had as its borders to the west the western frontiers of the ancient kingdoms
of the Kosalas and Vatsas, that is roughly, a line passing a short distance
to the north-west of the present-day towns of Lucknow and Kanpur, ex-
cluding the domains of the Kurus and PaficiUas of illustrious memory, as
well as that of the Siirasenas. The designs that King ReJ;lu, or more exactly
his historical models, might have had in the direction of the west and north-
west would have come up against the power of those peoples and that of
those who inhabited the Punjab and beyond.
Contained on that side and renouncing with wise discretion any involve-
ment in hazardous conflicts, ReJ;lu and his historical models undertook a
drive in two other directions, towards the south-east and the south-west,
that is, towards the Bay of Bengal and the Gulf of Cambay across regions
which were relatively uninhabited or inhabited by barbarians and consequently
little-to-be-feared tribes. Doubtless, they sought in this way to ensure
control of the two commercial routes which were becoming more and more
important and to reach their maritime outlets.
On the other hand, edifying though it may be for listeners to the legend,
the division of his empire by King ReJ;lu must reflect a less disinterested
historical reality, which can be reconstructed as follows: the Middle Ganges
basin, defined as that kingdom of the Kasis which ReJ;lu reserved for himself
as his personal fief after the division, was in fact but the territory over which
the successor of Bimbisara and Prasenajit held sway; the other six kingdoms
were nothing more than states attached to the first by terms of a more or
less vague and permanent alliance which the sovereigns of the Middle Ganges
basin regarded in their pride as links of vassalage in the hope of conquering
them effectively and definitely in the near future.
Such a situation is clearly prior to that which Candragupta Maurya
imposed on India shortly after his accession and which lasted for more
than a century. It is, however, distinctly later than the one which existed
during the Buddha '(' lifetime such as it is described in the canonical texts:
the Middle Ganges basin. was then divided into numerous kingdoms and
aristocratic republics, and the regions irihabited by the Kaliligas .. Avantis,
ANDRE BAREAU
Asmakas and Soviras were toodistattt to be known and judged worthy of
interest by the Magadhas and the Kosalas, the Mall,as and the Ydis... '
. The situation to whIch the description of Re1}.u ,:s empire relates is qharac-
terised both by the unification of the Middle Ganges 'aisingle
royal authority and by the close reIafionsw1;rich th,at sovereign maihtained
with those of the other six states located to the east, south-eastaIiIl,south-
west or at least of the very great interest he showed those six lands.:'Whet!+er
King ReJ;lU belonged to the Kasi tribe and had BaraI;lasi as his capital while
. 'the unification of the Middle' Giuigesbasin was achieved, as far as we can
tell, by the Magadha kings having as their successive .
and Piitaliputra, is of little importanc:e. ReI;lu is, in fac:t, a personof}egend,
'. supposedly living.in a very remote past, thatfabjIlous pastlnwhlch,jt w;u
believed as is proved by therriajorityof the'Jiitakas, the soveteigo$of the
Kasis were the most powerful monarchs of that part of India and lived in
Bara1}.asI, apparently considered as being the oldest of the tqwns established
in the Middle Ganges basin; the transfer of the legends in time fully authorised
this transfer in space, from the Magadhas to the Kasis and from Pataliputra
to BaraJ;lasi.
Re1}.u's empire, as it is described for us in the Mahiigovinda-sutta, cor-
responds quite well to the one belonging to the Magadha kings towards
the middle of the fourth century B.c., under the Nanda dynasty which
preceded that of the Mauryas, alld perhaps even to the beginning of that
fourth century, under the last kings of the preceding dynasty, that of the
Sisunagas.14
In putting forward the hypothesis that the original version of the Mahti-
govinda-sutta was composed a few years after the Council at VaisaJI and
before the schism which separated the MahiisaIJ'lghikas from the Sthaviras,
therefore about 370-360 B.C., we cannot be very far from the truth_
The reconstruction of this original form of the sutta made by comparing
the four versions which have been preserved for us could clarify certain
aspects of Buddhism as it existed at the period for us, but that, as Kipling
would say, is another story.
40 FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAMMALA VA SADDHATISSA
NOTES
1. D II 22052 (sutta 19)
. 2. Ed. E. Senart, ill, 197-224; English trans!. J. J. Jones, ill, 193-219.
3. TIl 30b-34b.
4. TI B 207c-213c.
5. Andre Bareau, Les Sectes bouddhiques du Petit Vehicule, Publications .del'Ecole
francaise d'Extreme Orient, vol. XXXVlli, Saigon 1955 (repr. Paris 1976), p.31.
6. D II 253.
7. ill 208 sq.
B. TIl 33a.
9. TIB21Oc.
10. Especially see B. C. Law, Tribes in Ancient India, Bhandarkar Oriental Series No.4,
2nd ed., Poona 1973, passim. ..
11. D II 235; MaMvastu II 20B.
12. T 1 .. 1. 32a.
13. Particularly see Cambridge History of India I, Cambridge 1922, pp: 429-32 and 470-3.
14. Especially see The Age of Imperial Unity, in The History and Culture of the Indiall
People, ed. R. C. Majumdar et aI, ill, Bombay 1951 (repr. 1968) pp. 2936.
BEYOND "BEYOND_ GOOD- AND EVIL"
JOHN ROSS CARTER
I
One of the problems in comparative studies or crosscultural studies, but
-also one of the most exhilarating dimensions of the ongoing .;nterprise
is the difficulty of matching concepts. The student of a tradition that
developed within and also shaped another cultural and intellectual complex
_ is continually challenged by a reciprocal dynamic of gathering the facts
'and determining the reliability of that information within the tradition
, under study while checking the concepts with which the student is working
.in'his or her own thinking. On occasion a scholar will discern at the outset
, an awryness of -previously matched categories of thought and set about
to provide a sustained argument putting the matter straight, demonstrating
that terms, concepts, ideas present in one cultural complex do not coincide
with customarily established allegedly corresponding concepts in the tradi-
tion or traditions being studied. On occasion scholars have been able to
"advance our understanding of a tradition being studied by reinterpreting
-,terms and concepts derived from theiF own cultural and intellectual context,
, or by placing those terms in a new juxtaposition, or by developing new
phrases or categories incorporating those concepts. On both occasions the
subject is being advanced by contributions to clarity that leads to a deeper
: understanding.
In this chapter, I would like firstly to draw attention to the way five
representative scholars, four Westerners and one Theravada bhikkhu,
, have made contributions to a general understanding of what some 'might
call Theravada Buddhist ethics. Two scholars consider the Theravada case
: -in a context of comparative religious ethics, one touches upon our subject
in the context of South Asian ethical theories, another writes from a per-
0, spective from within the Theravada frame of reference, and the fifth, a bhikkhu,
, seeks.to present the teachings of his heritage to a Western audience. On
a first reading, what these writers are sharing might appear confusing; their
-,.de.finitions appear poles apart. Their probes, however, are moving Western
.. eonsiderations of ethicsandfor morality closer to an indigenous Theravada
orientation. There is among these authors an awareness that ethics and/or
(morality represent a universal human category of behaviour and an inchoate
.. sense that ethios ahd/or morality might have been definitionaI1y culturally
dynamic issue is seen readily in their-considerations of anatta
'(and.Nibbiina. .:
FESTSCHRIFf FOR HAMMALAVA SADDHArtsSA
On occasion a problem arises when a phrase gets picked up in
parative studies, becomes used here and there initially, then almost of its
own becomes a frequent way of discussing a matter. One such phrase,
"beyond good and evil", has entered into discussions about ethics in the
Theravada Buddhist tradition and has tended to r(}main in place like a
grain of dust in a highly sophisticated, intricate, interlocking piece of
machinery, being itself of foreign origin, making its presence known but
in no way contributing to the functioning of the unit.
In this chapter, I would like secondly to go beyond the current usage
of" beyond good and evil" in order to deal more adequately with a complex
of positive evaluative concepts in the Theravada Buddhist tradition that
indicates clearly an appraisal of what is considered good inhuman conduct,
in the quality of character that represents humanity at its best .
. In developing this ch\lpter, I do not wish to be argumentative, to parade a
host of competent scholars before the reader and to set about chipping
here and there-one usually can write a lot in doing this, but also one usually
ends up proposing little that is of general interest, and perhaps less, too,
that will serve us well in our study of Buddhists past and present.
II
It is becoming apparent that the Westhas worked with a complex of ideas,
for. example ethics, morals (morality), religion, and law, that has had a history
peculiar to the West, that has led generations of scholars to seek for clarifica-
tion by definitional differentiation between these concepts,
l
that has led
generations of scholars to interpret non-Western human behaviour in light
ofthem.2
In recent times, ethics has come to be the preferred English term to designate
svstematic reflection on morality, apparently, on the American scene, having
the study known more prominently in England as moral philo-
'sophy. Morality has come to refer to a composite of volitions, actions, and
character of responsible persons in the process of differentiating between
rigllt and wrong, good and bad, and so on. Ethics has tended to represent
the activity of justifying or validating this process of differentiation.
The Theravada tradition has developed within a broad cultural matrix
different from the West, of course. This tradition also presents to Western
. students a pattern of concepts within the more specialized formulation that
is' novel and forms a constellation not readily matched or replicated
customary English usage of terms like ethics, morals (moraIity),.religion,
and law.
Two notions within the Theravada heritage that have given pause to
Western students of comparative ethics are anattii and Njbbana. The. forme;,
amittii, seems at first blush to stand in direct 9PPQsition to much that has
. provided the cornerstone of Western ethical theory. the moral accountability
,jOHN ROSS CARTER
of a discrete, autonomous self. And Nibbana, discerned by Western studellts
as theultirtJ.ate goal inhuman life as Theravada Buddhists have maintained,
remains ineffable.
David Little and Sumner B. Twiss have attempted to deal with this anatta
dimension and, noting both the outward orientation of Buddhist religious
living as well as the inward, reflective and developmental dimension in
Buddhist religious discipline, have suggested that the prominent
of Theravada Buddhist ethics represents a ' 'transpersonal,' teleology'},
either in a "qualified intrapersonaJ teleology" or in a "qualified extra-
personal teleoJogy,,3 with regard to final justification. For ,these scllolars,
the teleology involved concerns the attainment of Nibbana. The qualifica-
tion noted deals with the affirmation of anattii, that ultimately there is no
real, substantial, differentiated, discrete self. Hence, there is the stress ,017
"transpersonal ".
Little and Twiss find in their consideration of the early Buddhist records
a set of guidelines for behaviour that is practical, cognitive, and teleologically
oriented. 'These authors want to qualify this because of a transpersonal
dimension suggested by an interpretation of Nibbana in light of ,the, anattii
doctrine. They write. ,
Fundamentally, morality, while present and important in Theravadin
thought, is there provisionally at best. 'In the ultimate sense', which
is to say when looked at in respect to 'the supreme dha.rma!, [nirvaI).a,
'the supreme dharma 'J discussion of morality is inappropriate because ",
the notion of morality presupposes persons, or, at least intentions'
normally associated with persons, and these are nO,t found in nirvaI).a.
4
Gerald Larson has made a probe into related ethical considerl:ltions
and has suggested three categories that represent distinct positions within
the range bf moral theorizing in South Asia, two of which he considers
relevant to the Buddhist case: (1) a position classified as
non-intuitionist cognitivism", with regard to what is good, which he, :1ttri-
butes to "early (,Theravada ') Buddhist traditions ", and (2) ,a, positi(;m
classified as "non-naturalistic, intuitionist a-moralism",which Larson
mentions "appears to suggest that there is nothing that is truly good
position he notes "is characteristic of Samkhya" Yoga,Vedanta,
of Mahayana Buddhist theorizing.. ".5 About this second position, Larson
observes" ",: .' , '
Theposi#on is usually characterized as maintaining
is 'beyond good and evil' which, in my view, is simply a euphemism."
for ,what is really a much stronger moral claim, namely that there is'
: nothing that is intrinsically good. The experience of kaiva/ya""
'nirviil)Cl, or whatever one wishes to call it, is simply nota moral experienCe. ',-;
,', It is the denial of ethics and morality, or putting the matter another
way, it is .the denial that moral and ethical theorizing has any Value at"
:alLi ,"
/'.
Further, Larson suggests that these two positions, when characteriZed as
normative ethical formulations, would respectively yield theoretical classifi-
cation as (1) "Teleological cognitivism," and (2) "Gnoseological in-
tuitionism".7 Larson's second position, a "non-naturalistic, intuitionist
a-moralism , which is also "Gnoseological intuitionism," is nevertheless
presented as a normative ethical position, "a serious normative ethical
claim .... ., To fail to discern this characteristic would be, for Larson, "a
serious interpretive mistake on analogy, for example, with the kind of mistake
an interpreter makes who fails to see a Sartrean atheism as an authentic
theological position ".8
Larson is not entirely on the mark, in my judgment, when he differentiates
Theravada and Mahayana in light of his two categories that we have
mentioned. The two concepts of cognitivism and intuitionism are not
sufficeintiy lubtle, are much too sharply drawn to relate the activity of the
hunian mind at the transitional moments of personal transformation for
those engaged in the process of transcending as Theravada Buddhists have
apprehended it. The Theravada position appears to me, upon careful inquiry
into the arising of the supramundane or world-transcending path (magga)
in the awaren:ess of a person, to be closer to Larson's second category.
Little; Twiss, and Larson are developing our thinking about the Theravada
Buddhist case within the concepts of ethics and morality. Larson thinks
that in the second category of ethical theorizing the highest objective realized
through intuitive wisdom "totally transcends the good ".9 Yet, he urges
that this position be seen as a serious normative ethical claim that can be
so interpreted only within its total framework. Little and Twiss, having
nott:.d a transpersonal teleology in Theravada Buddhist morality, also
mention th3.t this position is a "religious-moral system",lO by which they
mean "Other-impinging acts, together with whatever sacred-impinging
acts there are in the system, are validated by a religious norm. "11
These writers, aware of the ineffability of Nibbiina, the subtle openness
of the notion of Nibbiina and the anatta doctrine, see in the Buddhist complex
a religious-moral system in whiph morality is provisionally present, or an
ethical claim that there is nothing intrinsically good, more usually expressed
by reference to an ultimate state beyond good and evil.
Itseems that a reader is led to conclude that, on the onehand, if morality
is provisional at best in the Theravada Buddhist tradition it somehow no
longer remains so were one to speak of the tradition as a religious-moral
system justified by a transpersonaJ teleology, i.e., Nibbiina. Or, if nothing
is held to be intrinsically good, i.e., the ultimate state is beyond good and
evil,the position nevertheless makes an ethical claim. This might strike
onc' asa bit confusing, and well that it should. Yet at the same time these
writers are'making constructive contributions to' our developing understand-
ing of the'Theravada orientation by developing new methods and categories,
by pressing the notion of ethics in the English medium.
JOHN ROSS CARTER 4S
Joanna Macy has found in contemporary systemS theory a mode of
interpreting the dynamic of anattii in' the. context of pa!z'ccasamuppiida, a
mode of interpreting that "presents the struct.ure of a living system as
interdeterminative with its function or behaviour.
12
" Quoting Karl Deutsch,
"The system is changing and remaking itself. with each decision
in the present. Thanks to what it has learned in the past, it is not wholly
subject to the present .. Thanks to what it can still learn, it is not wholly
subject to the past .... ", Macy sets before the reader her observation that
The Buddha's emphasis on will does not, then, run counter to the
anatttJ doctrine and suggest there must be some hidden abiding self.
Nor does the doctrine of anattii imply any weakening of moral responsi-
bility. Indeed the very process of choice-making constitutes our
changing, but continuous identity. We cannot escape the effect of our
choices, because that is what we are. These consequences are inescapable,
not because there is a God that watches and tallies, but because in-
dependent co-arising our acts co-determine what we become.
13
Anattii, for Macy, provides a moral ground:
Basic to the ethic is the radical view of the self, which the teachings
present. It is an interdependent, self-organizing process shaped by the
flow of experience and the choices that condition this flow. Possessed of
no 'I' apart from what it feels, sees, thinks, does, the self does not have
experience, it is its experience. Hence in the Buddhist ethic the error of
egoicity. The problem with 'mine-ness' (mamattii) is. not just the greed
it engenders, but the fundamental error it expresses and reinforces-
that of considering the self as an independent, autonomous entity.14
What some theorists might consider foundational for a viable system of
ethics, namely an independent, differentiated, autonomous agent bearing
moral responsibility, Theravada Buddhists have tended to consider a funda-
mental error, as Macy puts it. Further, the doctrine of anattii, which has
played a major role in the development of the presentation by Little and
Twiss, wherein is recognized consequently a provisional presence of morality
in the Theravada framework,!5 is considered by Macy to be a "moral
ground' '.16
What is one to do with an investigation of ethics or morality, which
notions have been nurtured in Western intellectual history in an arena of
discursive dualities such as good and bad, right and wrong, and so on,
upon turning to a religious tradition that has delicately and rigorously
maintained that the highest state, Nibbiina, transcends the ability of
discursive conceptualizations to comprehend it? Ven. pr. H. Saddhatissa
has written,
In the first place, according to Buddhist and other Indian thought the
highest state is one which lies beyond good and evil. In the second place,.
according to Buddhism, there is no break between the moral teaching
and that which pertains directly to the ideal state .... 17
46
FESTSCHRIFT'FOR HAMMA:tAvA SADDHATISSA
He contimies,by' stating that
the ultimate ideal aim which may 'serve as the ultimate standard 'of
, right conduct, relates, according to Buddhist thought, to the 'supra-
" mundane orlokuttara state, and the connection between the moralities
- , of everyday life and this lokuttara state is one which is' entirely covered
; by the Buddha teaching. It is, in fact, that which is known to Buddhists
as marga, magga, the Path, the Road, along which each person must
, , {ravel for himself beginning with the practice of the common moralities
up to the supramundane state beyond good and evil. FrOID this point
otview Buddhism can be said to provide the complete ethical study.ls
Although" Saddhatissa speaks of the highest state being beyond good and
evil, by locating the focus of consideration on magga, this Buddhist scholar
interprets the Buddhist teachings as providing' 'the complete ethicaI study' '.
Our authors 'are in basic agreement, although this might not be readily
apparent. Acknowledging that the anattii notion involves in some sense a
transpersonal orientation (in some way going beyond a sense of "personiLl "
customarily used in the English medium), recognizing, too, that Nibbana
transcends conceptualization, somehow we meet in the Theravada 'case a
position that thes' , writers conclude is religious, moral, and ethical. But
the journey to this conclusion has not been without some confusion.
Perhaps we might move further into clarity by taking up focal Pali terms
and by giving some consideration to the application of those terms within
the framework of the Theravada perspective, which is not primarily concerned
with -doctrinal formulations and subsequent conceptual ramifications but
with the function of those views in providing orientation in the life setting,
as Macy'has 'done with the anattii notion, as Saddhatissa has done with
magga .
, OIi'e 'no' douothasread or heard in English language something like,
"'tliebbjective in Buddhism IS togo beyond good and evil ",orthat :"the
arahimt is beyond good and evil", or "has gone beyond good 'and' evil",
otthat 'iM'ultimateis 'beyond good and eviJ.'"or "the 'highest staJe is
one'which lies beyond good and evil", as we have just noted: I think we
can move beyoildthis observation, iriits -general pattern of
"beyond good and evil;',' in an attempt to Work more subtly, more ad-
equately, with the complex and cumUlative statements within the'Theravada
tradition about what constitutes the highest evaluative affirmation of the
purpose of human life. In a consideration of human behaviour -at its best,
wlien one' stresses tliat an arahant has "gone heyond gopd and evil ",19
one speaks too quickly, speaks not enough, and what is said is not adequate
to catch the subtlety of Theravada Buddhist statements about the transforma-
tional moment. '
JOHN ROSS CARTER . ' ..
41:
Let me state the issues: whether or not a' fully accoinplishedperson,
one. who has realized Nibbana, has go;ne beyond good and evil' depends
(1) on 'what one means' by good, (2) at what point such a person' "goes
beyond", which depends heavily upon (3) which Pali terms one
to represent the English word and concept(s) "good". Whether the Thera- .
vada case provides a consistent ethic depends on (4) whether one understands
good as an ethical and/or moral category and, of course, (5) what one means
by ethics and/or morality. The matter is not made less complex by reminding
ourselves that there is no one Pall term equivalent to the contemporary
English use of "etbics " in "a study of ethics' " or "a theory of ethics' , .
Space is much too limited for one to provide a discussion of all five points
noted. I will address only matters related to issues 2-3 in the remainder
of this chapter, leaving questions related to issues 1,4-5 for further reflection.
Why have a number of writers in the West,' and more recently some
Theravada Buddhists, seized on the English expression of "beyond good
and evil" in an analysis of a dimension of what is called Buddhist ethics?'
In; a study responding to this. question, it would seem Nietzsche would loom
large, but more intriguing would be the possibility that Nietzsche has been
misunderstood in this use of this phrase, "beyond good and evil" (jenseits
von Gut und Boese).20 Conceivably, the notion of going beyond a particular
interpretation of what is ethical might have been due to some extent to a
reading of the pseudonymous authors penned by Kierkegaard-one has
read of the so-called three stages: the aesthetic, the ethical and the religious.
But it is .likely that these so-called stages do not represent the personal ':
position of Kierkegaard
21
and it is mOJ,"e likely that applying these stages
to the religious .perspective of Theravada Buddhists will n'ot go beyond' the ..
barriers of an "outsider" imagining the fundamental orientation oflife -Of"
an: "insider", a reflective, knowledgeable Theravada.Buddhist; . '" ..
Theravada Buddhists have'an abundance of technical terms that ':.
municate positive, evaluli.tiye 'appraisalS:, terms that represent What is: co'm. '.
mendable, with regard to act aiid to quality of person: . It is :Uc>'t 'an' :
easy matjt<t: to. choose. which of these terniS one wants to represent' the
English:word "good" that, if this' be t4e intent, one oali then say that"
anara.han
t
has gone beyond it. -The term. that yields 'itself as an ....
equiyalent of "good '; perhaps for those who want to press the' point ..
quickly that an arahanthas gone beyond it; is puiiiia, roughly also traiislated ; ..
And: besides its own' negative, apuiiiia, a standard Palrtetm
very. . met in opposition to' puiiiina, whioh one could. translate'
"evil";.ipreferably "bad", is papa. There are' references in the PaIi texts i
that suggest that a person in whom all defilements are destroyed, an arahant,
anoideal person who has fully realized salvific truth has gone beyond; has .
abandoned or andpapa.
22
But why choose pufifia and papa. to represent "good and evil" beyond'
which an a.ra.ha.nt is said to have gone? Certainly an arabant must go beyond.
that is leave behind, become dissociated from "evil" or what is
Likewise, within the framework of Buddhist thought it is. equally clear that:
actions that are expressive of a desire for bettering one's present and future
condition now and in the next life when one enters another life sequenoe
are not the actions that are expressive of the mental state of an arahant
for whom there is no again-becoming. Such punna-acts (punna-kamma)
are not those of an arahant. Saying that an arahant has left. behind, has
gone beyond pufifiakamma tells us little that is new .. Saying, on the basis
of an analysis of these two terms, pufifia and papa, that an arahant has
entered into a non-ethical or a-moral or non-moral (which should not imply
, 'unethical" or .. immoral' ') sphere hardly represents an attempt to grapple
with and perhaps enlarge our Western notions of ethics.
There are other terms in Pali with which we might work to lead us further'
into a consideration of the process that leads' from the point of leaving
behind pufifiakamma, meritorious acts, through a process on the "stages"
of sanctification, that is from the path of stream attainer up to the path of ..
arahantship. The evaluative term for the qualities of persons on these stages .
or paths is kusala. a term that readily yields much of what one means by
"good".
P. D. Premasiri of the University of Sri Lanka has argued
23
.that in what
he calls "Early Buddhism" the term kusala carried a spectrum .of meaning
much broader than the term pufifia and that the later cotnnientarial tradition .
tended to confuse these terms, tended to use tbem interchangeably, even
synonymously. Premasiri is right, it seems to me, that even in the canonical
strata, kusala and pufiita are met in senses communicating an overlapping
in meaning or semantic usage. In his conclusion to his study, Premasiri
notes that kusala, unlike punna, represents the qualities with which one' .
who has attained Nibbiina, who has become free from all that is' designated
by akusala, pufifia and papa, is endowed. He writes that an 'assertion "that
the Buddhist saint [arahant] is beyond good and bad can therefore be seen .
to be the result of a terminological muddle' , .24 .
Perhaps two refinements of Premasiri's noteworthy contribution might
be made. Firstly,the overlapping in meaning of kusala andpufifia in the
Nikayas tends to be present in those passages where kusala suggests one's'
volition with regard to thought, speech and action. Where there IS a distinc-'
tion between kusala and pufifia, the semantic function of ktisala has to::d6. .'
primarily with qualities (dhammii) with which a person is endow.ed. Secondly," '.
although the Pali commentarial and Sinhalese.Buddhist 1i-teni.ry tra..ditiOl1j'
has tended to fuse kusala and pufifia,25 of which Premasiit'generally is .
the commentaiial tradition maintains the distinction that Premasiri argued
was the case of the early period of the Buddhist tradition. Premasiri notes
that the later tradition was aware of this distinction but does not go into .. '
the matter, sa"e for two references;Z6 ...
Fundamentally, the distinction .between kiJsala aile! pufliia ismaintairied ...
JOHN ROSS CARTER
49
in the commentarial tradition. Firstly, the commentarial tradition maintains
the interpretation of the roots of kusala (kusala-mula) to be threefold, the
absence of greed (alobha), the absence of avarice (adosa) and the absence
of delusion (amoha),27 which three roots provide the foundation for pufifia
at its best, so to speak, and for cultivating further training in the way.
Secondly, the commentarial tradition tends to restrict its explanations
of pufifia to categories pertaining to the three realms of sentient existence
within sa111siira,28 while frequently interpreting kusala as extending beyond
these three spheres to include also a fourth, the world-transcending soterio-
logical process expressed directly as catumaggasampayoga
29
or indirectly
in the catubhumaka,30 having to do with the three spheres within sal]1sara,
and a fourth which leads to Nibbana. With regard to this soteriologicaI
process, the commentarial tradition uses kusala to modify the four paths,
including arahattamagga.
31
Although there is a basis for one to infer that
kusala could also modify Nibbana in the commentarial tradition,32 it seems
that the mainstream of that tradition would have us pause before making
this move, pause not because of a lack of certainty or lack of clarity, but
pause so as not to rush headlong into a delicate matter.
The weight of the Theravada tradition undoubtedly stresses as the ideal
person the Buddha and holds that person and that life as the highest example
worthy of emulation. In the standard formula recited on the occasion of
remembering the Buddha, one finds a comment about the Buddha's conduce,
which the commentarial tradition unhesitatingly interprets as being
characterized by moral virtue (sila),33 as the fulfilment of great compassion
(mahiikiirUl.lika), as being directed toward what is beneficial for others
(attlia).34 He is called the well-gone one (sugata) becaus0 of a mode of going
that is beautiful (sobhanagamattii), because he has gone toa pure place
(sundaralJ1 thanal]1 gatattii), because he has gone properly (sammiigatattii)
and so forth.35 And one might also note another evaluative term, sat, in
the following statement:
The sweet fragrance of the virtue of good persons [sappurisiinam .. ; .
silagandho]-ofBuddhas, Pacceka Buddhas and their siivakas, disciples-
goes against the wind.
36
and, further, one might note the use of the highest gain, or attainment,
or profit, or goal, or good, that which seems to be behind summum bonum,
so frequently used by Theravada Buddhists, namely uttamattham.
37
And
one will remember that kusala is used to modify numerous qualities, at one
count over fifty,38 several of which, particularly sammiidiHhi, sammiisati,
alobha, adosa, amoha and parifiii, cannot be said to be foreign to the arahant.
Wdl then, an accomplished person, a Buddha, a Pacceka Buddha, an
arahant, on the basis of all these positive evaluative terms surely, from tbe
Theravada perspective, must be pronounced good, both in act and in person,
albeit not as a substantial underlying continually existing entity. And it
would se<.m that from the Theravada perspeQtive1 evtfn ifnot from a perspec-
tive that some might regard the realm of what constitutes ethics, the ,case
is closed.
But to say this without further ado might be rushing headlong through a
delicate matter carefully nurtured in the memory of the Theraviida tradition.
The tradition has made a profound affirmation with two dimensions.
Firstly the arising of the moment of stream attainment is not itself the
immediate result of one's action. Although one might exert long and
arduously to prepare for this moment, even to bring about the conditions
for its occurrence, that it happens, that magga arises is not the immediate
result of one's will or actions because there cannot simultaneously
occur effort and defilements the discarding of which that effort
is exerted. Were this to be the case, "the development of magga
would be tinged with the defiled conditions [of the mind] ".39 Professor
M. Palihawadana of the University of Sri Lanka (Sri Jayewardenepura)
has drawn our attention to this point and traces its theme to a passage
in the canonical literature, a portion of that passage I quote:
Monks, for a person who is virtuous [silavato], well-endowed with
virtue [silasampannassa] , there is no need of the effort of will rna cetaniiya
karaJ:ziyaJ?1]: 'Let freedom from remorse arise in me.' It is a matter of
nature [dhammata] that freedom from remorse arises in such a person.
40
Palihawadana concludes,
the magga event, swiftly arising after a moment of the minds's creative
passiveness, regenerates and makes a new person of the pilgrim and
gives him his first vision of Nibbiina. It is the true blessed event of the
religious life of the Theraviida Buddhist.
41
The second dimension of this profound affirmation is that magga, inter-
preted as four paths, does not yield a result or results that fall into the
category of kamma-vipiika. The sole results of these paths are the associated
phala or fructifications of the path attained. The activities of an arahant
and his meditative states are said to be good (kusala) yet are "karmically
inoperative" .42
The commentarial tradition records that there is a moment when even
kusala that exists because of insight meditation (vipassana) is dissolved.
43
It appears that the activity of mind referred to here is that known as kiriyii-
citta, "functioning consciousness", or mentaL 'functioning in relation to
action but ineffective as to karmic result. 44 It seems to me that such mind
would have "ejected wishes" (vantaso) and would be one that "knows
the Unmade" (akatafifiu) as a verse and the commentarial
gloss on that verse suggest. We are talking about a person supreme
(purisuttamo).45
One might attempt to move the position "beyond good and evil" one
more step, from beyond pufifia or apufifia or papa to beyond kusala and
akusala. But such move cannot be established because of the presence of
kusala as well as what one might call a "good-complex" Qf as&ociative
JOHN ROSS CARTER 51
positive evaluative terms used to characterize such person (purisuttamo).
But what of this subtle activity in the consciousness of an arahant that
suggests the absence of karmic consequences? This functioning conscious-
ness is present in one who has no evil to get something more because Nibbana
has arisen. Were this functioning consciousness not present, how could
one speak of Nibbana arising? Were a consciousness capable of engendering
vipaka to be active at the arising of Nibbiil1a, this consciousness could,
conceivably, be said to taint this arising or to suggest that a person
immediately caused the arising of Nibbana. And so the notion of func-
tioning consciousness at this stage of an arahant has continued to be held
by the Theravada thinkers not because the paint to be made is that the
arahant has gone beyond" good and evil" or "good and bad' " but, more
than that, beyond that, to state with impressive subtlety and insight, while
being simultaneously loyal to the tradition and faithful to the reality of
Nibbana-realization, that Nibbana arises when the conditions are present,
but one does not cause this arising.
The tradition has spoken of this full realization of Nibbana and of those
who have had this realization in the most positive evaluative terms the
Pali language carries. And also the tradition has made it clear that Nibbana
can in no way be said to be immediately caused by one. For a person to
say "I am good" and to say that such has occurred
would strike one as representing a situation gone awry.
In conclusion, to speak of an arahant, or a Buddha, or a Pacceka Buddha
as having" gone beyond good and evil" really tells us more about what
interpretation of "good" is being used-it tells us little about the way the
Theraviida tradition has valued sucb persons, and little, too, about the
person at the moment of Nibbana-realization. Whether or not such persons
function within the realm of what one might call ethics depends upon whether
one's notion of ethics is adequate.
46
And this is a problem of the English
medium of the Western intellectual heritage, not of Theravada Buddhists.
52
NOTES
1. The Oxford English Dictionary (svv. ethic, moral) provides examples, now several
centuries old, of differentiations between ethics and moral virtues on the one hand
and orientations to theism or Christian virtues on the other.
2. On the concept "religion" in this matter, see the major work by Wilfred Cantwell
Smith The Meaning and End of Religion: A New Approach to the Religious Traditions
of Mankind (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1963); reissued in New York:
New American Library (Mentor Books), 1964; in London: New English Library
(Mentor Books), 1965; and with an Introduction by John Hick in New York: Harper
and Row, 1978.
3. David Little and Sumner B. Twiss Comparative Religious Ethics (San Francisco:
Harper and Row, 1978), p. 236.
4. Ibid., p. 247. These authors write elsewhere, p. 108, "Trans-personal norms are, by
definition, non-moral, although they may be religious in character. "
5. James Larson' 'Hindu and Buddhist Perspectives on the Notion of the Good,"
an lmpublished paper delivered at the armual meeting of the Association for Asian
Studies, Chicago, April 3, 1982. pp. 9-11.
6. Ibid., p. 10
7. Ibid., p. 11
8. Ibid., p. 13
9. Ibid.
10. Little and Twiss, op. cit., pp. 238, 241 and 246
11. Ibid., p. 118
12. Joarma Rogers Macy "Dependent Co-arising: The Distinctiveness of Buddhist
Ethics," Journal of Religiolls Ethics, Vol. 7, No.1, University of Notre Dame,
Indiana 1979, p. 45.
13. Ibid.
14. Ibid., pp. 42-43.
15. See Little and Twiss, op. cit., pp. 246-247.
16. Macy, op. cit., p. 42.
17. H. Saddhatissa Buddhist Ethics: Essence of Buddhism (London: George Allen &
Unwin Ltd. 1970), p. 18.
18. Ibid., p. 19.
19. On the Indian scene and in the Hindu case, Franklin Edgerton writes, "But when
the goal is reached, one is beyond good and evil." See his "Dominant Ideas in the
Formation of Indian Culture," Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 62
(Sept. 1942), p.155.A. L. Herman modifies Edgerton's "ordinary norm" and
"extraordinary norm" thesis as it might apply to Theravada, but continues a usage
of "beyond good and evil". See his "Ethical Theory in Theravada Buddhism,"
The Journal of the Bihar Research Society, Vol. XLVII (Jan.-Dec. 1961), p. 185.
See also the usage of this phrase by Gunapala Dharmasiri A Buddhist Critique of
the Christian Concept of God (Colombo: Lake House Investments Ltd., 1974), p. 106.
There are too many instances of the use of this phrase to note here. I have noted
only these three as examples provided by (1) a recent leading Western Indologist,
(2) a Western philosopher writing as a graduate student, and (3) a Sinhalese Bud-
dhist layman who has studied to some degree the Christian tradition.
20. C. A. F. Rhys Davids uses the expression "beyond the Good and the Bad" and
notes this phrase as coming from "Nietzsche on Buddhism in 'Der Antichrist'"
in her translation of the Dhammasangani, A Buddhist Manual of Psychological Ethics
[New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, 1975 of the work first published
by the Royal Asiatic Society in 1900], p. civ. For Nietzsche, the notion "bad"
represents an aristocratic extension from an aristocratically originated notion of
"good" while "evil" had as its origin resentment which comprised a part of "slave
morality' '. A transvaluation of values occurred, Nietzsche believed, when aristocra-
tically originated "good" became labelled as the plebeian-originated "evil" and
the aristocratically originated "bad" now became the plebeian "good". See Fried-
rich Nietzsche The Genealogy of Morals: A Polemic, translated by Horace B. Samuel
(Edinburgh: T. N. Foulis, 1910) especially article n, pp. 38-39.
When, with regard to analyzing Theravada, a shift from "beyond the Good and
the Bad" ot "beyond good and bad" to "beyond good and evil" was made is not
clear. The latter phrase is the more current. Conceivably, when persons became less
familiar with Nietzsche and more conscious that theists would form a part of the
reading public, such shift occurred.
Zl. Stephen Crites suggests that upon careful analysis one would find that the so-called
staes !ield a f01.JIfolq sc!,elI)"'; aesthetic, ethical! A, of
.tOHN ROSS CARTER 53
resignation], and religion B [knight of faith]. And Crites notes that there appears
to be "two intermediate stages of irony and humor", and mentions, further, a
footnote by Johannes Climacus, in Concluding UlIScientijic Postscript, where a seven-
fold tabulation appears; and possibly some stages appear within the aesthetic. Crites
writes, "so there seems in principle no end to the exfoliation of Kierkegaardian
stages' '. Crites still prefers to hold to a scheme of sorts, proposing a distinction
"between the aesthetic and the existential, regarding the ethical and religious spheres
as existential discriminations". See Stephen Crites "Pseudonymous Authorship
as Art and as Act," Kierkegaard: A Collection of Critical Essays, edited by Josiah.
Thomson (Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., an Anchor Book
1972), pp. 200-201.
Kierkegaard himself wrote,
So in the pseudonymous works [where the so-called stages appear] there is
not a single word which is mine, I have no opinion about these works except as
third person, no knowledge of their meaning except as a reader, not the remotest
private relation to them, since such a thing is impossible in the case of a doubly
reflected communication. One single word of mine uttered personally in my own
name would be an instance of presumptuous self-forgetfulness, and dialectically
viewed it would incur with one word the guilt of annihilating the pseudonyms.
S. Kierkegaard "A Pirst and Last Declaration," four pages following the text of
Kierkegaard's Concluding Unscientific Postscript, translated from the Danish by
David P. Swenson and completed with Introduction and Notes by Walter Lowrie
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963) [seventh printing of the work first
published in 1941], p. 551 (unpaginated). I am indebted to my colleague M. Holmes
Hartshorne for first alerting me to this passage, which is also noted by Josiah
Thompson "The Master of Irony," Kierkegaard: A Collection of Critical Essays,
edited by Josiah Thompson, op. cit., p. 104. Thompson is persuasive when he writes,
"The central focus of the pseudonymous works is neither ethics nor religion nor
aesthetics, but rather the dialectic of the life of imagination" (op. cit., p. 113).
"Por if the pseudonymous works have sho"M} us anything, it is that all the so-called
'existential movemellts' end in failure. If failure is the outcome of all attempts to
make these movements [from the aesthetic to the ethical to the religious and through
whatever intervening sub-stages], then how can their stimulation be the aim of the
authorsbip? It can, only if the recognition of failure and not the movements is the
point" (ibid., p. 160). And Thompson concludes on this point, "It is failure, I submit
the necessary failure of all human projects, that is at once the central meaning of
the pseudonyms, as well as the source of their deepest religious import" (ibid., po.
160-161). .
The relevance of Kierkegaard's contribution for a study of the Theravada would
hardly be that the arahant has gone beyond the ethical to the religious, but that
without dhamma, one would not be able to become an arahant. As a Theravada
Buddhist might use Thompson's words to reflect not only an understanding of the
human predicament but also the religious apperception of religious life; without
dham11UJ we are confronted with "our ineradicable incapacity to pull ourselves up
by our own bootstraps" (ibid., p. 162.).
22. See, for example, Dhp 39, 267, 412; Sn 547, 790; and see also Netti p. 96, and Pv II
6.15. Por other references, see P. D. Premasiri "Interpretation of Two Principal
Ethical Terms in Early Buddhism," The Sri Lanka Journal of the HU11UJnities, Vol. 2,
No.1 (June 1976), pp. 63-74.
23. Premasiri, loco cit. .
24. Premasiri's succinct observation is as follows:
"Pufifia in its canonical use generally signified the actions etc. which conduce
to a happy consequence to the agent in a future existence. The term was clearly
borrowed from the earlier ethical terminology of the Brahmanic tradition.
Kusala, Oil the other hand, generally signified that which conduces to spiritual
bliss culminating in the attainment of tbe highest bliss of lIibbiina which leaves
no room for the fruition of any actions. It may be said to be a specifically Buddhist
usage, perhaps because it was intended to signify a different sense of ethical
value from that signified by pufifia. When one attains nibbiina. (the state which
is equivalent to arahantship) a person is fully endowed with kusala qualities
and is free from akusala as well as both pufifia and papa. The assertion which
is almost lmiversally made by modern interpreters of Buddhist ethics that the
Buddhist saint is beyond good and bad can therefore be seen to be the result of
a terminological muddle." Ibid., p. 74.
25. The references are too many to list here. Only examples are necessary. See DhpA I.
153 (on Dhp 18): "'katapufifio' ti nanappakarassa pufifiassa katta; 'ubhayatthii'
54
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
'38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
.
FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAMMALA VA SADDHATISSA
ti idha 'katam me kusalam akatam papat[!' ti nandati. parattha vipakam anuMavanto
nandati. .. " '''One who has done punna;' a doer of various kinds of punna. "At
both places;' here he rejoices, thin...lcing 'kusala (acts) have been done by me, papa
(acts) have not been done.' In the hereafter he rejoices experiencing the fruits (of
actions done here)." See also DhpA I 132 (on Dhp 16). In the AHhakathasiici,
edited by Pandita Kosgoda Sirisumedha Thero, revised by Pandita Kosgoda Dhamma-
varpsa Thero (Colombo: M. D. Gunasena, 1969), a detailed listing of commentarial
glosses, III 754b, kusala dasahupagato is noted as being glossed, kusalehi dasahi
samannagato, danadfhi dasahi punfiakiriyavatthilhi dasahi kusalakammapathehi va
yutto ti attho. In the Sri Sumangala Sabdako$aya by Yen. Pandit W. Sorata Nayaka
Thera (Colombo: Anula Press, Part II, 1956; part I, 2nd edition, 1963), one notes
(I 286) for kusala-dharma,pin; for kusala-phala,piJ;zin labena yahapat phala; for kllsala-
vipaka, pinvalin labena yahapat phala; for kusala-hetll, pinvalata hetll vana aloMa
adosa amoha yana tU!la; for pU!lya (II 582) sita pivituru kara!la kusaladharmaya;
for pin pala (II 152), pU1yyaphalaya, kusalavipakaya; for pin daham, kusaladharmaya;
for pin kam, kusalakriyava; for punna, pU!lyaya kusalaya.
References in the Atthakathasiici are to texts issued in the Hewavitarne series,
to which I do not have access.
References to later literature provided by Premasiri are to the Niddesa and Digha-
nikayaghakathii. Premasiri, op. cit., 72-73.
See, for example, M I 47, 489; Vism XIV 89; Atthakathaslici III 752a; Sri Sumangala
I 287a.
See, for example, the late, but canonical source, Nd 1 90: puniiam vuccati yam kine
tedhatukam kusal' abhisankharam; apunnam vuecati sabbam akusalam."
Vism XIV 88: kusala is "Lokuttaram catumaggasampayogato catubbidhan ti."
The Aghakathiisiici, III 751-755, provides eight commentarial glosses presenting
this interpretation.
See the AHhakathasiici III 754 noting two occasions providing this interpretation.
See the Aghakathasiici III 753a: maggakusalassa ceva phalakusalassa ca adhigamat-
thaya.
Vism VII 31: Cara!IQn ti silasamvaro. . .. 'ariyasavako silava hoti' ti ..... cara!lena
samannagato; tena vuccati vijjacara!lasampanno ti. See also A V 66, a reference noted
also by Premasiri, op. cit., n. 65, p. 71.
Vism VII 32: cara!lasampada mahakaru!likataya. . ... mahakaru!likataya anatthm,n
parivajjetva atthe niyojeti . ..
Vism VII 33: SobhQ/;zagamanatfa, sundaram thanaf!Z gatatta sammagatatta.
DhpA I 422 (on Dhp 55): Satan ca gandho ti sappurisanam pana Buddhapaccekabud-
dhasavakanat[! silagandho pativatam eti. See also DhpA I 434 (on Dhp 57) where
the commentary uses sampannasilanam, "those having possessed-virtues", to refer
to those in whom the influxes are extinct (khi!lasava), i.e., arahants.
The Atthakathasiici, II 458a, provides references to commentaries where uttamattham
is taken to mean Nibbana or the state of arahantship (arahattam).
See Sri Sumarigala Sabdako$aya, I 287, sv. kusal-damsapa!lasa.
Vism XXII 78, as translated by M. Palihawadana in his article, "Is There a Theravada
Buddhist Idea of Grace?" in Christian Faith in a Religiously Plural World, edited
by Donald G. Dawe and John B. Carman (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books,
1978) p. 183.
A V 2-3. The translation is Palihawadana's, loc. cit. The passage reads in Pali: Silavato
bhikkhave silasampannassa na cetanaya kara!lfyam 'avippafisaro me uppajjatii' ti.
Dhammata. esa bhikkhave, yam sflavato sflasampannassa avippa/isaro uppaj;ati.
The passage continues to speak of the same process with regard to the realization
of knowledge and vision of release that arises as a matter of nature without the ac-
tivity of the will. See A V 3 and Palihawadana's translation, op. cit., pp. 183-184.
Ibid., p. 191.
See Nyanatiloka Buddhist Dictionary: Manual of Buddhist Terms and Doctrines,
third revised and enlarged edition, edited by Nyanaponika (Colombo: Frewin and
Co. Ltd, 1972), p. 88, sv. kusala.
The Atthakathiisiici III 753a: kusalakusala niruddhe-etasmim vipassana vasena
pavatte kusale sarajjanadivasena pavatte akusale ca niruddhe. "When kusala and
akusala are dissolved-when the kusala that exists because of vipassana and the
akusala that exists because of infatuation and so forth are dissolved." See also PED,
216a.
Ananda W. P. Guruge, in his article, "Some Problems in Buddhist Ethics," Anjali:
Papers on Indology and Buddhism, A Felicitation Volume presented to Oliver
Hector De Alwis Wijesekera, edited by J. Tilikisiri (Ceylon: The Felicitation Volume
Editorial Committee, University of Ceylon, Peradeniya 1970), p. 5, notes the presence
JOHN ROSS CARTER 55
of the notion kiriya-( or kr(va-) citta and writes, "according to the Buddhist concept
of emancipation, the ultimate achievement is beyond ethical differentiation or evalua-
tion. Not only is the Arahant considered to be freed of both the good and the evil
(cf. pufifipapapahil;za), [Dhp 39] but even his altruistic [sic] and otberwise meritorious
deeds [sic] are said to be accompanied only by a functional consciousness (kiriyacitta)
incapable of producing any reward or retribution." P. D. Premasiri, in his work
cited, takes issue with Guruge, and makes his, Premasiri's, point with regard to
kusala modifying the qualities of an accomplished one in "Early Buddhism". How-
ever, both Guruge and Premasiri failed to lead us into a further understanding of
why the tradition maintained the notion of kiriya-citta as an avyakatakamma on
the part of the arabant.
45. Dhp 97 and DhpA II 188.
46. One might argue that tbe phrase "done is what was to be done" means that the
arabant has gone beyond a sense of duty; duty is now a thing of the past, so also
ethics. However, I am heginning to suspect that when this formula is stated it sug-
gests not solely a person's activity that was conducive to liberaticn, but also, and
perhaps primarily, the soteriological instrumentality of the path-process. Note DhpA
II 188 (on Dhp 97): catiihi maggehi kattabbakiccassa katatta; "because the duty
that is to be done has been done by means of the four paths". The focus would now
seem to shift-that which is to be done cannot be done by one alone.
SAMATHA-YANA AND VIPASSANA-YANA
L. S. COUSINS
Asked about samatha (calm) and vipassana (insight) meditation, a well-
known contemporary Thai meditation teacher conimented at the end of
his reply:
"These days many people cling to the words. They call their practice
vipassanii. Samatha is looked down on. Or they call their practice samatha.
It is essential to do samatha before vipassana, they say. "1
This summarizes quite exactly a debate which is frequently encountered in
Thailand and, using a slightly different terminology, in Sri Lanka also.
It seemed therefore useful to re-examine the use of these two terms in
the earlier Pali literature, hoping to see exactly how ancient this kind of
usage is and whether there is any clear position on the matter in the classical
texts.
For the purposes of this investigation I shall treat the earliest stratum of
Pali literature as consi&ting of the Vinaya texts (excluding the Parivara),
the first four Nikayas and the Sutta-Nipilta. It is, of course, obvious that
there is some historical stratification within these works. However, I do
not accept that there are adequate criteria available for a convincing analysis
into distinct periods. Nor is sufficient historical information available to
determine the likely time-scale for such periods.
2
The earlier literature
First of all we must notice some senses of the word samatha, which do not
concern us here. In many passages it is used rather generally and must be
rendered in its ordinary meaning of peace or calm. Occasionally it is difficult
to tell whether a more technical sense is intended. Related to this general
usage is its use as a Vinaya term in the list of the seven rules for the appease-
ment of issues (adhikaral;za-samatha).3
More significant is the use of samatha as a synonym for nibbana. This
occur:. in two main contexts. Quite frequent is the 'calming of all activities'
(sabba-sankhtira-samatha).4 Twice also we find the passage:
"(himself) awakened the Lord teaches Dhamma for awakening, (self-)
mastered the Lord teaches Dhamma for (self-) mastery, (himself) at
peace the Lord teaches Dhamma for peace (samatha) . ... ,,5
Our main concern, however, is with the use of samatha as equivalent to
samiidhi and of vipassana as equivalent to parifia. Not surprisingly this
generally falls into the context of descriptions of the Buddhist path. Some-
times we find the two terms as part of a sequence outlining the stages of
the path in general. Or sometimes they occur in descriptions of the Fourth
1. S. COUSiNS
51
Noble Truth or its expansion in the grouping of seven lists known later as
the bodhi-pakkhiya-dhammas. Before examining the main formulae I will
turn first to certain aspects of the standard accounts of the path in the
Nikiiyas. These will provide some background to the use of samatha and
vipassanii.
The structure of the path
Among the most elaborate accounts of the path found in the Pali Canon
are those found in the Silakkhandha. In fact it is perhaps more correct to
speak of a single account, repeated with slight modifications in many of
the suttas of this first third of the DIgba-nikiiya. Since the main changes
are to the way in which the path as a whole is structured, it seems to me
that this is mainly a question of 'ringing the changes' to prevent too rigid a
view of the stages of the path. For the present purpose we need not take
account of the arrangements which divide the path into two (e.g. carm;a/vijjii;
sila/pannii), nor of those which do not make any division at all. Our concern
is with those which divide into three-notably the Subha-sutta, which divides
into sila, samadhi and paiinnii and the Kassapa-slhaniida-sutta, which gives
sila-sampadii, citta-sampada and pannii-sampadii.
By the end of the Nikiiya period, if not earlier, this three-fold structuFe
had been applied to the stages of the ariya path,6 In this application, the
stream-enterer has fulfilkd the silas, the never-returner has master<:d samiidhi,
while the arahat has mastered panna. Of course this is only new as a specific
structure. The stream-enterer is frequently seen in terms of perfecting the
precepts-hence his non-rebirth in an inferior destiny such as would be
the consequence of breach of the precepts. The never-returner does not
return precisely because he has freed himself from attachment to the sense
sphere-he is reborn in the Brahma realm. In this he is paral1el to the jhiina
attainer except that his achievement is permanent. The association of arahat-
ship with superior wisdom is, of course, obvious,
This might be better expressed by saying that all ariya disciples have
mastered the precepts; the never-returner has mastered both sUa and samadhi;
while the arahat has mastered wisdom as well. This corresponds quite
closely to the structure of the Buddhist cosmos. One is reborn as a deva
through generosity and keeping the precepts, as a brahma through developing
samadhi and in the Pure Abodes by developing wisdom. Quite logically
all brahmas are also devas but not vice versa, while all those resident in
the Pure Abodes are both devas and brahmas.
This may be termed the vertical structure of the path. An alternative
view becomes very important in the Abhidhamma, The whole of the path is
seen as arising together in unity at the moment of attainment. This we will
call the horizontal structure. It is applied, for example, to the bodhi-pakkhiya-
dhammas in relation to each of the four paths (magga). On a lesser level it
is applied to the five faculties (indriya) in relation to jhiina.
58
Finally we must note that some of these canonical sequences function
as if they were sliding scales. In the present case Buddhaghosa, 'following
other canonical models, applies the series sila>samtidhi>pafifiti not to
the path from its beginning up to arahatsmp, but instead to the path up to
stream-entry. Indeed both the horizontal and the vertical structures can
be utilized in this way. So, for the commentarial tradition, the stage of
powerful insight prior to stream-entry is as much the level of the ordinary
(lokiya) bodhi-pakkhiya-dhammas as of insight in the prior stage (pubba-
bhiiga). In other words, on the larger (i.e. ariya) scaJe the vertical structure
of the path extending over a period of time tends to culminate in the path
moment with the horizontal structure. On the fmaller scaJe it equally tends
to culminate in strong insight with a similar horizontal structure.
Obviously these three approaches involve a measure of surface incompati-
bility. Any attempt to reconcile them would require a fairly sophisticated
system. No doubt one could be devised. Perhaps more to the point is the
type of function wmch is fulfilled by ,his sort of 'over-determination'. It
gives a sense of multiple dimensions to the Dhamma and a feeling of its
intricate and harmonious balance. This after all is the teacmng which is
'beautiful in its beginning, beautiful in its middle, beautiful in its ending'.
Samatha and vipassanii
The main uses of the two terms samatha and vipassana in the Nikiiya literature
are precisely witmn these path structures. We find them. for example, in
sequences setting out the vertical structure of the path. Some examples may
make this clear. One passage runs:
" .... he should be one who performs fully in respect of precepts (silas),
devoted to peace (samatha) of mind within, not havingrejectedjhiina,
endowed with insight (vipassanii), one who increases empty houses".
7
Here the succession is: sila>samatha>vipassana with jhiina apparently
identified with samatha and 'empty houses' following vipassana, perhaps
seen as related to sufifiata.
Another passage refers to right view as resulting in liberation of heart
(ceto-vimutti) and having the advantage of resulting in liberation of heart,
resulting in liberation of understanding (pai'ifiii-vimutti) and having the
advantage of resulting in liberation of understanding, when accompanied
by five factors.3 The five are in the sequence: sila>learning (suta) > discussion
>samatha>vipassanii. Elsewhere we find the series: faithful>possessing sila
>one who obtains peace of mind within>one who obtains insight into
Dhamma through mgher wisdom.
9
In numerous passages samatha and vipassanii are clearly identified either
with the eightfold path or with the fourth noble truth. Sometimes tms is
explicit. Sometimes it is intended by the use of some form of the causative
of bhavati i.e. 'bringing into being' (bhavanii)-the function of the fourth
noble truth.l0 No doubt such a use is intended also in most of those cases
1,. S. COUSINS 59
in which the two occur with little explanation or context.
ll
In a few
passages there is some connection with either the ariya disciple or the trans-
cendent (lokuttara) mindY Presumably this is because the stream-enterer
has already mastered the precepts; so he has only to develop samadhi and
panni'i; 12
Identification of the two terms with samadhi and panna in the context
of the horizontal structure of the path is less frequent in the Nikayas.
In one verse passage the five indriyas are given as: faith, mindfulness, strength,
samatha and vipassanaY Of course such an identification is standard in the
Abhidhamma texts where samatha is included in the register for samCidhi
and vipassana is given in that for paiinaY
The two contrasted
In a few places the two are differentiated mote specifically. At A I 61 we
find that development of samatha leads to developing citta, which leads
to the abandoning of desire (raga) by means of liberation of heart. Develop-
ment of vipassanii by contrast leads to developing wisdom and then to the
abandoning of ignorance and liberation of understanding. The two are
referred to as dhammas connected with knowledge (vijjiihhiigiya). At A 11
140 we learn that there is a time for hearing Dhamma, a time for Dhamma
discussion, a time for samatha and a time for vipassanii. If each of these is
practised from time to time, arahatship will surely be reached-just as rain
which falls on the mountains goes stage by stage to the ocean. We may note
also that at A 111 449 development of samatha is seen as overcoming ex-
citement (uddhacca).
Several passages contrast the one who obtains peace of mind with the
one who obtains insight into Dhamma through higher wisdomY' Interes-
tingly both are required. Whichever ofthe two is lacking should be developed.
The individual who already obtains both should make effort (yoga) to obtain
arahatship. This last suggests that the Puggalapaiiiiatti is correct in inter-
preting inner peace of mind as jhiina and Dhamma insight through higher
wisdom as the transcendent paths and fruits.
Perhaps more significant for later interpretation is the declaration of
Ananda (A II 157). This must be given in full:
, 'Sirs, whatever bhikkhu or bhikkhUl;ll declarer, in my presence the
attainment of arahatship, does so in four ways or by one of the four.
By which four?
(a) Here, sirs, a bhikkhu brings into being (bhCiveti) insight preceded by
peace. As he is bringing Into being insight preceded by peace, the path
(magga) is born to him. He practises, brings into being and makes much
of that path. When he practises, brings into being and makes much of
that path, his fetters are abandoned, his latent tendencies (anusaya)
are destroyed.
60 FESTSCHRiFT FOR HAMMALAVA sAbDiIATISSA
(b) Again, sirs, a bhikkhu brings into being peace preceded by insight.
As he is bringing into being peace preceded by insight, the path is born
to him. He practises, brings into being and makes much of that path.
When he practises, brings into being and makes much of that path,
his fetters are abandoned, his latent tendencies are destroyed.
(c) Again, sirs, a bhikkhu brings into being peace and insight yoked as a
pair. As he is bringing into being peace and insight yoked as a pair,
the path is born to him. He practises, brings into being and makes much
of that path. When he practises, brings into being and makes much of
that,path, his fetters are abandoned, his latent tendencies are destroyed.
(d) Again, sirs, the mind of a bhikkhu is gripped by Dhamma excitement.
On the occasion, sirs, when the mind stabilizes within, settles down,
becomes one-pointed and enters concentration (samiidhiyati), the pith
is born to him. He practises, brings into being and makes much of
that path. When he practises, brings into being and makes much of
that path, his fetters are abandoned, his latent tendencies are destroyed.
Sirs, whatever, bhikkhu or bhikkhUl;li declares in my presence the
attainment of arahatship, does so in these four ways or by one of them. "
The later canonical texts
The Patisambhidamagga quotes this sutta in full and comment& upon it. '6
Significantly it is included in the Yuganandha-vagga-the section concerned
with transcendent dhammas 'yoked as a pair'. The Patisambhidamagga is
an ekiibhisamaya work, which lays great stress on the unity, harmony and
balance of the path at every level. Naturally i ~ emphasis affects its interpre-
tation of this sutta, particularly in regard to the third alternative.
In the first of the four ways samatha is explained as one-pointedness of
mind, non-distraction, concentration due to freedom from sensuality
(nekkhamma). Vipassana is seen as contemplating as impermanent, suffering
and without self the dhammas arisen in that peaceful state. In the second
way vipassana is contemplating as impermanent, suffering and without
self, while samatha is one-pointedness of mind, non-distraction, concentra-
tion based upon the relinquishing of the dhammas arisen in that contempla-
tion. More. exactly, a state which has as its object or support (arammalJa)
such a relinquishing leads to concentration i,e. peace. The commentary
interprets this as referring to nibbedha-bhiigiya-samiidhi, the concentration
associated with powerful insight leading to the path. The Aliguttara Com-
mentary sees it as the case of one who naturally obtains insigbtY
With the third alternative the Patisambhidamagga goes its own way.
As the commentary points out, it concentrates upon the actual path moment
itself as exemplifying the perfect unity of samatha and vipassanii. Of course
the sutta itself was really more concerned with the process by which that
moment is reached. So the Aliguttara Commentary rightly interprets tIle
L. S. COUSINS 61
third way as the case in which someone attains successive levels of samatha
(i.e. jhcnia), applying insight to each one before developing the next.
The Patisambhidiiniagga explanation is crucial in the fourth case. Without
it the passage would not really be explicable. It explains that while paying
attention to the aggregates, elements, bases and so on as manifesting
impermanence, etc., there arises om: of ten dhammas. These are then listed.
This is the earliest occurrence of the list so important in later tradition,
of the ten defilements of insight. (Here the order differs slightly from later
versions.) In fact the list is formed from the usual materials descriptive of
the path. Indeed, of the seven bojjhangas only samiidhi is absent. This is
not perhaps surprising, since samiidhiis the opposite of excitement (uddhacca),
even so, it is replaced by two terms of closely related usage: happiness (sukha)
and commitment (adhimokkha). The two remaining terms are radiance
(obhiisa) and nikanti (attachment to the prior state), first and last in the
list respectively.
The point of the Patisambhidamagga explanation is clear. States similar
to tbose of bodhi itself are reached, but become the cause of excitement.
This obstructs the clarity and onward development of insight. The
commentary interprets this fourth way as that of the pure insight follower
(sukkha-vipassaka)Y This seems very plausible in view of the emphasis
on tbe mind settling down and becoming concentraied which follows.
Passing over some otber references in the Patisambhidiimagga, in the
Abhidhamma-pitaka and in the Mahaniddesa,19 it seems worthwhile to take
note of one particular passage in the last of these. Commenting on the lines:
"There are no bonds for one detached from conceiving. There are no
delusions for one freed by wisdom. " (Sn 847)
the Mahaniddesa explains the first line as referring to one who develops the
ariya path preceded by samatha; from tbe very beginning his bonds (gantha)
are suppressed. The second line is taken to refer to one who develops the
ariya path preceded by vipassanii; from the very beginning his delusions are
suppressed.
20
The semi-canonical works
The inclusion of samatha and vipassana in the sllttantika couplets of the
Dhammasa:6.gal)I perhaps indicates that they were already considered an
important part of suttanta teaching. Yet it is only in the semicanonical works-
the older and the influential Nettipakaral)a that we find them
playing a really major 1'01t:.
In these works the path is considered from the standpoint of various
methods (naya). The first of these, the nandiyavatta method, views the way
as composed of samatha and vipassanii, overcoming craving and ignorance
re&pectively.21 This is then the basis for an intricate set of relationships,
involving. almost everything in Buddhist teaching which can be
62
FESTSCHRIFI' FOR HAMMALAVA SADDHATISSA
expressed in pairs. Indeed by this method almost anything in Buddhist
teaching could be expressed as a pair! Some examples may be of interest.
Samatha is explained as the medicine for craving, bringing freedom from
sickness by liberation of heart, while vipassana is the medicine for the sickness
of ignorance, bringing freedom from sickness in liberation of understanding. 22
One developing samatha (fourth noble truth), comprehends matter (first
truth), abandons craving (second truth) and realizes liberation of heart
(third truth). One developing vipassanii (fourth truth), comprehends the
immaterial (first truth), abandons ignorance (second truth) and realizes
liberation of understanding (third truth).
Or, those whose character-type is prone to views (ditthicarita), due to
the hindrance of ignorance, may incline to the extreme of practising self-
mortification or tend to the annihilationist view. One whose character-type
is prone to craving may incline to the extreme of practising sensual enjoy-
ment or tend to the eternalist view. 23 The former will practise samatha
preceded by vipassana abandon ignorance and attain liberation of under-
standing. The latter will practise vipassana preceded by samatha, abandon
craving and attain liberation of heart.24
Many other such classifications and groupings are offered in these two
works. The five hindrances,25 the five faculties,26 the eightfold path,27
conditioned origination,27a factors of samadhi,28 the kasil)ayatanas,28. etc.-
all are similarly analysed. Indeed such divisions are precisely the nandiyavatta
method.
Moreover, since the different methods are intricately connected, others
may also involve samatha and vipassanii. Let us take the case of the triple
lotus method: threefold analysis of the path. Here we find training in higher
morality recommended for one who l"arns only by detailed explanation;
he will develop peace and insight yoked as a pair. Training in higher con-
sciousness (adhicitta) is for one: who needs guiding; he will develop peace
preceded by insight. Training in higher wisdom is for one who can learn
from a brief explanation; he will develop insight preceded by peace.
29
.The commentaria! literature
The terms samatha and vipassana occur quite frequently in the atthakathii
literature. A detailed study of all the references which are found would be
beyond the scope of this article.
30
We will confine ourselves here to usages
closely related to descriptions of the stages ofthe path.
Before looking generally at the works attributed to Buddhaghosa, it
seems worthwhile to translate one important passage from the Commentary
to the Majjhima-nikaya.
31
This is introduced in a way which suggests it
has been taken as a whole from earlier sources, almost certainly the old
commentaries of the Mahavihara. No doubt this is true of the bulk of
Buddhaghosa's writings, but it is only in such cases as this that we can be
fairly sure that we are dealing with an earlier stratum unmixed with later
L. S. COUSINS
63
material. The subject of this passage is given as 'the method of bringing
into being (bhiivanii-naya)':
, Some bring into being insight preceded by peace. Others bring into
being peace preceded by insight. How?
In regard to this someone first arouses access concentration or absorption
concentration.
32
This is peace. He brings into being insight into that and
into its conjoined states, which sees them as impermanent and so on. This
is insight. So peace is first, afterwards insight. Therefore it is referred to as
bringing into being insight preceded by peace. As he is bringing into being
insight preceded by peace, the path (magga) is born to him. He practises,
brings into being and makes much of that path. When he practises, brings
into being and makes much of that path, his fetters are abandoned, bis
latent tendencies are destroyed-in this way he brings into being insight
preceded by peace.
But in this regard someone, even without having aroused peace in the
way mentioned, brings into being insight into the five aggregates of clinging
as impermanent, etc. This is insight. Through the fulfilling of insight, one-
pointedness of mind arises, based upon the relinquishing of the dhammas
arisen in that contemplation. This is peace. So insight is first, afterwards
peace. Therefore it is referred to as bringing into being peace preceded by
insight. As he is bringing into being peace preceded by insight, the path is
born to him. He practises, brings into being and makes much of that path.
When he practises, brings into being and makes much of that path, his fetters
are abandoned, bis latent tendencies are destroyed-in this way he brings
into being peace preceded by insight.
But both for one who brings into being insight preceded by peace and for
one who brings into being peace preceded by insight, at the moment of the
transcendent path peace and insight are yoked as a pair .... "
The works of Buddhaghosa
One sutta in the Atiguttara-nikaya (II 155-6) distinguishes the person who
reaches the final goal with effort (sa-sankhiiraparinibbiiyi) from one who
does so with ease (asankhiira). Only the latter attains to the four }hiinas.
Buddhaghosa's commentary explains that the first individual is one who
develops just insight (sukkha-vipassaka).33 The person who reaches the goal
with ease is explained as one whose vehicle is peace (samatha-yiinika).34
The term yana-'vehic1e' or 'carriage'-refers in a number of contexts
to the eightfold path.35 This is further developed in the Vibhatiga Com-
mentary.36 The vehicle of insight (vipassanii-yiina) is equated with knowledge
(vijja) and the first two items of the eightfold path. The vehicle of peace is
identified with conduct (caralJa) and the remaining six factors of the path.
The source must be another sutta from the Silakkhandha: the Ambattha-
sutta, which gives a description of the path in terms of the well-known phrase
~ n d o w e d with knowledge and conduct', According to Buddhagbosa, the
64 FESTSCHRIFI' FOR HAMMALAV A SADDHATISSA
vehicle of peace overcomes the extreme of practising self-mortification,
while the vehicle of insight overcomes the extreme of practising sensual
enjoyment. This must be derived from the Nettipakara1}.a.
The precise position of Buddhaghosa is made clear in the Visuddhimagga,
when the way to initiate the development of insight is described. One whose
vehicle is peace begins by examining the contents of his mind after emerging
from jhii.na, especially the jhii.na factors themselves. Having established
that they are nama (explained as 'that which bends the mind towards an
object'), he seeks the underlying support ofmima-its 'lair'. He finds it in
the heart rupa. This he discovers to be supported by the four elements and
the rupas derived from them. He establishes that they are in fact TUpa (defintd
as 'that which is afflcted' i.e. capable of being damaged by contact with
other rupa).
Once the precise nature of ntima and rupa is established, he is able to
establish that there is no entity or person or deity apart from ntima and
rupa. In other words he understands the no self teaching and thereby becomes
established in right view which sees things as they are. He then avoids the
two extremes of affirming a soul not subject to destruction and affirming
one subject to destruction, so falling either into eternalism or into annihila-
tionism. This point is reached in a different way by one whose vehicle is
purdy insight (suddha-vipassana). He must commence with rupa. This is
also possible as an alternative option for one whose vehicle is peace.
37
In the Comment!).ry to the Dhammasa1}.ga1}.i we learn that the first path
(magga) is of the first jhana in three cases: one who develops just insight
(sukkha-vipassaka), one who has (jhii.na) attainments but does not use
them as the basis for insight and one who arouses the path using the first
jhtina as basis.
38
This corresponds almost exactly to the Visuddhimagga
account.
Two other passages from Buddhaghosa's commentaries seem worth
mentioning. Discussing the situation of someone with the delusion that
he has reached some attainment, it is suggested that one who has purely
obtained peace or purely obtained insight would believe that he was a stream-
enterer, once-returner or never-returner. One who had obtained both peace
and insight would believe he was an arahat.
39
Another passage discusses
the difference between painful progress and pleasant progress (in suppressing
the hindrances) as concerned with the degree of craving and whether the
necessary work has been done for samatha. The subsequent difference
between slow and rapid acquiring of direct knowledge is concerned with the
strength of ignorance and whether the necessary work has been done for
vipassana.
40
Conclusion
Returning to the question with which this article began, one thing is clear.
Important and con,tinuing traditions it! the ancient literature SaW the path
L. S. COUSINS 65.
as varying significantly in its mode of access. The kind of picture which
emerges is best expressed graphically:
100 % arahatsl\ip
----------------------------------------------r---------------------------------------------r---------------<-------------.---.. -----*
1 'I!
!
i !
! !
i ,I:,
I
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I
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.................... .... I ............................. * never-return .... .... l
jhiina i I
I I
! !
I I
I I
I !
I !
I I
< I !
... J Stroam-'n"y..... i
jhiina i ................................ ,/
strong!
o
access
*
concentration
* ! I
. :
insight! !
I i
you
n!!.![i I
OJ i ..
* I
i
insightl
100%
VIPASSANA
Such a graph is, of course, intended only as a visual metaphor. Obviously
the ancient Buddhist thinkers did not conceive of the relationships involved
in geometric terms. Nevertheless it does clarify some aspects. The goal is
seen as a dynamic balance of qualities-in this case peact. and insight, but
others are also important. The route to that goal may involve the develop-
ment of some of those qualities before others, but in the longer term none
can be neglected. All are essential. Only the order of development is variable.
There could be no question of a 'short cut', neglecting some aspects.
To this extent the Thai meditation master who was cited initially in this
article is not out of tune with the literature, Of course, th(') works
which we have examined intend more than this. They also envisage a real
difference in approach between the individual who works from the side of
samatha and one who adopts pure insight as his vehicle. This seems to be
partly a matter of what is helpful or natural to an individual of a particular
temperament or character type and partly a matter of personal predilection.
Each alternative would have advantages and disadvantages. Of course it
is to be expected that adherents of a particular approach will tend to stress
its a.dvantages and perhaps minimize the disadvantages.
L. S. COUSINS 67
NOTES
1. J. Kornfield Living Buddhist Masters, Unity Press, Santa Cruz 1977, pp. 41-2.
2. I am, of course, aware that a number of attempts at such historico-critical analysis
have been made, some of them involving impressive and detailed scholorship. I
remain, as yet, unconvinced. It seems to me that all these attempts suffer from serious
flaws. Firstly and most importantly, they do not take sufficient account of the nature
of oral literature. See my article on Pali Oral Literature (in P. Denwood and A.
Piatigorsky Buddhist Studies, Curzon Press, London 1983). Secondly they seem to
me to be guilty of an error in method.
In order to construct a chronological analysis of the literature, a series of decisions
have to be taken on such matters as the likely dating of particular texts or discourses
their analysis into earlier or later components, the probable stage at which particula;
formulae came into use, the length of time which it would take for miraculous
elements to develop, etc. etc. Unfortunately these elements are often dependent upon
one another in complex ways. As a result a series of assumptions have to be made.
The consequence is that later decisions are made upon the basis of earlier ones.
which were themselves based upon even earlier decisions. In the present state of
our knowledge conclusions reached in this way can have little probability.
A mathematical analogy may make my point clear. A series of choices may be made
each having a 70% probability of being correct, bilt each dependent upon t ~
correctness of previous choices. The likelihood of an accura te end choice is of course
not 70 %, but far less. Indeed, after only three stages a correct choice is unlikely.
A third objection is that such analyses tend to depend at important points upon
the detection of inconsistencies and contradictions in the literature. It seems to me
that too much can be made of this. In spiritual traditions the world over, instructors
have frequently employed apparent contradiction as part of their teaching method-
perhaps to induce greater awareness in the pupil or to bring about a deeper and
wider view of the subject in hand. The Pali Canon contains many explicit examples
of such methods. (Indeed much of the Kathiivatthu makes better sense in these terms
than as sectarian controversy.) There are, undoubtedly. many cases where a different
or apparently contradictory statement is simply a more implicit use of them. Any
attempt to analyse all such 'contradictions' as representing different historical or
textual strata is puerile. Such features must have been present from the beginning.
For fear of misunderstanding. let me add that I by no means wish to wholly deny
the value of text-critical approaches to the literature. It is rather a question of caution
in the application of techniques derived from the study of the development of written
manuscript literatures to the somewhat different situation of an oral literature and
in the absence of a secure external historical context. May I also add that I certainly
consider the attempts which have been made to be productive of useful insights
(especially in the case of the work of Erich FrauwaIIner).
3. cf PTC sv adhikaralJ.a; e.g. Vin IV 207, etc.; D III 254; 1'.1 II 247; A I 99; A IV 144.
4. cf PTC sv nirodho (twenty two passages listed as virago -0 nibbiinarrz); Sn 732c;
Sill 133.
5. D III 54; M I 235.
6. A 1231-5; IV 380 foll.; Pug 37; cf. A II 136.
7. M I 33-6, 213-16; A v 131; It 39; Nd. 1 375. 500; Nd. 295.
8. M I 294; A III 21.
9. A IV 360; cf note 14 below.
10. e.g. M III 289, 297; S IV 360, 362; V 52; A I 100; II 247; cf S IV 195; Pads 128.
11. e.g. D III 213, 273; A I 95.
12. e.g. M I 494 foIl.; A III 116-18;,cf also M 1323.
13. A III 373.
14. e.g. Dhs 10-11, etc.; Vbh 107, etc; 250; Pug 25; Patis I 119, 191; Nd. 145, 77, 334,
365,456,501; Nd. 2 190, 268.
15. A IT 92-5; IV 360; V 99-104; Pug 7, 8, 61.
16. Patis II 92-103.
17. Patis A 586; AA III 143.
18. Patis A 584.
19. e.g'. Patis 128,64,70,94 foll., 97 if, 168 if 174,; II 168, 172; Dhs 8; 10, 11, etc., 232;
Nd. I 360, 508; cf also Pet 122; Nelti 54, 76.
20. Nd. 1207. I take the Niddesa to be definitely later than the earlier Abhidhamma works,
since Nd. 1445-7 shows clear acquaintance with the Buddha's visit to the TiivatiIp.sa
heaven, intimately bound up with the preaching of the Abhidhamma.
21. Pet 4, 122, 254 foIl.; Netti2-4, 113; 127; cfalso Pep 7, 86,114,123-4; Netti 42, 48, 110.
22. Pet 123-4; cf MA I 164-5; ItA II 74; DA-pt. I 265; MA-pt. (cited Nett trs\. p. 324);
SA-pt (Be 1961) I 59.
23. Netti 109-1I.
24. Netti 7.
25. Pet 138.
26. e.g. Netti 65-6.
27. e.g. Netti 81.
28. Netti 88-9, 91.
29. Pet 249; cf NeW 101, 125.
30. See for example: VinA 412 foll.; ~ I II 345; SA I 172 (and AA II 201); SA II 53,
235; III 157 (and VbhA 277; Vism 130); AA II 162; III 219; DhsA 144 (and PatisA
522); UdA 153, 196; ItA 104, 170, etc.; II 13, 74; CpA 279,305-6; PatisA 125, 519,
696.
31. MA I 108-9.
32. On these terms see L. S. Cousins "Buddhist JM.na", Religion III, Part 2, 1973.
33. Later tradition sometinles erroneously interprets the word sukkha as meaning 'dry'.
No doubt this is, however, eXperientially appropriate-compare PatisA 281, which
contrasts the roughness and lack of feeling of vipassanti with the smoothness and
pleasingness of samatha.
34. Elsewhere in the Nikayas the individual who reaches the goal with effort and the
one who does so with ease are two kinds of never returner. cf also ItA 51-2.
35. Sn 139 (deva-ytina) cf SnA 184; S V 5 (dhamma-ytina; brahma-ytina); Th II 389
(mag/Jattafigika-ytina) cf ThA 257 (ariya-yiina); cf also D I 215, 220.
36. VbhA 122.
37. Vism 557-8.
38. DhsA 228.
39. VinA 488.
40. DhsA 183-4; cf 215-16; Vism 87; cf AA III 138-9.
PTS editions mentioned in this article and not listed in the GENERAL ABBREVIA-
TIONS are as follows:
CpA Commentary to Cariyapitaka
Dhs Dhammasangal),i
It Itivuttaka
ItA Commentary to It
Nd.2 Cullaniddesa
Patis Patisambhidamagga
PatisA Commentary to Patis
Pet Petakopadesa
PTC Pali Tipi\akaql Concordance
Pug Puggalapafifiatti
SnA Commentary to Sn
Th Theragatha
ThA Commentary to Th
UdA Commentary to Udaua
Vibh Vidhanga
VibhA Commentary to Vibh
SELF-IDENTIFICATION AND ASSOCIATED PROBLEMS
LILY DE SILVA
According to Bnddhism man is a complex organism of five aggregates
or groups of phenomena (khandha) enumerated as rupa 'material form',
vedanii 'feeling', sanna 'ideation', safzkhiira 'activity' and viniiiil}a 'con-
sciousness '. These groups have merged with one another so thoroughly
that they cannot be physically separated. Just as a handful of the waters
at the confluence of five rivers cannot be identified as the waters of this
rivel or that river these groups defy separate identification. Intricately
interwoven as tht:y are these groups of phenomena functicn with such
subtlety and rapidity that man gets the experience of existing as a separate
single entity, of being an individual differentiated from the rest of the world.
This separate individuality he designates as the I or the self and distinguishes
himself from everything else. The experience can be partially illustrated
with the help of a modern ~ i m i l e A man sitting in a fast moving train gets
the illusion of being a stationary viewer while the scenery around him is
moving fast. Though this is a real experience its illusory nature can be
easily understood. But the experience of the I or the self created by the
five rapidly moving groups of phenomena (yancupadanakkhandha) cannot
be so easily undefstood or even suspected. Man identifies himself with them
so completely that he imagines himself to be an individual persisting through
the passage of time. Thefefore he says: I was in the past I am in the present
and I will be in the future. The conventional value of this identification for
purposes of responsibility and social roles cannot be denied. But the more
tenaciously man clings to them and the more thoroughly he identifies him-
self with them the greater and more grievous the problems he creates for
himself. When such tenacious identification becomes fanatical, and the
fanaticism becomes widespread in exclusive groups, then dramatic world
upheavals take place. History which is a record of human experience is
replete with such upheavals.
It needs to be emphasised that these groups cannot be separated from
one another and that the problems created by these different modes of self-
identification remain knotted in a manner that defies easy solution. But
for the purpose of understanding with some degree of clarity the nature of
these phenomena with which man identifies himself let us examine them
one by one and cite wherever possible associated human problems recorded
in history.
Rupupadanakkhandha-Identifioation with the group of material phenomena.
Buddhism regards matter as a group of phenomena because it consists of
the four great elements, the element of extension (pa/hav:;), cohesion (a po),
heat (tejo) and motion (vayo). The body is a conglomeration of all these
elements which are always in a state of unrest. Modern science also shows
that the body is an organism consisting of billions of cells which are per-
petually renewing themselves. But for all practical purposes man identifies
himself with the body. For example if a man is asked: who are you?, he says:
I am so and so. But the name is only a label and that label can be anything.
For further identification he produces a photograph with the attested name
label. The photograph is nothing but a picture of his body. When a man says:
I am tall or short, fat or thin, fair or dark too, he has identified himself
with his body. When he says: I am 40 years old, what he really means is
that he has held his body continuously for such a long period as his self.
Another aspect of the identification is expressed when he says: My hands
my face, my body etc., i.e. he regards himself as the possessor of the body.
Sometimes the body is accepted as the soul which in some mysterious fashion
survives death and various attempts arc made by believers of such ideas
to preserve the body for later resurrection. Various are funeral rites scattered
all over the world on account of this belief.
The identification with the physical self gets further fortified with the
bonds of hereditary and cultural groups such as family, caste, class, nation
and race. With these different forms of physical identification one's ex-
clusiveness gets further and further established. At individual level these
identifications generate behaviour varying from extreme arrogance to abject
humiliation depending on whether the particular form of identification is
socially esteemed or degraded. The arrogance of Brahmins and inferiority
of CaI;l<;li:ilas can be cited as examples from the Indian context. At group
level it is possible that such identification can lead to solidarity and material
prosperity within a g ~ v n group. But when this identification spills beyond
'an average working level' and becomes fanatical it can create very dangerous
situations. History illustrates this point for us very clearly. Group identifica-
tion engendered solidarity which helped primitive man to emerge from
savagery into civilization. But this march from savagery to civilization has
been marked with numerous tribal wars, the stronger tribe prevailing upon
the weaker. It is only when the narrow limits of the tribes were sacrificed
through peaceful, or mostly aggressive, means that the tribes could be
united into nations. After the formation, of nations, too, nations started
vying with one another for power and possessions. Thus history records
numerous wars which have infticted untold misery on thousand's, and even
millions, of human beings. The insanity of man created by self-identification
is so acute that man-slaughter and cruelty inflicted on others by one's own
nationals is eulogised as bravery, heroism and patriotism, while similar
acts of cruelty committed by the opponent are condemned as tyranny and
brutality. The fanaticism at racial level was witnessed in the Nazi movement
infamous for its unbelievable crimes of horror and terror. Clear thinking,
truly civilized human beings regard racism as a myth, in fact as Man's Most
LiLY mi SILVA
11
Dangerous Myth,1 but in spite of being only a myth devoid of any reality
it has caused an indelible holocaust of stark grim reality. When exclusive
self-identification gets coupled with a craving for material possessions, say
at national level, they become the fundamental motivational forces of
national policies. If such policies are supported by power and military
strength devastating war is the natural outcome. History records numerous
wars of such nature from all corners of the world. The emperor who marches
against the kingdom of another as well as the farmer who encroaches on the
neighbour'S plot are both motivated by the same delusion of self-identifica-
tion with material phenomena.
Vedana upadiinakkhandha-Identification with the group of phenomena
called feelings.
Feelings are threefold, pleasant, unpleasant and neutral. They have a tendency
to produce lust, ill-will and delusion respectively. (Sukhaya, vedantlya raganu-
sayo anuseti, dukkhiiya vedaniiya patighanusayo anuseti, adukkhamasukhiiya
vedaniiya avijjanusayo anuseti).
2
These feelings generally divide a man's
associates into three groups: beloveds, foes and strangers. Those who
generate pleasant feelings are the loved ones, those who generate unpleasant
feelings are enemies and those who produce neutral feelings are strangers.
The tenacity of the relationship will depend on the intensity of the feelings
concerned. When a man says: I love so and so, what he really means is
that he is infatuated by the pleasant feelings (born of visual contact, auditory
contact, olfactory, gustatory, tactile and mental contact) generated in him-
self by the other person. If the generation of pleasant feelings is withheld or
obstructed then the same infatuation turns into hatred. When the basis of
emotional relationships is such it would be appropriate to examine the case
of marriage which is one of the most important relationships where emotions
playa prominent role. In a stable marriage the psychological relationship
of the two partners goes much beyond the stage of infatuation with feelings.
They develop a bond of mutual confidence (vissasika) and respect (samma-
nana). Reciprocal duties satisfy each other's needs and the success and beauty
of the relationship are dependent on the extent to which the partners have
given up self-love, and the extent to which they have made self-interest
subservient to the needs of the other. The exemplary couple mentioned in
the Pali Canon of such conjugal love is Nakula's parents.
3
Let us take an instance of the negative emotion of ill-will, dosa. Say for
instance A scolds Band B generates hatred. B's hatred will be intensified
by the extent to which he clings to the scolding as: He scolded me (akkocchi
mal!! avadhi mal!! etc .. ). 4 Here B identifies himself with the unpleasant
situation and feelings arisen on account of the scolding and continues to
generate hatred, reliving the unpleasant situation mentally over and over
again. What happens is that the hatred grows far out of proportion to the
original situation. According to the Kiiliyakkhinivatthu of the Dhammapada
Atthakathii.,5 long-lasting inter-species hatred such as that between the cat
and the mouse, the owl and the crow, also grows out of such psychological
ruminations. When the ethos or the pride of a group of people, be it a tribe,
nation or a race is hurt, it can develop group hatred which will spill out
effects. History is replete with such examples, but the
case of the Jews is a classic example. Persons who fail to evoke any effective
response remain in the category of strangers. Because we are ignorant about
them and we have our self-interest to safeguard, our response to the un-
known persons is often prejudiced with suspicion and uncertainty. The
enlightened being who has risen above the confines of these affect-limitations
starts radiating loving friendliness or metta which knows no barrier, no
restriction. This unbounded Joving friendliness is radiated on one and all
like the sun radiating warmth and effulgence on all alike.
Sanna upiidiinakkandha-Identification with the group of phenomena called
ideation.
The Mahiivedallasutta
6
defines sanna as nilakam pi sanjanati pitakam pi
saTijiiniiti etc.,. and literally it would mean that sanTia is the perception
of colours. Here what it really means is the ability with which
we relate present sense stimuli with past experience and recognise
sense data. SaTinii also means symbol and when symbols are arranged in a
systematic order ideas are born. Therefore sanna upadiinakkhandha finally
comes to mean ideological identification. Man identifies himself with the
ideologies he holds and calls himself a democrat, a socialist, a physicist,
biologist, anthropologist, materialist etc. With this identification he looks
at the 9utside world from his point of view only. If the identification is
fanatically tenacious he will go to the extent of upholding his point of view
II.S the only truth and denounce all else as false (idam eva saccalJ'l moghal?1
aiiiial?1)/ like the blind men and the elephant in the traditional simile.
8
Let us take into consideration the present world political situation and
see how ideological identification is ruIing the entire The world is
divided into main ideological power blocs: (a) the capitalist group
headed by the U.S.A., Britain, France and West Germany; (b) the socialist
bloc headed by the Soviet Union (with China preaching and practising
another brand of socialism); and (c) the third world consisting of the develop-
ingnations., These developing nations are continually wooed, coerced and
even intimidated into subscribing to the ideologies of the main power
blocs. To maintain the prestige, superiority and the military strength
of their ideological systems each power bloc is manufacturing more and
more deadly weapons and the whole world is precariously hoisted on a
balance of tegor. Each side IS trying to demonstrate its ideological superiority
by what they ,call higher and better living standards. What i.n reality has
happened is that greeds are recognised as needs and all efforts are expended
to satisfy these greed-needs. But sober men have now started asking the
sane question whether the quality of life has really improved ill spite of the
high affluent standards of living achieved.
LILY DE SILVA 73
The identification of oneself with any ideology tends to make one blind
with regard to the weak points in onf"s own accepted ideology and the
strong points in the opponent's views. No objective assessment of the
merits and demerits of any set of ideas becomes possible if one identifies
oneself with any ideology.
History illustrates beautifully how man has continued his ideological
identification changing faces through the changing phases in history. There
was a time when imperialism or empire building was the accepted ideological
order of the day and every powerful nation tried to build an empire however
far-flung it was. Empire building was not only prestigious, it was even con-
sidered morally right if one had the power and the means to build one.
Euphemistically, the attempt was further justified in the name of civilizing
the uncivilized. Hand in hand with imperial conquest went religious con-
quest using milital'Y force t:ducational research and even material coercion
with the avowed noble ideological zeal of saving the souls of otherwise
damned pagans. The activities of imposing one's own accepted views, whether
political or religious at sword-point, pen-point and penny-point gradually
abattd with the ideological enlightenment which came about as a result
of the recognition of human rights. Moral consciousness of man underwent
change and empire building came to be viewed as robbing the rights of other
less fortunate nations. When world public opinion thus and the
cGloniel'. sta,rted asserting themselves, the emperors were obliged to grant
independence to their colonies and history witnessed epochmaking world-
wide changes. But man has still not learnt that idwlogical identification
has been a root cause of political miseries throughout the length and breadth
of human history. For, at present, too, mankind is divided into separate
camps, each holding fast to its committed views, suspecting and denouncing
the other as the cause of international political unrest. In the name of
establishing world peace, and in the name of solving the world-wide PI'O blems
of starvation, malnutrition, unemployment, illiteracy etc., etc. each power
bloc is asserting its own ideological dogma. In the process of defending its
system and imposing it on the neutrals, each side is piling up nuclear weapons
deadlier than ever heard of before. Unless and until man realises not only
the folly, but also the imminent danger of ideological identification, man
on this planet will literally continue to sit on a time bomb.
Saftkhtira upiidanakkhandha-Identification with the group of phenomena
called aotivities.
Man identifies himself with his physical, verbal and mental activities as the
doer, the speaker and the thinker. In the modern competitive world this
identification plays a significant role in social life. Thf' success-orientation
in man makes him so ambitious that he not only tries to do his best in
whatever he does, he even tries to outdo bis neighbour. He has created an
affiuent image of himself and has learnt to measure success in terms of his
acquisitions such as house and property, automobiles, wealth, travels
74
FESTSCHRIFt FOR HAMMALAVA SADDI:iATISSA
in foreign countries etc., which are the socially esteemed criteria for m s u r ~
ment of success. For the acquisition of these he must perform not only
at maximum efficiency, but even better than his competitors. In this rat race
he suffers sorely with complexes of superiority, inferiority and equality
when he compares himself in activity with others. Elation with st.lf-impor-
tance (attukkalJlsana) and degradation of others (paravambhana) is the
outcome of the superiority complex. Hypocritif'al behaviour and abuse of
others is the result of the inferiority complex. The desperate attempt to
maintain gtandards is a sign of the notion of equality.
The modern competition and the struggle to survive in an environment'
with few employment opportunities makes man Ioxtremely selfish with no
concern or sympathy for the other. This trend has even encroached on the
world of sports today and the spirit of sportsmanship is getting sacrificed
in the feverish mania for breaking relords. This has actually defeated the
very purpose of sports and games, namely enjoyment, relaxation and the
display of talent and skill in an atmosphere of friendship and fairplay. The
net result isthat man is left exhausted and worn-out,his nerves being strained
to the point of being unable to enjoy sound sleep. Modern man consumes
tranquilisers bythousa.nds of tons and their manufacture is a thriving industry.
Drug addiction and alcoholism are two other related evils that harassed
modern man has succumbed to. These are grave human problems the world
faces today and they are, in the last analysis, really problems of self-identifica-
tion.
From the Buddhist point of view the entire philosophy of competition
is at fault. JayalJ1 veralJ1 pasavati, dukkhalJl seti parajito,
9
'victory breeds
jealousy and unhappy lies the vanquished', says the Buddha. Competition
is thus double-edged, cutting both the victor and the victim. Co-operation
and not competition is the Buddhist attitude to right living which brings
harmony and happiness to one and all. This becomes possible only to the
extent to which man has given up identification with activities as: my work,
my performance, my position, my record etc., and to the extent to which
he desists from making comparisons of superiority, inferiority and equality
with others.
The world of flowers is so beautiful because there is no competition among
flowers to outdo one another. Each blooms according to its capacity adding
unique beauty to its environment during the short span of its life. Man
has a great lesson to learn even from the most humble wild flower.
Viiiiiii/Jii upiidtinakkhandha-Identification with the group of phenomena
called consciousness.
Buddhist texts explain viiiiitilJa as eye-consciousness, ear-consciousness,
nose-consciousness, tongue-consciousness, body-consciousness and mind-
consciousness.
10
In short it means consciousness of sense experience. But
man is ignorant of the mechanism of sense experience and he posits an
entity who enjoys or suffers these experiences. Therefore be says: I see, I
LILY DE SILVA 75
hear, I smell, I taste, I touch and I think. According to Buddhism sense
experience is a chain of rapid events, a process consisting of changing pheno-
mena. Analysis shows that it is impossible to find an agent called. I or self
at any point in this process. According to modern physiology sense experience
is a complicated process comprising activities at the level of the sense organs
and at brain centres, the two ends being connected by an extremely complex
network of afferent and efferent nerve fibres. Modern physiology has ex-
amined only the physical aspect of sense experience whereas Buddhism goes
much further to explore the psychological processes as well.
The gravest danger of identification with sense experience involves a
dimension which is not usually accepted by the world at large. It is the
salllsaric dimension which has karma as the propelling force. So long as
man identifies himself with the working of his sense faculties he will continue
to produce more and more births for himself in this cycle ofsa.Q1saric eXIstence.
Man has to understand experientially, not just theoretically, rationally
or intellectually, the subtle physical and psychological processes involved
in sense experience if he wishes to retire from the misery of the ever recurring
process of life and death.
Thus analysis shows that man is a complex bundJe of different modes
of identification and he is under the delusion of being a separate individual
designated as the I, self, ego or soul. The more this individual self is asserted,
the more tensed and strained social relations become. Society is like a
fabric which is continually woven and embroidered by the dynamic threads
of human beings. The strength of the fabric woven, the beauty of the pattern
embroidered and the quality of the finished product depend on the unity,
harmony and the character ofthe individual threads. However great or how-
ever weak, each human thread has a unique contribution to make, and what
is more he has a right to make that contribution. If, however, an individual
or group of individuals are so self-centred as to work their way at the expense
of others, the social fabric weakens and the pattern of culture loses much
of its aesthetic value and quality. Therefore it is the duty of each
individual to make his contribution with due sensitivity and appreciation
of the rights of others without losing sight of the welfare of man-
kind as a whole.
By way of conclusion it is worthy of note that Buddhism never spoke of
human rights, but always emphasised the duty of individuals. As a matter
of fact neither Pali nor Sanskrit has a single word for 'right' in the sense
of claim or privilege. What is more the same word dharma which expresses
the ideas of righteousness, truth and even cosmic law is also used to expres&
the idea of duty. The discharge of one '8 duty constitutes righteous living and
is a preliminary to the realisation of truth. Buddhism shows that unity
and harmony prevail in society when duties are emphasised, for, the rights
of one individual get automatically fulfilled when the duties of the other
are discharged. Thus each one has an obligation by the other and this attitude
76
plays down ego-centricity. On the other hand an atmosphere of competition,
strife and contention is more likdy to arise if each one is wont to assert his
or her own rights. The deviation of present day social from the pattern
set by ancient wisdom is perhaps revealed by the semantit: coinL-idence of
the English word 'right'. It means true, correct, just as well as claim, and
it seems to betrary an underlying philosophy which the importance
of the individual or the. self. To summarise it rather bluntly, it appears that
an action may be deemed right (i.e. correct or just) if the individul)} right
(just claim) is satisfied. According to Indian linguistic concepts truth, justice
and duty coincide in terminology-an action was considered right and just
(dharma) if duty (dharma) was discharged. Deemphasis of individual claims
and the duty-orientation of social relationships are the Buddhist methods
of achieving social harmony and human progress.
NOTES
1. M. F. Ashley Montagu, Man's Most Dangerous Myth, Cleveland, World Publishing
Co. 1945.
2. MajjIzimanikiiya, P.T.S. ed. vol. I, p. 303.
3. Ailgilttaranikiiya, P.T.S. ed. vol. I, p. 26; vol. II, p. 61.
4. Dhammapada v. 3.
5. Dhammapada Attakatha, P.T.S. ed. vol. 1. p. 37.
6. Majihimanikiiya, P.T.S. ed. vol. I, p. 293.
7. Dighanikiiya, P.T.S. ed. vol. I, p. 187.
8. Udiina, P.T.S. ed. p. 68.
9. DllarJ:r!lpad.I! '!. 201_
TOWARDS THE DEFINITION OF SADDHA AND BHAKTI
GATARE DHAMMAPALA
It seems that the words saddha and bhakti are very often used as synonyms
irrespective of their special connotations. The word bhakti generally means
devotion or love towards God or a spiritual teacher though it has the original
meaning of secular love and affection. The verbal root of the term bhakti
in Sanskrit being V bhaj means to deal out, apportion, divide, share and
allot tc. As Mariasuai Dhavamony elucidates it, the concept of love includes
many aspects, dealing with the varied manifestations of love, such as (a)
possession and enjoyment, (b) preference and choice, (c) esteem and bonour,
Cd) attachment and affection, (e) loyalty and devotion.
l
Though the word bhakti is considered a common religious technical term
used to express the devotion or love fixed upon a god or a religious leader,
as far as religious history is concerned, its special connotation can be found
first in the Bhi'igavata religion. Bhagavat and Bhiigavata, kindred words
with bhakti, are also derived from the same root bhaj. While the first denotes
the Lord or the Adorable one, the latter means a person who wcrships bim.
It is of note that the word bhagavii (P) the corresponding Sanskrit of which
is bhagavat, can often be found in the P .. li Canon as an epithet of the Buddha.
But its definition as explained by the commentators seems to have differed
from the Sanskrit fOlm, concerned with the Bhiigavata cult! Nevertheless
no one can gainsay the similarity between those words, bhaj being tbe verbal
root. It must be emphasized in this respect that the word bhiigavata is not
employed anywhere inPali Buddhist literature in order to signify the wor-
shippers of the Buddha. Now it is obvious that the term bhakti, as its etymo-
logical meaning itself implies, connotes the love or the devotional faith
towards the Bhagavat as a means of salvation from the circle of rebirth.
It was considered the only way of mystical realization and communion
with God. As Grierson has described it, the bhakthimiirga or bhakti path is
introduced in opposition to the karmamarga or works path and the jiiiina-
miirga or knowledge path.3 .
In the Bhiigavata religion, faith (iraddhii), worship, sacrifice and medita-
tion are considered inferior to bhakti. For instance, according to the
teachings of the bhakti cult, faith is described as merely a subsidiary
pr('liminary to bhakti. It forms only a part of all Godwar:d relations.
4
Being
superior to karma, jiiiina and yoga (meditation), bhakti forms the principal
element in religion. Its formal effect is to make one abide steadily in God.
Though jiiiina may produce bhakti,1 the latter differs from the former.
In the opinion of SaI).<;lilya, bhakti is the terminus. It is impossible to know
by bhaktibut n ~ to recognize, and recognition implies pre;.viousknowledge,5
78 FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAMMALA VA SADDHA T1SSA
Some interpretations regarding the concept of bhakti made by various
scholars in this field may helpful in understanding the problem, which
is still a subject of contI'oversy. One of the most controversial definitions
is that of Guntert for whom bhakti is merely libido raised to the higher
state of Amor Dei. The author of the Love of God regards this as a mistaken
theory and concludes that the only source of bhakti is not 5exual desire.
6
Bhakti according to Betty Heimann does not mean devotion offered to a
singb gad, but reciprocal participation, its verbal root being bhaj which
means to share, to participate. Moreover, she declares that it is a later
expression for the earlier sacrificial partnership between God and man,
which again is based on the natural law of cause and effect, on the sup-
position that bhakti has no personal connotation.
7
The views of R. G.
Bhandarkar on this term seem to be simple and vivid though they are dis-
ciplined by the normal Hindu tradition. Bhakti, he thinks, is an equivalent
of the term priya or preyas of 'the period, and implies the love
for the A tman or the supreme soul. Further, he that the word
bhakti is not always used in the sense of love even by Ramanuja, to whom
it was constant meditation corresponding to the Upiisdna of the
The comments concerning the word bhakti mentioned briefly above,
need no further discussion. But one thing should be stressed. The English
term 'love' by which bhakti is normally translated is not sufficient to express
its special connotation. It is not desirable to ascribe any erotic ccnnotation
to that word when it is used in a religious context. For the god-adherent,
love or devotion is absolutely pure and free from lust and hatred.
9
But
in the sectarian literature, there can be found some sort ofpoeticised
mystical eroticism, especialJy connected witb the Jegend which
came to play an important part in medieval religious works. As S. K. De
states, the earthly moment of the eternal divine sport of Kn:t;la is an interpre-
tation in terms of symbol and allegory.IO
The first occurrence in Brabmanic literature of the te.m bhakti in its
religious technical sense is believed to be in the Svetaivatara
which pours its loving adoration to Rudra-siva. The Svetaivatara is considered
"to have stood at the door" of the bhakti school and it declares that its
entire teaching will become manifest only to him who has the highest Jove
for God and for the guru. II
To the great-souled man who Joyal
and great love (bhakti) for (bis) God,
who loves bis spiritual master even as his God,
the matter of this will shine with clearest
light-with clearest light will sbine ..
12
In this context the term bhakti means god-ward love.
According to Grierson, the term bhakti in the sense of love directed to
God, which is also found quoted in one of the rules (IV III 95) by the great
Sanskrit grammarian PaT,liT;li, appears first in a Buddhist work of the fourth
GATARE DHAMMAPALA
79
centuryY Bhandarkar points out that this term is used in the same sense
by Yaska toO.14 However, it is fully established as a religious technical
term in the older parts of the BhagavatgIta in which bhaj is never us(;dto
mean se,ular love, sexual cr asexual, whilst the Mahabharata and the Rami'i-
yana often employt.d it in the sense of both secular and religious loveY
Apart from the great epics and the Bhagavadgita, it occurs in the same
religious sense in the Jatatakamala of Aryasiira, a Buddhist work ascribed
to the fourth century A.C.
16
"
The term bhatti (P) derived from the Sanskrit word bhakti can r'arely
be found in Pali treatises ascribed to early times. It also appears 'to have
been confined to the meaning of the verbal root Maj. No special connota:-
tion, such as godward love, occurs in those contexts. The Pali English Dic-
tionary refers to the Puggalapai'ii'iatti, Dhammasangal)i and the Iatakagatha
where the term is used in the meanings of devotion, attachment and fondness
respectively. In another context of the Jatakagatha the term is said to have
been employed in the sense of affection (sneha)Y But it appears to be
used in the early parts of the Canon, such as the Anguttara and Majjhima
Nik1i.yas, to mean devotion and aIlegianceY According to the commentary
to the Puggalapai'ii'iatti it is used as an equivalent af the term saddha.
19
Since the word saddha is used synonymously with bhakti and pema in some
canonical works, it may well need further explanation. In the Nikayas the
term saddha does 'not always bear the same meaning as its Sanskrit form
sraddha (faith). It has been painted out that by using the word 'faith' for
sraddha in translating, one restricts one&elf to its meaning of confidence,
trust and belief. 20
There seems to be a considerable divergence of opinion among scholars
on the attitude and value of saddhii in the Pali Canon. As Dasgupta has
shown, sraddhii in Vedic texts simply implies confidence, trust or belief
based on knowledge. According to him the term has never bt,en used even
in the later works in the sense of bhaktiY In Sa!)<;iilya sraddhii is described
as mere faith that plays only a little part in god-ward Jove and also dift-en
from bhakti.
22
Saddhatissa, who prefers the term confidence to faith, holds
that saddha is a purifying mental factor and has a deeper philosophical
meaning than that of mere confidence. According to him, firstly, it is a
confidence bora aut of understanding or ccmviction of the Four Noble
Truths. Secondly, it is a feeling or reverence or esteem which a follower
accords to a personality or a set of doctrines. Thirdly, it implies an earnest
hope of execution and realizes ethical principles of one's innate morality.23
The term saddha in the Pali Canon, as pointed out by IayatilIeke, is such
that the meanings of bhatti, pema and pasada (devotion, filial and mental
appreciation) overlap it. 24 Saddha appears to be closest in meaning to pasada
in the Nikayas where we can find the latter in place of saddhii : yato yalo
imassa dhammapariyiiyassa pafiiiiiya atthalf/ upaparikkheyya, labhetha eva
attamanatalfl labhetha cetaso pasiidalf/, i e. inasmuch a& he examines with
his intellect the meaning of this doctrinal passage he obtains satisfaction
and a mental appreciation.
25
This short passage revels the close relationship
between saddha and pasiida. It is of note tbat tbe real mental appreciation
(pasada) and faith (saddhii) spring from lmderstanding. In Buddhism, as
Rllhula has rightly pointed out, emphasis is laid on seeing, knowing and
understanding, not en blind faith.
26
There can also be found employed in the Nikayas another term, aveccap-
pasada (unshaken faith). In this usage avecca (avaTi=to go) means 'under-
standing'. Thus aveccappasada defines the faith born of understanding. E.
Ludowyk Gy6mroi holds that pasiida, which is different from faith as
understood in Western religions, implies a mental attitude which unites
deep feeling, intellectual appreciation and satisfaction, clarification of
thought and attraction towards the teacher.
27
Whatever may be the differences between the views so far dealt with,
one thing is clear, that pasiida in the Pali Canon is identical with saddha,
and this sheds some light on the understanding of the fundamental nature
of the latter term. It is said that saddha in Pali Buddhism carries three distinct
aspects, namely affective, conative and cognitive.
28
But, to Dutt, it carries
two distinct meanings, one is faith (pasada) producing piti (serene pleasure),
the other is self-confidence producing viriya (energy).29 Referring to this
latter division, Jayatilleke has pointed out that Dutt is speaking of the
affective and conative aspects of saddhii respectively, not of two different
uses of the word altogether. Further, he has mentioned that both in the
Milindapaiiha and AtthasalinI, saddhii is said to have the characteristics
of appreciation (sampasadana lakkha7;a) and endeavour (sampakkhandana
lakkhalJa). The first according to him, represents the affective characteristic
of faith and corresponds to what was denoted by pasada, bhatti andpema
in the Nikayas. The other (sampakkhandana) represents the second aspect.
The third aspect(cognitive) cf saddht, he says, consists of the charascteristic
of trust and the proximate sta.te of belief (inclination) (okappana-lakkha!la
saddhii adhimutti paccupatthanii).30
In the light of the foregoing discussion, we may be permitted to conclude
that the concept of saddhii in Buddhism carries its own connotation which
is different from its equivalent Sanskrit term in non-Buddhist works, and
that the bhatti in the Nikayas, which is not in agreement with the meaning
of .bhakti in the Bhiigavata cult, implies an ide-a consonant witb saddhii and
also shares the same affective aspect of faith.
GATARE DHAMl\1APALA 81
NOTES
1. Mariasuai Dhavamony, Love o/God, according to Saiva Siddhiinta, London 1971, p. 13.
2. Vism, ed. P. Buddhadatta, Alutgama 1914, pp. 157-159.
3. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, ed. J. Hastings. Article by George A. Grierson,
Edinburgh 1909, Vol. II, p. 539. . .
4. Narada Bhaktislltra says that bhakti is higher than action and knowledge, See Tlte
Bhakti Siitras 0/ Niirada (tr. Nandlal Sinha), Sacred Books of the Hindus VII,
Allahabad 1912, No. 25, p. 12. .
5. One Hundred Aphorisms of Siimjilya, (tf. Manmathanath Paul), ibid. 1911, pp. 24-33.
6. M. Dhavamony, op. cit. p. 21.
7. Betty Heimann Indian and Westem Philosophy, London 1937, p. 73 ff.
8. R. G. Bhandarkar Vai.lJavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Systems, Bom1;lay 1913.
p.29.
9. One Hundred Aphorisms of Siinq,ilya, pp. 35, 36, Narada Bhaktisutra, p. 3.
10. S. K. De Early History of Vai$lJava Faith and Movements in Bellgal, Calcutta 1942,
.
1l. M. Dhavamony, op. cit. p. 67.
12. Svetasvatara ed. Siddhesvar Varma Shastri, AllIahabad 19[6, VI-23,
p.119.
13. Encyclopaedia of ReJigion and Ethics,op. cit. It is not cear whether he is speaking of
the Jatakamala of Aryasiira.
14. R. G. Bhandarkar, op. cit. p. 29.
15. Bhagavatgita, ed. The Pandits of Adyar Library, Adyar 1941, ch. 4 v. 3: ch. 7, vv.
26,27.
Mababharata, ed. V. S. Sukthankar, Poona 1942, 192 7; 322128; B3 31 4; B3 231 57.
Ramayana, ed. G. C. Jhala, Baroda 1966, 5 47 4.
16. JatakamaJa, tr. J. S. Speyer, SBB 1895, XXIII, p. 211.
A. B. Keith A History of Sanskrit Literature, Oxford 1928, p. 68.
17. PED, p. 121. .
18. A III 165; MIll 23.
19. PU1IOppunii bhajanavasenii saddhii'va bhatti, i.e., Faith itself is devotion when it
functions repeatedly as an act of adoration. See Puggalapafifiatti-Aghakatha, ed.
G. Landsberg and C. A. F. Rhys, Davids, JPTS 1913-14, p. 248.
20. E. Ludowyk Gy6mroi "The Valuation of Saddha in Early Buddhist Texts",
VCR V, p.19.
21. Dasgupta "Sraddha and Bhakti in Vedic Literature", I HQ VI p. 332.
22. One Hundred Aphorisms of Siint;/ilya, p. 22.
23. R. Saddhatissa "The Saddha Concept in Buddhism". The Eastern Buddhist (New
Series) Vol. XI, No.2, Tokyo 1978, p. 137. .
24. K. N. Jayatilleke Early Buddhist Theory of KRowledge, London 1963, p. 385.
25. MIll. .
26, Walpola Rahula What the Buddha Taught, London 1959, p. 8. .
27. Edith Ludowyk Gyomroi "Note on the Interpretation of Pasidati", VCR I, p. 82.
28. K. N. Jayatilleke, op. cit., p. 387. .
29. N.Dutt "Place of Faith in Buddhism", IRQ IVXp. 638.
30. K. N. Jayatilleke, op. cit., pp. 387-388.
REVIVAL OF VIPASSANA MEDITATION IN RECENT TIMES
URUWALA DHAMMARATANA
In recent times people have begun to take an interest in meditation in
general and Buddhist meditation in particular. There are several schools
of Buddhist meditation, and they can all be brought under three principal
groups: Vipassana or Insight Meditation as practised in Burma, Thailand,
Sri Lanka, etc.; Ch'an or Zen Meditation prevalent in China, Japan, Korea,
etc.; and the Tantric form of Meditation followed in Tibet, Mongolia, Bhutan,
Sikkim, etc. Though they follow various methods and differ in details, they
agree on the essential points and that is what matters. Their goal is one
and the same-attainment of peace, harmony and happiness culminating
in the realization of Nibbana. .
This paper is related to Vipassana meditation as taught in the Theravada
tradition. In this connection it has to be noted that Vipassana is the last
and the most important part of the Eight-fold Path represented by the
three stages of sila or virtue, samadhi or (;oncentration and panna or wisdom.
Vipassana is represented by pafifiawbich leads to the comprehension of the
true nature of things and the realization ofthe ultimate peace of Nibbana.
Though the path has been taught in terms (lfthese three stages, also known
as the threefold training (tisikkha), the last has been as the
very life-blood of Buddhism. The tradition refers to this fact in the following
words:
Na hi silavatam hetu uppajjanti Tathagata
1
atthakkhara t11).i pada Sambuddhena sudesita.
Tathagatas are not born for promoting' virtuous practices (alone). (The
essence of) the doctrine taught by the fully' Enlightened One is enshrined
in eight letters and three words. ",
Here the reference is to the three characteristics (tilakkhal,lani) of the
conditioned states (sankhata-dhamma) namely anicca (impermanent nature),
dukkha (unsatisfactory nature) and anatta (unsubstantial nature). They
are the very subject-matter of Vipassana meditation. The giithii in question
does not mean that the teaching of the Buddha attaches all importance
to Vipassana and ignores the importance of sila and samadhi. The path
being an integrated one, panna is not possible without samadhi and samadhi
is not possible without sUa.
The traditional interpretation by implication only means that while
Vipassana pannii represents the distinct and essential doctrine ofth(:) Buddha,
sUa and samtidhi are common to other religious systems as welI, of course
with different emphasis on this point or that point, on this aspect or tha.t
aspect. This is borne out by the life-story of the Buddha himself. It is said
URUW ALA DHAMMARATANA 83
that as a result of his religious practices under AlarakaIiima and Uddakarama-
putta, . Siddhattha attained higher levels of concentration and tranquillity
represented by rupa:..jhanas and arupa-jhiinas. But then he found that they
too were conditioned states and as such could not guarantee lasting peace
and happiness. He therefore teok to the middle path and attained the un-
conditioned state of Nibb1i.na. The speciality of this path is panna or wisdom
representing Insight-knowledge (vipassana-paiiiiii) which penetrates into
the true nature of things (yathiibhuta-niilJadassana). Hence this importance
attached to Vipassana by the tradition.
Since the days of Lord Buddha there was a living tradition of Vipassana
meditaticn handed down from teacher to pupil. It continued for several
centuries in India and other Buddhist countrie8. But then, at a certain stage
in the history of Buddhism, the continuity of the living tradition was inter-
rupted by new developments including political upheavals. From the acce unts
handed down in the tradition, we learn that in the beginning Vipassana
was practised even by the lay devotees, and as regards the members of the
Sangha it was a regular practice of day-to-day life. However, as a result of
the interruption of the continuity of the living tradition, it came to be con-
fined only to a groups and individuals, here and there. And it is evident
from the relevant accounts that in spite of their devotion and dedication to
the practice of Vipassana, that inspiration, warmth, illumination, joy and
the sense of liberation associated with it in the beginning began to diminish.
So in course of time the belief began to gain ground that the age of Arahantas
was owr and that devotees had to keep on practising Dhamma as far as
they could waiting for the a.ppearance of Buddha Metteyya for their final
emancipation.
According to an old tradition, Anuradhapura, the capital of Sri Lanka,
was once teeming with so many saintly monks accomplished with psy",hic
powers that when they moved to and fro through the space it became rather
difficult for the people to dry their paddy due to their shadows.
2
After making
allowance for tho hyperbolic language, we can understand the nature ofthe
spiritual climate that might have existed during the period under reference.
But then, with the passage of time and the changing conditions, there resulted
laxity in the effort also. The people in the island came to believe
that Maliyadeva was the last Arahanta.
3
Similar beliefs came into existence
in other countries also. This belief became so common and strong that
it worked as a formidable obstacle even on the path of those wbo dedicated
themselves to the practice of Dhamma with all seriousness. However, there
was an undercurrent of protest against this pessimistic belief and outlook
based on the pronouncement made by the Buddha just before his parinibbana
that, as long as bhikkhus follow the path of Dhamma, the world would not
be devoid of Arahantas.
4
This kept up the sagging spirit of the spiritual
life and saved it from extinction. This encouraging attitude might have
given rise to the traditional belief that came to prevail in som,e of the South
and South-East Asian countries for a fairly long time that twenty-five
centuries after the parinibbana of the Buddha, there would take place a
revival of Buddhism.
It may be mentioned here that it was this traditional belief that paved
the way for the celebration of the 2500th Mahaparinibbana day in 1956 on a
grand scale all over the Buddhist world including the land of the Buddha.
Certain events have taken place during this period which bear out this
traditional belief. Among them what is of the greatest significance is that
there has taken place a kind of re-awakening towards certain practical as-
pects of Buddhism which had been almost lost sight of for quite a long
time. Here special mention has to be made of Vipassana-bhavanii or Insight
meditation. For a fairly long time it remained confined only to a few groups
and individuals at certain places. During the period in question, in certain
circles special interest was shown in Vipassanii and before long it also began
to receive populhr attention. It was a kind of revival. And this revival of
Vipassanii practice may be regarded as the revival of Buddhism itself.
This revival first started in Burma and then in other countries. Meditation
ce-ntres in Burma attracted people from all parts of the world. The memorable
occasion of the sixth Buddhist Council (Chattha Sangiiyanii) highlighted
the great event. At present there are meditation centres not only in traditional
Buddhist countries but in other countries as well in both East and West.
And people in many countries now take interest in meditation. The reason
is there is restlessness in the world which Lord Buddha has characterised
as a symptom of dukkha or suffering, the greatest ailment, and people find
Vipassanii meditation an effective remedy for the same.
There are several teachers in East and West engaged in giving instructions
on Vipassanii meditation. Their instructions are mainly based on the Sati-
patthana Sutta, the well known discourse of the Buddha on mindfulness,
which has been characterised as 'The Heart of Buddhist Meditation' by
Yen. Nyanaponika Mabiitbera. These meditation teachers may differ in
their method of approach and matters of detail but they all agree on the
essential points and closely follow the instructions given in the Sutta.
The meditation camps conductt:d by these teachers are open to allmen
and women, monks and nuns, Buddhists and nen-Buddhists. The only
binding condition is that they all have to observe tbe discipline of the camps
during the period of the retreat. So far thousands of sadhakas and 5adhikas
from all the five continents and from different walks of life-farmers,
labourers, teachers, doctors, engineers, busines8men, administrators and
others-followers of the major religions of the world-Buddhists, Hindus,
'lains, Christians, Muslims and Jews etc.-have participated in these camps.
At the end of a meditation camp it becomes a matter of joy to listen to
the elevating experiences undergone and the ennobling benefits received
by the participators. I, as one who has participated in some of these camps,
should like to refer to some of these benefits, based. On two reports whic.h
URUWALA DHAivlMARATANA
85
I have published in two issues of The Malta Bodhi.
5
The experiences referred
to here are from a cross-section of the participants. It is edifying to know
about the immensegood done to th,,:m by Vipassana. For instance, a business-
man narrated how he used to spend a restless life full of worries and anxieties
causing physical and mental ailments, and by practising Vipassana he was
able to lead a healtby and peaceful life.
A second meditator told. how he indulged in all kinds of distractions
to get away from his unpleasant 'self'. Instead of giving relief, this way
of life created more and more complications for him. At last the path of
Vipassana taught him how to live a simple life with healthy tboughts and
habits leading to peace and happiness.
A third meditator narrated how he used to blame others for the miseries
he suffered. At lastVipassana disclosed to him where the rub was. As a result
he discovered that it was his own wayward life led without self-discipline
that was responsible for the unhappy situation. And after practising Vipas-
sana he was able to settle down in life as a peaceful and useful member of
the family and society.
A fourth meditator told how she had been going after preachers and
teachers of Yoga to bave peace and happiness, and everywhere she met
with disappointment leading to despair. However, at last she was fortunate
enough to meet Acharya Sri S. N. Goenkaji who taught her Vipassana
which gave her what she had been seeking for all her life.
Thus, every meditator related how he or she had to undergo suffering
in one form or the other and tbe practice of Vipassana gave relief from the
same. Dukkha was the common element that urged them to take to the
path of Vipassana and the cessation of the same was the common experience
they all underwent. On one occasion addressing his disciples Lord Buddha
said: earlier as well as now two things do I teacb-sUffering and the cessation
of suffering.
6
This is what Vipassana does-it teaches bow to comprehend
dukkha and bring about its cessation. These meditation camps had a wonder-
ful effect on many of them.
Vipassana has net been confined to law-abiding citizens leading the normal
way of life. It bas now gone to the jails. Some of the officers of the Rajas-
than government who were greatly impresed by the changes that Vipassana
could bring about in the mentality of man,decided to introduce it in jails
for the benefit of the prisoners. Accordingly Acbarya Goenkaji was invited
and he conducted several camps for prisoners-not ordinary convict" but
hard-boiled criminals including dacoits and murderers, some serving life
sentences. These meditation camps had a salutary effect on many of them.
Letters written by somt of them regarding their experiences to the medita-
tion teacher remind one of the udiinas of old.
Along with the survey reports ofthe prison camps and the Police Academy,
Rajasthan, we have also published the report ofa survey made of the medita-
tion camps beldat Varanasi, by several scientists of the Banaras Hindu
86
University. The close relation between mind and body i, now an established
fact. Mental changes that take place during Vipassana meditation also
produce their corresponding changes in the body. They Cdn be studies with
reference to breathing, blood-pre"sure, chemical changes and other pheno-
mena. Though the technique is not a perfect one which could ascertain
subtle changes taking place at deeper levels, it can give satisfactory results
as far asit goes. The studies made in the light of this technique also bear
testimony to the healthy results of Vipassana meditation.
For some, meditation means a method for achieving miraculous power.
It is true that .at the higher levels of samiidhi what are known as abhifiiiiis
or super normal powers can be achieved. They develop as a kind of by-pro-
duct in course of these meditational practices. While samadhi is an essential
cOI),dition of Vipassana, these supernormal powers are not. Their Value is
psychic only and not spiritual. Being mundane in nature they are likely to
create allurement for the Yogavacara who has not developed full awareness
and hinder his path of progress. Therefore the serious student of Vipassana
is warned not to take undue interest in them. Even when one is already in
possession of them one is instructed to be mindful oftheir conditioned nature
in the light of the three characteristics of anicca, dukkha and anatta.
We learn from the texts that Lord Buddha and many of his disciples
were in possession of all the five abhiiiiias related to supernormal powelS.
At times they also made use of them to direct the minds of the devotees to-
wards the higher life. But later on some unscrupulous elements began to
abuse these powers, specially iddhi-power. Devadatta's is a glaring case in
point. So by an act of Vinaya performance of miracles was made an offence.
This rule of discipline was respected for a fairly long time. But in course
of time in certain circles undue importance came to be attached to. the
performance of miracles. Because of its popular appeal certain obscure
cults also came to be built up around miracle-mongering. According to
some historians this was om: of the factors responsible for the downfall
of Buddhism in India.
The meditation teacher takes care to tell his students not to take to medita-
tion with this misconception. Vipassana, he tells them, is the art of living a
life free from tensions and conflicts. It is a technique for living happy,
fruitful and peaceful life while facing problems and situations with
equanimity. He also tells them not to have the wrong notion that the te'u-
day meditation camp would do the job for the whole life. It is just the initia-
tion into the technique which one bas to keep on practising life-long with
and penetrate all levels of physical and mental phenomena.
It is true that the ultimate goal of Vipassana is Nibbiina. Dhamma is a
gradual path (anupubba-patipada) which is progressive in nature (opanayiko).
As one. walks along the path one enjoys the fruits of liberation. This ex-
perience one undergoes from the first to the last step on the path. It is not
something to be taken for granted but experienced. It is this dynamic aspect
URUWALA DHAMMARATANA
87
of the Dhamm.a that invites one to come and see (ehipassiko) its immediate
results (akiiliko).
Lord 'Buddha says: Just as the ocean has but one taste, the taste of salt,
so also this Dhamma. has but one taste, the taste of liberation.
7
This is
true of the path from beginning to end. This is what is meant when the
Dhamma is said to be excellent in the beginning (iidikalyii1)o) excellent in
the middle (majjhe-kalya1)o) and excellent in the end (pariyosana-kalya1)o).
One who participates in Vipassanli' camps begins to enjoy this taste of the
Dhamma (Dhamma-rasa) as he begins to experience relief from the dukkha
that is already t h r ~ In the light of this experience he or she Cd.n move
forward on the path -until full liberation from all dukkha is attained.
NOTES
1. Vimuktisailgraha, p. 154. Ed. Talahene Amaram5li, Colombo, 1889.
2. Cullagallavatthu, Rasavahini. Ed. B. Devarakkhita, Colombo 1917.
3. The thera (Maliyadeva) in question is believed to have lived in the first half of the
13th century. He is also believed to have lived in Wattarama, whicb I had the occa-
sion to visit the year before last ar.d eVeD saw the ~ t o n slab on which he is said to
have slept.
4. Mahiiparinibb,ana Sutta, D n 119. ,,' "
5. April 1972 and August-October '1977. The meditation camps unaer reference were
conducted by Acharya Sri S. N. Goenka. "
6. AlagadduPlIIDa Sutta, M I 185.
7. Cullavagga, p. 357.
POETIC BEAUTY REFLECTED IN THE BUDDHIST VISION
JOTIYA DHIRASEKERA
. .
Let us take a closer look at the lives of a few Buddhist disciples, thems
of the Buddha's day, and discover the aesthetic richness of the world they
lived in. It would be very fitting if we begin with the Thera KiHudayi who
was commissioned by the old King Suddhodana, the Buddha's father, to
invite the Buddha to his home town. KaludayI who held a ministerial rank
at the court agreed to do so on the condition that he himself would be
permitted to join the Buddha as a disciple. To this, King Sudhodana readily
consented. Kaiudayl visited the Buddha and soon became an arahant.
He decided that Spring was a better season for the Buddha to undeFtake
bis journey home. He waits with patience and at the advent of Spring invites
the Buddha to start his journey. The words with which he describes the
beauty of the season have resulted in some of the most beautiful nature
poetry in any language. Anyone who has had the experience of witnes3ing
the seasonal changes from Autumn to Winter and from Winter to Spring
would not fail to be impressed by the depth of feeling for nature which
Thera KaludayI exhibits in his verses. The gusty winds of Autumn have
laid on the ground the last leaves of the trees and the cruelty of Winter has
reduced the trees to bare frozen twigs. But Kaludayi who appears to have a
sympathetic awareness of the behaviour of trees, infuses nature as it were,
with deep feelings, with judgement and with ennobling qualities of surrender
and sacrifice. He says that trees have shed their leaves in their higher as-
piration for fruit. Longing for fruit, they have discarded their foliage:
phalesino chadanarrl vippahaya (Thag. 527). Perhaps he was speaking of
trees like the peach and plum and in the new life that comes to the trees
in Spring he sees them, with their fresh flower buds, as though they were
all ablaze. It is as though glowing red hot coals are upon the trees-angarino'
diini duma bhadante-he says and adds that they are radiant as though
they were issuing out flames-te accimanto' va pabhiisayanti (ibid.).
This awareness of the environment, of trees and animals around, and
this. sensitivity to nature which is undoubtedly poetic is very characteristic
of Buddhist literature. It reflects experience in a wide range of life activity.
Thus the poetry of KaludayI is not mere literary ornamentation in des-
cription and narration. It is a stimulating integration of man to his enviroh-
ment, to the birds and the beasts, to the trees and the rocks, with a mutual
sharing of feelings and aspirations. Nowhere do we find this so profusely'
displayed as in the verses of the Thera Talaputa. He derives the inspiration
and stimulation he needs by assuring himself that the birds of multi-hued
plumage which haunt his sylvan retreat-giribbaje citrachadii vihangamii
Jo'l'ryA DmRASIlKElU.
(Thag. 1108) would gladden his heart as they respond with the full-throated
cries to the loud peals of thunder: Mahindaghosatthanitiibhigajjino te taJrl
ramissanti vanatnhijhiiyinaJrl. (ibid). Living his life in the forest as he does,
Tiilaputa converts the peals of thunder to sweet strains of music, for he
calls them sumaiijughosatthanita (1136). Such a notion as being at the mercy
of elements does not occur to him for in turning them over to his advantage
or in viewing them as being favourable to him, he appears to have triumphed
over them. They cause no fear 01' dread in him. Even the rain which assails
him at an ungUarded moment is a welcome visitor. He longs for such
situations from which an ordinary worldling would choose to :flee. "When
will the black clouds of the rainy season", he asks, "with their load of fresh
water drench me as I tread along the ancient path of the sages"? Com-
fortably housed 'in his rocky cave (guhiigehagato) he is happy to be in that
rain drenched forest (navambunii piivusasittakiinane). Lying on the rough,
hard ground, like a tree fallen among the rocks-nagantare vitapisamo
sayissaTJl-he transforms it to a bed overlaid with soft cotton--tam me mudu
hohlti tillasannibhCllJl (1137).
In the Buddhist world where a cultivated mind-bhiivitacitta-is the ultimate
key to real triumph and happiness, this attitude reflected by Thera Talaputa
is nothing surprising. It is a healthy and desirable kind of insulation against
dukkha or rude shocks of the world. One who is so insulated derives pleasure
and not pain from life, derives friendship and not enmity from the world
around him. His sense of sovereignity or overlordship-tathii tu kassami
yathiipi issaro-is beautifully adjusted to operate within a cultivated sense
of contentment-ya1?'1 labbhati tena pi hotu meala1?z-(1138).
This appreciation of the virtue of self-control or self-mastery towards the
achievement of this end is made evident in his remarh to his own mind that
he would with honest endeavour bring it under his control-viriyena ta1]1
mayha vasiinayissaJrl-, using at the same time a beautiful simile to compare
it to the act of a clever elephant-trainer who, with the aid of goad, brings
under control an infuriated elephant-gajaTJl va mattaTJl kusalankusaggaho
(1139). We would not be guilty of an over-statement if we stress here again
that no Buddhist should miss the poetic grandeur of Thera Talaputa 's verses.
One would almost see a peculiarity of taste in this love of Focks overgrown
with green moss, cool and comforting: ambuseviilasafichannii te selii rama-
yanti maTJl (601).
Likewise Thera Bhlita tells us that one could not find greater joy-tato
rati1]1 paramataraTJl na vindati-than when a bhikkhu is deeply absorbed
in meditation in a cave in the forest, while in the darkness of the night out-
side the rain keeps falling and the beasts of the wild continue their angry
growl (524). He reacts likewise to the thunderstorm.
Thunder, rain and other associated phenomena seem to have been a
continuous source of inspiration to the Buddhist disciples, stirring them to
activity through diverse stimuli. Thera Sappaka sees beauty in the river
90
FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAMMALAV A SADDHATISSA
Ajakara as it flows swollen after the rains. Associated with it are
other interesting situations. On the advent of the rains, the white,
who appear to dread the gathering dark rain clouds leave the vicinity of
the river AjakaraJ;lI and fly in search of a new roost. The flight. of the birds
signals the impending change in the river, the enhancement. of
which brings joy to the heart of Sappaka-tada nadi Ajakara7;l'i rametl "1a1]1.
And such joy has always been looked upon both as a stimulusand<tn energetic
source of inspiration to dispel lethargy. It infuses in him a dignifieil sense
simplicity, ruling out extravagance. With such an extremely placid spirit of
contentment, one does not discover oneself caught up in a whirl-pool of
competitive accelatation. Sitting by the bank of AjakaraJ;lI, Sappaka '.' says
with deep conviction: "Those rose-apple trees in fruit, standing on bot.h
banks of the river, whose heart will they not cheer. They certainly adorn
the river bank. This certainly is no time to leave the mountain streams. In
the river AjakaraJ;lI is beauty, safety and serenity" (307-310).
Try it, live it and see beauty in life as a Buddhist would see it.
NOTES ON THE BRAHMINICAL BACKGROUND TO BUDDHIST
ETHICS
RICHARD GOMBRICH
While his interests and accomplishments range far wider, a substantial
part of the scholarly contribution of the Ven. Dr. Saddhatissa as both
editor and expositor has been devoted to the interlocked topics of Buddhist
ethics and the Buddhistlayman. This concern seems singularly apPFopriate
in one whose life has been devoted both to scholarship and to making the
Buddha's message available in the West, where the vast majority of those
who hear it are unlikely ever to enter a monastery and may yet gain from it
and happiness. Perhaps it may therefore also be appropriate if I,
as an aspiring historian of Indian Feligion, offer in Dr. Saddhatissa's honour
a footnote to his book Buddhist Ethics.
l
My remarks to three recurrent themes in that book. The first theme
is the complementarity of morality and wisdom (liberating insight) in
Buddhism. "Morality" and "wisdom" translate the Pali terms sUa and
paiifia. Dr. Saddhiitissa twice quote::. the S01,ladar;l<;!a Sutta: "Morality is
washed all round with wisdom, and wisdom is washed all round with morality.
Wherever there is morality there is wisdom, and wherever there is wisdom
there is morality .... Morality and wisdom together reveal
2
the height of
the world. It i& just as if one should wash one hand with the other .... so
is morality washed .... with wisdom and wisdom with morality. ' ,3 Progress
in the one implies progress in the other. The Precepts (sUa again) "were
the essential preliminaries, as also the permanent accompaniments, to the
attaining to the Highest State".4
A second theme is that the merit or otherwise of an act depends on
volition.
s
This point is of course fundamental to any account of Buddhist
ethics: Buddhism holds to an ethic of intention. It is because morality
consists in good intentions, i.e. all moral acts essentially mental acts,
morality constitutes an integral part ofthe training and progress towards
nirvana.
The third th.eme is that it is a mistake to exaggerate religious difference
between a layman and a monk in the Canon: the path to salvation il> the
for both and can be trodden by both.
6
All of these points are completely valid. Without further amplifying
them, I shall take them as read; they are the essential background to
what follows.
However, I see certain difficulties. As Dr. Saddhiitissa says, "The teachings
of the Buddha are authoritatively grouped under the headings: sila, stlmadhi
. and pannli. ,,7 One would therefore expect the topic of a book on Buddhist
92 FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAMMAtAVA SADDHATISSA
ethics to be sUa, and this is indeed the tenor of Dr. Saddhatissa's prefac,e.
But on closer scrutiny things are not quite so simpJe: sUa seems at tIle same
time to be narrower than "ethics" or "morality" and yet to refer also to
what we would not normally think of as mattels of morality, but rather
of decorum. It is my aim in this article to suggest that Buddhism as it has
actually been lived shows certain inconsistencies, which can perhaps be
understood by seeing it against the background of Hinduism, with which
it must to some extent have interacted. What appear as inconsistencies in a
synchronic study (such as Buddhist Ethics) may just be diachronic develop-
ments (though our uncertainty about early Buddhist chronology will not
allow us to be sure). 01' inconsistencies may be due to a shift in context,
e.g., from theoretical discussion to practical life. This is not, however, a
lexicographical or philological study of the term sUa; I do 110t wish to attempt
an exhaustive study of the use of terms, or to quibble about translations.
I agree that "morality" is the most appropriate rendering of sUa in most
contexts. I merely wish, by drawing attention to some points of history and
usage, to shade in certain nuances.
The moo.t striking illustration of the narrowness of sUa may be put thus.
Theravada Buddhists are largely concerned with questions of puiiiia
and piipa, Pali terms which are often rendered in English as "merit"
and "demerit", but be translated as "good" and "evil,,;8 yet
neither of these terms appears in the index of Buddhist Ethics. We must
therefore ask ourselves to what extent sUa and pftiiiia cover the l>ame ground.
The first answer which might suggest itself, that sUa is passive while puiiiia
is active virtue, will turn out to be rather misleading
Perhaps the heart of the whole problem al'ea lies with the ethic of intention.
Even the four Nikayas, the kernel of the Pali Canon, do not seem wholly
consistent in applying the ethic of intention. There is a glimpse of this in
Buddhist Ethics when we read: "The extent of moral guilt in killing depends
on the physical and mt)ntal development of the being that is killed and the
circumstances ... : ,,9 Dr. Saddhatissa goes so far as to suggest that it may
be worse to kill a man than a child. Yet any such calculation compromises
the doctrine that evil lies solely in wicked intention.
It seems to me that a certain ambivalence about the doctrine of inteution
can be found in perhaps the most basic canonical passage on sUa. Each of
the first thirteen suttas of the Digha Nikaya contains a section called the
sila-vagga, a very long and specific list of things from which the Buddha
abstains and his disciples should also abstain. The list is often ignored in
brief expositions of Buddhism, probably because it is tedious, obscure in
detail-and perhaps a bit inconvenient, since it seems to be a kind of moral
code by enumeration rather than general principle. However, it is also the
very exposition of sUa to which the Buddha is referring in his ('ollversation
with SO:QadaI).<;ia when he puts it on a par with wisdom. It is also the exposi-
tion of sUa which occurs in the Samannapha:laSutta., the famous tt-xt which
RICHARD GOMBRICH
93
lays out the path to arhatship (Buddhist Enlightenment) in the form which
came to be summarized, as Dr. Saddbatissa shows, as sila-samiidhi-pafifiii.
The list is divided into three parts, the Short, Middling and Long lists
(CiUasilal?1 M ajjhimasiJam, M ahilsilam). (Hence morality so defined is also
known as tividhal!l silarTl.) The Short list contains the kind of things one
might expect, like abstaining from violence and lying. The Middling list,
however, is a medley of activities as diverse as talking about kings, running
errands and playing various games. The Long list is not relevant to my
argument, because it clearly states that the activities it lists are "wrong
livelihood", i.e. bad as ways of earning money, leaving open tht; question
of wh",ther they are bad in themselves (and some are obviously not).
If morality lies in intention, it should not be necessary for the Middling
list to proscribe activities which are in themselves morally neutral. The
reason for the list is however clear: the Buddha wished his monks to behave
with decorum and keep themselves distinct from the generality of wandering
fakirs.
The other point to note about the wtire list is that it is simply a list of
abstentions. Indeed, at its end
10
it is summarized by the term sila-safJ1vara;
and that is a common commentarial synonym for sila. Since the whole
passage concerns behaviour, I would translate the term sila-sarTlvara by some
such expression as "restrained behaviour". Some aspects of restrained
behaviour, such as self-control in the face of provocation, we would consider
moral; many others we would consider morally neutral matters of decorum.
The sila-vagga is generally held to be among the texts most certian to be
early. So Jet us compare it -vvith Theravada as systematized by Buddhaghosa
in the Visuddhimagga and the commentaries he edited.
In a recent article
ll
Damien Keown has shown how very little content
there is to the aQcount of sUa in the first chapter of the Visuddhimagga.
A monk is to keep his sUa unstained, untorn etc., a series of metaphors
suggesting that sila ~ envisaged as a kind of prot()ctive cloak in which the
monk is to r(;main wrapped, a cloak of decorum. Buddhaghosa's language
here suggests quite as much interest in conduct as in ethical intentions.
Moreov"r, his treatment of sUa is completed by the second chapt"r, which
treats of tbe dhutanga, a set of a.scetic practices. In this case the sUa could
be described as active rather than passive, albeit pel haps still mOle negative
than positive, for the dhutanga too are in essence abstentions; but certainly
we are dealing with externals, with intentions very indirectly at best.
This point can be made even more strikingly if we look atthe commentary12
on the very text already quoted from the SOJ)adal).Q.a Sutta. The story told
to illustrate washing wisdom with morality is not what the modern Westerner
might expect, so I quote it in full.
13
I use the word "morality" to translate
sila in an attempt to show by its very incongruity how far Buddhist ideas of
sUa here diverge from the meaning normally ascribed to "morality".
How does one wash wisdom with morality? One whose morality as an
94
unenlightened person (puthujjana-sUa) is unbroken for sixty or eighty years:,
even on his deathbed burns out all his defilements and attains arhatship by
washing hiswisdom with morality, as a great elder of x t y years' standing
did in the monastery of Katthaka-siila. They say that when the elder was
lying on his deathbed, groaning in great pain, King Vasabha
14
came to see
him. Hearing the noise from the door, the king asked what it was. They
told him it was the elder groaning. "He has been ordained sixty years and
cannot master pain. I shall not pay my respects to him, " said the king, and
turned away to pay his respects to the Bodhi tree. At this a young attendant
said to the monk, "Your reverence, why do you put us to shame? The king,
who came with faith, changed his mind and went off, having decided not to
pay you his respects." "Why, sir?" "Because he heard you groaning."
"Then leave me alone," he said. He suppressed his pain, reached arhatship,
and gave the young monk a signal:" Go and bring the king to pay his respects
to me now". The young monk went and said, "Now indeed you can pay
your respects to the elder. " The king prostrated himself ful[ length
15
before
the elder and said, "It is not your honour's arhatship that I am worshipping
but the morality you preserved while you were at the unenlightened level. ' ,
That is how one washes wisdom with morality.
The very next sentence of the commentary glosses sUa as sila-sa1J'lvara.
This vignette of Buddhism in practice in ancient Ceylon could draw one
beyond the intended scope of this article, for it suggests that "morality"
and "wisdom" had become more than complementary, being almost
fused in an exaltation of self-control. But Ihave no/wish to go so far. I only
wish to show that sUa here refers to conduct becoming to the role of a monk;
in a word, decorum.
Before seeing whether the history of Hinduism can shed any light on
these matters, I must insert here a small point relating to the first theme I
drew out from Buddhist Ethics, the question of the relation d sUa to samadhi
to panna. There seems to be a frequent misconception in the West that they
constitute a progress in the sense that one first does one's sUa, then, having
got that straight, goes on to samadhi, and then in due course similarly on to
panna. I agree with Dr. Saddbatissa (and with SOI,ladaI,l<;la-to say nothing
of the Buddha) that this is quite wrong. But I would like to suggest how
the misconception may easily arise. The analogy of a journey, of travelling
a path, is here misleading. For example, Buddhaghosa arranged his work
"The Path to Purity" into three sections under the successive headings
SUa, Samadhi and Panna, which suggest passing through stages. But on this
journey the places reached first are not left behind, but taken along with one.
I would not drea.m of suggesting tbat Buddhaghosa did not know this better
tban I do; but maybe again the Hindu background may help to explain his
use of a misleading analogy.
The early stages of Indian religious evolution are too well known to need
systematic recapitulation here, and I shall mention only what is relevant to
RICHARD GOMBRICH ' 95
my theme. The early Vedic texts prescribe religious activity, namely sacrifice,
for goods in both this ,life and the next, for progeny and prosperity on earth
and a place with the ancestors in heaven. Originally what we dub for COll-
venience the theory of karma,16 that acts always in the end to produce
appropriate consequences, arose as a promise of the efficacy of sacrifict-.
Not until the is it said that such acts may be what we would call
moral or immoral,17 in other words that moral or immoral acts are among
those which may entail future automatic reward or punishment. The" good"
acts which will get olie to heaven etc., are heterogeneous, in that they include
both what we would nowadays call ethical or moral acts and qualities; such
as generosity and kindness, and what we would consider ethically neutral
or irrelevant acts of ritual. Indeed, the word for "good" is pU(1ya,which
etymologically mt-ans "purifying". It never quite loses that meaning. The
metaphor which is used' or implied by all Indian religions which accept the
sonl, i.e. all but Buddhism, is that the soul is like a lamp which has to be
purified of dross if it is to shine forth in its natural radiance; then (to change
the metaphor) it can free itself from the body at death and float straight
up to heaven. The soul is to be cleaned and so fitted for eternal bliss.
The incipient ethicizing of karma which first appears in the Brhadara:Q.yaka
and Chandogya is there but a minor aspect of their re-interpreta-
tion of Vedic religion; in fact, they hardly discuss ethics at all. As is well
known, tbese texts reveal a religious bifurcation, one which has endured in
Hinduism. One can perform sacrifices etc., and go to heaven-at first still
the early Vedic heaven of the ancestral spirits. But that heaven is imperma-
nent: those in it will be reborn on earth in due course, when their credit
runs out.' There is a superior: alternative. One can understand the inner
meaning of the sacrifice, and with that under:standing withdraw from society
to the forest and perform sacrifices only symbolically, in meditative exercises
and ascetism. This will lead to something betkr than heavtln: at death one's
soul will go to Brahman. From that there is no relapse, no rebirth.
These two possible religious courses, different in both their actions and
their results, are succinctly described at Chandogya Up. V, 10, Brhada-
ralJ.yaka Up. VI, 2, 14-15 is extremely similar. Those texts make it perfectly
dear that the two courses are alternatives. The superior people (at Whom,
no doubt, the texts are directed), who will not be reborn, live in tht. forest,
where they practise faitb and austerities (I bere follow the Chandogya
version). The others, who perform sacrifi(;es and make gifts (prim,arily,
one supposes, to sacrificial priests), live in the village. They are two different
Classes of pt.aple with two different life-styles. Their two ways of life came
to 'be known as the' 'path of works' 'and the" path of knowledge" (karma-
mtirga and jfitina-marga). I find it convenient to use these terms, though
they were Invented later. The same dichotomy was introduced by the Bhaga-
vad GIta (3,3) with the terms "discipline of works" and "of knowledge"
(karma- andjiiiina-yoga).
While these two groups of pee.ple are differentiated by their ultimate goals,.
their fates after death,18 in another respect they are not so different. Tbe
village-dwelling sacrificer is interested in this life as well as the next: sacrifice
can bring benefits long before death. The make it amply deal
that his "renouncer" cousin is not necessarily different in this respect.
In this life too bis religious knowledge wi11 bring him power,. wealth,
whatever he wants. If there is a difference, it is only that here too the esoteric
knowledge is simply more efficient than the exoteric practice.
19
Again to use terms which became standard only later, religious activity
may be undertaken for either goaJ, enjoyment or liberation (bhukti or mukti).
Hinduism categorized everyone undertaking a religious act 01' discipline
as "wishing to enjoy", or "wishing for release".
The distinction was not perhaps systematized before the .sectarian literature
of Tantra, but it refers to a reality as old as the early The goals
of the bubhuk$u are pleasures in this world and the next, all necessarily
transient. The man who sacrifices can only be because the best
sacrifice can do for one is to take one to heaven. Qn the other hand, the
jfiiina-miirgin, who pursues salvific knowledge, can be either or
he can use the power of his realization for his pleasure or his
release.
We have seen that in the early the of works and of
knowledge were alternatives, of which the latter was superior. But the
mainstream of brahtninical Hinduism has never been at ease with any
doctrine that ritual life, i.e. karma, can be totally dispensed with even as a
preliminary stage. Patrick Olivelle has shown
20
how originally the' iisramas,
later interpreted as "stages of life", were life-styles; the life of the house-
holder and that of the ascetic renouncer were alternatives. The householder's
station (grhastha asrama) was associated with the pursuit of works and the
ascetic's (saf!lnyiisa) with that of knowledge(gnosis. But the lawbook of
Manu. (2nd century A.C.?), immensely authoritative and influential, laid
down that the iisramas were to be followed successively (iisrama-samuccaya);
every good Hindu was to marry and so pursue the path of works for at
least a part of his life: no renunciation without prior ritual activity. Similarly,
all Vedic literature before the came to be called the karma-kii1)!/.a
("section on works") and the the jiiiina-kii1)!/.a ("section on
knowledge' ') and one was to study both in succession: purva-mimiil!1sii,
literally "investigation of the former", was the study of the karma-kii1)!/.a;
uttara-mimlif!lsii, "investigation of the latter", was the study of the jfiiina-
kii1)!/.a. Mainstream (smiirta) Hinduism has always considen:d it highly
desirable to do both. This view is known as jfiiina-karma-samuccaya, and is
thus parallel to {israma-samuccaya in both expression and reality. It affords
an instance of the prevalent Hindu tendency to hierarchize, to which Louis
Dumont has to brilliantly drawn attention.
21
The system is conceived asa
whole, and thougb the goals are ultimately accorded different yalue, the
RICHARD GOMBRICH 97
lower goal too must be pursued, at least to the extent that it does not impede-
the higher one. The relation between the paths of work and knowledge in
this ideology is very like that which Dumont shows to exist between
Hindu goals of man
We must not leave this topic without mentioning that not all Hindus
accepted the smiirta view. The Bhagavad GWi. the of works
and of knowledge as received alternatives but urged a new solution: karma-
yoga was the superior (3, 8 and 5, 2), provided that one's performance was
disinterested. In this way the different disciplines could to some extent be
reconciled: the spirit of the one was to imbue the performance of the other,
and everyone was to be This was not so much an attempt to
ethicize karma, Buddhism had done, as to bypass the problem by leaving
all moral responsibility to God. Later, specialists in purva-mimalJ1sa, the
Mima:rpsakas, gave little regard to the fFiiina-miirga and had no time for the
mumulqu. Their counterparts on the other extreme were some ofthe specialists
in uttara-mimiilJ1sa, more generally known as Vedantins, who did not agree
that karma was a pre-requisite for fiiana. The most famous of those holding
this view was Sankara. He remained close to his primary authorities, the
early when he claimed in his comment on the first 'verse of the
Brahma Siitras that the path of works was not necessary: the only pre-
requisite for the path of knowledge was disillusion with this transient world.
In this, as in so much else, Sankara seems to have been profoundly influenced
by Buddhism. He further agreed with Buddhism, as we shall see, and
differed on the other hand from the by identifying the follower
of the path of knowledge as necessarily
None of the great Hindu religious texts have much to say about ethics.
They do not discuss such problems as whether the morality of an action lies
in its intention or its effect, beyond the general recommendation to equanimity
and disinterestedness. Ethics remained mainly the province of the law books
(Dharma Sastras) like Manu, wh;ch were full of detailed injunctions but
had little to say about general principles. Hindu ethics have two salient
features. Firstly, they are particularistic: your dutic,s depend upon your
station in life. Apart from a few injunctions of the kind found almost all
over the world ('Brush your hair and teeth and tell the truth '?3 Hindu ethics
are mostly a matter of sllccessful role performance. Secondly karma,
which one could call "significant action"-the acts for which one would
be bound to reap consequences-remained predominantly rituaL The
ethicization of karma begun in the early was never taken much
further. Though what we would consider morally good or wicked acts fit
into the category of karma, the term does not primarily refer to them. It
was of course against this position that the Buddha was taking a stand,
particularly when he equated karma with intention.
Unlike the authors of the (and of almost all other Sanskrit
religious texts), the Buddha was no brahmin. he was probably born
98
and brought up in a society (the Sakya) which had no brahmins. Coming
on brahminical categories as a mature adult, he could manipulate and play
with them. But no man is wholly independent of the society in which he
operates. To some extent the Buddha had to phrase his message in terms
adapted to the social and intellectual categories of those around him-and
it is, notable how many of his interlocutors in the Canon are brahmins.
What applies to the Buddha applies with even greater force to his successors,
the early Buddhists; many of them had received a brahminical education.
Indeed Buddhaghosa it> said. to have been a brahmin pundit before his
conversion to Buddhism.
The Buddha preached that fully to understand the first noble truth, the
noble truth of suffering, would lead anyoneto become what a Hindu would
see. as a (We mentioned above that Sankara, more
than a thousand years later, said the same. And Sailkara founded the .first
Hindu monastic orders). The Buddha declared ritual valueless; the kind
oL karma lie recognized was purely ethical. On the other hand, even this
ethical .,karma was powerless by itself to achieve the goal of liberation;
that depended on gnosis, panna, the Buddhist equivalent of Hindu jnana.
For the Buddhists as for the Hindus, to attain the salvific gnosis one had to'
practise the discipline of meditation
24
-the discipline which in Hinduism
grew out cf archaic austerities (tapas) into meditative yoga (in the sense in
which Patai'ijali used that term, which is also the sense widely known in
the ,West).
Thus the Buddhist sequence of sf/a, samadhi imd panna was very like the
Hindu sequence of karma, yoga and jiitina. I lefer of course to the formal
structure,not to the content. This structural similarity helps to explain
an . oddity in .the Buddhist view of karma to. which I drew attention in an,
earlier article.
25
EverythIng that matters III Buddhist soteriology-sfla
samadhi, panJ1a, right up to on. in the mind. Theoretically
it is all (good) karma, all of a piece. As I put it then, "Buddhist philosophy,
declares that good karma = good intentions = purification of the mind =
spiritual progress, i.e. progress towards nirvana.' ,26. And yet, meditation
is not referred to in early Buddhist texts as karma. For this Ithen put forward
a sociological explanation, which I still think correct as far as it goes. But
I wish to complement it here with a historical explanation. The formulation of
Buddhism was too strone1y influenced by the brahminical dichotomy
between a path c.f works and a path of knowledge, which for them was a
distinction between action and thought, for it to be possible to call the pursuit
of gnosis, a mental activity, karma. The term karma bad physical overtones
too strong to be ignored. I shall soon be making an analogous point about
puiiiia.
Ont: of the mo&t remarkable aspects of the Buddba's profound originality
waS his abandonment of Hindu hierarchic structures and modes of thought.
Such cardinal features of Buddhism as the religious equality of all men Can
RICHARD GOMBRICH
99
be seen froIn this rather- formal point of view. I think we may also say, in
the context of this article, that his view that morality and wisdom were
complementary can also be seen in this light. It may be significanethat the
view is first put into the mouth of a brahmin interlocuter whom the Buddha
has just forced to retreat from several brahminical tenets. Be tliat as It may,
the Buddhlst view is in stark contrast to the Hindu view that the disciplines
of work and of gnosis are hierarchically related alternatives. The Buddha
is denying both that they ale hierarchically related and that they are altei:-
natives. . .
Though the substance of the Buddha '8 message on this important point
was preserved, the standardized formulation took on a somewhat Hillduized
appearance. I suggest that this explains such mattels as the potentially
misleading arrangement of the Visuddhimagga. I direct this point primarily
to Western readers; Buddhists have probably never been misled.
Thus far I have suggested Hindu influence only in matters of formulation.
I think however that there is some such influence on thf; substance of sUa
as well. Here the influence to which I am referring should perhaps be said to
come from the social context of eaFly Buddhism rather than from bJiahminical
ideology-were it-not that I am dubious about making any such distinCtion.
I have shown above how the scripturally fundamental account of sfla is a
discursive list largely devoted to observable conduct-very similar in
character, we may now add, to the contents. of Hindu law books. We can
now go on to say that that tripartite list is a kind of proto-vinaya, an
embryonic formulation of how a Buddhist monk should live.
R has often been remarked that the Buddhist Rule, the Vinaya
concerns itself With a monk's actions, not his thoughts. Sometimes a dis-.
tinction is drawn between this standpoint and that of the Sutta Pi taka,
which is said to be more strictly doctrinal and thus concerned with the niind.
Our glance at the tripartite sUa shows, however, that this distinction cannot
stand. Moreover, the Vinaya Pitaka too fails to support it. Forin Buddhism
in contradistinction to both Hinduism and Jainism-there is no absolute
offence: a monk can . only be disciplined for something be did con!>ciously
(sancicca).
This synthesis between intention and action, between the mind" and the
body, in Buddhist ethics was doubtless first worked out in monastic jurispru-
dellce. It came however to be applied in all ethical "contexts; the
commentaries apply it to the five precepts, the very bedrock of Buddhist
morality. "There are five conditions which constitute the immorci.l act of
killing: (i) the fact and presence of a living being, (n) the knowledge that
the being isa living being, (iii) the intent or resolution to kill, (iv)the"act
of killing by appropriate means; (v) the resulting" death. "27
We can ignore the first, second and fifth clauses as scholastic elaborations
of what I.:an be logically deduced from the other two. What is crucial is the
addition of the fourth clause, the act of killing, to the tltin;ll
,100
FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAMMALAV A SADDHATISSA
to kiJ], for the whole; to become "the immoral act of killing". Thisjust
cannot be reconciled with the doctrine that intention, cetanii, is karma.
In my book Precept and Practice
Z8
I made a distinction between cognitive
and affective religion, the religion of the head and of the heart. In the chapter
on "The Ethic of Intention" I argued that the doctrinal tenet that ethically
it is only the intention that counts does not feel right, and that this unease
had led to some compromise among Sinhalese Buddhists. I would apply
the same reasoning to the development in classical Buddhism to which I
have just drawn attention. But I also wish to stress the infiuence of the
Indian contt;xt. Not only the Vinaya view of ethics but also the commentarial
one just quoted were formulated with the Sangha in mind: the commentary
on the SOJ.;ladaw;la Sutta says that wht;n SOlJ.adalJ.<;la spoke of the com-
plementarity of sila and panTie) he had only the five precepts (applicable to
all laymen) in mind, wherea.s the Buddha (and this is of course in the text)
was referring to the tripartite list.
z9
In this view, heavily slanted towards the Sangha, sUa is the monk's success-
ful role performance. It makes it clear to society that he is being a good and
proper monk. The anecdote about the monk groaning on his ded.thbed
and there are many more such in the commentaries-shows that this did
not apply only within what we call India, just as brahminical thought formed
societies beyond India's boundaries.
I must not be misunderstood to mean that any Buddhist ever thought of
tbis sf/a, this role performance., as a purely external matter. Certainly not.
But there was an overwhelming demand for empirical evidence of a monk'8
internal state; and in practice thi" demand seems to have been a<.:cepted,
perhaps even unquestioningly, by the monks themselves.
30
I thus ~ e e sf/a in ancient Buddhism as something rather like character
in the classical West. A character is built up by moral habit. It is primarily
an internal state. But that state is instantly recognizable by a pattern of
behaviour. The Buddhist monk, like the smiirta brahmin, like so many
other figures in Hindu society, would have fitted, by convention, into the
framework of one of Theophrastos' sketches, a genre which depicts not
individuals but types.
, We have seen that the Buddha lai.d down for monks rules of behaviour
110t just moral principles. But he was evidently most concerned that no monk
should become b u b h u k ~ u turning his spiritual attainments to profit. He
forbade monks to perform miracles. And be forbade boasting of one's
spiritual attainments, even if they were true; if they were not, he took so
grave a view of the matter that this was one of the four offences involving
expulsion fr(;m the Sangha. This austerity can only have increased the pressure
to show off one's character, for one had nothing else one was allowed to show.
,The Buddha envisaged that the layman, like the Hindu householder
(grhastha) would normally be bubhulqu. He even envisaged a compromise
with the Hindu style of karma-marga, for though he considered traditional
RICHARD GOMBRICFI 101
rites and customs to have no ethical or soteriological value, he advised his
lay followers to make offerings to ancestral spirits and gods (pubbapeta-
bali and deva-bali)31 and to give material support to brahmins and asct-tics
who would tell him how to get to heaven.
32
He even preserved the Hindu
expression for good works as "purifying"- pufifia. In these externals the
Buddhist layman is left looking just like a Hindu karma-margin bubhuk!ju.
It is the very continuity of this tradition, from pre-Buddhist times to the
present day, that explains why Dr. Saddhatissa's book does not specifically
deal with pufifia: the term is so pan-Indian, not specificalIy Buddhist, and
suggests the bubhuk!ju.
On the other hand, as the book makes abundantly clear, the Buddha gave
a new content to the term. It is here that the Buddhist ethic of intention
really comes into its own. Though my book shows compromises with the
rigorous ethic of intention, it also shows the other side of the coin: it is
amazing how strongly that mentalistic views of ethics survives in Bl,1ddhist
society. Were it not so, we could not find the custom of sharing merit by
rejoicing at the good works of others. Though it has acquired some formal
elements, pufifia is still largely ethical in the full sense-ana much broader
than sila. The norms of classical Hindllsim have left a residue, even in wholly
Buddhist societies: an implication that pufifia,even when performed. by a
monk, is for the bubhuk!ju rather than the mumuk!ju. But Buddhist societies
in fact thrive on pufifia. I thus reach the concJusion, consonant with Dr.
Saddhatissa's view of the religious role of the Buddhist laity but perhaps
going even further, that the lay side of Buddhist ethics, subsumed under
the word pufiiia, has remained. at least a ~ true to pure canonical doctrine
as the monastic side, subsumed under the word sila.
Sankara wrote,33 "For him who desires liberation (mumuk!ju) even right
conduct (dharma) is defilement, because it gemTates bonds." No Buddhist
could agree with that. But the Hindu tendency to hierarchize values and to
place gnosis above (though often subsuming) morality did cast its shadow
on institutionalized Buduhism, as the bloodless account of sila in the Vis)lddhi-
magga bears witness. Were it not so,Mahayana criticism of other Buddhists
as selfish would make no ~ e n s e The morality of the BOdhisattva is ever
active; compassion and wisdom go hand in hand, in fact one in each hand
of the T""ltric Buddhist
34
-just as in the SOJ;ladaJ;lda Sutta.
NOTES
1. London 1970. gereinafter B.E. . . ....
2. This is rather a free translation. A closer one would be "are said to be. '.'
3. B. E. pp. 123-4, translating D 1 124. The words first ascribed to the brahmin
SOQ.adaQ.<la, but the Buddha repeats them, as far as the simile, with approval.
4. B. E. p. 113. . . .
5. B. E. p.26.
6. See especially B. E. pp. 119-120. ..
7. B. E. p. 64. The commentator point sout-and the context makes it clear-that in tl;te
passage from the SOQ.adaQ.<la Sutta quoted above, which 1 shall be discussing, samiidhi,
"concentration", is subsumed under paiiiia. .
8. From now on 1 shall use puiiiia as a shorthand term for puiiiia-kamma, "meritorious
act", following the usage of Buddhists. I must mention this because modern Hindus
have come to use pUlJya and papa to refer almost exclusively to the results of the
acts rather than the acts themselves. .
B.E.p.88;
10. DI69 ..
11. "Morality in the Visuddhimagga," Journal of the International Association of Buddhis/
Studies 6,1,.1983. I am greatly indebted to Keown's article, which was written in
1980, since itbegan the train of thought which has led to this one.
12. DAI291.
13 .. The episode is suminarized in W. Rahula History of Buddhism in Ceylon (Colombo
1956), p. 223. .
J4. Ruled 67-111 A. C., according to the University of Ceylon History of Ceylon vol. 1
part 2 (Colombo 1960). The same king tested a monk for holiness by making a
salad of jujube fruit in his presence; the monk salivated, from which the king deduced
that he was no arhat (Rahula, op. cit. p. 222).
J5. The text says he fell like a crocodile.
16. Sanskrit karman, Pali kamma. I however assume the word to be naturalized in
English.
17. Locus classicus: BrhadaraQ.yaka 4, 4, 5if.
IS. A slightly different version, with the same purport, at Brhada. Up. 1, 5, 16: one can
win the pityloka by karman, the devaloka by vidya Brhada. Up. 6, 2, 14 goes on
to specify that from the devaloka one passes to the brahmaloka. The pitrloka is
evidently the earlier Vedic heaven.
19. e.g. Bfhada Up. 1,4, 17 fin.; 2, 1,2-13.
20. ''The Notion of ASrama in the Dharmasiitras", Wiener ZeitschriJt fiir die Kunde
Siidasiens, XVIII, 1974, 27-35. .
21. Especially in Homo Hierarchicus (paris 1966, English translation Chicago 1970).
22. "The Conception of Kingship in Ancient India" in Religion, Politics and History
in India (paris and The Hague 1970), p. 78.
23; Hilaire Belloc A Moral Alphabet, reprinted in Cautionary Verses (London 1940),
p.300. .
24.. A few Buddhists dissented from this view, to the extent that they saw no need for
samqtha, the type of Buddhist meditation which is closely related to Hindu yoga.
25 .. '.'Buddhist Karma and Social Control", Comparative Studies in Society i:md History
Vol. 17,2, Apri11975, pp. 212-220.
26. Op. cit. p. 216.
27. B.E.p.S9.
28. Oxford 1971.
29. DA I 292. .
30. I am not suggesting that sila has this social aspect only for l1l0nks: The Buddha
pointed out to some householders that there were five practical advantages to virtue
(sila). Two of them are a good reputation and feeling at ease in society; a third,
getting rich, is no doubt causally connected to those two. D. Il 86.
31. A III 45.
32. D III 191.
33. Comment on Bhagavad Gita 4, 21.
34. In his right hand the initiate holds a symbol of the Buddha's omniscience ( =wisdom),
in his left a symbol of his perfect skill in the means to bring beings to Enlightenment
( =compassion).
TRIRATNABHAJANANUSASA
'RATNA HANDURUKANDE
The advantages gained by revering the Three Jewels (triratna), viz. the
Enlightened One (Buddha), the doctrine (Dharma) and the community
of monks (Sarp.gha) are listed frequently in the class of narrative literature
called the avadtinamala, which are mostly metrical adaptations of older
works. The period of composition of the avadanamtilas is said to be about
the sixth century A.C. and later.
1
While the Yfl,lue of paying
homage to the Three Jewels, the avadanamala texts set forth quite clearly
the ideal of the Mahayana Buddhist, which is the attainment of Buddhahood
for the emancipation of all beings.
I give below (I) a selection from an avadanamala describing the advantages
gained by those Who pay homage to the Three Jewels, followed by (II)
a synopsis in English of its contents, in this special volume issued to honour
a 'sarp.gharatna'. The text quoted from is the Triratnabhajananusarp.sa-
vadana, a Sanskrit text written in the Newari script, a microfilm copy of
which is available in The Institute for Advanced Studies of World Religions
at Stony Brook, New York.
2
The king addressed to' in the text is Asoka,
and the speaker, a celestial deity. A group of merchants approach the king
and inform him that their ship was shattered, and the wealth destroyed,
by nagas living in the ocean. The king is distressed as he cannot counteract
the destructive activities of the nagas. Then a deity appears and advises him
to take recourse to the Buddha, detailing the advantages resulting from
paying homage to the Buddha, Dharma and Sarp.gha, in the following
verses:
I
ye piijayanti sarp.buddhe satkrtya sraddhaya muda
ajfiakaral;t sarve tniidhatukadhipa api
tatha brahmadayas capi subharp.karal;r3
Sakradayal;r surendras ca lokapala maharddhika1;t ,
capi gandharvas taddhitarp.karal;r .
sada nitya:ql dadanti ca yathepsitam
tathii ca palayanty eva Vaisvanaradayo 'gnayal;r
dahotpatarp. nakurvantl kadacana '
. . ,
tatha pretadhipal;r kalal;r kumbha1;l<;las camahiibalal;r
Viru<;lhakadayo naiva vighnanty api l<:atha:qlcana
mabavlra ca sadanugal;r
palayanti sada hatva 11itya:ql samantatah
104
tatha nagadhipa bhlma1;l sarve ca Varul).adaya1;l
capi ralqanty ahisvara
4
sad a
sarve 'pi marutas caival11 nityal11 sadanuga1;l
kvapi na kurvanti cyavanty5 api
...... 6 VajrapaIJ.yadayo 'pi ca
nityal11 dadanty eval11 yathepsitam
mahesanadayas capi sarve bhiitadhipas tatha
prakurvanta1;l pradadanti yathepsitam
tatha siiryadaya1;l sarve grahii vira maharddhika1;l
viruddhal11
7
naiva
7
kurvanti
7b
parity eva sarvatha
Candradayas ca taresa1;l sarvas ca taraka api
bhadral11 sada loke kurvanty eva na vighnatam
Vemacitradidaityendra mahiivira maharddhika1;l
sadanuga ripul11 hanty etesam ajfial11 vahanti ca
sarvas ca matrka durga bhairavas ca gal).adhipa1;l
mahiikala1;l kumaras ca evepsitarthada1.l
tathii vidyadharas capi siddha1;l sadhyas ca kinnara1;l
Vasava1;l piitana raudra mara1;l kamadayo 'pi ca
rasatalacaras capi bhiicara1;l khecara api
sarve traidhiitukasthiis ca aji'iakara1;l sada
Manvadimunayas capi cakravartyadayo nrpa1;l
sarve 'pi manti.Q.o 'matya jana sainyadhipadaya1;l
sahiiyal;!. saciva
bhrtya1;l parijanas capi ji'iativargas ca bandhaval;!.
tathiinye 'pi janas aji'iavatra hitakaral;!.
viruddha na bhavanty eva bhajanty eva priyarthadal;!.
tasmad rajan sado buddhal11 satkrtya sraddhaya bhaja
tathii te ma:iJ.galal11 nityal11 samohital11 phaled api
yat krtal11 karma subhaIll vapy asubhal11 tatha
naiva tatpake phalantyeva mahattaram
iti matva mahiiraja Buddhal11 bhaja sucetasa
etat pU.Q.yam asal11khyeyam aprameyal11 mahattaram
anena sugata1;l sarve prasidanty anumodital).
yenatra sangata111 dharmal11 satkrtya sriiyate muda
tenaiva sugatii1;l sarve piijitii1;l parito
RATNA HANDURUKANDE
tasyaiva te jinal;1 sarve prasadital;1
bodhicaryabala:q:t datva palayanti sadadarat
eva:q:t buddhaprasadena sarvamaran viniljayan
sarvaklesavinirmuktal;1 sa:q:tbodhi:q:t samavapnuyat
iti matva maharaja stldgural;1 samupasrayan
saddharmalfl sangatalfl nitya:q:t satkrtya sraddhaya SP;lU
srutva caiva:q:t munlndrasya sa:q:tghanam arhata:q:t sata:q:t
satkrtya sraddhayabhyarcya bhojanais ca sada bhaja
etat pUlJ.yaphala:q:t raj ann asa:q:tkhyeya:q:t mahattaralfl
etena durgati:q:t naiti sadgatim evam apnuyat
kramad bodhicaril11 prapya parisuddhatrimalJ.Qalah .
arhatpada:q:t prapya nirvrtipadam apnuyat
iti matva maharaja yady asti sadgatan rucil;1
satkrtya sraddhaya bhaktya sa:q:tghasya bhaya sadaram
yavantal;1 pral)inal;1 santi api,
tan sarvan piijayed yas tat pUI)ya:q:t tasya mahattaram
tato bahutara:q:t pUlJya:q:t prapnuyat sa mahamatil;1 .
satkrtya sraddhaya yas ca eka:q:t prapujayet
te sarve pralJ.ino 'rhantva yadi
satkrtya sraddhaya nitya:q:t tan sarvan api pfljayet
tato 'dhikatara:q:t pUlJyaIll prapnuyat sa na salflsayal;1
pratyekabuddham eka:q:t yal;1 ekavaralfl prapiijayet
bhaveyul;1 pralJ.inal] sarve pratyekasugata yadi
tan sarvan piijayed yas ca satkrtya sraddh4ya sada
tato 'dhikatara:q:t pUlJ.ya:q:t prapnuyat sa subhasayal;1
bodhisattva:q:t mahaprajfiam eka:q:t yas ca samarcayet
bhaveyul;1 praJ;linal;1 sarve bodhisattva gUlJ.akaralj
satkrtya sraddhaya nitya:q:t tan sarvan yal;1 prapiijayet
tato bahutaralfl pUlJya:q:t sa prapnuyat dhruva:q:t
ekalfl yal;1 sugata:q:t smrtva tathaika:q:t yal;1 samarcayet
bhaveyul;1 pralJ.inal;1 sarve Stllllbuddhal;1 sugata yadi
satkrtya sraddahya l1itya:q:t sarva:q:ts tan prapiijayet
tate mahattara:q:tpulJ.ya:q:t prapnuyat sa sudhis ca yal,l
sfI).oti dharmam adarat
105
106
tenaiva sugatal.l sarve piljitas agatal.l
mahayanasiltra111 ya bodhayan naran
tasyaiva hi triratnani sarvada
yathepsitarp. vara111 da,dyul.l sa111bodhipadasadhane
iti matva mahiprua satkrtya sraddhaya muda
triratnani s::Lmabhyaraya prabhajasva samadarat
II
Even the lords of the three worlds carry out the commands of those who
worship the Buddhas, perfectly enlightened Ones, with faith and joy. Brahma,
Sakra, the world-protectors like and the gandharvas protect
themat all times, granting them their desires. The fire-deities led by Vaisva-
nara guard them, never causing the calamity of burning in their homes and
the like. Nor do Kala, the lord of the dead, or the kumbhar;H;las who have
Virii<,ihaka as their head, hinder them in any way. The such as Nairrti
take care of them, following them constantly and destroying the wicked.
The naga-lords, Vani:t;la, and others keep watch over them while
the Maruts, the gods. of the winds, refrain from causing them any misfortune.
Vajrapa:t;li (Indra), Mahesana (Siva), the sun, the moon, the stars, never
hostile, afford them protection, while the lords ofthe daityas like Vemacitra
follow them, killing their enemies. Mahakala, Kumara, and groups of beings
like the divine mothers, bhairavas, vidyadharas, siddhas, sadhyas,kinnaras,
vasus, piltanas, beings moving in the air, on earth, and regions under the
earth, beings of all the three worlds follow their command and protect them.
So do sages like Manu, universal monarchs and other kings, ministers,
leaders of armies, friends, kinsmen, servants and attendants. Therefore,
o king, honour the Buddhas at all times, for you will be blessed and your
desires will be fulfilled. The mprit gained by honoUling the Buddhas is
innumerable, immeasurable and very great.
They who listen to the doctrine of the Buddhas with reverence, revere
the Buddhas themselves. Pleased with them the Buddhas protect them,
conferring upon them the power of the course of conduct leading to enlighten-
ment. Favoured by the Buddhas, they overcome all obstacles and attain
perfect enlightenment free of all defilements. Bearingthis in mind, 0 great
king, listen Wthe good doctrine of the Blessed Ones, with reverence, and
with faith.
Likewise, . the community of monks, the venerable ones, offering
them alms with and paying homage to them at all times. The merit
resulting therefrom is innumerable and very great. They who honour the
'sa111gha' are never born in evil states. Born in happy states, reacbing the
course of conduct leading to enlightenment, they become arhant.s and attain
the state of bliss. Bear this in mind, 0 king, and pay homage to the com-
munity of monks, witli faith and with devotion. . .
RATNA HANDURUKANDE
The merit gained by honouring a single monk is greater than that gained
by honouring as many people as there are in the three worlds; the merit
gained by honouring a single 'pratyekabuddha' just once is undoubtedly
greater than that gained by honouring all arhats alive; the merit gained by
honouring a single bodhisattva is greater than that gained by honouring all
'pratyekabuddhas'; and the merit gained by honouring a single Buddha is
greater than that gained by honouring all extant bodhisattvas. A wise person,
who listens to the doctrine with respect when there are no Buddha.s gains
merit greater than that of honouring all living Buddhas. The Buddhas,
honoured by that act of listening, become pleased with him. In like manner,
the Three Jewels become pleased with him who recites a text belonging
to the Great Vehicle awakening the minds of men. Being pleased, the Three
Jewels confer upon him desired boons leading to the goal
ment. Bear this in mind, 0 king, and pay homage to the witlJ.
faith, joy and zeal.
NOTEs
1. M. Winternitz, A HistOlY of Sanskrit Literature II, Calcutta 1933, p. 291.
2. MEB II 94 in: Buddhist Sanskrit Manuscripts. A Title List of the
lection of The Institute for Adyanced Studies of World Religions, 1975. MBB II 94
forms folios 98 b1-103 a2 of a manuscript of 125 folios, classified as MBB II 90-95
in this Jist. The selection quoted in this paper occurs on folios 99 b-l00b. .'
3.. ms.subhakaral;1
4. ms? ahlvahii
5. IDS. jyavanty
6. ms? sradadayo
7. ms. smudged here
MODERN BUDDmSM IN INDONESIA
YONEO ISHII
Statistk Indonesia published in 1975 by the Indonesian Statistical Office
in Jakarta gives the Buddhist popuLation of the Republic as 1,092,314 along
with "Confucianists" who number 972,113. This implies that, in Indonesia
today, beside syncretistic believers of the three religions of China found
among the Chinese immigrants and their descendants, there live people
who show their distinct Buddhist identity. Some observers go on to say
that, realistically speaking, the actual numbers of Indonesian Buddhists
should at least be twice or even three times as many as the published figures.
Such being the case, the Islamic republic might possibly exceed Laos in
her Buddhist population. Traditionally, Indonesia knew no Buddhist
minorities such as those ones living on the Thai border of west Malaysia.
Handbooks on Indonesia seldom refer to contemporary Buddhism, though
a number of pages are usually dedicated to the praise of the glory of the
ancient Buddhist civilization of Java whichis represented by the monument
of BarabuQ.ur. In fact, the noticeable increase of Indonesian Buddhists is a
somewhat recent phenomenon. The present paper aims to describe briefly
the historical development of Buddhist revivalism in the country of a hundred
million Muslims.
Most of the Indonesian literature written 011 Buddhism often begins
'the history of Buddhist revivalism with the advent in 1934 of a Sinhalese
monk by the name of Narada Thera (now Mahathera) [Widyadharma 1977-a;
1977-bJ. This is, of course, not denying the remarkable contributions made
by the Amarapura missionary monk to whom we shall return.
However it is necessary to have a quick review of pre-Narada Buddhist
movements in the Dutch East Indies, which seem to have been started
around the turn of the century by some members of the Theosophical
Society (founded in 1875 by Mme H. P. Blavatsky and Col. H. S. Olcott).
The Theosophists' campaign for the cause of the Buddhasiisana in 19th
century Ceylon is often told and needs no reiteration here, However, their
activities and the important roles they played in the promotion and propaga-
tion of Buddhism elsewhere still wait for future scrutiny by the student of
modern Theravada Buddhism, It is interesting to note in this connection
that the founder of the Society had visited Java twice (in 1853 and 1858)
during her trip to Asia. In 1883, eight years after the foundation of the
Society in New York, Mme Blavatsky made her third visit to the island
and in person inaugurated the Pekalongan Lodge, the first Theosophist
lodge established in the East Indies. In 1901, a monthly journal in Dutch
entitled Theosophisch Maandblad van Nederlandsch Indie, was started in
YONEO ISHII 109
the northern Javanese port of Semarang. Seven years later, a Malay bulletin
of the Society was published in Buitenzorg (Bogor) later under the title
of Pewarta Theosofie (Theosophist News). Buitenzorg became one of the
most important centres of the Theosophist cum Buddhist movement. The
Malay language, then known as Bahasa Melajoe Betawi, Melayu-Thionghoa
or Malayu rendah, was the long-established lingua franca of the peranakan
or locally-born Chinese intellectuals.
The Theosophists were great sympathizers of Buddhism-Mme Blavatsky
and Col. Olcott were reportedly converted to Buddhism-and in Java the
members used to celebrate some Buddhist ceremonies. According to the
recollection of an old member of the Society, Vesak had already been
celebrated at the lodge building in Buitenzorg when World War I broke out.
At first, the leadership in the Society understandably came from the
European members. However, a statistic shows that, by 1930, half of the
2,100 members were non-Europeans, of whom 40% were 'Indonesiers',
with the rest being Chinese and other Orientals. Thus the initiatives of the
local people gradually began to emerge. One thing to be specially noted
is the fact that the Theosophical Society did provide a channel through
which intellectuals in the East Indies, both 'Indonesiers' and peranakall,
could have access to the knowledge of Buddhism.
Along with the Buddhist movement initiated by the Theosophists, we see,
towards the end of the third decade of this century, another tide of Buddhist
evangelism coming from abroad. The provenance of this move was in Lower
Burma, where the" International Buddhist Mission" had been established
in the historic Mon town of Thaton. In July 1929 the" Association for the
Propagation of Buddhism in Java" was established in Batavia (Jakarta).
As the name suggests, the Association was intended for Buddhist proselytism.
However, the Dhammadiita Josias van Dienst was puzzled when he saw a
number of local people joining the Association without professing faith in
Buddhism: they seem only to have had an interest in the religion of India.
To meet the existing demands, it was explained, the Association changed
its name to the "Java Buddhist Association" with associate membership
offered to all those who were attracted by Buddhism (Nama Buddhaya
1: 17-18). The reorganized Association, however, was shortlived. It ceased
to exist after having published four numbers of its thirty-two page organ
in Dutch entitled Nama Buddhaya. The Burmese-inspired and Dutch-
operating Buddhist mission is said to have been succeeded by "Het Central
Boeddhistisch Instituut voor Java" (the Central Buddhist Institute for
Java), of which little is known except the fact that it published only two
numbers of its four-page bulletin in Dutch called De Dhamma in Neder-
landsch-Indie in August and September 1934.
Independent of these foreign-led religious movements, there had been
seen, among certain peranakan intellectuals, a slow but steady undercurrent
flowing toward the eventual emergence of an indigenous Buddhist revivalism.
One of the leaders was Kwee Tek Hoay, a prolific Hokkien peranakarz
writer from Buitenzorg. K. T. H. (as abbreviated by himself) lived and was
educated when the Chinese in the East Indies greatly suffered from the
discriminatory policy of the Dutch colonial government and envied the
favourable position enjoyed by fellow Chinese in the British port of Singapore.
The pragmatic value of English as a new lingua franca was increasingly
appreciated by the peranakan intellectuals living in the Dutch East Indies.
In his youth, the future Buddhist leader discarded the traditional Chinese
education which he thought to be out of fashion and devoted himself to the
study of English. His later writings clearly show the extent of his reading
of English books. He even read the Chinese classics in English and translated
them into Malay for the consumption offellow peranakans. It is also through
English that he was led to the new knowledge of Buddhism which none
at the traditional klenteng (Chinese temple) had ever taught him. In 1927
K. T: H. wrote that the genuine Buddhism (Agama Buddha jang betoet)
which he was seeking was not such as was tainted with idols and supersti-
tious rites seen at klentengs but as refreshing our soul like clean water just
sprung from a fountain (K.T.H. 1927: 465). Based UPOIl Sir Edwin Arnold's
The Light of Asia (1879) and Paul Cams's The Gospel of Buddha (1894),
K.T.H. produced for the first time in Malaya biography of the Buddha
which was published in 1931-1933 under the title of Hikayat Penghidoepan
dan Peladjaran Buddha Gautama (The Life and the Teaching of Gautama
Buddha). In 1933 he started a new Malay monthly, Moestika Dharma,
subtitled 'the magazine about religions, belief and philosophy'. There he
energetically wrote about Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism, Hinduism
and Islam as well as Theosophy. He translated the works of Omar Khayyam
aIid Rabindranath Tagore, the Bhagavadgita and many other religious
and philosophical works of the world.
Although not in favour of the current style of Chinese Mahayana in Java,
K.T.R was not completely free from the cultural tradition of China in
which he was born. He founded the Sam Kauw Hwe Batavia (the Three
Religions Society) in 1934 with the purpose of unifying, propagating and
practising the three religions: Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism
(Suryadinata 1978 :57). Another Malay monthly was started in the same year
under the title Sam Kauw Gwat Po (The Three Religions Monthly Review)
as the organ of the Society. But his later career seems to show that he was
more Buddhist than Confucianist or Taoist. .
The above is the gist of the history of modern Indonesian Buddhism before
Ven.Narada made his first appearance on Javanese soil. The Sinhalese
Dhammadiita monk was bOi"ll 1899 in Sri Lanka. After havIng studied
ethics and philosophy, he wa.s ordained bhikkhuby Ven. Piiliin.e Siri Vajira-
n l ~ under whose spiritual training he finally became one of the most
active propagators of the Buddha-sasana abroad. The countries he has visited
include Chil1a,lndia, Japan, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam as well as the U.K.
" YONEO lSHn HI
and U.S.A. In December 1933 the 35 yearold Sinhalese monk happened
be at a meeting of the Theosophical Society held at Adyar, near Madras;
where he WaS introduced to the Indonesian representatives. The peranakan
Theosophists from Java enthusiastically expressed the wish for a: Buddhist
reviva,l in lndonesia and solicited the spiritual assistance of the thera. Moved
by the story of restoring the once-flourishing Buddhism in the historic
of Java, . Ven. Narada accepted the invitation from Ong ',. Soe
Aan. . ','
In Apri11934 the missionary monk .arrived in Batavia and was welcomed
by Ip.donesian Buddhists. He lost no time in launching a tightly-schedulc;%l
lecture tour to. various parts in Central and West Java, inclp.ding Buitenzorg,.
Bandung, Jogjakarta, Solo and Batavia, where he successfully at.tracted
numbers of people to his Buddhist sermons. During his twenty-day tour"
Ven. Narada ,was assisted by Nyonya Tjoa Hin Hoay,daughter of Kwee,
Tek Hoay, who interpreted his English talks into Malay for the local audience.
Her Buddhist father, on his part, extended his welcome to the. visiting
missionary by issp.ing a special Nlirada Thera Number of his MfJestik.a
l)harma in which his itinerary was given in great detail
A memorable moment came when the thera solemnly planted a sapJitJg
of the bodhi-tree brought from Ceylon in the precinct of the ancient lJuddhist
monument of Barabuc;iur. The ceremony is remembered today by all Indp-
nesian Buddhists and .the site still remains as the symbol of Buddhist reunion.
There is no .doubt that the opportune visit of the Sinhalese Dhammaduta
gave a fresh momentum to the embryonic Buddhist revival in Java.'
Sam Kauw Gwat Po, the combined organ for Sam Kauw Hwe Batavia
and the "Batavia (as distinct from "Java") Buddb,ist Association", was
di,scontinued' in January 1942 just after the outbreak of the War
and the organized activities of the Indonesian Buddhists were also at a low
ebb during the Japanese occupation. It was only' after the independence of
the. Republic of Indonesia in 1945 and the final liberation from Dutch
colo.nial rule in 1949, in particular, that the Indonesian Buddhists regained
their former vigour.
1952, K.wee Te1c Hoay, the of the Buddhistrevival
in Indonesia for more than a quartet of a century, reached the end of his
meritorious life of sixty-six years at his old residence in Cicurug, ,Priangan ..
Thus closed the first chapter of the history of modern Indonesian Buddhism.
The second chapter began when a new leadership was found in the charismatic
personality of another peranakan religionist who became,within the same
year, ,the first president of the Gabungan Sam Kauw Indonesia, a federatiqn
of the then existing Sam Kauw Associations in various parts of tile Republic,.
Tan Bwan An, the newly elected leader, had in a sense, a similar backgroUlld
to tllat pf.his predecessor. Tan was also born in the. syncretistic tradjtion of
Chinese Buddhists and was later introduced to the 'purer' form of Buddhism
through ,his association with the Theosophical Society in Buitenzorg., In
one respect however, Tan was to surpass his precursor, that is his entering the
Buddhist monkhood.
In December 1953 Tan Bwan An went to Burma to study Buddhist medi-
tation under Mahapal;u;Iita Sobhal)a, popularly known as Mahasi Sayadaw,
in Rangoon. Three months later, the peranakan Buddhist leader was ordained
a bhikkhu and given the name of Jinarakkhita. Ven. Ashin Jinarakkhita
remained in Burma until 1955 when he returned to Indonesia to launch
Dhammadiita activities in his native land [Sobhal)a1959?].
Ven. Ashin Jinarakkhita's dynamic record in Java after his return from
Burma is striking. He walked untiringly in and aroundSemarang which
soon became a Buddhist centre of Java.
1
A fraternity of Buddhists called
Persaudaraan Upasaka- Upasika Indonesia was organized with forty-five
urban branches. In 1956 Burmese and Sinhalese Buddhists celebrated the
2500th anniversary of the Buddha's parinib'bana. In consonance with the
Buddhist revival abroad, the new religious leader caused viharas to be built
in various parts of Java as the meeting place of Indonesian Buddhists.
He was also instrumental in establishing in 1958 Perhimpunan Buddhis
Indonesia (The Buddhist Association of Indonesia) with headquarters in
Semarang (moved to Jakarta in 1965).
To celebrate the Vesak of 1959, Ven. Narada made a glorious return to
Java, upon the cordial invitation extended by Ven. Ashin Jinarakkhita,
where he had given his first sermon to the Indonesian Buddhists twenty-
four years earlier. The Sinhalese mahiithera was among the Sangha dignitaries
invited from Thailand, Cambodia, Burma and Sri Lanka. On 21st May
1959 a chapter of fourteen Theravada monks, including Ashin Jinarakkhita
himself, solemnly consecrated the first ever sima. in Indonesia at a site near
Vihara Buddhagaya on the outskirts ofSemarang. The sima, which is popUlarly
known as "International Sima", was named Buddha Jayanthi Vihara re-
miniscent of the grand Buddhist celebration three years earlier. At that very
sima a peranakan from Tangeran became the first ordained bhikkhu there
with H. E. Somdach Choun Nath Mahathera, the visiting Cambodian
Sangharaja, as preceptor. On the following day, theVesak ceremony was held
in the precinct of the memorable Buddhist site of Barabw;lur. The partici-
pating Burmese monk wrote in his diary that as many as 60;000 people
attended the ceremony. Ambassadors of several Buddhist countries, as
well as the representatives of the Indonesian government, highlighted the
event with their presence.
The wave of Buddhist revivalism was not confined to coastal Java where
Ashin Jinarakkhita's early activities were concentrated. Soon, vihiiras
were opened at Palcmbang in Sumatra and at Singaraja in Bali. In Central
Java also, Buddhist temples were dedicated in various places. Mass conversion
of the descendants of old Shiva-Buddhists was reported in East Java. There
are indications that the Buddhist awakening reached West Lombok and
Kalimantan (Bakker 1976: 150). The sudden increase of Buddhists in the
YONEO IsmI 113
Islamic republic resulted inevitably in the gradual diversification of the
religious leadership. The abortive coup of 1965 and the subsequent anti-
Communist measures taken by the Indonesian Government seem to have
accelerated the process.
One ofthe measures which had a most far-reaching impact upon religions,
particularly non-theistic religions such as Buddhism, is the official definition
of agama or religions and the prohibition of ateis or atheism. According
to the newly promUlgated definition, every agama should have the following
three qualifications, namely, Tuhan or Ketuhanan yang maha esa, 'the One
and Supreme God', ndbi-nabi, prophets, and kitab-suci, holy scriptures.
To avert imminent threat of suppression, non-theistic religionists in the
Republic were obliged to redefine their doctrines in conformity with the
imposed interpretation of agama.
Ven. Jinarakkhita's far-sightedness is seen in the promptness with which
he completed the necessary preparations for a possible attack from the
authorities four months before the coup took place in September. In May
1965 he published an apologetic booklet entitled Ketuhanan dalam agama
Buddha (The God in Buddhism) -in which he presented the old concept of
Adi Buddha as the required Ketuhanan for Buddhism. In a later argument
he equated the AdiBuddha with Adwaya which is found in the old Javanese
compendium of Buddhism, Sanghyang Kamahayanikan (Dhammavadi 1971:
13).2 The solution proved to be acceptable since it was soon granted official
sanction by the Ministry of Religious Affairs. Antagonism, however, was
to emerge from amongst his former followers. _
. Before turning to this topic, it is necessary to cast a glance upon some
new developments of the Indonesian Buddhist movement. In 1966 Ven.
Girirakkhito, who had been ordained by Ven. Ashin Jinarakkhita as
SamaJ;lera, went to Thailand for higher ordination at Wat Benchamabophit
in Bangkok. He has been active, since then, in Singharaja, Bali. In the
following year another Indonesian bhikkhu was created in Sri Lanka by
the old hand of Ven. Narada. In 1968 Phra SasanasobhaJ;la of Wat Bovora-
nives, a celebrated Dhammayuttanikaya monastery in Bangkok, visited
Indonesia as the head of the first Thai mission sent there. This was followed
by the visit of a four-man Dhammadiita from the same Thai monastery
to Java. In May 1970 Phra Sasanasobhana made his second visit
3
to give
the higher ordination to five Indonesians who had received samaJ;lera o r d i n ~
tion from Ven. Ashin Jinarakkhita. By 1978 as many as twenty Indonesian
bhikkhus were produced by the Thai mahathera.
The first sign of schism appeared on the surface when, in January 1972,
two Indonesian bhikkhus resolved to "resign from the membership of the
Maha Sangha Indonesia led by Ven. M.N.S. Ashin Jinarakkhita ", due to
the fact that they were unable "any further to follow the working policy
of the Maha Sangha Indonesia" (Declaration dated 10th January, 1972
signed by Ven. Girirakkhito of Singaraja and Ven. Subhato of Bandung).
114 FEsTSCHRIFT FOR I'lAMMALAVA SADDHATISSA
The two dissident monks proposed to establish a separate Sangha called
Sangha Indonesia which was immediately supported by Gagungan Tridharma
Indonesia (The Federation of Tridharma [former Sam KauwJ Indonesia) as
well as by Perhimpunan Buddhis Indonesia (The Indonesian Buddhist Associa-
tion). To rectify the discord in the Buddhist Community, the worried
Ministry of Religious Affairs excercised its influence to bring about the
unification of the two Sanghas into one which was named Sangha Agung
Indonesia (the August Sangha of Indonesia). But the hoped-for unity soon
collapsed. Four years later the Theravadins again announced the formation
of an independent fraternity called Sangha Theravada Indonesia. Jina-
rakkhita 's Sangha Agung Indonesia was further eroded by the establishment
of a third and Mahayanist Sangha by one of his former disciples.
It is not easy to identify the real reasons for these schisms which took
place in the last decade. However, in strictly doctrinal terms, the principal
cause is the difference of view vis-a-vis the imposed definition of agama,
particularly the application of the concept of Ketuhanan qr 'the God' to the
respective Buddhist school. As has been mentioned above, Ven. Jinarak-
khita and his school successfully surmounted the seeming impossibility
by referring to the concept of Adi Buddha. The Theravadin purists, however,
regarded the strategic accommodation as heretical and, therefore; unaccep-
table, and as a result had to struggle hard for some other palatable solution.
In May 1979 an ecumenical meetillg was convened in Jogjakarta in order
to find a common solution to the pro blem. All three Sanghas wete represented
at the first Kongres Umat Buddha Indonesia (The Buddhist Congress of
Indonesia). The most important result of the congress was the consensus
reached unanimously by the all participating members of the Kongres as
to the problem of Ketuhetnan in Buddhism. Here are the relevant portions of
the resolution:
, '1. All the Buddhist Sects of Indonesia believe in the existence of
Tuhan Yang Maha Esa.
2. All the Buddhist Sects of Indonesia may call Tuhan yang Mahet Esa
with different names which, in essence, are one and the same.
3. All the Buddhist Sects of Indonesia should honour the appellation
adopted by other Buddhist Sects. "
The holding of the ecumenical meeting might be interpreted as a remedy
for the aggravating antagonism between the separated groups. According
to a report the Theravadins were accused by their antagonists of their failure
fulfil the required qualification of the agama. It is, therefore, a relief to see
that the Indonesian authorities seem to be less interested in -the politico-
theological argument than in the peaceful and harm,onious
of the qc)lliUqtin& fra,tel"llities,
YONEO ISHIJ 115
FOOT NOTES
1. centre of Jinarakkhita's activities was afterward shifted to Pacet (Pat jet) near
Cipanas, West Java, where three large vihtiras were built.
2. Adwaya itu Sanghyang Adi-Buddha: 'Adwaya'=Adi-Buddha'.
3. See Bhikkhu Khantipalo A Btlddhist Record of Journeys in 'ndonesia. Bangkok 1971.
NOTES
The writer wishes to express his heartfelt thanks to Dr. Than Tun of the University of
Mandalay.who so kindly translated SobhaJ;la's valuable diary for the reference of the
present wrIter.
Note: In Bahasa Indonesia, the national language of the Republic of Indonesia, there are
two terms which are often confusingly used but should be distinguished. They are Tuhau
and Ketuhanan. The former means 'the God' and the latter, 'Deity', 'Divinity', or 'Belief
in the God'. The distinction, however, is frequently blurred aDd both terms are used
interchangeably. Moreover, Tuhan Yang Maha Esa means 'the one Great God'.
REFERENCES
Bakker, J. W. M. 1976
"Contemporary Buddhism in Indonesia" in Buddhism if! Ihe Modern World, ed.
H: Dumoulin. New York.
Dhammavadi 1971
Ketuhanan dalam agama Buddha (The Deity in Buddhism). Pat jet
Dhammaviriya 1965
Ketuhanan dalam agama Buddha (The Deity in Buddhism). Bogor
Encyclopedie van Nederlandsch-Indie, Deel VI. 1932.
"Theosofische Vereeniging (de Nederlandsch-Indische)"
Kwee Tek Hoay
"Agama Buddha" (Buddhism) in Panorama No. 55 (Dec. 31, 1927). Batavia
Nama Buddhaya 1933-1934
Batavia
Narada Mahiithera 1976
Keterangan singkat agama Buddha (Buddl!ism in a Nutshell). Jakarta
Panitia Nasional Kongres Umat Buddl!a Indonesia 1979
Ketetapan-ketetapan dan Keputusan-Konllres Umat Buddha Indonesia (Resolutions
and decisions of the Congress of Buddl!ists of Indonesia). Jakarta
Salmon, C. & Lombard, D. 1977
Les chinois de Jakarta; temples et vie collective. (Cahier d'Archipel 6, S.E.C.M.!.)
Paris
Sam Kauw Gwat Po 1934-1942
Batavia
SobhaI).a 19591
Aliduine:rhti: Stisantipru Mhattam (ABuddl!ist mission from Theravada countries).
Rangoon (in Burmese)
Suryadinata, L. 1978
Eminent Indonesian Chinese, Biographical sketches. Singapore
Widyadl!arma, S. 1977a
Inti sari agamaBuddha (Essence of Buddhism). Jakarta
-do- 1977-b
Agama Buddha dan perkembangannya di Indonesia (Buddl!ism and its developmenii
in Indonesia) . Jakarta
Willmott, D. E. 1970
The Chinese of Semarang, A changing minority community in Indonesia. Ithaca &
London
See also
Jacob Ensink "Siva-Buddhism in Java and Bali" in Buddhism in Ceylon and Studies on
Religious Syncretism in Buddhist Countries, ed. Heinz Bechert. Gottingen 1978
Heinz Bechert "The Buddhayana of A Syncr<:tistic Form of Theravada" in
JPTS lX, 1981
SOME Nfn VERSES OF THE LOKANEYYA
PAKARA1:-4A
PADMANABH S. JAINI
The very recent publication entitled Pali Niti Texts of Burma,
1
by Professors
Bechert and Braun, includes all of Ludwik Sternbach's research in this
field
2
as well as all other material available in Southeast Asia. The only
text conspicuously abSent from Bechert and Braun's otherwise comprehensive
work is the Lokaneyya-pakaralJa, a Pali text of unknown authorship, which
probably originated in northern Thailand during the post-Pafifiasa-Jataka
3
period.
Although it is a fairly long text, mostly in prose but containing more
than six hundred verses (glUM) as well, the has never
been cited in any catalogue of Pali manuscripts from Southeast Asia.
4
In
1960 I came across a single manuscript of this work in the National Museum
of Bangkok and was able to obtain a photographic copy of it. This manus-
cript is written in Cambodian script and consists of 268 palm leaves,
averaging 5 lines per page. It is complete, but there is no indication in the
text of the author, date, or place of composition. Only the obverse of the
first leaf is dated simply" Rama IV", which appears to be the date of the
copy (c. 1851-1868).
The term "Lokaneyya" is rather ambiguous and has not been explained
in the text itself. However at the beginning the author refers to the text as
subhiJ.sital;n viikyafJ1, i.e. "well-spoken sentences ", thus suggesting that the
Lokaneyya-pakaralJa falls in the genre of nili, or aphoristic literature. But,
unlike the niti texts [namely Dhammaniti, LokanIti, Rajanlti, etc.] included
in the Pali NUi Texts of Burma the Lokaneyya-pakaralJa is not merely a
compilation of niti verses; rather it is a work in which these verses have
been integrated as a part of the narrative. In this respect the Lokaneyya-
pakarm;a may be said to imitate the style of the Paficatantra and Hitopadesa,
the two classical Sanskrit niti texts. Although Pali literature abounds in
didactic poetry, as well as narrative prose, the Lokaneyya-pakaralJa would
appear to be the sale Pali work to have attempted a narrative, in which the
prose merely serves as a context for presenting the niti verses appropriate,
however tenuously, to the occasion.
Although called a "pakaral).a" the Lokaneyya, with a nidiJ.na, atitavatthu
and a samodhiJ.na, like an "apocryphal" jiJ.taka and, indeed, is
mOdelled upon the Mahaummaggajataka (Jataka546). Like the latter it
is divided into several Pafihas (questions), through which the Bodhisatta,
Dhanafijaya, imparts worldly wisdom to the King and at the same time
defeats his rivals at the court. I do not propose to a summary of the
PADMANAilH S. JAIN!
entire story here. The purpose of this short paper is to draw attention to
the large number of niti verses which abound in this text but are missing in
the extant Pali niti collections.
As mentioned earlier there are about 600 "giithas" in the Lokaneyya-
pakara!;a, but only about a hundred of them can strictly be called" niti"
verses. As many as seventy-five of these can be traced to the various collec-
tions included in the Pali Niti Texts of Burma. The remaining twenty-five
verses still need to be traced to their original Pali sources. I reproduce
here these twenty-five verses, together with their possible Sanskrit
equivalents.
s
1. attha ghare nivattante susiine mittaballdhavaj
sukataI11 dukkataI11 kammaI11 gacchantaI11 anugacchati//[5S]6
Cf. artha grhe nivartante smasane mitrabandhava1;I/
sukrtaI11 capi gacchalltam anugacchati/ / VySS-7
2. anattho py atthanlpe1;la attho py anatthariipato/
uppajjate vinasiiya tasma yuttaI11 parlkkha1;laI11/ j [17J
Cf. anartho' py arthariipe1;la tathartho' narthariipabhak/
utpadyate vinasaya tasmad uktaI11
3. apadaya dhallaI11 rakkhe dare rakkhe dhanena pi/
attanaI11 satataI11 rakkhe darehi pi dhallehi pifl[54]
Cf. iipadarthe dhanaI11 daran dhanair api/
atmanaI11 satataI11 darair api dhanair api//SCAGI-24
4. ka1;ltakanaI11 khalanafi ca duvidheva patikriya/
paduka mukhabhaggo va diirato va vivajjanaI11//[202]
Cf. ka1;ltakiinaI11 khaliinaI11 ca dvividhaiva pratikriya/
upananmulchabhango va diirato vii visarjanaI11//VySS-9
5. kha10 sasappamattani paradosani passati/
attano hatthimattani passanto pi na passati//[214]
Cf. khala1;I saqapamatra1;li paracchidra1;li pasyati/
atmano bilvamatra1;li pasyann api na pasyati//SCAGI-59
6. khirapiinaI11 bhujangassa kevalaI11 visava<;l<;lhanaI11/
upakiiro hi nicanaI11 apakaraya vattate// [396J
Cf. upakaro' pi nicanaI11 apakaro' pi jayate/
payalJ.panaI11 bhujanganaI11 kevalaI]1 S1/11
7. gavi satasahassani vaccho anveti mataraI]1/
evam eva kataI11 pufifiaI11 samikaI11 pariyesati/ /[37SJ
Cf. yatha vatso gacchati mataram/
tatha yac ca krtaI11 karma kartaram anugacchati//SCAGI-173
S. te sadhavo bhuvanama1;l<;lalamolibhiita
ye sadhutaI11 nirupakarisu dassayalltij
atthappayojanavaslkatakhi1;ladeho
pubbopakari:Q.i khalo pi hi sadhukappo//[208]
Cf. te sadhavo bhuvanama1;l<;lalamaulibhiita
ye sadhutaI11 darSayanti/
118
FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAMMALAVA SADDHA TISSA
a tmaprayojana
khaIo' pi hi sanukampa1;tjjS4V-275
9. diire.t;lanavamantabba rajano mghabahukaj
ga.t;lhanti sahasa da,lharp. disa(a?) Ioko va pIlakarp.//[l50J
Cf. paw;iitena viruddha1;t san diire' smlti na visvasetj
dIrghau buddhimato bahii yabhyarp. diire hinasti sa1;tjjSV-2765
10. dvijivharp. utrasakararp. khararp. ekantanitthurarp.j
khalassa.russa ca mukharp. apakaraya kevalarp.//[200J
cr. dvijivham udvegakararp. kruram ekiintadaruI).arp.j
khalasyahes ca vadanam apakaraya kevalamjjCNTT-498
11. na yati koparp. sujano nasakale patitthite/
chedo(e) pi candanataru surabhi c' eva vasiya/ /[121J
Cf. sujano na yati vaira:q:t parahitabuddhir vinasakale' pij
chede' pi candanatarul;t surabhayati mukharp. kutharasya//SCAGI-236
12. na villa parapavadena rammante dujana khalu/
kako sabbarasarp. bhutva vina mijhe l1a tussati /j [199J
Cf. na vina parapavadena ramate durjano jana1;t/
kaka1;t sarvarasan bhUlikte vina medhyarp. na trpyati//CNTT-562
13. paradararp. paradhanarp. parihiisaii parassa ca /
niccarp. paranivesanaii ca na kareyya kadaci pi/ /[31OJ
Cf. paradaran paradravyarp. parivada:q:t parasya cal
parihiisarp. guro1;t sthiinarp. capalyarp. ca vivarjayet//CNTT-639
14. papa:q:t samacarati vItagha.t;lo jaghaiiiio
patvapadarp. sakaruI).o pi [hiJ majjhabuddhI/
pa.t;laccaye pana na sadhujanosuvutti
velarp. tasantari(? samudda-r-iva?) vitikkamitUll1 samattho /! [320]
Cf. paparp. samacarati vitaghrI).o jaghanya1;t
prapyapadarp. saghrI).a eva tu madhyabuddhi.b./
praI).atyaye'pi na tu sadhujanal;t suvrttarp.
velarp. samudra iva larighayiturp. samartha.b./ /SV -272
15. madhurarp. nipphala:rp. kiccarp. nattharp. abbhantara:rp. bhave/
tadiso no ca seveyya visamissarp. gularp. yathii/ /[11 1]
Cf. madhuram arucirarp. vaca1;t khalanam
amrtarp. aho prathama:rp. prthu vyanakti/
atha kathayati mohahetum antar-
gatam iva hiilahalarp. tad eva//SRB 87/142
16. miyate manam apanno na ca yati pararp. natirp./
silathambho' tibhiireI;la bhijjate n' eva namyate/ /[119]
Cf. mriyate manam apanno na ca yati parabhavam/
silastambho' tibhareI).a bhidyate naiva namyatej jVySS-80
17. mukhen' eleena vijjhanti padarp. ekassa kaI).takaj
diira mukhasahassena 10kapaI).aharo khalo//[20l]
cr. mukhenaikena vidhyanti padam ekasya kaI).taka1;t/ .
duran mukhasahasrelJ-a sarvapraI).ahara1;t khala1;t/ /SV-375
PADMANABH S. JAIN!
18. yatha gajo parisanto ehaya:ql nissaya vissame/
vissamma ta:ql duma:ql hanti tatha nieo sanissaya:ql/ / [384J
Cf. yatha gajapatil;t srantas ehiiyarthi asrital;t/
visramya tu druma:ql hanti tathii nieal;!. svamasrayam//SV-354
19. yad' anatthesu sillnattha:ql atthesu pi ea vijjate/
hatthattha:ql nu bhave tassa sabbaiiiiuta:ql na sa:qlsayo//[lO]
Cf. yady samarthyam api ea vidyate/
hastasthaIJ1 na bhavet kasya sarviyarp. saugatam padam//VySS-p.27,
n.69
20. rukkha:ql kh1lJ.aphala1p. eajanti vihaga dac,lc,lhaIJ1 vanal1talll miga/
malamiIata eajanti simagal).a(bhamara?) sukka:ql sarar:n sarasa/ /
dhanal1atthalll purisalll cajanti vanita [bhatthaJ
manussa (bhupassa) mal1tilJ.o/
sabbalcaravasa jano' bhiramate kasyatra ko vallabho//[165J
Cf. tyajanti vihagal). saral;t sarasal;!./
nirdravya:ql tyajanti gal;ilca nrparp mantrilJ.al;!./ /
tyajallti madhupa
dagdha:ql vananta:ql mrgal)/
sarval) karyavasaj jano' bhiramate
tat kasya ko vallabhal;t//CNTT-958
21. lobha pamada vissasa puriso tabyatthite (? vyathltc?) tihl/
lobha:ql pamadal].1 vissasa:ql na kareyya budho tato//[l53J
cr. lobhapramadavisvasail) nasyate tribhll;!./
tasmallobho na pramiidal) kasmin hi na visvaset// SCAGI-195
22. virodha bahavo n' eva dujjeyyo hi mahajano/
mahantam api naginda:ql bhakkhayal1ti kipillika//[370J
cr. bahubhlr na viroddhavya:ql durjanail) svajanair api/
sphurantam api nagendra:ql pipUikiil)// SRB 269/593
23. sakkaramadhusa:qlyutto vijjuppanno pi (? ujupaiiiiehi?) sa(i) iicito/
khlrakumbhasahassehi nimbo khll madhurayate / / [117J
Cf. na dmjanal) sajjanatam upaiti bahuprakiirair api sevyamanal)/
bhuyo' pi siktal) payasa ghrtena na nimbavr1qo madhuratvam eti/!
24. sabbattha sabbe va gUlJ.a na santi
gUlJ.ekadesa:ql gUl).ayallti santo/
ya:ql ketakikalJ.takala:qlkapatta:ql
siromalJ.itthiina:ql upeti loke / / [206J
Cf. kasyapi ko' py atisayo' sti sa tena loke
khyati:ql prayati na hi sarvavidas tu sarval)/
ki:ql ketaki phalati ki1p. panasal)
CNTT-542
ki:qlnagavally api ca puspaphalair upeta//SRB 288/1031
25. sasi divasadullabho vigatayobbana kaminl
saro vigatavarijo mukha:ql anakkhararucira:ql/
pabhu dhanaparayalJ.o slltataduggato su(a) j [jJ ano
i19
qo FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAMMALAVA SADDHATISSA
naradhipati yo khalo manasi satta saIl ani mel /[197J
Cf. sasi divasadhiisaro galitayauvana kamilll
saro vigatavarijalll mukham n k ~ r l l l svakrtel;t/
prabhur dhanaparayat;lal;t satatadurgatal;t sajjano
n!'paIigat;lagatal;t khalo rnanasi sapta salyani me//SV-34S8;
SRB 291/1070
TRANSLATION
1. Wealth is left behind in the home; friends and relatives come back from
the cremation ground; but good and bad deeds follow the departing one.
2. [Sometimes] something meaningless turns out to have meaning; and
[sometimesJ something meaningful turns out to be destructive. One
should therefore examine [what has been saidJ. (Skt. uktalll is rendered
yuttalll in Pali?)
3. Save your wealth for the bad times ahead. Give up your wealth to
protect your women; but regardless of wealth .and women, always
protect yourself.
4. Thorns and wicked men are alike, only two ways to deal with them:
Either smash their face with your shoes or keep them at a distance.
5. A wicked man sees the faults of others be they as small as a mustard
seed. But his own, as large as elephants, although he looks, he cannot see.
6. Give milk to a snake; its poison merely increases. Do a mean fellow
a favour; and he will only do you evil in return.
7. From 100,000 cows a calf chooses its mother. Likewise a good deed
done always finds its doer.
8. Those are saints, crest-jewels of the earth's orb, who show kindness
to ones who have done them evil. For surely a wicked man, who only
mortifies his body for selfish ends, is saintly towards those who already
have done him good. (Pali sadhukappo seems to be a misprint for
Skt. sanukampo.)
9. Don't insult kings, even from a distance, for they have long arms indeed.
Those who harm them they will seize quickly and firmly, like light
[reaching] the four directions. (Reading of last line is doubtful and
meaning unclear.)
10. Forked-tongued, terrifying, harsh and cruel, through and through, the
mouths of wicked men and snakes are only good for doing evil!
11. A good man does not resort to anger even when his downfall is at hand.
Even when cut, the sandllwood tree bestows its fragrance on the axe's
blade.
12. The wicked are not happy unless finding fault with others. Although
he has enjoyed delicious flavours, a crow is not content without [the
taste ofJ dung.
13. To covet the wives and wea:lth of others, to mock others, or to live
too long in another '8 house-one should never do these things.
l' ADMANABIl S. JAlN!
14. The basest man, devoid of compassion,does evil deeds. A man of
average intellect, even when calamity befalls him, still maintains com-
passion. But a trUly good man, though his life be endangered, can no
more abandon his good conduct than an ocean overflow its shore.
15. Like treacle mixed with poison, one should not partake of pleasurable
action, which is fruitless and rotten to the core.
16. A man too proud to submit to others, dies just as a stone pillar, un-
bending, breaks under a heavy load.
17. Thorns, with their single point, pierce but one person's foot. The
wicked man, though far away, with his thousand tongues robs everyone
of his life.
18. Just as a weary elephant rests in the shade, and having rested, destroys
the tree, thus a vile man destroys his very refuge.
19. If one's ability to do good were as great as one's ability to do evil,
he no doubt would have omniscience in his hand.
20. Birds abandon trees de\oid of fruit, deer abandon forests which have
burned down, bees abandon garlands which have faded, and Sara sa birds
a desiccated lake. A harlot abandons one who has lost his wealth, and
ministers a king who has been overthrown. Impelled by thoughts of
gain one enjoys the company of others. Thus who is the friend of whom?
21. Through greed, carelessness, and trust a man comes to grief. Therec
fore let not a wise man be greedy, careless, or trusting [i.e. gullible].
22. Never anger the multitude; a large number of men are difficult to
defeat. [For] ants devour even the mighty king of snakes!
23. Does the Margosa (neem) tree become sweet, even if it is sprinkled
by wise men with hundreds of pitchers of milk mixed with sugar and
honey? (vijjuppanno' pi does not make sense. My emendation to
ujupafifiehi is merely a guess.)
24. Not all virtues are found in all places; good men cause even a little
virtue to multiply. Doesn't the screw-pine (ketaki), although its leaf is
marred by thorns, achieve the status of "crest-jewel" in the world?
25. The moon, difficult to see in daytime; the beloved, who has lost her
youth; a lake bereft of lotuses; a sweet face, without learning; a good
man, who is always poor; and a wicked king-these are the seven thorns
in my heart. (The Skt. nrpa:ri.gaI).agatal;t khalal;t has been changed in
Pali to naradhipati yo khalo; this seems deliberate, since the author
of the Lokaneyya-pakarar;a wants to make the king in the story seem
wicked.)
These verses, many of them of unusual meters, reveal the erudition of
the Buddhist monk who composed the Lokaneyya-pakarar;a and his familia-
rity with Sanskrit literature. The discovery of this manuscript should reopen
our search for further material concerning niti verses. Due to the prevalence
of Sanskrit in court circles in Southeast Asia, there is undoubtedly a wealth
of hitherto unknown Pali verses awaiting us.
NOTES
1. Pali Niti Texts 0/ Burma, Critical Edition and Study, H. Bechert and H. Braun, PTS
1981.
2. See particularly The Spreading 0/ CiiJJakya' s Aphorism over "Greater India" (SCAG I)
L. Sternbach,* Calcutta 1969 (Calcutta Oriental Book Agency).
3. Paiiiiasa-jataka or Zimme PalJ1Jiisa (in the Burmese Recension), ed. P.S. Jaini, Vols. I
and II, PTS 1981-83. The Bahalaputtajataka, No. 33 of this collection has been
reproduced (with minor changes) in the Lokaneyya-pakaralJa, thus suggesting the
dependence of the latter on the former. The compilation of the Pafifiasajataka probably
took place around the 15th century. See Introduction, Vol. II, xlv.
4. Mention may be made here of a Laotian work by the name of Lokavinaya reported
by Louis Finot in his 'Recherches sur la litterature laotienne', in BEFEO, XVII,
5, pp. 44-50 and more recently by H. Saddhatissa in his article 'Pali Literature from
Laos' in Studies in Pali& Buddhism, ed. A.K. Narain, Delhi 1979, pp. 327-340.
The name of the bodhisatta in this as well as in the Lokaneyya-pakarmJa is Dhanafi-
jaya. H. Saddbatissa also refers to another text, the prose Dhanaiijayajataka, in his
'Pali Literature in Cambodia' in JPTS IX, 1981, p. 189. Here he states: "On the
basis of this prose work, a Pali poem in ten chapters (khal) <;las) has been composed,
entitled Giithalokaneyya." All these three texts, namely the Lokavinaya, the Dhanafi-
jayajataka and the Gatbalokaneyya, judged by their contents, appear to be abridged
vernacular versions of our Pali Lokaneyya-pakaralJa.
5. The following signs and abbreviations have been used:
Additions in [ ] Emendations in ( )
CNTT Cii1zakya-Niti-Text-Tradition ed. L. Sternbach, 7 vols. with 5 pts., Hoshiarpur
1962-1970 (Vishveshvaranand Indological Series 27-29).
SCAGT The Spreadillg of CiiIJakya's Aphorisms over "Greater India", Calcutta 1969
(Oriental Book Agency).
SRB Subhtishita-Rafna-Bha1Jf!agaralJ1, ed. K. P. Parab, Bombay 1886 (The Nirnaya-
sagara Press).
SV The SUbhii:jitavalf of Vallabhadeva, ed. P. Peterson, Bombay 1886 (Bombay
Sanskrit Series 31); second edition, Poona 1961.
VYSS The Vyiisa"subhii#fa-sal!lgraha, ed. L. Sternbach, Benares 1969 (Kashi Sanskrit
. Series 193).
6. These are the serial numbers of the gathtis in the Lokaneyya-pakaralJa added by the
present editor.
See also his study of Subhiisita, Gnomic and Didactic Literature (A History of
Indian Literature, IV, Wiesbaden, 1974) and paper delivered to the second conference
of the International Association of Buddhist Studies at the Nava Nalanda Mahiivihara,
Bihar, on 18.1.80, "Non-Buddhist Elements in Buddhist Collections of Wise Sayings"
which included a discussion of Burmese Niti Literature.
\.
THE BUDDHIST PERSPECTIVE ON THE UNITY AND DIVERSITY
OF 'RELIGIONS
L. M.JOSHI'
The Buddha is said to have taught his Doctrine or Dharma "for the good
of all beings, for the happiness of all beings, out of compassion for the
world of beings" (bahujanahitaya bahujanasukhiiya lokanukampaya). This
statement is an integral part of the Buddha's teaching. It shows that the
Dharma is universal, that it is given to all those who want to grow into
religiousness and to all those' who seek happiness. There are three main
points in this statement: 1) the good of all living .beings, 2). the happiness
of all living beings, and 3) the profound spirit of genuine compassion which
the Buddha radiated in all directions.
The Buddhist perspective on the unity and diversity of religions can be
studied and appreciated in light of the above statement. Any doctrine or
religious tradition which' promotes goodness and happiness, not only of
human beings but of all living beings, constitutes a.true or good religion.
Moreover, this promotion of universal goodness and universal happiness
Should be inspired by and based on the spirit of compassion and it should
radiate love and kindness in all directions. We are justified in maintaining
that the ultimate goal of religious striving is the realization of goodness and
happiness. Nirv:llfft is called the Supreme Good (paramartha) and it is also
described as the Supreme Happiness (parama sukha). The principle of com-
passion may be said to sum up the entire range of practical Buddhist religious-
ness. The. master Aryadeva (c. 200 A.C.) has pointed out that "the Trans-
cendent Ones have briefly described the Dharma as compassion" (dharmaT]1
samasato ahif}lSam var,(!ayanti tathiigatal.t). In Buddhist usage compassion
(karU'(la) and inoffensiveness (ahiT]1sa) are interchangeable terms. One could
say that the . Supreme Happiness is the goal while universal compassion is
the path to that goal. To use Buddhist terms, Nirvii1).a is the goal and karu,(!aj
ahiT]1sa is the path to Nirvii1).a.
From this standpoint the ultimate Truth cannot be labelled as Buddhist
or Christian or Islamic. Happiness cannot be sectarian or racial any more
than compassion can be sectarian or racial. Buddhism has no conflict with
any of those religious systems or philosophical ideologies which have placed
the highest. premium on the transhistorical value of happiness and which
have developed methods of radiating compassion and loving kindness in
the world without any, discrimination based on creed, class, race or com-
munity.
As is well known, the Buddha is revered as the Great Physician. He
discovered a medicine for the cure. of the ills of conditioned existence. Any
124
medicine which removes illness is good. Dharma or religion is like a medicint;.
Its genuineness depends on its power of eradicating the ills of birth, old
age, disease, death and sorrow. Buddhism or the Buddhist teaching claims
to be a medicine for all the ills of phenomenal existence. The Buddha once
remarked that he teaches just two things: suffering (dub-kha) and the end of
suffering (nirodha). Theological opinions and speculative views do not give
us freedom from birth, old age, disease, death and suffering. The hallmark
of Buddhism is that it is chiefly a soteriological technique. As such it is
characterized by a practical and pragmatic attitude.
Religion is not an end in itself; it is only a means to the Ultimate End.
The Buddha has declared that religion is like a raft, which is useful for
crossing over (the river); it is not for getting hold of and carrying on one's
shoulders. The teaching of the Buddha is a means of going beyond the sphere
of conditioned and conditioning existence. When one has gone beyond to
the other shore, one does not need the raft which is left behind. In NirvaJ;la
there is no Buddhism; similarly, in the Ultimate Happiness we cannot have
religions.
At this stage we are reminded of the Buddhist teaching of two stand-
points. From the phenomenal or practical standpoint (vyavahiira) there
are and can be several paths to ultimate release or final Beatitude . .The
Buddhist tradition not only acknowledges the fact of plurality or diversity
of religious pathways or liberational techiques, it also teaches diverse
pathways to the final goal. A large number of sacred Buddhist texts discuss
what are called the "three vehicles" (triyiina) viz. the Disciple's Vehicle,
the Pratyekabuddha's Vehicle, and the Bodhisattva's Vehicle. The Lotus
Scripture (SaddharmapuI}.(;larIkasiitra) teaches that these three vehicles are
taught only as liberative techniques, by way of expediency, and by way of a
concern for diversity in the intellectual equipment and religious aspirations
of the people. Just as a physician gives different kinds of medicine to different
persons suffering from different diseases, so the Tathagata shows different
methods of liberation to different classes of persons who differ in their
temperament, equipment and aspiration. Just as the physician's sole aim
is to work out freedom from disease for each one of his patients, similarly
the Great Teacher is concerned only with the Ultimate Release of each one
of his disciples. Therefore, he teaches a variety of vehicles. But, as the
scriptures declare, just as the great ocean has but one taste, the taste of salt,
so the Doctrine and the Method taught by the Buddha has but one taste,
the taste of liberation (vimuttirasa).
All those forms of human religiousness are good and valid which are
characterized by this "taste of liberation".
The most important features of the Buddha's supreme achievement are
his wisdom (prajiiii) and his compassion (karwJa). These two principles
constitute the core of Buddhist religious thought. They are the two pillars
on which the structure. of Buddhist philosophy and ethics rests. Like two
L. M. JOSHI 125
faces ora single coin, they caill10t be separated. Enlightenment is not possible
in the absence of either of these two principles. Any ideology and any
religious philosophy which leads to perfect wisdom can be harmonized
\vithBuddhist thought. But Enlightenment will remain high and dry if its
benevolent fruits are not made available to suffering beings. Here coines in
the principle of compassion and love. By means of wisdom a Bodhisattva
knows that living beings are suffering and that in the absence of right
knowledge they are multiplying their sufferings. By means of compassion
he is moved to benevolent activity and he sets out to help all those sentient
beings who long for happiness. The spirit of compassion or love of a Bodhi-
sattva is irresistible because he has released himself from the bondage of
self-love. The practice of compassion or love is not possible in the
presence 01 self-love. Egoism is not compatible with universal love.
Buddhism has therefore set forth and vigourously propagated the .idea of
selflessness (nairtitmya) . . Any kind of religious practice which is founded
on the principle of compassion is in harmony with Buddhism, and any
system of philosophy which teaches the principle of selflessness is in agreement
with Buddhist philosophy.
The Buddhist Way to Ultimate Truth includes three major forms of
religious training, viz. Morality (fila), Meditation (samtidhi) and Wisdom
(prajfiti). The first two elements of ascetic spirituality include many ethical
and ascetic ideas which are a common property of a large number of religious
traditions of mankind. In other words, in the area of ethical practice there
is an impressive body of agreement among different religions of the world.
Thus truthful speech, inoffensiveness, liberality, compassion, sympathy,
service, humility, impartiality, contentment, patience, goodwill, restraint
of the senses and control of craving, in short, purity of thought, word and
deed, are found more or less in all the religious traditions of the world. The
practice of meditation and a certain degree of ascetic culture are also found
in most of the world religions.
The nature and content of Buddhist wisdom, however, seems to strike
a distinct note. Buddhism is a non-theistic or atheistic religion. It does not
acknowledge the reality of God as the creator and governor of the world.
Buddhist religious thought teaches that Ultimate Reality or the absolute
Truth cannot be conceived in theistic terms only. It further teaches that
the absolute Truth cannot be the source of creation ofa world which is
manifestly filled with ungodly elements such as evil, ignorance, violence,
suffering, and much else which culminates in the destruction oflife. However,
to say that God exists is different from saying that God is the creator of
the universe. The idea of creation of the universe by any agent is foreign
to Buddhism. Ifthe word" God" is a symbol of the absolute Truth, Buddhism
will readily accept this symbol as one of the numerous other symbols.
The Buddhist view of the nature of phenomenal existence is also unusual
jn'Sofll.f a$I;3uddhism has denied the existence of a durabk or eternal element
with which one could identify one's own-self (iitman). This denial of an
everlasting soul or self (aniitmavada) ill an individual being is not shared
by any other religious system of the world.
These two elements of Buddhist teaching viz. denial of God-Creator and
denial of an eternal individual self, are thus peculiar to Buddhism.
In spite of its rejection ofa conventional theology and in spite of its
opposition to traditional psychology, Buddhism hm; systematically and
successfully promoted the ideal of unity of and respect foJ.' all forms of
sentient existence. This ideal- of unity and equality of all living beings is
hased on certain rational and empirically known facts. The text says: "All
beings tremble at weapons; all beings fear death. Comparing others with
oneself, one should not strike nor cause to kill. AlI beings tremble at weapons;
all beings love life. Comparing others with oneself, oile should not strike
nor cause to kill" (Dhammapada 129-130).Santideva, a seventh century
philosopher, has eloquently expressed in one verse the Buddhist argument
for the equality of all beings and for the practice of universal loving kindness:
"When to myself as to my fellow beings, fear and misery are equally
undesirable, what distinguishes my own self that I protect it and not others?"
I). There is also the well known philosophical argument
based on the ultimate selflessness (nairiitmya) of all the living beings according
to which no being has an ultimate 'own-being' or 'own nature' or 'self'.
In other words, the absence of an eternal and changeless self or soul in any
person or being is the- philosophical basis of maintainmg the trimscendental
unity and equality of all the living beings. Another argument of a similar
nature which may be advanced in support of the theory of basic equality
of all beings (sarva-sattva-samatii) is that ill beings are in possession of the
'seed' of Enlightenment and are thus equally entitled to Buddhahood.
It will be seen that while the idea of the brotherhood of mankind based
on the fatherhood of God is Dot shared by the Buddhist tradition, it has
sought to promote the brotherhood of mankind and equality of all beings
on the ground of a number of spiritUal and moral considerations which are
quite reasonable. These considerations deserve recapitualation:
L All beings without exception are subject to birth, old age, disease, misery,
despondency and death. This fact declares the equality of all beIngs in
the world.
2. All beings without exception hate fear, dislike misery and dread death.
3. AlI beings love life, seek health, security and happiness.-
4. All beings are marked by the seal of selflessness or insubstantiality.
5. AlI beings are capable of effecting their liberation from suffering and
death and of achieving supreme and eternal happiness. -
The first three features of phenomenal existence reveal cOn:mlon conditions
of all liying beings. The Buddhist ethic of altruistic practice is based on a
deep un4erstanding of the similarity of the existential situation in which
all beings find themselves. The world of beings is therefore the field wherein
L. M. lOSHI
127
one. should cultivate the virtues of love (ahilllsa), friendliness (maUri)
compassion (karU(1a), liberality (dana), forbearance equality (samatii)
forgiveness and so on. The fourth feature, viz. selflessness of every
being, is the real foundation for the annihilation of egoism and along
with it of the multitude of impurities which proceed from it. The practice
of equivalence of the self and the neighbour (paratmasamata) is one of
the cardinal features of the Buddhist Way to Nirva1J.a. It cannot be cultivated
by one who is not free from self-love. Freedom from self-love is achieved
by an insight into emptiness (.f.l7nyata) which is another name of selflessness.
The fifth point, viz. all beings are capable of achieving the Highest Goal,
declares the transhistorical or supermundane equality of all beings. This
belief in the existence of the seed of Buddhahood in every being is the basis
of cultivating the highest regard for every form of sentient existence. A
true Buddhist must have the same respectful attitude toward every living
being as he or she chelishes toward the Buddha. This means that he or she
should not hate or harm any living being just as he or she would not do any-
thing to displease the Buddha. On the other hand, he or she should try to
please every living being just as he or she seeks to gratify himself or
herself.
It is not necessary to mention here that Buddhism does not recognize
differences among members of the human family based on race, colour,
language, caste, class or sex. As a truly universal religion it has never identi-
fied itself with any nation or geographical location. It has never stressed
external symbols as marks of individual or communal identity. It has been
remarkably free from the cult of a particularly sacrosanct canon and it
has never advocated the idea of a particular sacred language. Anyone can
practice the teachings of the Buddha and read the Buddhist scriptures in any
language. One of the shortest summaries of the Buddha's ethical teaching
is found in just one verse: "To refrain from all evil, to accomplish the good,
to purify one's own heart, this is the Teaching of the Buddha;' (Dhp 183).
This is a non-sectarian and truly universal teaching. .
The Buddhist attitude toward other religions and philosophies is reflected
in several classical Buddhist texts and documents. In fact" a student of the
comparative history of religions is astonished by the freedom .of thought
and tolerance of the opinion cf others permitted by th,e Buddha. The spirit
of tolerance and understanding has been indeed the., most outstanding
characteristic of the history and heritage of Buddhism across the centuries
and across the countries.
When Upali, a famous and wealthy lay follower of Jainism in the age
of the Buddha, became convinced of the teachings of the Buddha he decided
to abandon his old faith and embrace Buddhism. The Buddha asked him to
reconsider his decision. When Uprui insisted on becoming.a follower, the
Buddha while accepting him as a lay disciple, asked him to continue to
honour" and support his old religious teachers as he used to do in the past,
128
This is an example of the Buddha's attitude toward the faith of other men
(M-UpaIisutta).
The .Buddha 'was a rational teacher of an extraordinary magnitude. He
did not ask people to give up their religious doctrines and practices in order
. accept those taught by him. His admonition to the leaders of the Kalama
tribe shows not only this rational outlook but also reflects hisbroadminded-
ness in regard to diversity of philosophical opinions. "Kiiliimas",
he declared, "do not be led by reports, or traclltion,or hearsay. Do not be
led by the authority of scriptural collections, nor by mere logic, nor by
superficial considerations, nor by speculative opinions, nor by possibilities,
nor by a regard for your teacher. KaIiimas, when you know for yourselves
that certain things are impure, and wrong, and evil, then abandon them ..
And when you know for yourselves that certain things are pure, and right,
and go'od, then accept them and follow them" (A-Kesaputtiyasutta).
Kamalasila, an eighth century Buddhist philosopher, has quoted the
following words of the BlJ.ddha which sound like the lion's roar in the forest
of religious diversity: .
, 'Bretheren, you should accept my words after careful examination and
not out of respect for me, just as the wise persons examine the gold by
he!1ting it, by cutting it, and by rubbing it. "

This spirit of rationalism has been an important characteristic of Buddhist
thought. Wisdom r!1ther than belief has played a crucial part in the develop-
ment of Buddhist thought. The Sanskrit word for wisdom is prajfiii.. To
analyse and investigate into the nature of all phenomena is the special func-
tion of prajfiii.. Buddhist philosophers have applied this tool to a study of
all philosophical opinions ana theoretical categories. The Miidhyamaka
of Buddhist thought, made famous by the' master Niigiirjuna, thus
analysed and examined most of the concepts and categories of ancient
Indian thought. Ultimate Reality, Niigiirajuna seems to say, is' beyond
i1ll religious dogmas and beyond all philosophical theories. His study of
philosophy thus results in a critique of all philosophies. He does not expound
any view of Ultimate Reality because all views of Ultimate Reality are inept
views. Niigiirjuna's exposition of the meaning of Emptiness (.funyata) is a
wat:ning to all theologians and philosophers to remain free from the disease
of conceptualization and verhalization about Ultimate Reality, Sunyata
prokta niMara1)a1'J'l jinaib. The Buddha's instruction on
Emptiness is a means of going beyond the realm of all philosophical opinions
and dogmas. ,
Howeyer, the ;disciples oIthe Buddha have had to live among the people
wedded 'to diverse philosophical opinions and theological dogmatics.
In other words, has coexisted in cm;nplete harmony imdpeace
with a number 'of other reliiions. Its followers have practised tolerance and
cultivated 'sympathy and' understanding. 'From the Buddhist standpoint
L. M. JOSHI 129
religious diversity is not something to be condemned. Nor is religious unity
something to be effected by force. Religious diversity is a given fact, and
the Buddhist tradition looks at this phenomenon as a tribute to the richness
and creativity of human culture and religiousness. Buddhism is not opposed
to variety of pathways to happiness and salvation. The only condition it
insists upon is that the various pathways should be in offensive or non-violent.
On this point Buddhism has never made a compromise. Violence in any
form cannot be a part of religiou,s life and behaviour. Buddhism had to
suffer severely and pay a heavy cost for upholding. the supreme principle
of compassion, Yet the sons of the Buddha never became unmindful of his
incontrovertible statement which reads: "Hatred is never pacified by hatred
in this world; it is pacified only by friendliness. This is art eternal rule."
(Dhp 5). Buddhists have been taught to live without hatred even among
those who hate them. They have been taught to develop understanding and to
cultivate tolerance. From the very beginning of its history Buddhism had
to face a large number of rival religious systl.>ms. But the precepts of under-
standing and tolerance strengthened the Buddhist forces of peace and
harmony.
One of the most impressive documents of the Buddhists' toierant attitude
is undoub:-edly Rock Edict No. XII of the Emperor Asoka(3rd Cent. B.C.).
In his vast empire lived the followers of Brahmanism, Jainism, .Ajlvikism,
Zoroastrianism, and of the Greek religion. The Emperor himself was a
devout follower of Buddhism. But he respected all religions, protected the
votaries of different religions, and even liberally patronized religious establish-
ments of different religious groups. Moreover, he admonished his subjects
to live in peace and mutual harmony, to study ditIerent religious ideologies,
and to praise the religion of other people. He commended the virtue of
religious concord (samavaya).
The Buddhist view of religious concord should not be misunderstood.
It is not a doctrine of the fundamental unity of all religions. Those who say
"all religions are identical" or "all religions lead to one God" do so only
glibly. No serious student of the comparative history of religions can fail
to be impressed by the fundamental differences which exist among differen t
religions of the world. Several modern followers of Brahmanical Hinduism,
following Swami Vivekananda, Gandhi and Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan,
believe in what they call the basic unity of all religions. They go even beyond
this and assert that all religions lead to a common divine goal which they
say is known as Brahma, .Atma, God, Allah, and Nirvar;ta. The Buddhist
tradition does not support such a view, and no Buddhist who knows some-
thing of his religion and of other religions can subscribe to such a naive
view. The Buddhist view is that there can be and are different roads to
salvation, and that there are also some meeting grounds among the different
maps of these roads to salvation. The matter seems to end here. We humans,
living here a conditioned existence, enveloped in the darkness of nescience
and yoked to perverted views born of misknowledge, have no valid means
Of knowing or perceiving the nature of that ultimate Truth or absolute
Reality which is wholly beyond conditions, conceptions and names. How a
Vivekananda or a Gandhi or a Radhakrishnan can be sure of the identity
of Nirvat)a and Allah, for example, is not clear to me. As far as I am
surrounded by imperfections and as far as I am faring in sa1]1siira, I cannot
be so presumptuous as to maintain that Kaivalya and the Kingdom of
Heaven are merely two names of one and the same reality. The lesson to be
learned from the Buddhist perspective is that all conceptions of the trans-
cendental Truth are ultimately misconceptions because that Truth is beyond
all conceptions. He describes it best who does not describe it. It has only
one mark, and that is that it has no mark.
DEVASmAPANAYA: AN APPENDIX TO SARIPUTRA,
The Text on Buddhist Iconometry
TISSA KARIYAVASAM
Dr. Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, the eminent Indvlogist and scholar in
his treatise on 'Medieval Sinhalese Art' at the beginning of this century
has mentioned about a Sanskrit text known as Stiriputra on Buddhist
Iconometry which was prevailing during the 11th century in Sri Lanka.
Sariputra has dealt with 'the dimensions of images in general and Buddha
in particular' according to Dr. Coomaraswamy. Mudliar E. R. Gooneratna
of Galle has made many interesting remarks on Stiriputra and Dr. Coomaras-
wamy has published them as an appendix to chapter viii of his Medieval
Sinhalese Art. Mudliar Gooneratna assumes that the glossary for a clear
understanding of the Stiriputra was compiled during the twelfth century.
The Catalogue of ala leaf-Manuscripts in Sri Lanka by K. D. Somadasa
has mentioned the availability of three text books of SariputJ.'a at Maha
Mantinda Pirivena, Matara, Siddharthaloka Maha Vinaraya, Tavalantanna
and Sri Dharmapala Pirivena, Udugampola and five glossaries of the text
at Alavatugiri Viharaya, Panvila, Kahagomuve Purana Viharaya, Palapat-
wela, Sudharmarama Maha Viharaya, Galle, Sri Sunandaramaya, Mirissa
and Lankatilaka Raja Maha Viharaya, Davulagala respectively. Mr.
Jayasena Kottegoda has got an ola leaf manuscript of the Stiriputra from
K. D. E. Ubeyaratna of Angulmaduwa, Beliatta. According to the colophon
this was copied from a text brought from Kandy by a priest l1esiding at
Nandarama Viharaya at Beligalla on 24.8.1902.
This text is identical with the description made by Mudliar Gooneratna
but it has a second part which was unknown to most of the scholars on the
subject. The second pad is a prose narrative on the art of the Buddha image
and at the end it consists of still another part entitled 'Devasthapanaya'
as an apPJndix to the main text which descl'ibes the erection of the. Buddhist
shrine and concludes with the ceremony of painting the eyes on the Buddha
mage. part consists of 22 Sanskrit stanzas and it is for an introduction
of the 'Devasthapanaya' that this article is devoted. The stanza will be
followed by the glossary in Sinhalese and a translation in English.
1. sa.masena devasthapanaIJl paraIJl
syan maghe masy atisampadam.
samasena- param devasthapauam- utum vu .devasthii
panaya kiyam. durutu masadevasthiipanaya
kala kalhi syat- riljjyata abhivrddhi vanneya. maghe
masi - navam mashi sthilpanaya kala kala ati sampadam- adhika siipa
denneya.
(In a nutshell I now describe the establishment of sacred shrines. If
the shrine was erected in the month of January the kingdom will 'be
prosperous and the month of February brings much happiness.)
2. phalgune dravyalabhas tu caitramasi sriyavaham
ativa saukhyalp. vaisakhe masi jayavaham.
phalgune - miidin dina kala devasthiipanaya dravya Iabhas tu vastu
li1bha vanneya. caitramasi - bak mashi sriyavaham- sampat elavanneya.
vaisakhe ativa saukhyam- vesak mashi itii suva vanneya. masi-
poson mashi jayavaham jaya elavanneya.
(The month of March carries bountiful wealth. The month of April
will make t jngs beautiful. Health will accompany the mODth of May.
Luck will be with the month of June).
3. na sastam kumbhage bhanau gurun1i.
sthiipito devo yajamana-vinasanam
sravaT,le rajyabhiti syan nabha ye sarvanasanam
masi asvayufijy api
1
bhitidah.
bhiinau- hint kumbhage- kumbeta giya kalhi guruna
guru visin hiru nodaknii lada kalhi na sastam- sasta no vanneya. I
lisala mashi sthiipito- devola pihituvana lada devo- devatavii yajamana
vinasanam- devasthapanaya kala hata viniifaya karanneya. srava.r;te-
n;kini mashi rajya bhiti syat- rtijyata bhaya vanneya. nabhasye sarva
llasanam- binara mashi siyallama vanasanneya. asvayujy api masi
yap mashi narendrar;tam- ratata hii raja daruvanta bhltidah-
bhitiya denneya.
(When the Sun is in the house of Aquarius and is not seen by Jupiter
it is unsuitable. If the establishment of the shrine was done in the month
of July the deity himself will destroy the erector. The month of August
will bring fear to the state. Everything will be destroyed in the month
of September. The month of October will bring fear not only to the
king but also to the kingdom.)
4. kartike satru vrddhih syan marge masi tathaiva ca
mase tu kanya karkatakalp. vina
m1i.sa. subha pr6kta puna salp.skara purvake
saura masena vijfieya masiil;t bherasthitau sada.
kartike- it mashi satru vrddhih syi.'i.t- saturange viiljima vanneya. marge-
masi- unduvap masa devasthiipanaya kala tathaiva ca- ema lesama
vanneya. mase tu- dalqintiyana vf" karkatakiidi samashi
kanya karkatakam vina- kanyii karkataka samkramm;za deka hiira-
sqa masa- sesu mashu purvake- pera kala deya punasalp.skara
katukohol peralimehi subha- subha vanneyayi pr6kta- kiyana ladi.
bherasthitau- devasthiipanayehi masal;J.- miisaya- saura masena-
hirugen vu samkramanaya paridden gata yutu vanniiha.
(If the erection is done in the month of November it will increase the
strength of enemies. The month of December too will bring the SaInt')
i33
fate. Out of the six months leaving Virgo and Cancer
all the other months are said to be good for continuing the preparatory
work as well as reconstruction;work which had already begun. In the
establishment of shrines the months should be taken into account
according to the movements of the Sun.)
5. yadambare sukra jlva
3
prabbanvitau
tadatisobhana:q:l prahul;l taitilasthiipana:q:l budhah.
sukra jlva- fukra jiva dedenii yada- yam kalekhi ambare- akasayehi
prabhiinvitau- fObh-'lmat vuviihu labedda tada-
ekalhi taitilasthiipanam- devasthapanaya budhiil;l- prajna tema .
atisobhanam- .fobhanayayi prahul;l kiyana ladi.
(The suitability of the Asterisms is established by the bright appea-
rance of Sukra and Guru in the sky. Thus the erection of the shrines
at that auspicious moment was considered good by the learned.)
6. balair a<;lhye yajam:tnanukUlago
vivarjayet devasthiipane budha1;l.
candrayage balairac;lhye- balayen iit/.hya kalhi yajamana-
nukiilago- karavannavunta seehena nakatayi. vivarjayet
siyalu do,yayan dunt kota devasthi'ipanayehi pragiiii tema yodanneya.
(The time when the power of the moon is waxing is also recommended
by the erudite scholars as being a suitable asterism for the erector. At
the establishment all the evils should be evaded.)
7. candra patti hastotl'akhes ca
mitravatah sarva uktah sukra:q:l jivendra dinadayas ca.
pU$ya- pusaya indu- muvasirasaya revatiya aditi- puniivasaya
candra- muvaya patti- rehena nakatada hasta- hatayada- utra- tuna
uttarayada khe ca- suvanayada mitra- anurayada vatah- sii niikatada
yana metek nakiithu da sukralfl jlvendra dinadayas ca- mekivavunge
dinayata sarve -siyaluma deviila prati,ythiipana vidhiya
pinisa uktah ldyana laddiihuyi.
(Pusa, Muvasirisa, Revati, Punavasa, Candra, Rehena, Rata, Utrasala,
Utraputupa, Utrapal, Suvana, Anura and Sa are the best asteJ1isms
for all the activities connected with the establishment of a . shrine.)
8. vina navamya sarvojas tithaya1;l stbapane hita1;l
dvitIye dasame yugme ca prakirtitah.
navamya vina- navak hara sarvoja - siya/u jiltithihuda devasthapane
hitah- devasthapanayehi hila vanniihuyi. yugme yugma tith'in kerehi
dvitlye dasame diyavak dasavak sa!avak da prakirtitah- sub-
hayayi kiyana ladi.
(Except the ninth day all the other days are good for the erection of
the shrine. The second, tenth and the sixth a.re also good, it is proclaimed.)
9. misras caras sthir:al;l k"otra madhyamadhamapiijital;l
(dvisvabhavo)4 uccasthanagatas candro yajamana sukhiivahal;l.
misrah- miSraka bhiiva vu cara1;l- cara v,a, sthira1;l- sthira vu /agnayo da
madhyamadhama piijitalJ.- vifvabhava langnaya madhyama lIannilhiJ.
cara /agnay 0 adhama vannaha. tMra lagnay 0 uttama vannaha. uccasthana-
gatascandro- uccarasiva sitiya vu candraya yajamanasukhavahah-
karavanavunta suva elavannahuyi.
(The mixed, moving and static sta1!S can be classified as the
middling, lowly and great. The stars which are affiliated with the quali-
ties of the universe are middling. The moving stars are the lowly.
The static stars are the great. The moon in the pinnacle of power,
bestows bappiness and health to the erector.)
10. mitrasthiinagatascandro mitra saukhya dhanavahalJ.
sa candra nica rasistho daridrya:ijl samprayacchati.
mitrasthanagatascandro- mitrasthiinagata va siti sanda mitrasaukhya-
dhanavahah- mitra saukhya hii dhana yana me elavanneya. sa candra-
esafida nlcarasistho- nica raHyehi sifiyeda daridrya:ijl samprayacchatI-
daridra bhiivaya kiimati vanneya.
(The moon in the friendJy house will increase good friends, health
and wealth. If that moon is in conjunction with a lower house then
povertywil1 follow.)
1 L Satrusthiinagatas candrab. satrvrddhi samarabbe1
svasthiinagatas candralJ. sukhavahalJ..
satrusthanagatas candrah- siti sanda
satJ.1uvrddhi samarabhet- saturange abhivrddhiya karanneya.
svasthanagatascandrah- siti sanda devapfsthisukhavahal;1-
sthi'lnantara prsthi sukhaya denneya.
(If the moon is in an inimical house, it will increase the power of the
. enemies. When the moon is in powel' in his due place it wil1 bring more
happiness.).
12. mandarajata marta:t;H;lalJ. sthiipane lagnaga yadI
grama janapada bhiipa:ijl yajamana:q1 vinasayet.
sthiipane- deva prati!jt!7avehi mandara jata martan<;lah- .fani kuja rahu
raviya yana mohu lagnagayadI idin lagnastha' vuviihu griima- gama da
janapada- nuvarada bhiipa:q1- rajada yajamana:ijl- kala vu tiinattahu da
vinasayet- nasannahuyi.
(If the planets like Saturn, Mar.s, Rahu and the Sun are in a joint
position with the stars then village, city, king and erector, all will
face destruction.)
13. subhiib. udayasthii syub. sarve saukhyadhanavahiil;!
yadi candral;! vilagnasthal;! daridrya:q1 bhayada sada.
udayasthii- lagnayehi sitiyiivu subhiil;!- subhayan sarve- siyallo oaukhya
dhanavahal;!- krtva hata suva da dhanaya da elavannaha. yadi candral;!-
idin sanda vilagnasthal;!- astha vi. nam sada- hama kalhi ma daridryam
bhayada dilridrya bhavaya da bhaya da vanneya.
(If there were all good planets in the stars, then the erector will be
bestowed with health and wealth. If the moon is on the wane, then
poverty and fear will be their lot eveI'yday.}
14. vicchendu saptame tatha
saubhya vyaye sendu sukrapapa
5
"igarhita.
ataviinne sitiy{j' vii grahayo no vannaha.
saptame tatha- esema satviinne sitiya vii vicchendu- vigata gurucandra
dedena da novannaha. saviinne siti saubhya- subhayo vyaye-
dolosviinne sitiyd vii sendu candraya sahz'ta vii sukl'a papa - sikuru papa
grahaya yana mohu garhita- garhli karana ladoohuyi.
(If the planets are in the eighth house, they will be not benefiCial. Simi-
larly, when both Guru and Candra (Jupiter and the Moon) are in the
seventh house, they are not beneficial. When the auspicious planets are in
the sixth house with moon in the twelfth house and the planets except
Guru, Sikuru, Buiha and Candra are in the Same position they also
should be avoided.)
15. caturthe dhanaputravyomaga krl1rakhecaraQ
na subhaQ tatrasthitas tu sadgraha sobhana smrtaQ
caturthe- sataraviinneya dh!:l.na- deviinneya putra- pasviinneya. vyomaga-
saviinnata giya vii kriirakhecaraQ- kriira vii grahayona subhaQ- subha
no vannahuyi. tatrasthitas tu- ehi sitiya vii sadgraha-. sanda guru hii ..
sobhana smrtiih- 8ubha grahayoyi dannii ladahuyi.
(When the cruel planets are in the houses like fourth, second, fifth
and sixth they are also unsuitable. If the Moon and Jupiter were in
those houses, then they bring good.)
16. vatpsavinasaya vnabhas sukhasamrddhaye
mithunas tu subb.aQ prokta karkatakas tu niisakrt
sarvarthsiddhi kanya tu subhavrddhaye
mara:Q.aya tula kartu vrscikas tu f>ukhavahaQ.
7
lagnayei devasthapanaya kala vamsa vinasaya varge
vinasaya vanneya. sukhasamrddhaye- kata
sukha samrddhiya pinisCi. vanneya. mithunas tu subhiih prokta
mithunayen kata Ubhana yayi kiyana ladi. karkatakas tu nasakrt-
karkataka lagnayehi kartu nasaya karanneya. sarvartha siddhi
sinhaya karanneya kanya satu subhavrddhaye- kanya-
vehi subha vrddhi pinisa vanneya. tula tu ca kartu mara:Q.aya- tulavehi
nayakahuge maranaya pinisa vanneya. Vrscika:.tu kartu sukhiivahah-
vrscikaya ekantayen subha pinisa vanneya.
(Aries will ruin the Face. Taurus will bFing health and .prosperity.
Gemini is bound to be beautiful. Cancer will destroy the erector. Leo
will fulfil one's wishes. Virgo will result in bountifulness. Libra will
bring death to the artisan. Scorpio definitely brings good).
17. cape cittasukhaprapti makare dhanavinasakrt
kumbhas subhaprado nit yam minas sarvasubhaprada.
cape cittasukhaprapti- dhanuva arthayata sukhayata pamunuvanneya
makare dhana vinasakrt- makaraya dhanavinlisaya vanneya. kumbhas
136
sukhaprada nit yam- kunibhaya nityayen subhaya kara denneya. minas
sarvasubhaprada- minaya hiima deyinma yahapot.deya denneya.
(Sagittarius will bring wealth and happiness. Capricorn will destroy
wealth. Aquarius will certainly bring happiness. Pisces will bring good
from all quarters.)
18 .. ,rasi svabhiivata1;t prokta phalakal'tr narendrayo1;l
.nagaragramaral?tr'analp. pratil?tayam ca Cintayet.
ralii svabhiivatah- rlishinge .svabhliva heyin prokta- kiyana lada
phala kartr narendrayoh- krzira vu grahakatr hatahli rajun hata vannliha
nagaI'a grama me kivavunge ca-prati#livehida
cintayet- sitanneya. .'
(All the stars such as Arie& will impose their qualities good or bad,
on the lives of the al tisan as well as the king. Even in the establishment
of cities. villages and states, the same effects have to be considered.)
19. subhakarme rate candro subhiilpse samupasthite
taitilasthapanalp. sastalp. prabhiitalp. madhyahnam eva ca.
subhakarme rate-subhakarma kriylivehi iiluna kalhima candro subhamse
:'.' samupasthite- candrayli subha arrzsakayehi siti kalhi prabhiitam-
peravaru da madhyahnam eva ca- madhylihnaya da taitilasthapanalp.-
devasthlipanaya sastam- prasasta vanneya.
(When the moon is in a good and effective quarter, bestowing good,
only forenoon and midday are commended as auspicious . .for the
establishment of shrines.)
20. anenaiva "idhanena jala saij1kusthapanam
karayet sthapanalp. sastalp. pUl?karadi vidhilp. tatha.
anena eva vidhanena- mema niikatin jala salp.kusthiipanalp.- diyen
bima sarna kirimada samkusthapanam- sankusthlipanayada pu
vidhilp.- vidhiinayada karayet- karanne sastam- prasasta
vanneya.
'. (These auspicious hours have been commended for the levelling of
the land by the use of water, the placement of the conch, and the
preparation of the ponds.)
21. garbhanyasasilastambha karl;likaropaniidikam
'bheribheda vidhilp. sarva citradikam tatha.
garbhanyasa- garbha pratistlivada liila- gal litirimada stambf.1a- tlim
kap hifiduvimada kar:g.ikaropanadikam- kiil:zimaiirjala da vanna adi
. sanda bheri bheda vidhilp. sarva- bera da siyalu devasthlipana
,vidhiya prl?laCitrakarmadikam- peti situvam iiiidimada mema niikat
. va paridden karanneya.
(The preparation of the chamber, paving the pebbles on the ground,
erection of sacred poles, the :fixing of the beams in the form of an arch,
preparation of the drums and the painting on the wal1s should be
done according to these auspicious hours.)
22. anyavi hastascaiva
TISsA KARIYAVAsAM 131
traybttara plijyas suklendu samyuta.
detaya brahma- rehenaya asvida- asvidaya suvanaya
anyavi- revatiyaya hasta- hataya trayottara- utrasalaya utrapu{upaya
utrapalaya yana mohu suklendu samyuta- sukla candrayii yukta vuviihu
pratima buddha pratimavage as tibimehi plijyah
c
pujya
vannahuyi.
(When the full moon is in the asterisms such as Deta" Rehena, Asvida
Suvana, Revati, Hata, UtrapaJ, Utrasala and Utraputupa thm is the
best time for the painting of the eyes. on a Buddha image) Referenees.
NOTES
1. asvayujy api.
2. The months are' .divided intci two ayana groups, daksinayana and uttarayana
respectIVely. The first SIX months are considered as uttarayana. . ... .
3. !;ukrajil'au?
4. This is evidently an interpolation from the sanne.
5; Except Guru, Sikuru, Budha and Candra all the others are considered as piipagrahas.
6. Sarviirthasiddhyai sitrtho?
7. This statement is astrologically doubtful. Vrscika cannot bring
(I am. to Mr. M. D. S ... Assistant Superintendent of
Exammations, and Mr. Somaratna Edlfismha for reading the manuscript.)
THE IDGHEST GOAL
PHRA KHANTIPALO
Introduction
The Dbamma formulated by the Buddha from his wordless Enlightenment
bas been taught by a succession of great Teachers down to the present day.
Britain ~ been fortunate that Venerable Dr. H. Saddbatissa Sanghanayaka
Thera has so long dwelt there and with patience and perseverance nursed
the small seed of Dhamma to its present flourishing state. As his pupil it
is a great honour for me to contribute a small offering to this Felicitation
Volume.
The Buddhasasana is the way to complete purity in mind, speech and
body actions (kamma). Those kinds of kamma made by way of speech and
body are purified by keeping the precepts-the five or eight of laypeople,
the ten of a novice or the 227 of a bhikkbu. The mind if. purified through
persistent and diligent practice of tranquil meditation. But there is something
still to purify. Insight (vipassana) and wisdom (panna) have not yet been
developed, so views (ditthi) have not yet been purified. People may be good
at meditation but still hold to false views (as to the permanence, happiness
and selfhood of events, for instance). It is only by developing one's insight
that views can be relinquished so that one approaches Enlightenment,
the abandoning of all views.
In the commentary on the sutta which follows, non-Buddhist teachers
are cited as the occasion for Lord Buddha speaking these verSes and while
there are innumerable wrong views outside the Buddhasasana, inside the
stream Gf Lord Buddha's Teaching there have also been many who have
erred from the direct way of Sila (moral conduct, precepts), Samadhi (1:01-
lectedness) and Panna (wisdom). It seems as though these three, which
embrace the whole range of Lord Buddha's Teachings, are too direct and
straightforward for some who prefer to juggle with complicated ideas and
systems of their own construction. After all, it is much easier to play witb
ideas than practise these basic teachings.
Commentary
'Highest among views' therefore (it is called) 'the Highest Goal'. What
was its occurrence? It is said that when the Exalted One was staying at
Savatthi, various ascetics (titthiya)* having assembled, each one explained
his own views (saying): "This is highest, this is highest. " Having squabbled
thus they caused the king to speak. The king commanded: "Having gathered
together all the blind people make them 'see' an elephant." The king's
men gatheredtogether all the blind and hs.ving first made the.elephant lie
PHRA KHANTIPALO 139
down, thy said to them, .. See it!" Each one of them took hold of a
different limb of the elephant. Thentb.e king said: "Now then, this elephant,
what is it like, what is it like? " That one who had hold of the trunk said,
, 'Great king, it is like the beam of a plough.' 'Those who held the t1;lsks
and so on contradicted the others: "Do not speak falsely in front of the
king. " "Great king, it resembles a peg in the wall" ~ t u s they spoke this
and that. The king having heard them all (said): "It looks like the time for
you"-and had those ascetics expelled from there.
A oertain (bhikkhu) seeking alms got to know of this matter and told
the Exalted One. When this matter had occurred the Exalted One addressed
the bhikkhus thus: "Bhikkhus, just as blind men having taken hold of this
and that limb do not know ali elephant, so they quarrel; in"the same way
ascetics having taken hold of this and that view do not know the Dhamma
which is near to Liberation (vimokkha), so they quarreL" Having pointed
out the Dhamma in this matter. he spoke this discourse:
(Paramatthajotikii (Sn Commentary) 529)
Sutta: The discollrse on the highest Goal
, 'Whoever should take to himself certain views
Thinking them best, supreme in the world,
And hence proclaims all others as low:
By this he does not become free from disputes.
In whatever is seen by him, heard and cognized,
The rituals performed-he f>ees profit in this
And so from his grasping at that very view
All others he sees as worthless, as low.
Those skilled (in the dhamma) deolare it a bond
If relying on one, he sees others as low,
Arid therefore a bhikkhu should never depend
On the seen, heard and cognized, on rituals (performed).
And so in the world let him fashien no views
Depending on knowledge or rituals (performed),
Nor let him conclude that he's on a par,
Nor think himscif low, nor higher than them.
Abandoning own views, not grasping (at more)
And even in knowledge not seeking support,
'Mong those who dispute he never takes sides,
To the various views he does not return.
Having no bias for either extreme-
Not -craving becoming nor non-becoming
Either here in this life or in the next world
For him there is not an attachment to views
While examining dhammas held true (by the rest).
140
FESTSCHRJiiT FOR IiAMMAtAvA SAbDHATISSA
Concerning the seen, the heard and cognized
Not the least notion is fashioned by him
That brahmin (perfooted)* grasps at no view,
By whom in the world then, could he be described?
They fashion uo views nor pursue them at all
Doctrines are never accepted by them,
The brahmin (perfected)** not guided by rites, .
Thus he is, gone beyond, not to return". (Sn 796-803)
Some thoughts on the sutta
v.l One would think that the content of the first verse above was so obvious
that it did not need to be said, yet obviously from the state of this view-
ridden world, full of disputes, it is not so. This method of bolstering the
ego by proclaiming one's own beliefs and theories right and those of others
wrong is done Without thought by many people. They appear not to be
aware that disputes will be the only result of this. When my views are
"supreme" and your" are "low" it is a clear case of pride and conceit on
my part while despising your foolish and mistaken ideas.
This is a good example of Dhamma which is so obviGUS but at the :.ame
time a 'secret' to those who engage in gI'asping at views. This view-grasping
(diuhupadiina) is one of the four kinds of grasping usually mentioned. If
views are grasped at then they Inust be defended and in order to show that
oneself is right and otheI's are wrong, one's own must be thought or
proclaimed as the best. When there are so many, each one having the' , best' ,
or "supFeme" views, as there are in the world now, how could there be
peace?
v.2 The Buddha goes on to mention the basis for views: "whatever is seen"
"heard", "cognized" and "the rituals performed". People are differently
impressed according to their .charactel's. Some gain faith through what is
seen. Their concepts are formed on the basis of some beautiful or impressive
sight which may be of a specially religious nature or could be the natural
wodd of rOuks, caves OP trees. After that impressive experience (which is
really only the interaction of eye forms and eye-consciousness) there arise
all ~ t s of conceptualizations which include likes and dislikes. Gradually
in this way whole systems of thought are erected, all based on simple sense
experience and the subsequent tangle of ideas and. theories
The same may be said of "what is heard" and "what is cognized"
though in the latter case these include what is smelled, tasted and touched
along with one's own ways of thought. However, they may be strengthened
by my"tical experiences, that is, unfamiliar mental-emotional happenings
which may seem to originate outside oneself. All this can be worked up by
the thinking process into dogmas which then become more or less fixed
beliefs of certain groups of people.
PHRA KHANTIPALO 141
"The rituals performed" may also become the basis for egoistic evalua-
tions: 'Our way is superior, yours is inferior.' Some people, basically faith
type characters, are most impressed by rItuals. Their religion is largely the
performance of wel1:known rites and vows which they regard as the essence
of their faith-without really ever reflecting on this. Without the priest, or
the temple, they would be lost because all their religious aspirations are
centred around these things. They do not appreciate practice of virtue,
concentration and wisdom but instead enjoy ceremonies. There are, alas,
plenty of 'Buddhists' in this category though, "nth the very clear and
straightforward teachings of the Buddha, they have less excuse than with
the followers of some other great teachers. It may be said for Buddhists
that on the whole that they do not see" All others .... as worthless, as low"
as their tolerant approach leads them to appreciate the good that others have
in their religions. So much cannot be said for the more narrow or fanatical
followers of other faiths.
In this verse the Buddha has emphasized how a high regard for one's
own beliefs and a low one of others comes about: "And so from his grasping
at that very view. " Though it is difficult not to do this yet efforts must be
made with this otherwise there never will be an increase of peace and harmony.
Of course, others may not agree to abandon grasping at their views, whether
these are part of one of the great religiolls traditions of this world or re-
present a political pseudo-religion such as Communism. But if we make an
effort not to discriminate high and low in terms of self and others respectively,
we shall be doing our best. We may not be able to change the rigid beliefs
of others but at least we offer them nothing to dispute with. They like
nothing so much as a chance to air their superiority. A good Buddhist
should be patient and free from the tendency to acrimonious dispute. The
bamboo points out the right way: in a heavy storm it bows right down to
the ground while afterwards in the still sunlit air it towers aloft unharmed.
v.3 If not" skilled (in the Dhamma)" it is likely that one will fall into the
trap of grasping at one's view while looking down on others. "Skill" is
something that the Buddha had in infinite plenty. He did not agree that he
held to any field of views as we can see in his conversation with Vacchagotta
on Fire (M 72). Indeed, he called this grasping at views: ' 'the thicket of views,
the contortion of views, the vacillation of views, the fetter of views "-all
metaphors illustrating their unsatisfactoriness. Great Teachers in the
Buddhist tradition since his time have also avoided grasping at views, and
they have done this by getting on with Dhamma-practice.
There have been other teachers who were more interested in theory; often
lauded these days as 'Buddhist philosophers' 0 But they must take the heavy
fef>ponsibility for having divided up the Buddha's followers into different
sects. They may not have done so on the basis of the "seen" and the "heard"
but they (;ertainly have by way of the "cognized" and in some cases too,
the tantric gurus come to mind, with "the rituals (performed)". n ~ tIle
scholars of the Mahavihara tradition cannot be exempted from this either.
Aswlth other non-Theravada traditions they too have built up theorIes.
H()wever, there is no doubt that the greatest complexities of theory in
Buddhism, these days politely called 'Buddhist philosophy', are found' out-
side Theravada, amongst the Sarvastivadins and the Vijfianavadins. The
Buddha would not have approved such mental gymnastics which leave
greed, hatred and delusion quite untouched, and with craving and ignorance
still in full spate. Rituals too have been elaborated specially by tantric
Buddhists but their performance also does not guarantee the lessening of
defilements. "Therefore," he says "a bhikkhu should never depend on
the seen, heard and cognized, on rituals (performed)". This simple statement
knocks the legs from under all mere scholastic theories and rituals for they
all depend upon these bases.
v.4 So one should' 'fashion no views", a hard thing indeed and only possible
for the meditator who clears his head of excess verbiage. This is, after all,
how views come about. But when the mind is calmed and made one-pointed,
having given up "rituals" and not being interested in the, intellectual
proliferation (papaiica) of "Knowledge," then no views are concocted.
"Knowledge" here can be also the extrasensory knowledges that are ex-
perienced by some meditators. The Buddha says that one should not depend
on it, that is, not making it the basis for a set of views. Meditation experiences
can easily be made into just such a basis, as when the complete inwardness
of jhdna with its purity, spaciousness and joy, is taken to be God, Soul or
Cosmic Consciousness, while in fact it is just a superior state of mind.
The Buddha gets to the heart of view-making when he mentions the
three kinds of conceit: thinking oneself equal to (" on a par' '), inferior to
("low") or superior to ("higher") others. One constantly measures oneself
against others, thereby getting some ego-strengthening. This then, will be
the opposite way to liberation by inseeing not-self. Examples are apparent
everywhere. "I'm as good as him any day" is the declaration, mental or
verbal, of supposed equality. No one actually is equal to anyone else and
Western notions of equality are a myth. (But of course, everyone should
be treated with equal loving-kindness and compassion.) This equality-
conceit is tinged with delusion and therefore it is likely that anyone stricken
by it will be unable to learn new ideas. It closes the door of the face very
firmly, and what Dhamma could ever get in there when conceit and delusion
fill all available space? .
By contrast, inferiority-conceit has its roots in hatred, in this case, self-
hatred. Then people who conceive themselves thus, denigrate and blame
themselves, they are afilicted with guilt while their hearts are dusty and
unloving. Often their dress reflects their internal discord while in their
work they seem to desire failure. Learning new ways of seeing themselves
is. only possible they start to generate some (metta)
for themselves and others. ' ,
PHRA KHANTIPALO i43
But with superiority-conceit we are definitely in the realm of greed. This
is the usual English meaning of the word "conceit" and with it go pride,
arrogance, haughtiness and so on. The Buddha however, shows that the
two other characters above are just as conceited though in different ways.
Superiority-conceit knows it all already. Have you not met the person who
says, when told how to do something, "I know"? Indeed, such people
cannot bear being told anything for their own opinion of themselves is So
high. This does in fact make them very vulnerable.
Views are fashioned (subconsciously) to fit in with these various forms
of conceit. This is most apparent with superiority-views. Examples of this
may be seen in the Nazi doctrine of the innate superiority of the 'Aryan'
race, a belief still raucously espoused by various ultra-right wing groups,
or in a religious context in the Jewish doctrine of the Chosen People.
Superiority-conceit also led those who proclaimed their intention to seek
Buddhahood (as scholastically conceived) to give themselves the label
'Mahayana' (Great Vehicle) while giving the derogatory label 'Hlnayana'
(it means low or inferior Vehicle, not 'small') to their opponents. Thus
the ever-pl'esent search 'for a view making myself feel good at the expense
of others has even invaded the Buddha's teachings! One must say, however;
that some Theravada who of course do not recognize the validity
of the word 'ffinayana,' manage to gain a sense of superiority by writing
of 'the pristine purity' of their own teachings contrasting them with the
'adulterations' taught elsewhere in the Buddhist world. It cannot be denied
that all such views make for turmoil and conflict.
v.S "Abandoning own views" is only done by most people when they
do not grasp at more. A person gives up the goals of the mateFialistic rat-
race but grasps at a set of' spiritual' views. That will not bE: so bad if eventu-
ally they are prepared to let go of their spiritual ideas but this is not common.
Having grasped at them they hang on to them. It is a case of taking the
moon's reflection for the real thing. If that is the case one cannot look up-
wards to the moon itselfin the vast void of the sky. It is not only non-
Buddhists who fall into this trap, the Buddha's followers too get caught.
They can feel satisfied with intellectual Right View and make no effort to
practise interior silence, so they do not want to cut their 'Right View'
down. How strange to pick up the signpost and carry it around!
In this verse the Buddha is addressing those who can, because of their
meditation practice, put down their own views and not pick up any mon.
"Abandoning" is on the side of cessation (nirodha), the cessation of
Dependent Origination leading to an end of the great mass of dukkha.
But "grasping" is on the other side of Dependen,t Origination, that is,
causal arising (samudaya) and of course leads to the experience of the whole
mass of dukkha.
Further, one is cautioned not to seek support in knowledge, here meaning
the special knowledges arising in meditation. They should not be used to
strengthen ego or self. If this is done then such a person will not be interested
in worldly matters but will become stuck with the 'spiritual' kuowledges
t.hat meditation Though it is a finer sort of attachment, still it is
an attachment. And it can be used as a strong base for self and views.
It is said of one who does not do this: "Mong those who dispute he
never takes sides." When we remember that in the Buddha's days there
were already debates, often angry and contentious ones, between those
supporting the myriad doctrines then being taught, we can appreciate this
good advice. If the mind is to be pacified, unified and then experience in-
sight it must be given the right conditions, such as the harmonious life
based on loving-kindness found amongst forest bhikkhus, and it would be
disastrous to go to the local debating hall and wrangle over doctrines.
Unfortunately, later Buddhist teachers became logicians and so abandoned
practice in favour. of a skilful jugglery of words. Such intersectarian and
inter-religious debates were as popular in India as football matches else-
where. Complete with a system of judging wins and losses, they stipulated
that the loser must join the teaching of the winner. When Dhamma was
defended instead of being practised, and when it obtained recruits in this
way,. is it surprising that it vanished from India? The Buddha, after having
taught bhikkbus Dependent Origination in many ways asked them:
., Knowing and seeing in tbis way would you return to the ordinary monks'
and brahmins' (cere;moniaJ) duties, and to the omens open to the tumult
of debate, as having a core of truth? ,,*** The bhikkhus replied that they
could not do so. Mter practising, mere facades of wOFds sound very empty
and false. .
In our days, too, there is plenty of opportunity to take sides. If one wishes
to practise, especially meditation, great care is needed about taking sides
and entering into disputes. This should only be done where one can be sure
of a good result, one which accords with Dhamma. Otherwise, the tendency
to dispute will. only result in more mental turmoil and the strengthening
of viewpoints and self. So, not only does a practiser not enter into debate
but he does not return to views, does not lean on them or make use of them.
What has been left behind should not be dragged in again. Such a person
does not like to support any kind of view, on the contrary they enjoy making
peace, the stopping of discord,. not the promoting of it. As the sense of self
or ego lessens so loving-kindness has a chance to grow :Jud with it goes a
love of harmony. All this is just opposite to tbe world's .vay.
v.6 "Having no bias for either extreme-," the Buddha's teaching is famed
as the Middle Way transcending all extremes. Extremes of thought, speech
and action are common in this world and all without exception spring from
the Roots of Unwholesomeness: Greed, Hatred and Delusion. When
tremes are promoted they are generally popular because they reflect the
defilements already found in peoples' hearts and legitimize them. A doctrine
of Holy War willbequite1?opulal,',fOl)nstance, because:it dresses religi0lls
PHRA KHANTIPALO 145
garments a very worldly activity and makes it more than respectable, actually
meritoriC:Jus. The various' religious' wars of history, including the Crusades,
have not been any less bloody for that, in fact, fuelled by fanaticism they
have been among the most horrific. Extreme teachings attract those in
whom extreme tendencies are strong, so extremist teachers will nevel; lack
followers.
Here the Buddha is concerned with two subtle extremes: those of being
(becoming) and non-being (non-becoming). We have already discussed
extremism, which obviously follows from taking sides. These extreme views
for being, which means eternalism, or for non-being-meaning doctrines of
annihilation, are not the result of conscious choice but rather of subconscious
bias. Craving for becoming or being (bhava means both of these) results
in an attachment to views which preach eternalism in some form. This
will include elements such as an eternal soul; created by an eternal god,
dwelling eternally in heaven after death. This is an eternalism of "the next
world". It is possible though to hold an eternalistic view regarding "this
life", though not among humans! Some of the devas come to hold such a
view: that their life is eternal and that they will never pass away. Humanity,
limited to sixty or seventy years (and with the average worldwide lifespan
declining) can hardly hold such a view even though some try very hard to
convince themselves of their immortality!
This extreme view of being/becoming is found in many different religions
and has proved very popular, partly because no doubt human beings want
to be and do not want to die (which is seen as non-being). It is obviously a
view rooted in greed (lobha) and so cannot lead out of the round of birth
and death. It just leads to grasping at more being and this will ensure a
never-ending succession of lives. It is the craving that is eternal (if no steps
are taken to end it)!
The other extreme of non-being/becoming is represented in views by an-
nihilationism. In the past there have been 'religious' varieties of it but just
now they are materialistic: either Western materialism, which is not usually
a systematic doctrine but motivated by' eat drink and be merry for tomorrow
We. die'; or the Communist materialist doctrine of one life led ideally for
the material advancement of humanity. However, the latter has powerful
inclinations to destroy, particularly one's class enemies, and such doctrines
of class-warfare can only be rooted in hatred. The very subtle underlying
desire not to be in future actually links upwhh selfhi:!.tred .
.. From a Buddhist point of view the extreme ofattachUlentto.being-is
not so blameable, for as a human being with such attachment one may train
oneself in virtue, concentration and wisdom.
passion can be developed and gradually through even a long
one. can eliminate craving and ignorance. But the person '>:40 holds anni-
pilatioU:ist doctrines is only interesteo in this life, rus !liDlS
now, so pleasure or ideals must come fir::.t-or tl;te clestructio!1pf
146 FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAM:MALAVA SADDHATISSA
who prevent it, and generally anything or anybody who is an obstaCle tcY it'
must be swept away regardless of tbeir feelings. -
One who is far advanced along the Path, for it is of such a one that the
following is said: "For bim is not an attachment to views while ex-
amining dhammas held true (by the rest)"-can examine such doctrines
dispassionately, neither praising one nor blaming another. But still, the
untruth of such extreme doctrinet> is quite apparent. One like this does not
fall into either extreme because insight-knowledge has arisen from medita-
tion practice, whi.ch prevents such grasping.
v.7 The person 'described' in thi.s verse cannot be described, as the Buddha
says: contrast ourselves and it will be clear why this is so. With "the seen,
the heard and cognized" we fashion many notions. Our senses dominate
and the mind untrained in Dhamma delights in the happiness-producing
conditions and rejects the opposites. Then the mind compoUI1ds views out
of sense-experience, and while these may have !>ome correspondence to what
really is (truth) it also compounds fantasies which go far beyond the sensory
material on which they are slightly based. When the mind compounds many
of the latter we say that a person has lost touch with reality and needs some
sort of healing treatment for the mind.
In the case of this person' 'not the least notion is fashioned"-no grasping
and no rejection. What to say of such a one? "That brahmin (perfected)
grasps at no view": in the text there is just the word "brahmin" which
the Buddha often used to indicate one whose defilements are all gone and
so is perfect.
"By whom in the world then, could he be described?" In this line the
Pali has no 'he' but English in the absence of a third person singular which
is not gender-specific has to use some word. Women should therefore read
'she' here and elsewhere in the discourse and these comments. People Who
discriminate and hold views can be described in religious terms as Buddhists,
Hindus, Jews,Christians or Muslims, but what will one say' of one who
has no views? Suppose that one could approach the Buddha and question
him as to whether he was a Buddhist. What would his answer be? Certainly
not that he could be so labelled. He might, out of compassion for one's
confusion teach one some Dhamma to practise and some Vinaya (discipline)
to help its fruitfulness.
, , But it goes deeper than this. Through insight-meditation whit is normally
,called a 'person' or 'oneself' is seen to be no such thing. There is a collectio11
of parts held together by the force of past kamma and the life-faculty (jivitind-
riya) and these continue while the supporting conditions (such as ,Joq'd,
air, water, bodily regeneration) continue. When they fail then death takes
place. While for us that is death of a person, to that 'person' nothing dies.
If we think that person is enlightened We may mourn, but that enlightened
,"pel'son"doesnot lament at the end of life. Nothing belongs to such'a
sp-wPat w9wcl they lairien:t? ' '
PHRA KHANTIPALO 147
v.8 In this last verse the Buddha speaks of Arahants in general. The word
'views' does not occur in the Pali but it may be implied as the object of
what is not fashioned Or pursued. In the second line 'doctrines' is dhammii
and includes views but also every other facet of sensory i'and mental ex-
perience which can be used to erect a self upon. The Arabant, the peIfect
brahmin, has no need of the rites used by those commonly called brahmIns,
and without them he has "gone beyond". This does not imply death, as
one may go beyond while living. Thus neither the rites performed while
alive nor those for death will take one "beyond", to the Further Shore, a
name for Nibbana. As the Buddha says:
"Among men they are few
who go to the Further Shore,
most among mankind
run about this hither shore. ' ,
(Dhp 86)
Only Dhamma-practice will do this and, as always, there are not many
who are willing and ready to do it. So, we stay on this hither shore of sensual
experience, think our more or less confused thoughts and reap the con-
sequences in various forms of dukkha or unsatisfactoriness.
The Arabant by contrast is "Thus" and knows everything as it really
is, there is no grasping anything. What then indeed could return?
,;. Titthiya: non-Buddhist leaders and ascetics llsed as a term of reproach.
* An Arhant, a perfected one. .
'" Adapted from Ven. 1'l'fu),amoli translation A rrec;sur:y of the Buddha's
Words.
THE MINOR CANONICAL
TEXTS *
,. .
ETIENNE LAMOTTE
AU:the Buddhis.t. schools acknowledged the existence of texts known as .
nUllor (khuddaka in Pali, lqudraka in Sanskrit) and made room for them iil
their canonical writings. .
In the fifth century A. c., during time, the canonical
texts were still subject to seven different classifications: "It should be known' ,
said "that the Word of the Buddha is single in taste, twofold
because of the doctrim: ang. discipline, threefold because of the initial,
intermediate and final (words of the Buddha), threefold also because of
(pitaka), fivefold because of the collections (nikiiya),nillefold
because of the branches (aJiga) of the writings, finally of 84,000 kinds because
of the articles ofthe Doctrine' '.1 . /. ; , .
. Among these seven classifications, two particularly called for attention:'
the Tripita,ka or Three Baskets which doubtless refer toa real division of
the Canon of writings; the Nava- or Dvi'idafiiliga, the nine or twelve Branches; .
merely listing the literary styles represented in the canonical wlitings.
The Tripitaka, as its name indicates, consists of three subdivisions:
1. The Vinayapitaka or Basket of the Discipline.
2. The Siitrapitaka or Basket of the Doctrine.
3. The Abhidharmapitaka or Basket of Scholasticism.
The Aligas or literary styles represented in the writings are nine or twelve
in number:
2
1. St1tra, autonomous texts of discourse,.
2. Geya, a mixture of prose and verse.
3. Vyiikara1w, a declaration or prophecy.
4. Giithii, a stanza.
5. Udiina, an elevating utterance.
6. Nidiina, a narration.
7. Itivrttaka, a text beginning with the formula: "Thus was it said."
8. .Jataka, a story of a former birth.
9. Vaipulya, a teaching developed through questions and answers.
10. Adbhutadharma, a tale of wonders.
11. Avadiina, a tale of exploits.
12. Upade.fa, an exegesis.
It was necessary to recall these two classifications, because. both of them
come into the definition of the minor texts. . ., .'
The Sinhalese school, using the Pali language,
books under the name of minor texts (Khuddaka); . '. .,
ETIENNE LAMOTTE 149
1. '. Khuddakapiitha, short readings.
2. ::Dhammapada, verses of the. Doctrine.
3. 'Udana, elevating utterances.
4. ltivuttaka, texts beginning with the formula: "Thus Was it. s a i d . ~
: 5. Suttanipata, collection of texts.
6 .. Vimanavatthu, stories relating to heavenly palaces .
. 7. Petavatthu, stories relating to the departed.
8. TheragtJ.thti, verses of the Elder Brothers.
9, Therigathii, vers(s of the Elder Sisters.
10. Jataka, compilation. of former births.
11. Niddesa,index.
12. Patisal!lbhidiimagga, the path of understanding.
13. : Apadana, tales of exploits.
14. Buddhaval!lsa, the lineage of the Buddhas.
15.. Cariyapi/aka, the basket of conduct .
. . These,fiftee!l books are. related both to the division of the. writings; into
the. Three Baskets and to. the division of the writings into nine Of twelve
Branches::ln fact, the fifteen books constitute the fifth and last collection
ofthe .. paliSuttapita,ka, and some of them-books Nos. 3,4,8,9, 10 and 13
coincide with Branches Nos. 4, 5, 7, 8 and 11 of the writings.: ..
:: .' The antiquity of a certain number of the Pali Khuddakas cannot be doubted
andthisfor two reasons:
The first is that some of them are used as sources by the first four Nikayiis
of the Suttapitaka: the Dhammapadani are cited in Sa11lyutta (l,p. 209);
the Atthaleavagga, the fourth section of the Suttanipata, is mentioned in
Vinaya (l,p. 196) and the Udana (p. 59); finanlly,the Parayal.1a, the fifth
se.ctionoftheSuttanipata, is quoted in Sarp.yutta (II, p. 49) and Anguttara
(I,pp. 133, 134; II, p. 45; III, pp. 339 and 401; IV, p. 63).
A second reason militates in favour of the auth(mticity of the Khuddakas:
the majority ofthem have correspondents in Sanskrit or Prakrit.
The Ratanasutta of the Khuddakapatha is again found in the Mahi'ivastu
(I,p.290 sq.)
. The Dhlinimapada has as its correspondent the Sanskrit Udanavarga
ofthe Pelliot Mission, the Pralerit Dhammapada of the Dutreuil de Rhins
and Petrovsky manuscript, Tibetan version and four Chinese recensions.
It is frequently cited in the Sanskrit texts, for example in the Mahi'ivastl:l
(II, p. 212; III, pp. 91. 156, 434 sq.), the Karmavibhanga (pp. 46, 48. 76),
etc.
Extracts from the Udana have passed into the Sarp.yuktagama (T II 99,
sutra Nos. 1072, 1320, 1330).
The Itivuttaka, or more exactly a Sanskrit Ityuktam was the subject of a
Chinese translation by Hsuan-tsang: the Pen-shih-ching (T XVII 765).
Of the sixty-one sutras contained in the collection of the -Suttanipata,
more than half are known and used on the Indian mainlanq;. Itwoltld take
1-S0
too long here to indicate all the quotations taken from them by the SaJp.-
yuktiigama, Divyiivadiina, Mahiivastu, Abhidharmakosa, Prajiia-
piiramitopadesa, Bodhisattvabhfuni, etc. Furthermore, the AUhakavagga,
the fourth section of the Suttanipiita, was translated into Chinese from a
Sanskrit original, the Arthavargiya, by the Scythian Chih-ch'ien between
the years 223 and 253 A.C.
3
Some fragments of the Sanskrit original were
discovered in Central Asia and used by Dr. P. V. Bapat in his reconstruction
of the Arthapadasiitra
4

A section of the Vimanavatthu (No. 81, pp. 73-4) has its correspondence
in hybrid Sanskrit in the Mahiivastu (II, p. 191 sq.).
To the exploits of in the Pili Apadiina (p. 298) corresponds a
whole page of the Miilasarviistiviidin Vinaya.
5
Finally, the Buddhavaij1sa (IV, p. 21 sq.) has its parallel in hybrid Sanskrit
in the Mahiivastu (I, p. 250 sq.).
The parallelism between the Pili Khuddakas on the one hand and the
Sanskrit texts on the other pleads in favour of the authenticity of the minor
texts, but this parallelism does not necessarily imply dependence on a common
source; it could also be explained by mere borrowing: the Sinhalese could
have translated or adapted Sanskrit originals in Pili and, conversely, -the
mainland Indians may have made use of Piili originals.
- However, even if a certain number of the Pili Khuddakas are included
among the oldest specimens of the canonical literature, it in no way follows
that the compilation of the Khuddakanikiiya in which they appear, was
made at the very beginnings of Buddhism, at the Council of Riijagrha, in
the year 1 of the as the Sinhalese tradition would have it. - .
In fact, in the fifth century A.C., in Ceylon, there was still debate as to
the exact number of the sections of the Khuddakanikiiya. The fifteen tradi-
tional books are clearly listed in the Samantapiisiidikii (p. 18), SunUl.Jigala-
viliisini (p. 17) and the Atthasiilini (p.18), but while the Samantapasiidikii
(p. 27, 1.23) and the SumaJigalaviliisini (p. 23, 1.25) speak of a Khuddakani-
kiiya "in fifteen sections" (paficadasabheda), the Atthasilini (p. 26, 1.3)
mentions a Khuddakanikiiya "in fourteen sections" (cuddasappabheda).
Furthermore, the Chinese recension of the Samantapiisiidikii (T XXIV
1462 i 676a 7-10) excludes the Khuddakapiitba from the collections arid
lists the remaining fourteen sections in an unusual order:
1. Dhammapada.
2. Apadana.
3. Udana.
4. Itivuttaka.
S. Nipata.
6. Vimii.na.
7. Peta.
,8. Thera.-
. 9. Therigilthii.
lQ . .Jdtaka ..
lL. Niddesa .
. 12. Patisarrzbhidii.
13. Buddhavarrzsa.
14. Cariyiipitaka.
.Ii'mlNNlt LAMOrrE .
The canonicity of several of these sections was always disputed. The Dipa-
vaIj1sa (V. 37) has it that after the Council of Vaisali the MahasaIj1gitikas
rejected the Patisambhida, the Niddesa and part of the Jataka. In Ceylon,
at the time .of (fifth cent), the DIghabha:t;taka school exduded
th1:ee sections from the Khuddakanikaya-the Khuddakapatha, Cariya-
pitakaand Apadana-and attached the other twelve to the Abhidhammapi-
taka. Converse, the Majjhimabha:t;takas, after eliminating theKhuddhaka-
patha, included the rest in the Suttapitaka.
6
Finally, noting the small number
of formal suttas contained in the Khuddakas, the Sinhalese commentator
Sudiuna rejected the majority of the sections under the pretext "that there
is no Word of the Buddha which does not take the form of a sutta" (asutta-
namakarrz Buddhavaca(la111 nama n' atthi). 7
. Profiting from the disorder in which the collection was to be found, the
Burmese Buddhists added four paracanonical texts to it-the Milindapafiha,
SllttasaIj1gaha, Petakopadesa and Nettipakara:t;ta-with the result that
their Khuddakanikaya contains nineteen books at the present day.8 .
. If, from the island of Ceylon, we pass to the Indian mainland, the
tion of the tradition only increased, as much with regard to the number
of as with the place they were given in the Canon.
All the mainland schools compiled their own Siitrapitakas with scrupulous
care, at least with regard to the four A.gamas which correspond exactly
to the first four Nikayas of the Pali Suttapitaka. This was not the same for
the with which it is not so simple to deal.
1. 'tl;}" our knowledge, a late source, the 'Narration of Nandimitra' (T
XLIX 2030 140). trlfnslated at the beginning of the seventh century
by . Hslian-tsang, is the only one to ,have construed a Siitrapitaka.
absolutely parallel to the PilIi Suttapitaka. In fact, it posits a Siitrapitaka.
in five Agamas: the DIrgha (Ii< Ch 'ang), Madhyama (.p Chung),
Ekottara (:Iff --Tseng-i), Sal11yukta ($ llrHsiang-ying) and
(
2. The majority of the mainland schools also have a Sutrapitaka in five
sub-divisions, but the first four of which only are qualified as Agamas.
the fifth being the The term is
rendered in Chinese as :$f Y.l!; Tsa-mng. not to be confused with fiiJ' {!;
the Sanskrit Sal11yuktiigama.
9
Among these schools, we cite:
. the MahiisiiIllghikas (T XXU 1425 xxxii 491c 22);
.. the Haimavatas (T XXIV 1463 iv 818a 27);
the Mahiasakas (T XXII 142111U 191a 29);
the Dwmaguptas (T XXII 1428 liv 96gb 26);
15-2 FESTSCHRIFT F.QRHAMMALAVA SADDHATISSA
If they refused to give their collection" of the title of A.gama,
this is probably because they considered texts as being less repre-
sentative of the Word of the Buddha than the ,'sr{,tras of the first four
A.gamas.
3. Compared with the Pali Suttapitaka in five Nikayas and the Indian
Siitrapitaka in four A.gamas completed by 'a some other
Buddhist schools 'only recognized a Siitrapitaka in four A.gamas. They
excluded the from their Tripitaka.
The existence of a Siitrapitaka in four A.gamas only is attested by the
canonical texts, since the Mahaparinirval}.asiitra, in two of its recensions
(T I 5 ii 175c 3; T I 6 ii 191a), asserts that the Arhats of the First Council
received four A.gamas from the lips of A.nanda: Madhyama, Dirgha, Ekottara
and Sarp.yukta.
The Chinese preface to the translation of the Dirghagama (T IlIa)
briefly describes a Siitrapitaka in four A.gamas: Ekottara, Madhyama,
Sarp.yukta and Dirgha.
A passage in the Vinayamatrka (T XXIV 1463 iv 820a), probably referring
to a Dhannaguptaka school, in turn speaks of a Siitrapitaka in four A.gamas:
Ekottara, Madhyama, Dlrgha and Sarp.yukta .
. The powerful Sarvastivadin school, which greatly contributed to the
preservation. of the writings, never had more than a Sutrapitaka in four
Agamas, the "Quadruplet of A.gamas" (iigamacatu:j!ayam) according to
the expression in the Divyavadana (p. 17, 1.22; p. 333, 1.9). This again comes
out in various works of Sarvastivadin inspiration such as the Asokasiitra
(T L 2043 vi I52a 7), the (T XXIII 1440 i 503c-
504a), the Miilasarvastivadin Vinaya(T XXIV 1451 xxxix 407b sq.), the
Mahavyutpatti (Nos. 1421-4), etc.
However, even while refusing to incorporate them in their Tripitaka,
the Sarvastivadins also had Minor Texts which they frequently quoted in
their works under the title of (cf. Abhidharmakosavyakhya,
ed. Wogihara, p. 33, 1.32), and the Mahayanists who, for the canonical
writings, are dependents of the Sarvastivildins, made a special Pitaka of
these distinct from the traditional Tripitaka. For them, this
was supposedly compiled after the other three Baskets
and the Canon was established in the following way:
1. Vinayapitaka.
2. Sutrapitaka in four Agamas.
3. Abhidharmapi!aka .
. ' 4. K:judrakapitaka.
This is what is emphasised by various Mahayanist works such as the
Narration of the Compilation of the Tripitaka and the
(T XLIX 2026 3c 21-2), the Mahaprajfiaparamitopadesa (T XXV 1509 xi .
143c 24-5; xlix 412a 8-9), the Fen pie-chung-te-lun (T XXV 1507 i 32b)
and the Yogacaryabhiimi (T XXX 1579lxxxv 772b-c).lO
imENNE LAMOTTE 153
Of what did the consist? It was and still remains the
most fluctuating, even more so than that of the Pilii Khuddhakanikiiya. C,alled
upon to define it, the accounts of the First Council concealed their confusion
with difficulty and hesitated between two solutions: the first which consists
of attributing to the collection certain special texts not collated in the A.gamas,
the second which tends to identify the with the Word of
the Buddha in twelve branches (dvadaSiiligabuddhavacana). Here are some
definitions:
In the 'Narration of the Compilation of the Tripitaka and the
pitaka' (T XLIX 2026 3c), we read: "The accounts (in the
each differ by reason of thoughts and actions: that is why they are called
Tsa-tsang. The Buddha, the Arhats, the Devas, Brabmii and the Tlrthikas
n:graie in them the causes of their former births (purvajanman): that is why
they are called Tsa-tsang. Gathtis, abound in them;, the twelve causes (nidana)
and the respective and manifold bases (ii.yatana) are mentioned in them:
that is why they are called Tsa-sui (read Tsa-tsang). It telIs, with regard
to the existences of the Bodhisattva in the course of three incalculable periods
(asaf!lkhyeyakalpa), of the places of birth and efficient conditions: that is
why it is called San-tsang (read Tsa-tsang). " For the author of this obscure
text, the deals mainly with former births (jataka) and the causes
(nidanq) which explain them, and the account abounds in gathtis. In fact,
gathii, nidana and jataka form part of the twelve Branches of the writings.
A fairly similar explanation is supplied by the
(T xxv 1507 i 32b): "The Tsa-tsang is 110t the word of a single man: it
is either the Word of the Buddha, or the word of the disciples, or eulogistic
stanzas (gathii) by the Devas. It also deals with the conditions of former
existences and the places of birth of the Bodhisattva in the course of
incalculable periods. The letter and meaning in it are manifold, more plertti-
ful than in the Tripitaka: that is why it is called Tsa-tsang.' 'Here again,
sutras gathered from the lips of the Buddha or his disciples, gathtis uttered
by the gods andjatakas constitute the essential of the
For the Vinayamiitrkii (T XXIV 1463 iii 818a), the even
while contaIning certain special texts unknown to the Agamas, corresponds
on the whole with the Word of the Buddha in twelve Branches: "The Word
of the Buddha such as the Fa-chU (Dharmapada), the Shuo-i (Artbavarga)
or the Po-Io-yen (Piiriiya:r;ta), going from the Siitra to the Upadesa, all these
sacred texts connected with the Tsa-tsang are called ;,
Inspired by the, same principle of division, the Dharmaguptaka Vin.
(T XXII 1428 liv 968b) proposes a in twelve sections the
first seven of which, if our interpretation is correct, correspond to as many
of the "Branches" of the writings, and the last five deal with autonomous
compositions. According to this s,ource, the Tsa-tsang would be a colleCtion
of twelve sacred texts: ' ,
. . . '
1. Shil'lg (abbreviation for Nn-sMng ,;* 1:. ):
rES'rSCHRIF'Lf.ORHAMMALAVA SADDHATtSSA
2' Pen;1- (abbreviation for Pen-shih * *): Ifivrltaka.,
3., U : Nidana.
,4. Fang-ting 1i *" ; Vaipulya.
,5. Wei-tseng-yu7Ji: i'lt 11 : Adbhutadharama,.
6. P'i-);u iff:,""" : Avadana.
7. Yu-p'o-I';-she m$ ill: %: Upadeia.
S. Chil-i 1;] : Arthavarga.
9. ia-chu #; 1lJ : Dharmapada.
10. Po-la-yen It ;f/l; liE : Piiriiya1}a.
11. Tsa-nan Yi : Sa'?1codana?
12. Sheng-chieh 1 : Stfraviragathii.
We can disregardras :being mere fillers the sacred texts Nos. 1 to 7
attempting a comparison with some of the Branches of the writings. However,
texts Nos. 8 to 12: Arthavarga, Dharmapada, Paraya:Q,a and Sthaviragatha
,deserve attention.
These are Clearly a matter of old texts, of highpoeticai value; using the
'stania as the main means of expression, but in which the Buddha does not
'play principal part: The stanzas in question come for the most part
from the great or lesser disciples, even from anonymous authors: Unsure
of finding in them the authentic Word of the Buddha, the early compilers
ihvays refused to incorporate them i:nto the Agamas. In fact, they remembered
the Master's warning: "There are people who listen religiously andac6ept
the texts composed by poets, poetic, literary, exoteric, uttered by the disciples
.... and who allow the texts promulgated by the Buddha, profound, pro-
'found in meaning, transcendental, devoted to the doctrine of emptinesg,to
.disappear"Y This is the reason why these s{Uras were relegated amon'g
'the minor texts (k$udraka). They were well known to the Buddhists, used
and quoted by them, but on the Indian mainland'they were never officially
codified in the manner of the Agamas. In any case, no Chinese translation
of a complete has come down to us.
,If some 'of these poetical narrations have been transmitted to us in a
dispersed order, this is because they were supposedly recited at night by
some great disciples: Sro:t;la Kotikar:t;la in the Pali Vin. (I, p. 196), Aruruddha
in the Sarp.yutta (I, p. 209), a group of Elders in the Divyavadana (pp.
The Buddha himself, present during these recitations, congratulated them:
"'Goo'd, good, 0 monk! You have a fine voice, clearly articulated, without
any muflling or gulping, and which makes the meaning
, The canonical sources which narrate these episodes draw up more or
less long lists of the recitations to which the great disciples devoted them-
selves: nearly always found in them are the Dharmapada, Arthavarga,
Paraya:t;la and the Sthaviragathas which the passage from the Dharmaguptaka
, Vinaya quoted above gave as integral parts of the Mqre-
over, here is a list of the nocturnal recitations drawn up by the various sources:
1. A single title, the ArthavargfyiilJi (Pali: Atthakavaggikiini) in the
ETIENNBLAMOTrE
155
Pali Vin. (I, p. 196), Udana (p. 59), MahiisaIJighika Vin. (T. XXII 1425
xxiii 416a 3), MahIsasaka Vin. (T XXII 1421 xxi 144b 17) and the Dhar-
maguptaka Vin. (T XXII 1428 xxxix845c 24):
2. Two titles in the Sarvastivadin Vin. (T XXIII 1435 xxv 181b 24):
1. ParaYal}a.
2;
3. Three titles in the partial Sa:Q1yuktagama (T II 100 xv 480c):
1. Dharmapadagathti.
2. pal'aya1}a.
3. Mahtitheragathti.
4. Five titles in the Chinese version of the Miilasarvastivadin Vin: (T
XXIV 1448 iii lIb 6):
1. Udana.
2, Sthaviragathli.
3. Sdilagathti.
4. Munigathti.
5 .. Atthavargiya1}i sutra{li.
5. Six or seven titles in the Divyavadana (pp. 20, 34-5):
l.Udana.
2. Piiraya1}a.
3.
4. Sthaviragiitha.
5. . Sailagathti.
6. Munigathti.
7. Arthaval'giyani.
6. Eight titles in the Sanskrit original of theMUlasarvastiviidin Vin.
(Gilgit. Manuscripts, III, pt. 4, p. 188, 1.8):
1. Udana.
2. Pariiya1}a.
3. .
. 4. Sailagiithti.
5. Munigiithti.
6. Sthaviragiithti.
7. Sthavirigathii.
8. Arthavargiyii1}i;
7. Eight titles also in the Sarp.yuktagama (T II 99 xlix 362c 10):
.1. Yu-t'o-na P't: JlII: Udana.
2. Po-Io-yen-na VJi. m PiiriiYalJo .
. 3. Chien-chen-, 'j n lit t:t' : Satyadma.
4. Chu-shang-sotso-shlJo-chieh m Wi ID! 1 II! : Sthol'irOglJlhi
5. Pi-ch'iu-ni-so-shuo-chieh J{:j 1i It. l'Jr m 1111 : Bhik/Ut:ligIJlM. -'
6. Shih-Iu-chieh p : SailagtltM. .
7. l-p' in Jb : ArtMvargiy4i,ri.
8. Mou-ni-chieh.$. It. : MunigatM.
FESTSCHRIFT ..
.,AII the wo,rks enumerated in these lists have their corresPQndents jnthe
Pall Khu4dakas:
The Dharmapadagathas Qr Udana [varga] corresponds to the. Dhamma-
pada. The Munigathas correspond to the Munisutta of the Suttanipata
(I, 12), and ASQka refers to, it in his Bhadra edict.12 Qr its
variant Satyadrsa, as yet unidentified, possibly refer to the Praise of the
'VQice Qf the Immortal' Truth contained in the Subhasitasutta Of theSutta-
nipata (III, 3). The Sa:ilagathas are no other than the Selasutta of the Sutta-
nipata (III, 7). The ArthavarglyaJ;li sutraJ;li are the sixteen suttas of the
Atthakavagga of the Suttanipata (IV). The ParayaJ;la is Chapter V Qf the
Suttanipata. Finally, the Sthaviragathas and the SthavirI-ot Bhikl?ulfigathas
corresPQnd to Thera- and Therigathas in the Pili collection respectiv'ely.
It ensues from the study Qf the sources that the Kl?udrakas referred to, by
the mainland schQQls cQnsisted Qn the whole Qf poetical recitatiQns chanted
at night by SQme Qf the great disciples and that the latter had parallels in
the Pali Khuddakas.
There is therefQre no doubt that all the Buddhist schQ()ls had minQr texts
some Qf which, gQing far back iJ,}tQ the past, constituted a heritage CQmmQn
to, all the sects. HQwever, since these texts of high poetical value did not deal
aVQwedly with emptiness, the Buddhists IQng continued to wQn<ierif they
were truly the Word Qf the Buddha. This is why they were never included
in the Agamas.
The Sinhalese Theravadins established a collection of Khuddakas in
fifteen books which included, alQngside early recitations, a certain number
Qf more recent compositions. They attached this collection to, the Sutta-
pitaka. as a fifth Nikaya, immediately follo,wing the suttas of the DIgha,
Majjhima, Sa:rp.yutta and AiLguttara. There is nothing that allows of an
assertion that this collection was compiled before the time Qf
in the fifth century A.C. AdQ,Pted by the monks at the Mahavihara
in Anuradhapura, it was far from being accepted by the Qther . Sinhalese
schQQls. Specialists Qf the Digha and Majjhima; some commentators such
as Sudinna had reservations about the authenticity of certain books and
proposed various reclassifications of the Khuddakas.
The mainland Buddhists were never able to reach agreement as' to, the
place the should be accorded:
13
some attached them to the
Sutrapitaka as a fifth Agama or as a special Pitaka; others excluded them
from the Tripitaka and relegated them to an autonomous Basket. Every-
thing leads us to believe that the latter was never codified, and this explains
why no Chinese translation of a complete Kl?udrakapitaka has come down
to us. Lists were merely drawn up, lists given by way of example and which
never went beyond eight books. In order to bolster them, some exegeticists
proposed identifying the Kl?udrakas with the twelve Branches of the writings,
but the idea never took hold.
The absence on the Indian mainland of a codified and edited
ETIENNE LAMOTTE 157
pi{aka,.ilh()w5withwhatprudencethe narrations oftheFirst Buddhist Cpuncil
supplied.by schools should be used., Each school claims that its
own; "Carton was compiled at .Rl1jagrha the .very year of
deqease. The anachronism on which sucha claim was based haslortg been
aCknowleciged: at a time when these' schools had still not been formed,itis
i1n,Possiblet,hat their various Canons had already been compiled. But there'
is mote, If,-as we believe we have shown and with the exception o.ftIie
Sinhalese Canon, the of the .various schools only existed:
in the state of lists without ever culminating in a real compilation; it ,ensues.
thattheCarions of the various schools as they are described for us in the
min:atiqt;.s of the First Council, most often only correspond to a theoretical
cOilception,ta an ideal code of writings the project far which was never
reali.sed.F'orour part we doubt that the Dharmagaptas, for example, ever
possessed that in twelve books as they claim in theirnarra-
tive of the First.Council. .
. It therefore ensues that each ininor text requires a study independent of
thd collection in which the Buddhists claimed to have included thenl. If
some'ofthem exist in the form of a dual recension, oile in Sanskrit or middle
Indian, the other in Piili":""'as is the case for the. Arthavarglya, for. example-
it is possible but not certain that both recensions derive from a common
source, of Magadhan or other origin. For, even after their separation, the
various religious communities maintained ofteli strict relations between
each. other. The Sinha,lesecouldhave translated o.r 'Sanskrit or
Prakritoriginals..,.-as was the case for the
the mainlahderscould have used palioriginals. We must therefore be wary
of positing general rules concerning the transmission of the
. - - .. - .,
text reqllidng its own special study.
'. -.;-
, .'
.. ;" '"
,- \.:. .... ' '.: ". ; ...
158
NOTES
the. title 'Problemes concernant les textes canoniques
1D. Journal ASlatIque, Pans 1956, pp, 249-64. Grat.eful
made for permission to translate and print this English version by Sara Boin WebK .
Editions and works mentioned in this article and not listed in the GENERAL
TIONS are as follows:
Kosa =L'Abhidharmakosa'de Vasubandhu, tr. et ann. L. de La ValleePoussin 6 vol.,
Pans 19,23-31, repro Brussels 1982.
Traite=E. Lamotte. tr. Le Traite.de la Grande Vertu de Sagesse de Niigiirjuoa, vol. I and
II (BibliothCque du Museon. No. 18) Louvain 1944-49. repro 1981; vol ill, IV and V
de I'lnstitute OrientaIiste de Louvain, No.2, 12, 24), Louvain 1970-80.
Translation of Upadesa, q.v, ",
Upadesa=Mahiiprajilaparamitopadea of Nagarjuna, T XXV, 1509.
I. VinA I 16; DA I 15: DhsA 118.
2. The. division into Dine aligas is accepted as much in Ceylon as in the canonical
sources (pali Yin ill 7; M 1133; A 117,103 178; ill 87, 177361) and post-canonical
ones (Miln 344; Vism ed. Warren, 373). It also prevailed in the MahiisiiIpghika school
(Mo .ho-seng ch'i Iii, T XXII 1425 i 227b). Again it is found in some rare canonical
and para-canonical texts in Sanskrit such as the SarpgitisUtra (T I 12 i 227b), Itivtt-
, taka (T XVII 765 v 679c) and the Dharmasalllgitisiitra (T XVII 761 i 612a)
and, exceptionally, in some Mahayiinist treatises such as the Saddharm2pw;lc;!arika
(Nanjio ed. 134, 45, T IX 262 i 7c), the Dharmasarpgraha (ed!. Muller, Ch. 62; T
XVII 764 661a) and the (T XXVI 1521 ix 19b).
The Sanskrit sources generally add to the nine traditional aligas three new ones:
nidtina,avadiina and upadesa, which brings the number of arigas to twelve. Among
the sources which accept the twelve arigas are included:
. a. All the Agamas, whichever school may have transmitted them: Sanskrit Mahii-
parinirvaQ,a (ed. Waldschmidt, p. 386; ld., Lebensende des Buddhas, p. 217);
Dirghiigama (T I 1 iii 16e, xii 74b); Madhyama (T I 26 i 421a, xxxxv 709b, liv
764b); SaIllyukta(T 1199 xli 300e): Ekottara (T II 125 xviii 635a, xxi 657a, xxxiii
728e, xlvi 794b, xlviii 813a).
b.' All the Chinese Vinayas except that of the MahiisiiIllghikas: MahiSiisaka Yin
. (T XXII 1421 i Ie). Dharm!l:guptaka Yin (T XXII 1428 i 569b); Mulasarv. Yin.
(T XXIV 1451 xxxviii 398e).
c. The treatises of the great Hinayiinist schools, Sarvastivadins,
Sautrantikas: .Mahavyutpatti (Nos. 1267-78); (T XXVII 1545 cxxvi
659c sq.); Kosa (VI, 194.274); Satyasiddhisiistra (T XXXII 1646 i 244c)
. d. Most of the Mahayana Siitras such as the Paflcavilllsatisiihasrikii (ed. Du:tt;
p. 31; TV-VII 220 cdii ge; T vm 222 i 150e; T vm 223 i 220b; the Sallldhinir-
mocana (T XVI 676 iii 698a), Avatalllsaka (T IX 278 xii 478a). It should .be
noted that tho Mahayanist MahaparinirvaQasiitra (T XII 374-5) counts rune'
aligas when referring to the Sravakas (T XII 374 iii 383c, 375 iii 623b). twelve
when referring to the Bodhisattvas (T XII 274 xv 451b, 375 xv 693b).
e. The Upadea (T XXV 1509 xxxiii 306 sq. = Traite V 2284 sq.).
/. The great treatises of the Yogiicara school: Abhisamyiilalllkariiloka (ed. Wogihara,
p. 29) YogacaryabhUmi (T XXX 1579 xxv 419o, !xxxi 753a,!xxxv 773a);
3. The title of the translation is I-tsu-ching (T IV 198).
4. P. V. Bapat Arthapada Sutra, Visvabharati Studies 13, Santiniketan 1951.
5. N. Dutt Gilgit Manuscripts III, pt. 1, Srinagar 1942, pp. 181-2; M. Hofinger Le
Congres du lac Anavatapta, Louvain 1954. p. 208.
6. DAI15.
7. DA I 566; AA ill 159.
8. M. H. Bode Pall Literature 0/ Burma, London 1909 (repr. 1966), pp. 4-5.
9. S. Levi was the first to note this distinaction in "Les seize Arhats protecteurs de
la Loi", exc. from Journal Asiatique, Paris 1916, pp. 32-3. It should, be remarked
that the ninth chapter of the Kosa, p. 249, when referring to a passage in Sn (para-
yaQ,avagga, v. 981, etc.) in which BavarI is mentioned, gives it being part, not of
the but of the rendered in TIbetan as Lwi phran
chegs and in Chinese as Shao-fen-a-han (paramiirtha's version, T XXIX
1559 xxii 306a 7) or Tsa-a chi-mo (Hsuantsang's version, T XXIX 1558
xxix 154b 22).
10. The Upade!ia, loc.eit., says: ''The four Baskets of the Doctrine are: the Siitrapitaka
the Vinayapitaka, the Abbidharmapitaka and
11. S II 267; A I 72-3, III 107; Tsa-a-ban, T II 99 XlVll 345b.
12. J. Bloch Les inscriptions d'Asoka, Paris 19.50, p. 154: moneyasutte.
13. For details see J. Przyluski Le Concile de Riijagrha, Part 3, Paris 1928, pp. 353-61.
BUDDHIST ETIllCAL CONCERNS IN THE WORK OF
:MARTIN WICKRAMASINGHE (1891-1976)
TREVOR LING
Thc Venerable Dr.Saddhatissa has a high reputation in a number of
different fields. One of these is his scholarly work 'n the study of Buddhist
ethics, and in particular ethics for lay people. It is evident that in his own
judgment, at any rate, this is not an aspect of Buddhist life which can be
passed over lightly. Other Buddhist scholars have testified to the importance
of his work in this area. Yet u d d h i ~ t ethics has not always attracted as
much attention 'from scholars as have some of the more theoretical matters
dealt within Buddhist philosophy. The latter is evidently regarded as a more
attractive and congenial area in which to work. But, as M. 0' C. Walshe
points out in the 'Foreward' to Dr. Saddhatissa's Buddhist Ethics, the
growing interest in Buddhism in the West 'often takes on forms that are
at best dilettante mid sometimes positively harmful in circles where the
ethical aspects are ignored'.
The present conttibution seeks only to draw attentiontotbe work of
anothet renowned son of Sri Lanka, whose attitude in these matters coincides
verY-closely with Dr. Saddbatissa's, both in his concel'll for lay people's
ethicS and in his realistic approach to Buddhist life and culture, namely,
the Sinhalese noveli&t and essayist who is by common consent 'the father
of modern Sinhalese liteI'atur<J'l, Martin Wickramasinghe .
. , At the time of Sri Lanka's independence in 1948 Martin Wickrcimasinghe's
reputation as a creative writer was well established. He had already published
eight novels,and of these, four had been written before 1925. In addition
he had produced many short stories and critical essays, as well as important
evaluative studies of classical Sinhalese literature.
2
AcImowledged as a
landmark in modern Sinhalese writing is his famous Gamperaliya (1944),
which deals with the effect of social change on a prominent and comfortably
placed family living in a village of the southern coastal area (where Martin
Wickramasinghe's own bome was, at KoggaJa). This was followed; in the
year of indepenoence,by Yugayantaya, and, in 1957, by Kali Yugaya; the
three novels together comprise a trilogy of modern Sinhalese social hist,Ory
and in particular the history-of village family life under the growing influence
of an alien commercia.l economy .
. ,Martin Wickramasinghe'sown roctswere entirely in the life Ofthe village
as it had .existed at .the tumor the century: stable, civilisrd, prosperous
ehough to provide an adequate life for ail, and predominantly Sinhalese
Buddhist in tradition, The contrast whichWic,krama1iinghe appears to hav.e
felt m,ost'strongly, and witbwhich much of his writing deals,.wa;s tbeone
160 FESTSCHRlFT FOR HAMMALAVA SADDHATISSA
which existed between this traditional village culture and the life of the
cosmopolitan Colombo-dweller. It has to be remembered that Colombo
was not strictly a Sinhalese city. It was a place which had developed with
the arrival of Muslim traders in the early cmturies of the Islamic era, and
which was then further developed by successive waves of Europeans in
search of wealth: first the Portuguese, then the Dutch and finally the British.
The centres of Sinhalese Buddhist civilisation in the island had been the
ancient cities of Anuradhapura and Polonnaruva, and in the medieval and
early modern Periods, those of Kurunagala, K6tte, and Kandy. Colombo,
on the other hand, was a place dominated by foreigners, and was ill the
view of the seventeenth century king of Kandy, Rajtlsinha, 'the origin and
mother of all the evil that has come upon this Islan d '.
3
Independence in Ceylon in 1948 was not the traumatic event it had been
in India, where the nationalist struggle came to a bitter and bloody end in
1947 with the partition of the subcontinent into the new states of India
and Pakistan. Ceylon's transition was more calm and peaceful, and was
welcomed as the beginning of a new and hopeful era. The possibili-
ties of the future were regarded optimistically, not least by Martin Wickrama-
singhe, who now, at a time when he was acknowledged as the leading writer
in Sinhalese, started to write in English. Between the year of independence
when he was fifty-seven, and his death twenty-eight years later, much of
his work, a great deal of it in the form of essays, was in EngJil>D. This was
for a good reason: his writing was now addressed more directly to his English
educated compatriots, some of whom had been to a greater or lesser degree
alienated from their cultural roots in Sinhalese life and language, and were
inclined to regard Sinhalese Buddhist culture as unprogressive and even
primitive. In so far as they retained any concern for what was Buddhist
it \vasfora Buddhism drawn largely from the work of Western writers,
Who in turn had drawn it exclusively from their own or other people's reading
of certain Pati texts (but not to any extent f!'Om such popular. sources as
the Jataka literature), When, theFefore, Martin Wickramasinghe directed
the attention of his learned contemporaries to the value of the Jiitakasand
other popular works as a for the study of Sinhalese Buddhism his
suggestion was contemptuously dismissed.
4
In addition to the older genera-
tion ofWesternised Sinhalese, a new social element which appeared in the
period were the children of both rural and urban parents
who began to enterhigber education when it was made more widely available.
Itwas this new also that Martin Wickramasinghe was addressing
from 1947 onwards.
s
It was during the period, the most active in his life
. as a \vriter, that his ten books which are available in English were pilblished,s
Certain themes recur in his essays of the independence period and ,they
ariseoilt of the .circl.1ni.stances of the time; The gradual growth.oftheeduckted
':sector cf Sinhalese: society, which has just, been mentioned:would hav.e had
TREVOR LING 161
the effect of producing a new generation of readers whose allegiance might
be drawn either towards the commercial culture of the West, a culture in
which the cash books provide the final criterion in all human affairs, or
towards the Buddhist humanism which Martin Wbkramasinghe regarded
as the essence of traditional Sinhalese culture. Father Tissa Balasuriya
has regarded his work as a major contribution to the Sri Lankan people's
'democratic socialist humanism'.
7
There can be no doubt that Martin
Wickramasinghe himself regarded his humanist position as being firmly
based in his Sinhalese Buddhist heritage. Yet not everything in that tradition
can be said to contribute, directly at any rate, to what is democratic and
socialist. Wickramasinghe himself acknowledged this, and was therefore
not infrequently critical of what he regarded as aberrations from the central
tradition. In all this, a large part of his intention appears to have been to
warn a potentially influential section of Sri Lankan society against what,
from the point of view of a living and relevant Sinhalese Buddhist tradition,
could be seen as errors of the past and present. Significantly his observations
and warnings are couched primarily in ethical rather than theoretical philo-
sophical terms. For, as a great deal of his writing demonstrates, religion
was for him in the last analysis a matter of the heart rather than the head,
although that is not to say that he disparaged reason. He holds the balance
firmly between reason and emotion, and often appears critical of emotional
or sensational aspects of religious practice, such as tantrism and what he
describes as occultism. Reason is invoked against these, but Ultimately
reason itself has to submit to another arbiter.
He endorses Malinowski's criticism, made from an anthropological
viewpoint, of the attempts of British colonial governments to persuade
Asians to adopt an English style of civilisation, in ignorance of the fact 'that
every item of culture, every custom and belief, represents a value, fulfils a
social function, has a positive biological significance'. Wickramasinghe
adds that this criticism, made originally with reference to the peoples of the
Pacific, applies with equal force to the peoples of India and Ceylon, who
have their own traditional and independent civilisations.
8
Ceylon's ex-
perience of the irresistable force of Westernisation had produced a reaction
among Buddhists, he believed: 'it is natural that monks should attempt to
discipline laymen with their own ascetic morals in face of the demoralising
effects of western culture and mores,.9 Nevertheless, such asceticism is not
a traditional feature of lay Sinhalese Bud ihist life in his understanding of it.
Three or four years after independence he had taken the view that 'the
ascetic ideal of the Buddhists' had decayed in Sri Lanka, as it must, he
argued, 'when it is gradually engulfed by an urban civilisation which creates
wealth and innumerable forms of material devices for enjoyment'. All
attempts to revive it in modern Ceylon in such circumstances would, he
considered, only multiply the number of Buddhist hypocrites in the island.
1o
However, if the ascetic ideal is no longer practicable" that is no reason why
162 FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAJvlMALA VA SADDHA TISSA
every effort should not be. made to strengthen such spiritrialvalues as, can
be made relevant; to this end he called for a simple and authoritative SinhaIese
version of the Dhammapada for lay people at a price they could afford to
pay.u Therefore, even though he appeared to doubt the relevance of the
Siga.lova.da Sutta (' a discourse of the Buddha to a bigoted Brahmin youth ')
as a code of morals for Buddhist laymen today12 he recognised the under-
standable desire of the monks to combat the tendency of the younger people
in Sri Lanka to imitate the worst ofWesteni ways. This was producing among
the younger generation 'a shoddy culture which. is devoid not only of the
best elements, aesthetic and spiritual, of English culture, but even the core
of their (own Sinhalese) traditional culture, which has affinities to certain
traits of Frenchculture'Y
It is perhaps significant that he wrote not only of 'the demoralising
effects of Western culture,14 but also, in a parallel passage, of 'the demo-
ralising effects of (religious leaders') support of capitalism on peoples of
all faiths ',15 But this had at least begun to be corrected, and. religious leaders
of various kinds were 'now gradually becoming supporters of genuine
religion and socialism, instead of playing the role of vendors of "religious
opium" on behalf of capitalists and their organisations'. 16 Evidently in
1971, when those words were written, Martin Wickramasinghe had observed
the beginnings of those stirrings of religious dissatisfaction with capitalism
which were .800n to. become better known: the 'political theology' of
Christians in Europe, Africa, Latin America and Asia:; the outspoken
opposition to capitalist principles from followers of Islam; the blending of
Buddhist and Marxist philosophy by the socialist government of Burma,
and the expressed openness even of the Dalai Lama to some form of Marxist
5>o.cialism. On the other hand behind the current exploitation of 'occultism'
both in 'the West and in Sri Lanka and India, capitalist interests could be
suspected. In India .and Sri Lanka some academics with the encouragement,
of' certain American psychiatrists and occultists' :'were producing' ponderous.
volumes on rebirth and occult superstitions'.17 It is. in this connection that
one recognizes the relevance of the comment that the growing interest in
Buddhism in the West' often takes on forms that are. at best dilettante and
sometimes positively harmflJI in circles where the ethical aspects are
ignored' .18 .
Martin Wickramasinghe was a consistent advocate of socialist principles'.
It is fashioilable in some countries, especialliin those which are in the process
of deco IOlli ali sat ion, to pay lip service to socialism, but his was a deeper
and mqre reasoned advocacy. In discussing the significance of independent
Sri Lanka's new RepUblican Constitution he laidemjJhasis on the need for
the younger generation' to acquire knowledge from every and then
added:' LeaFning to shout socialist or revolutionary slogans'is not. enough ..
SoCialism requires hard work, knowledge, discipline and the abitity 19
The mere shouting of revolutionary slogims wa's likely .to indicateimqrfl
.. TREVOR LING 163
than anything else, that the young people who did. so were still victims of an
educational system imposed .on them by colonial rulers. ':W By this. he
appears to mean the habit of shallow imitation which was characteristic of
the Sinhalese elite under colonial rule. It was also partly, he admitted,' a
safety valve' to expel their genuine discontent and impotent fury, resulting
from a system of education' and a social environment which' still segregate
them from the workers and peasants'.21
From his own experience Martin Wickamasinghe could affirm that 'the
mission of the writer and the artist is difficult and hard', for those
who, like himself, voiced criticisms of old unexamined orthodoxies. Such a
writer would certainly have to face attack and abuse 'from the press and
vested interests backed by capitalism'. 22 But if he ventured also to question
the authenticity of anything that had come to be regarded in Sri Lanka as
an established Buddhist position he would have to face similar attack and
abuse. It is important to notice that Martin Wickramasinghe's criticisms
of what was held to be Buddhist orthodoxy did not arise from a desire for
mere controversy for its own sake; he did not adopt an adversary stance
of a negative kind. His criticism, even although it was sometimes directed
against aspects of Buddhist life, had a positive intention; it can be seen to
be motivated by an affirmative and constructive spirit. Nevertheless he was
aware trui.t he was going against the stream to some degree, as the title of
one of ,his essays indicates: 'Buddhism: an Unorthodox Interpretation. '23
He begins this essay by affirming that the Buddha was not a philosopher,
but 'the. greatest and most original intelle,ctual mystic India has produced '.24
Central to the Buddhist way, therefore, is that which is mystical, intuitive,
and numinous: But in Sri Lanka educated Buddhists had' succumbed to
the glamour of Anglican and Brahmanical rationalism' and had accepted
rationalistic interpretations of Buddhism.
25
Some had been <beguiled into
identifying 'the truth of religion' with 'scientific truth' and this had led
them 'to identify Buddhism with Western rationalism.,26 Writing in the
. mid 1960s he was able t6 record that the 'agnosticism and rationalism' of
the early twentieth century are now regarded as unsatisfactory intellectual
attitudes'. Nevertheless, the attitude of identifying Buddhism as a form
of rationalism still persisted 'among many educated Buddhists' in Sri
Lanka.
27
One of Martin Wickramasinghe's themes is the modern, and originally
We8tern',misunderstanding of the nature .of traditional lay Buddhist norms
and.practice. It is here niore evident than in any other connection that bis
criticism; keen and often outspoken, is not only deeply felt buUs also con-
structive ;n intention .
. Western-scholars, in his view, 'lack a discerning knowledge of the daily
life of Buddbist laymen of the Buddha 'stimeor that of laymen of Buddhist
coimtd6s today'. This statement wculdbe difficult tei refute. Indeed it is
hiIrd,to'see howmme than 'a handful ot"historians QQ111qha,vtt 'a, cJj11Qern,ing
knowledge of the daily life of Buddhist laymen of the Buddha '8 t i m ~
Some knowledge of the daily life of laymen of Buddhist countries today
might be claimed by a few Western scholar5 who have lived fol' a year or
two in non-Westernised iocations in Buddhist countries, that is to s"y.
well beyond the bounds of Bangkok and Colombo. For apart from Sri Lanka,
Thailand, and Bhutan, few traditionally Buddhist countries now remain,
or are open to Western scholars. Those who do qualify under these fairly
. strict terms, and had concerned themselves with the daily life of Buddhist
laymen at the time Wickramasingbe was writing are not difficult toidentify.28
He was describing the culture and practice of his own country as he knew
it (and that was very well); he was not setting out the normative position
which the orthodox, on the basis of ancient scripture, believe ought to be
the case. 'Western scholars lack a discerning knowledge of the daily life
of Buddhist laymen of the Buddha's time or that of laymen of Buddhist
countries today. They treat the eightfold path as a way oflife for all Buddhists
monks, laymen and laywomen. But the Buddhist laity are free to adapt and
assimilate to any culture. (He is here describing, not prescribing.) 'The only
Buddhist aspect of their culture is the way of worship and the support of
the Sangha who have entered the path and order. ,29
Certainly it is no part of the ordinary Buddhist's life to concern himself
or herself with the Abhidhamma, he declares. The excessive reverence
given to this branch of monastic learning receives explicit and hard criticism
from Wickramasinghe. He regards it as an interpretation of the Buddh's
discourses made centuries after the parinibbiina, but attributed to the Buddha,
so that its 'dogmas .... became absolute truths equal to a revelation'. 30
It is the regular inculcation ofthis into the minds of young people which is to
be held responsible for the 'decadence of the sense of the holy among
educated Buddhists'. 31 By the same process 'all practical human ethics of
love and charity in Buddhism became abstractions for mere contemplation
caned maitribhiivanii, which produces more unconscious hypocrites than
men and women who practise love and charity'.32 The force of M. O'C.
Walshe's remark concerning the fascination in the West for forms of
Buddhism which are 'positively harmful in circles where the ethical aspects
are ignored' would in this connection meet with Martin Wickramasinghe's
full approvaL An exercise which requires primarily mental ability and skill
in arithmetical manipulation would seem more appropriate to the computer
than to lay people seeking to live by the ethical precepts of metfii and karunii.
'A mind trained to appreciate barren intellectual dogmas and cling to them'
would be likely, he says, to become a desert in which the seeds of saddhii
would not grow,.33
ThrGughout Martin Wickramasinghe's writings of this period there is
an unmistakably deeply-felt concern for the recovery of sound, traditional
lay Buddhist ethical attitudes and practices. It is in this connection that
he points out that the word saddhii is not adequately translated by tll!)
TREVORLlNG
165
English. word' faith' . What is meant is something nearer 'religious percep-
tion', or that which is the basis ofreligiol.iS feeling. Quoting Edward Conze,
he agrees that its meaning covers 'more or less the sum total of their (i.e.
laymen's) religious aspirations ... .its essence would consist in some measure
of detachment from this world, and a partial turning away from the visible
to the invisible, without, however, quite reaching it,.34 Such an inner attitude
is aided, in traditional lay Buddhist life in Sri Lanka, by the regular
offering of respect to Buddhist symbols at the temple, and in this way the
aesthetic approach reinforces ethical intention.
35
What Martin Wickramasingbe was concerned for in all this was the
bringing together in the lives of Buddhist lay people of the aesthetic attitude,
and the religious feeling, or awareness, as' essential accompaniments of
ethical seriousness. He was concerned that Buddhists should be more than
mere intellects. This is seen very clearly in a passage where he refers yet
again to the 'failure of our educated Buddhists', and this time it is to their
failure 'to appreciate the spiritual value of poetry like the Therr Giithiis
and Thera Giithiis' owing to 'their devotion to dogmas and a superficial
intellectual approach to Buddhism'. The spiritual experiences of these men
and women of old are not beyond the reach of those who live in today's
world; by way of illustration he quotes the words of a 'modern French
Christian woman mystic', Simone Weil, which 'supply evidence which will
help in the appreciation of the truth of the spiritual experiences of the old
Theris and Theras' .36 The words he quotes, from her book Gravity and
Grace, are as follows:
"Man only escapes from the laws of this world in lightning flashes.
Instants when everything stands still, instants of contemplation of
pure intuition, of mental void, of acceptance of the moral void. It i&
through such instants that he is capable of the supernatural.
The reality of the world is the result of our attachment. It is the reality
of the self which we transfer into things. It has nothing to do with
independent reality. That is only perceptible through total detachment.
Should only one thread remain, there is still attachment.
Attachment is a manufacturer of illusions and whoever wants reality
ought to be detached.
This irreducible'!, which is the irreducible basis of my suffering-I have
to make this 'I' universal. ' ,37
It is in this context that Martin Wickramasinghe lays emphasis on the
absolute necessity for a serious attempt to cultivate, beyond Buddhism as
an intellectual pastime, Buddhism as serious concern with metfa at every
level of life and Buddhism as religious awareness, in a conscious parallt;l
perhaps between the Theris and the 'modern French Christian woman'
on the one hand and, on the other the 'village woman, who kneels and
worships the stllpa or the Buddha image, (and who) emotionally realises
a momentary intuition (pafifiU} by forgetting and dissolving her self into
166 FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAMMALAVA SADDHA'ITSSA
nothingness '.38 The contrast in this passage is between the 'village woman'
arid the'educated 'young men'who 'cling to dogmas which appeal to their
superficial intellects' . Perhaps -Martin Wickramasinghe w ~ s right in what
he implied; perhaps modern (male) Buddhist intellectuals have got their
priorities wrong. If they. have, it would be interesting to speculate' whether
this also was part of the legacy of foreign, European influences, another
aspect of 'the demoralising effects of Western culture' and the Western
educational system, another. consequence of the acceptance of.' Anglican
and Brahmanical rationalism' and of rationalistic interpretations of Buddhism
rather than ethical.
' .....
. " : ~
TREVOR LING 167
NOTES
1. K. M. de Silva, A History of Sri Lanka, 1981, p. 483.
2. Notably his Sillhala Stihitiyaye Niigimq (1946), translated into English as LQ/ldmarks
of Sinhalese Literature (1948).
3. H. A. J. Hullugalle, Centenary Volume of the Colombo Municipal Council 1865-1965,
p.8.
4. Martin Wickramasinghe: A Bibliography, Colombo 1979, p. xxxviii.
5. Ibid. p. xxxix. . .
6. Three of these were English translations of books written earlier. In 1948 Landmarks
of Sinhalese Literatiire appeared, a of Sinhala Sahityaye Nligima (1946);
in 1968 Lay Bare the Roots, the title given to the translation of Apegama (1940)
which gives an account of his boyhood in Koggala; and in 1976 Madol Doova, a
children's,.nov"l, also set in the rural south, the Sinbales" original of which
had .appeared in 1947. Besides these works, with their sturdy appreciation of the
positive :value of Sinhalese culture there are the seven collections of critical essays.
These are written with the easy and popular style of the journalist but are clearly
the work of one who had read widely in European and American literature, and who
was, ill spite of his disclaimerS, an accomplished writer of English with a felicity of
style which many of those whose I}.ative language is English migllt envy. The
collected essays were published as follows: The Mysticism of Lawrenc, (1951); Aspects
'a/Sinhalese Culture (1952); The Buddhist lataka Stories and the Russian Novel (1957);
,Buddhism and Culture (1964); Revolution and Evolution (1971); Buddhism and Art
(1973); and Sinhalese Language and Culture (1975). An English translation of Bava
Tharanaya, his most famous and controversial Sinhalese novel, (1982). It has been said
,that 'tpe trends of thought set in motion by this work are likely to be one of the
most significant contributions of Martin Wickramasinghe to his fellow Buddhists.' .,
,7. Tissa Balasuriya, O. M. I., in Martin Wickramasinghe: The Sage ofKoggala, Dehiwal!i,
Sri Lanka, 1975, p. 68. . , .,
8. Sinhalese Language and Culture, 1975 (hereafter: SLC) p. 19f.
9.SLC, 1975; 71 SLC, 55
. , 10. Aspects of Sinhalese. Culture 1952, 3rd edn, 1973 (hereafter ASC),. p. 94f ..
11. Ibid.
12. SLC, 71. ,
13. ' SLC, 73.
14 .. See above.
15. Revolution imd Evolution, 1971 (hereafter RE), p. 18.
16.RE,18. '
17. Ibid.'
18.' See above; p. l;.
19. SLC, 5Of.
20. RE,I1.
21.RE,I2.
22. RE,21. . .
'23. 'Buddhism and Culture, 1964 (hereafter BC), pp.l-tO.
24. BC,1.
25., BC,8.
26. Ibid.
27. BC,21.
28. In Sri'Lanka, for example, the list. would include names that came to mind fairly
readily without furtb,er reference, such as those of Michael' Ames, JameS Brow,
Michael Carrithers, Hans-Dieter Evers, Richard Gombrich, Michehl Hodge, K R.
Leach, Marguerite Robinson, Bryce Ryan, Martin Southwold and Nur Yalman.
The list could be made longer, but not much. More than half of these produced'the
written results of their work a,fier Wickramasinghe wrote this passage. . , . .
29. Buddhism and Art, 1973 BA), p. xiv.
30. BA,xv. .
31. RE,24.
32. RE,26.
33. BC,20. .. '. .
'34. BC; 19. Cf.E. Conze, Buddhism: Its Essence and Development, OXford, pap'erbacked.
1960, p. 78 ...
35. ' BC, 20; BA, xvi.
36. BC; 17;'
,37. Sione Weiil; Gravity and. Grace, translated froin the French, La Pesantellr Qnd La
Grace by Emma Crawford, Routledge and Kegan Paul, LondoD I952;pp. 11, 1:
38.' and ,129 Be,20. " . . . .
A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF DHARMAPADAS
KOGEN MIZUNO
1. Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dharmapada
The photo copies of the manuscript of the Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit
Dharmapada taken custody of by Patna University in India were recently
published in romanized letters in India and West Germany respectively:
1. The Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dharmapada, ed. N. S. Shukla, Patna
1979.
2. Text of the Patna Dharmapada, ed. G. Roth in The Language of the
Earliest Buddhist Tradition (ed. Heinz Bechert), G6ttingen 1980.
Both publications were deciphered from the same manuscript above
mentioned. However, there are a great number of differences in words and
phrases and in the number of gathtis. Comparing both volumes, I tried to
adjust the number of gathtis and to correct the words and phrases. I found,
however, that there were still imperfections in them because of erroneous
transcriptions in the manuscript itself. The language of this Dharmapada
is totally unknown. From the standpoint of linguistics, it might be said that
it is intermediate between Buddhist Sanskrit and Pim since it is closer to
Pali than to any other Buddhist Prakrit language. The region where this
language was used was perhaps the basin of both the Ganges and the Yamuna
Rivers, that is, from Mathura to KosambI. The Nikaya (school) which
transmitted this Dbarmapada is entirely unknown, but judging from the
linguistic features, the language of the words and phrases of this Dharmapada
seems to correspond to the transliteration of various technical terms con-
cerning Vinaya which appear in the Vinaya-dvavirbsati-prasammartha-
sastra (Nanjio 1139, Taisho Vol. 24, pp. 665-673) translated by Paramartha
in 568 A.C. Since this Vinaya text is regarded as a sacred book of the Sam-
mitiya-vada, it seems to me that this Dharmapada was transmitted by the
same school.
The Sammitiya-vada Nikaya used to be widely popular in India. The
(Nanjio 1503, Taisho Vol. 51) by Hsiian-tsang mentions
that the number of monasteries and monks of the SammitIya Nikaya
aroimd the middle of 7th century in India was far greater than that of any
other school and that it widely dominated various districts in India, especially
Mid-West India, with Mathura as a central region. Hsiian-tsang brought
back approximately fifteen written copies of Buddhist scriptures of this
school to China, but all of them were lost without being translated into
Chinese. There are only two documents of this school among the Chinese
translations of Buddhist scriptures: the above-mentioned Vinaya text and
the Sammitiya-viida-sastra which contains short pieces of Abbidharma.
In thissastra, no linguistic distinction is shown. (A detailed explanation is
KOGEN MIZUNO 169
found in K. Mizuno "Study of the SDHP" in Buddhist Studies XI,
Hamamatau City 1982, pp. 1-48.)
U. The Difference between the Various Dharmapadas
There are four Dharmapadas which are extant includin g the above-mentioned
Dharmapada:
1. Pali Dhammapada (DHP abbreviated to P)
2. Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dharmapada (SDHP abbreviated to S)
3. Gandhari Dharmapada (GDHP abbreviated to G)
4. Ddanavarga (UV abbreviated to D)
With regard to the number of gathiis (verses), there are 423 verses in P,
502 verses in S (414 verses in existence), about 540 verses in G (341 verses
in existence including some fragments) and about 950 verses in D (because of
variants, there are some differences in number).
I have presumed that they came into existence successively from the
Dharmapada with the smallest number of verses to the Dharmapada with
the largest number, and that they were arranged and materialized in the
order P, S, G and D. Next, my comparison of 164 parallel verses common
to all four Dharmapadas has produced the following results:
(1) 14 verses-very similar in P, S, G and D.
(2) 29 verses-very s.imilar in P, S, and G, but those in D slightly
different from the others.
(3) 6 verses -very similar in P, Sand D, but, those in G slightly different
from the others.
(4) 5 verses-very similar in S, G and D, but those in P slightly different
from the others.
(5) 45 verses-very similar in P and S, but those in G and D slightly
(6) 19 verses-very similar in P and G, but those in Sand U slightly
(7) 3 verses-very similar in P and U, but those in Sand G slightly
(8) 6 verses-very similar in Sand G, but those in P and D slightly
(9) 7 verses-very similar in Sand D, but those in P and G slightly
(10) 2 verses-very similar in G and D, but those in P and S slightly
(11) 28 verses-where there are a great number of variations between
P, S, G and D.
Let me now indicate the above results in tabular form.
Note:
o marks verses very similar to the others.
X marks verses slightly different from the others.

FESTSCHRIFT FOll HAMMALA VA SADDHATISSA
The List of Coriiparisonof'the Verses'iIi the 4 Dharmapadas
Name of Dharmapadas P S G u
Number of Verses
'"
14
0 0 0 0,'
29 0 0
;0.
X
i ... . :" ..
,:
6
' ,
0 0.
, '
X 0
5 X 0 0 0
45 0 0 X X
..
19 0 X
0,
X
'" 3 0 X X 0.
6 X
0,
0 X
7 X 0
' .'. X 0.
:,",j.
,".
2 X X 0 0
':,-
28 X X
.
X
.x"
'Total Number
. ,f' ;: .... ..
Total
Number of Verses 116 112
';75 '
37
According to the above list, verses very similar to those of the other three
or two Dharmapadas number 116 in P, 112 in S;75.inG and 37 in U. This
implies tllatPhas a closer affinity to the other three Dharmapadaswhich
are, in turn, further removed from each other. Therefore, from this stand-
point, ,j> can be regarded as the earliest, original collection, with S, G and U
as successively later compositions. As the above list shows,' each text has
some verses similar to those in the other texts., They al'e as follows:
bet)Veen P and S
", ;, 'between" P and G
between P and U
Sand G
between S and U
.' ..... : '. ... .. ",
between G and U -
14 + 29 +6 + 45';' 94
14 + 29 + 19 = 62
14 + 6 + 3 = 23
14 + 29 + 5 +' 6 = 54
14 + 6 + '5 '+ 7 = '32 ','
14 + 5+ 2 = 21 '
i."'.]udgihg {rom the 'above results, P, again, bears a closerrelationshi,p to
the verses in S than to those in the other two recensions. In this connection,
S;Ati.d G each shOws a closer affinity to P and, then; respectively, to G and S.
There is least connection with U which, superficially, appears at variance
fforii'the' 6ther ,three texts 'but is, 'in fact; mere closely related to.s than to
P and G. On a closer inspection of the results of the comparison of 164
parallel verses, it has:been "proved 'that P has 'the most numeroUs" ofiginal
forms, S has the second most numerous ones, G has the third most numerous
ones and U has the latest (For fUrther partictilal'S; refer to: K) Mizuno
"A -Development of ,Vadous Dhatmapadas" in
Buddhist Studies xn, 1983.)
In this thesis I would like to examine two verses which denote that P .bas
different words and phrases from those ofS, G arid U, or from 'those 'ofS
and U,and then I hope to prove that the words alldphrases ofP indicate
the. oldest forms in essenpe. These two verses are P 1 (DRP 1) and P 183
(DHP 183).
Ill. Investigation of P 1 (DHP 1)
. Verses of the other are almost equivalent to. PI
(DRP 1) are S (SDRP) 1, G (GDRP) 201 and U (UV) XXI 23. Let. me
enunlerate them: . . .
PI
dhamma
(b) manosettha manomaya
(c)manasa cepadutthena
(d) bhasati va karoti va,
"(e) tato naJp. dukkham anveti
(f)cakkaJp. va vahato padaJp..
G201
.. (a) dhama
(b) m:ai;lb-setha ' .'
. ', (c) hi praduthena
'(4)bha$adi va karbdi va, '.
(e)tadoI)a dUhu. amedi .
(f) 'cakb va vahaI)epathi ...
S 1
(a) manopubbaIigama dhamItia
'(b) .
(c) manasa ca
(d) bhaate va karoti va,
(e) tato.nam dukkhain anveti
(f) vahat() pa'daip.
U XxI 23
(a) mana1;lpurvangama dhanna,
(b)malla1;l .' . 'l
(c) manasa hi ....
(d) va,karoti va,'
(e) tatas taJp. duJjkhaIil anveti
. Cf) cakraJp. va valia,tal;! pa4am.
" In my comparison offour Dharmapadas, there are only small differences.
-For instance, in the third phrase (c), P states "manasa ce padutthena",
but S reads "manasa ca "; G states "manasahipraduthena".'
'and U reads "manasa hi In fact, "hi" in G and Uis not
inappropriate in the context of the passage, but '."ce" in'p is the mo'st
rational, and" ca "in S is mistaken. "
: <l'-Text in the sixth phrase (f), P states "cakkaJp. va (iva) vahato'pada1p",
but S has" calcraJp. va yahato padaJp." a.nd U reads "cakraJp.va vahata1;l
'padam".(As for G, itis. "va " or "va", which is not definite.) In this case
",va'.' in S andUisllot suitable and should be "va" as in P. If. in
the origina,I be90mes "va" in Sand U for metrical reasons, it would De the
same:l).s thatinP.On the other hand, in the in G, it teads
cakoyavaha:Q.e patbj'., Which is totallydifferentfrom' -'vahato padiup"
in Pand S; but "vahato padaJp." is the original form. '. "
In conveys more rational, appropriate':forms than.do S; Gand
u p. retainsorjgi.naI forms most, correctly of all the lour. It
seems to me, however, that the phrase which is the most differentfrbm that
FESTSCHRIFT FOR. HAMMALAVA SADDHATISSA
of the other Dharmapadas is the second one (b). The phrase of P states
"manosettha manomaya", but that of the other three reads
manojava". So finally I would like to examine which is the original form,
"manomaya" in P, or "manojava" in the other three. This point constitutes
the greatest difference between P and the other three. First I would like to
study how "manomaya" or "manojava" was expressed in the Chinese
translation of the Dharmapada. There are twelve verses which answer to
the above phrase in the Chinese translation. Among those verses, nine of
them give the meaning of "manomaya" and three of them connote the
meaning of' 'manojava". The verses which indicate the meaning of "mano-
java" are in documents of Vinaya and Abhidharma belonging to the
Sarvastiviida school. No other documents of other schools denote such a
meaning. It is true that the original Sanskrit texts of the Sarvastivada might
have expressed it as "manojava", and it could thf}n have been translated
as "manomaya" as in some Chinese versions according to the examples
of the previous translation of the verses.
Then, which is the appropriate, original phrase for this verse, "manomaya'
(consisting of mind, or produced from mind) or "manoja va" (swiftness
of thought, 01' swift as thought)? J. Brough suggests in the GandharI Dharma-
pada (p. 243) that 'this reading (monajava) obviously reflects the transient
nature of the Dharmas, while the Pali "manomaya" seems almost
to imply a Vijfi1ina-vada view'. Therefore, he seems to prefer "manojava"
as a justifiable usage for the verse. These verses denote that one's good and
evil deeds by body and speech produce, in conformity to one's good and
evil mind, joys and sorrows in life. Thus, phenomena (dharmas) will be
manifested in accordance with mind. This causality is a theory of Vijiiiina-
vada explaining mind as a motive for action. It does not mean that all
phenomena momentarily move swiftly. The early, original st7tras often
describe mind as a motive for action of all phenomena, and they influenced
the sutras of the Vijiiiinaviida. Since this verse also implies the above men-
tioned idea, "manama ya" is more appropriate than "manojava", and
"manomaya" seems to have been the original, technical term.
Then, why did this original word' 'manomaya " turn into" manojava' '?
In my opinion, the process of linguistic translation seems to have occurred
in the following way. Let me show you an example. If I take" maya" from
"manomaya" and "java" from "manojava" and scrutinize them, they
seem to have been changed from' 'maya' 'to "vaya" and then from' 'vaya "
to "vaja" and finally from "vaja" to "java" going through the process
of metathesis (cf. ariya>ayira). That is to say, in Prakrit, "manomaya"
might be transformed into "manovaya", and then into "manovaja" and
finally it might become "manojava".
If the above supposition of mine proves to be true, the parallel verse of
DHP. 1 preserves more rational, suitable words and phrases than those of
any other Dharmapada.
KOGEN MIZUNO
173
IV. Investigation of P 183 (UHP 183)
Nextl would like to compare P 183 with the parallel verses of S (SDHP)
357 and U (UV) XXVIII 1, since G (GHDH) has no verse corresponding
to that of P 183. This verse used to be regarded as one of the most important
and famous verses since early, original Buddhism developed into the Maha-
yana through the Hlnayana in various regions. The list of comparisons of
the parallel verses among the three Dhannapadas are as follows:
P 183 S 357
(a) sabbapapassa akaraI)arp.
(b) kusalassa upasampada,
(c) sacitta-pariyodapanarp.
(d) etam buddhiina sasanarp..
UXXVIII 1
(a) sarvapapasyakaraJ;larp.
(b) kUSalasyo' pasamada]:l,
(a) sabbapapassa akaraJ;la1ll
(b) kusalassa upasampada,
(c) sacitta-payirodamana1ll
(d) etam buddbana sasana1ll.
(c) svacitta-paryavadanam (a variant - paryavadamanam)
(d) etad buddhasya sasanam.
Further I would like to add that the above verses are mentioned in the
Mabavastu (MVU 111 p. 420) and in the (Prat) of various
schools. Talking of Sanskrit Prat, there are the following four recensions:
1. Sarvastivada (Pr Sar)
2. Miilasarvastivada (Pr Miil)
3. Mahiisa1llghika (Pr Mah)
4. Lokottaraviida (Pr Lok)
There is also a parallel verse in the inscriptions (Khar).
Among the above mentioned verses, questions upon which there is con-
troversy are the third phrase (c) and the fourth phrase (d) in the latter part
of the verse . First I would like to compare" pariyodapana .. in the phrase (c)
of the verse P with those of other texts. They are as follows:
P
S
U
MVU
Pr Sar
Pr Miil
Pr Mah
Pr Lok
Khar
pariyodapana
payirodamana
paryavadana (a variant: paryavadamana)
paryiidapana (a variant: paryiidamana)
paryavadana
paridamana
paryodamana
paryodapana (a variant: paryodamana)
paryavatana (= paryavadana)
Referring to the third phrase (c), "pariyodapana" in P, as the above
comparative list shows, is quite different from those in the other texts. On
the other hand, in the various Chinese translations of these verses, there
are twenty-eight phrases corresponding to "pariyodapana". In most of
174 FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAMMALAYA SADDHATISSA
the translations, namely in twenty-one" "pariyodapana ',', iso
','purification ' only seven of them as ',.The ,Chinese trans-
latja:Jl'of the, by' I-ching, ',', the yogacllrab1lfu;n.i.,.
,by: and 'of

Sarvastivada Abhidharma texts such as Jfianaprasthanaand Mahavibhasa:;
sastra translate "pariyodapana' as and those of the
sarvastivada &s "taming". , '
Then, which of the above phrases signifies
"Pariyodapa,na." in P originally should be "pariyodiipana"
pana: etymologically dii diipeti =purify) but it was changed into
"pariyodapana" with the shortning of a> a.This in
P is transformed into' "payirodamana" in S, because "pariycidaparia "
in P can be changed into' 'payirodamana" (pariyodapana >payirodavana>
payirodamana). , . ' . ';"
Secondly, "paryiidiipana" in MVU might have been 'transnutted ti6m
"pariyodapana" in 'P. ' therefore, it would indicate "puiification". ::But
"paryadamana" in the variant would signify "taming' '; But" paryavadana."
itfthe originalteoxt of Useems to be a form of " paryavadiina " with short ','a".
Therefore, it might be 'pari-ava-da-ana, and it 'apparently denotes
qpurification".'But it is notdapana (aa as caus.) as' in P, but diina (da,:as
act.), which is different from P.
Thirdly, "paryav&.dana' in Pr Sar might be to tm.,t in U,
and "paryavatana" in the inscriptions might be a form
of "paryavadana" and therefore the same fOf]ll as that in,U.
Fourthly, "paryodapana" in Pr t,ok might be the same for,m that in P
in Pr Mali,the similar
each of them bearing the meaxiing of "purification". , " , " " ' ,
Lastly; "paridamana" inPr Miil might come from
and therefore "ta.ming". ,'."" , "", " , ' '. '
On the other other schools utilized thephIases whiCh
"purification ". In conclusion, "pariyodapana,i" (purification) in this
verse might connote "prasadana" (faith in the Dharma and
Satp.gha). Therefore;' "daman'a'; (taming) J,Dight"Iiot be proper. In this
connection "pariyodapana" (=pariyodapana)in'Pseemsto me to be the
earliest and original form. ',' , '.....
Additionally, in the fourth phrase (d) of this"versC',P and
"buddhana sasanatp. (sasa:r;tatp.)". Second, "Mvuana various :Pf.ats
state ' 'buddh iinusasaiiam ',fhi:(d;" 'U slgfllfies : .:! 'tllliIdhisya iisatluiii' , .
In this way, there are three varia:nts. of the t'Wenty-
eightChitiese translations, ,ail of them express." buddha "as -it pluraH{)im,
which'indicates tliatthe original" texts mIght liave had'' buddhaS"' ...
sequently "ouddhana sasi!1ia1p."';SuGn as: that iuP;
form/And in 'the, reglons-where Prat: '., ' "(pL:,geni). WaS"uot \!sed,
KOGEN MIZUNO 175
"buddh1).nusasanam'; might have- been utilized as in MV-U'imd various
PratS. The word "buddha" in the phrase "buddhanusasanam" was not
confirmed as a singular form or a plural fcrm, but it might be understood
firstly as a plural form and later expressed as a singular form, buddhasya
sasanam" as in U.
See also. the articles "On the relation between the Udanas al,lcj. Dharmapacj.i1'
in Pali, Sanskrit, Prakrit, Tibetanard Chinese Versions" (in .Japanese), J(omazawa
Daigaku Gakctto II, 153, and "Dharinapada of Various Buddhist SchoO-Is",
Studies in Pall and Buddhism (ed. A. K. Narain), Delhi, 1979.
THE METRES OF THE LAKKHAN.A-SUITAlVTA
K. R. NORMAN
1. Introduction
l
As is well known, the Lakkha:t;la-suttanta, the thirtieth chapter of the Digha-
nikaya,2 gives a list of the 32 marks of a Mahapurisa. Mter listing them,
the suttanta goes on to consider their effects in short prose passages, usually
devoted to them singly, but in a few cases dealing with pairs of them or
groups of three, in which it is stated what the results would be for an indivi-
dual who possesses them, depending on whether he becomes a Cakkavattin
or a Buddha. After each such statement there is a passage of verse in an
ornate metre.
It has been pointed out that this suttanta contains a greater variety of
metres than any other Pali canonical text, all of them being either new
"classical" type metres or classical forms of old metres.
3
There are 20 of
these metrical passages, containing seven metres as follows: VaI!1sasthal
VaI!1satthii (7 passages), (3), Ratboddhata (2),
Upasthitapracupita/Upatthitappacupita (3), Rucira (1), Udgata/Uggata
(1), and (3).4 The more ornate of these metres
are not common in the Pali Canon, and were consequently unfamiliar to
the scribes, as is shown by the frequent errors they made in their transmission.
The Upasthitapracupita metre, being of the type with four
different pad as, with a complex system of interlocking rhythms derived from
both matracchandas and ga:t;lacchandas metres,
5
clearly presented considerable
problems to the scribal tradition, and the 15 verses in this metre in the
Lakkhanasuttanta show more corruptions than those in the other metres.
The metre is, however, very precise in its form and, on the assumption that
the verses were completely metrical when first composed,6 it serves as a
great aid towards the restoration, with a fair degree of certainty, of what is
probably the correct reading in almost evel'Y case.
The pattern of the classical Upasthitapracupita metre is given by Weber
7
as follows:
- - - I v v - I v - v / - v v / - -,
v u -I v v u Iv- v l-v-I-/1
v v v I v v v / v v-,
v v v I v v v I v v v / v-v / v- -II
Smith
8
gives the same pattern for Pali, but he analyses the padas rather
differently, into 6 + 4 + 4 + 4 + 4 + mores; 6 + 4 + 4 + 4 mores;
6 + 4 mores; 6 + 4 + 4 .+ 4 mores.
K. R.NORMAN 177
:Inthis short article [have examined the 15 verses in this metre iIi the
Lakkhalja-suttanta} and in the light of readings found in various editions
of the text I have in most cases been able to suggest corrections for most of
the errors which occur. I have discussed below the few passages where this
was not possible. Besides the Pali Text Society'S edition (Ee),l I have
consulted the ChatthasaIigayana Burmese edition (Be),11 the Sinhalese
Buddhajayanti edition and a Siamese edition (Se).l3 In making thjs
new editi6il of these verses I have used the following conventions:
( ) == the enclosed word(s) occur in a different pada in Ee
< > = add enclosed word(s) or letter(s) to the text
[ ] = delete enclosed word (s) or letter(s) from the text
v = shorten a long vowel } l11etri causa, when thel'e is no
A = lengthen a ShOl't vowel authoFity for .. the change in an
edition.
/.. Text
1. akkodhafi ca adhitthahi adasi ca (danal11Y
vatthani ca sukhumani succhavIni
purimatara-bhave
v
thito
(abhivisaji)Z mahim iva sura abhivassarp}
(1) BeCeSe danan ca; (2) Be abhivissaji, Ce 'bhivissaji, Ee abhivissajji, Se
abhivisajji; (3) Ee abhivassarp.
2. tarp katvana ito cuto divaijll (upapajji)Z
sukata<ssa>phala-vipakani (anu.bhutvat
kanaka-tanu-sannibh0
5
idha bhavati
6
sura-varataro-r-iva indo.
(1) J3.eEe dibbaQ}, Se dibbam; (2) Ce upapajja, Ee uppajja; (3) sukata-
Se sukatarp; (4)BeCeSe anubhutva, Ee anubhotva; (5)Ce
Se kanakatanupatiko; (6) BeCeSe idhabhibhavati.
3. gehai'i
1
c 'Z avasati nara apabbaj [j] al11
3
icchal11
4
mahatiIj1
5
mahim
6
anusasatf (pasayha)
abhivasana-varataral11
8
(patilabhati) su[c] chaviii ca."
OJ
(1) Ce Ee geharp; (2) CeEe omit c;; (3) all apabbajjam; (4) Ce icchf;
(5) BeCeEe inahati-; (6)all inahi11l; (7) Se pasasati; (8) BeSe :sahidha s:ltta;'
ratallarp, Ce sa hi va sattaratanarp; (9) BeCe vimala-, Eevipulairi; (10)
BeCe-sukhumaccha virp sucin ca, Se-sukhumaccha. visucifi ca, Ee cSllkhuman
ca succhavifi ca.
4. labhi [ac]chadana I-vattha-mokkha-papurat;lanarpz
bhavati yadi anagar[iy]atarp
3
upeti
sa hi4 purima-kata-phalarp
(anubhavati) na bhavati katassa panaso.
(1) all acch1i.dana-; (2) Be -pavura1}.anaw; (3) Be anagariyataw, Ce.anaga-
riyataw, EeSe anagariyatam; (4) Be sahito, Ee sahi, Se suhita-.
5. 'ria? sampha-ppaliipaw2 na muddhataw
3

. aviki:J;1I}.a-vacatia-v[y]appatho
4
ahosi
5
.. abitamapi
6
c[aJ '.7 apanudi
(hitam apiBca) bahujana-sukhan ca abhii:t;ti.
9
. .'
(1) Ce omits; (2) all-ppalii.paw; (3) Ce na abuddhatantilp., Se na vuccaddha-
tantiw;(4) BeCe-byappatho; Ee -vyappatho, Se -byapatho; (5) EeSe va
ahosi; (6) Ee pi; (1) all ca; (8)Ee pi; (9) all abhal).j.
6. talp. katvana
1
ito cuto divaw
2
upapajjii
3
s.ukata <ssa>
4
phala-vipakam iinubho.si
5
caviya punaI' idha
Y
gato [samiino]6
dvidu-gama
7
alattha.
(1) BeCe katva; (2) BeCeSe divam, Ee dibbaw; (3) BeCeSe upapajji, Ee
uppajji; (4) all sukata-; (5) Se anobhosi; (6) all idh' iigato samano; (1) BeEe
dvidu-gama-, CeSe _ ..
7. raja hoti suduppadhawsiyol manuj-indo
manujiinadbipati
2
mahanubhavo
tidiva-pura-vara-samo
_ <idha>
3
(bhavati) sura-varataro-r-iva indo.
(1) Se sudduppadhawsiyo; (2) BeCeSe manujadhlpati; (3) all omit idha.
8. gandhabbiisura-yakkha
1
-rakkhasehi
2

na hi hoti
4
suppadhawsiyo (tathatto)
yadi bhavati
5
tathaYvidho
ci
. .
idha [disa] va pati<tapayati>disa tca] vidisii. ca.
7
_
(I) EeSe -sakka-; (2)Se -rakkhasebhi; (3) Se surebbi; (4) all bhavati; (5) Ee
bhavati gihi; (6) all tathiividho; (7) all idha disa ca patidisa (Se pati) ca
vidisii ca. .. ..
9. micchajivam[ca]l avassaji samena <ca>2 (vuttirp)
sucina so janayittha dhammikerta
abitam apP c[aJ,4 apanudi
5
Jbitam api
6
ca) bahujana-sukhafi ca aciiri.7
(1) all micchiijIvan ca; (2) all omit ca; (3) CeEe pi; (4)allca; (5) Ce apiinudi;
(6) CeEe pi; (7) BeSe acari, CeEe acari.
- .
10,,:.,sagge vedayati naro phaliinP (karitvii)
nipu1}.ebi
2
vidubi
3
sabbhi
4
(vaJ.;l1;Iitiini)
tidiva-pura-vara-samo .
abhiramati rati-kbic;lc;laY 5-samatigi
(1) BeEe sukhapphaliini, Ce sukhaphalani, Se suphalii.ni; (2)Senipu1}.ebhi;
(3) Be viduhi, Se vidubbi; (4) Eesamabbi-; (5) all:.khic,lc;lii.-.
K.R.NORMAN
11.1addhii
l
manusakarp.2 bhavarp. tate caviyana<rp.>3
sukata <ssa> 4 phala -vipaka
5
-sesakena
patilabha.ti lapanajarp.
(sainam api) <ca>6 suci ca suvisuddha-susukkarp..7
179
(1) Be laddhana, Se aladdha na; (2) Se manussakarp.; (3) Be cavitvana, Ce
cavitva, Ee caviya na, Se caviya puna; (4) all sukata-; (5) BeCe -vipakarp.;
(6) all omit ca; (7) BeCesuci-susukkarp., Ee suvisuddhaIll suvisukkaIll.
12. tarp. veyyanjanika sainagata bahavo < - >
vyakarp.su
1
nipu1).a
2
-sammata manuja
3
suci -jana-pariva Vra ega J1).0 4
(bhavati) dija
5
-sama-su[kkaJ6-suci-sobhana-danto.
(1) BeCeSe byakarp.su; (2) Se nipu1).a; (3) BeCeSe manuja, Ee manujinda;
(4) (5) Ee dija-; (6) all-sukka-.
13. ranno hoti bahu jano SUcl parivaro
mahatirp.l mahim
2
anusasat0
3
(pasayha)
na ca janapada-tudanarp.
hitam api4 ca bahujana-sukhan ca
5
caranti.
(1) Ee mahati-, Se mahatimarp.; (2) BeCeEe mahirp.; (3) Ceimusasako; (4)
CeEe pi; (5) EeSe omit ca.
14. atha ce pabbajati hot? vipapo
(samaJ;1o) samita-rajo vivatta-chadd0
2
vigata-dara [tha J3 kilamatho
imam api
4
ca param api
5
ca passatilokallJ.
(1) all bhavati; (2) Be vivattacchado, Ee vivattacchaddo, Se vivatacchado;
(3) all -daratha-; (4) EeSe pi; (5) Ee param pi ca, Se pararp. pi paramarp
pi ca.
15. tass' ovada-kara [bahu-IJ gihi ca pabbajita ca
. asucirp.2 vigarahitarp.3 dhunanti paparp.
sa. hi sucihi
4
parivuto
(bhavati) mala-khila-kali-ki1esa
5
-[pa]nudehi.
6
(l)BeEeSebiilU-, Ce bahii;(2) CeSe asuci-; (3) BeCe garahitarp.,Se vigarahita-
paImdipapassa; (4) Be sucibhi, Ee suci-, Se sucibhi;(5) all-kilese; (6)Be
panudehi, CeEe panudeti, Se panudebhi.
3. Commentary
v. 1: In pada b the first two short syllables are contracted to one long syllable
(cf. v; 12b). In pada c we must either take the final syllable of -bhave as
short, or read a compound -bhava-thito with Warder.
14
v. 2: In pada a there is support for both upapajja and upapajji. I read the
latter hore, bt:cause there is need for a finite verb to go with the two absolu-
tiveskatviina and anubhutvii (cf. v. 6a, where I read the absolutive upapajja,
180 FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAMMALAVA SL\DDHATISSA
to go with the finite verb anubhosi). In pada b I read sukatassa, as suggested
by Smith
15
(cf. vv. 6b and lIb). It is possible that sukatassaphala-was re-
placed by sukata-phala- under the influence of sukata-phala- at D TIl 150,19*,
where it is metrical in a verse. Warder reads sukatal)l ca,16
possibly because of sukata.J)1 in Se, where there is no ca. Without ca, sukataltl
could be taken with phala-as a compound in which a syllable had been
lengthened metri causa by nasalisation. With ca following, however, sukatal.i1
would have to be taken as part of a split compound.
In pada c -sannnibho shows two short syllables contracted into one long.
This change is not paralleled in this position elsewhere in these verses and
should perhaps be avoided by an emendation on the lines of Warder's
-nibha-tacoY The reading -sannibho is perhaps due to the compound kai'i-
cana-sannibha-ttaco in the prose (159,15).
v. 3: In pada a apabbajjam icchal)1 is explained as: apabbajjaql gihi-bhiiv07!1
icchanto.
18
As CPD states,19 this really means anicchanto. In pada
b only Se reads mahatilF here, but in v. 13b Be and Ce do so also. In pada c
Be and Se read sa hi dha sattarCltanm)1 and Ce also reads sattaratanal?l. If
we accept the contraction of two short syllables to a long syllable, then Be
and Se are metrical, but the contraction in this position is not paralleled
elsewhere in these verses, and sattClratanal]1 does not seem appropriate with
the adjectives and su-cchavil?l in pada d. Since the prose
passage is concerned with clothes, the reading abhivasanavarataraJ?l seems
preferable.
v. 4: In pada b anagariyatCll!1 appears to be c'. double abstract formation, and
since it is unmetrical it would seem to be incorrect. There is no reason for
the syllable ta to have been inserted, if it is not original, whereas it is under-
standable that iy should have been written on the analogy of anagariyClltl.
I therefore suggest that the correct reading here is anagaratal]l.
v. 5: We should perhaps read no at the beginning of pada a instead of na.
AU sources read -ppalripmJ1, but forms from the lap- grade of the root do
occur, e.g. /apa.
20
The metre shows that < v v - - > has been lost at the end
of the pada. Since a verb is needed to govern the accusatives, I suggest
reading <palapitva>. In Ce abuddhatantil!1100ks like a gloss upon muddhatCll!1
which has replaced it in the text In pada b the metre shows that vy'in -
vyappatho is not correct. It seems to be a wrong back-formation from
*vappatha < viik-pathaY
v. 6: For pada.s a and b see v. 2ab. Here Ce has kat vii, although it reads
katviina in v. 2a. In pada c the incorrect reading, found in all editions, is
taken over from the pada at D III 150,20* = 153,19.*
In pada d CeSe dviduggamsa- is metrical if we accept the contraction of two
short syllables into one long, but this is not paralleled elsewhere in this
position in these verses. The metre can be corrected by reading d vidugama-.
I follow Buddhaghosa's explanation (dvihi dvihi gacchati ti dvidu-gamo.
dvifti dVJ.hi catuhi?2 in my translation, in the belief that * catu-gama means
K.R.NORMAN 181
"quadl'uped", but I sllspect that dvidugama masks a word meaning
"ha ving two incisors".
v. 7: In pada b the reading adopted is metrical if we accept the contraction
of two short syllables in manujiinadhipati. This could be avoided by reading
the unelided form manujiinam adhipati, but the reading is as old as Buddha-
ghosa, since he comments: mam(jlinadhipati ti l1uvu!jiina7?1 adhipati.
23
Con-
traction in the same position occurs in v. 9b.
In pada d the omission of idha in all editions is strange, in view of the
fact that they all include it in v. 2d.
v. 8: In pada a the variation sakka/yakkha is doubtless due to the similarity
between ya and sa in some scripts. In pada b we should probably read hoti
in place of bhavati which is perhaps due to bhavati in pada c. To retain it
would require the assumption of the resolution of a long syllable into two
shorts, which has no parallel in this position in these verses. The reading.
suppadhm?Jsiyo gives a long syllable contracted from two shorts, which has
no parallel in this position. We should perhaps read sukha-padhm?Jsiyo,
for which the v. 11. quoted in Be provide some support.Z4
In pada c only Be reads gih'i after bhavati. Rhys Davids comments
25
o.n
the lack of Buddhological complement, but this verse is the complement,
since, when gihi is excluded, it parallels the prose. Perhaps gih'i was included
by a scribe who had the pada geham ilvasati ce tatMvidho (D III 155,13*)
in mind.
Pada d is identical in all editions, except that Se reads patf instead of pati,
but it is unmetrical. It is also unintelligible as it stands because it lacks a
verb of which disi'i etc. could be either the subject or the object. Be quotes a
v. 1.
26
which includes the word tapeti, and in the form tapayati this could
provide a clue to the correct reading. I suggest, with no great conviction
that I am right, idha va (replacing ca because of the ca/vasimilarity in most
Indian scripts) patitapayati disa vidisa ca. This has the merit of avoiding
the difficulty of patidistt which seems to occur only here and whose meaning
is obscure.
27
v. 9: In pada a Ee quotes a v. 1.
28
supporting the long vowel which is required
m.c. in avassaji. All the editions seem to have misplaced tbe particle ca,
reading it as second word (probably because this is its usual place) instead
of last word but one as the metre requires. In pada b there is the contraction
of two short syllables into one long. For this change in a comparable posi-
tion cf. v. 7b. In pad a c Ce reads apanudi, as thougb in the cadence of a
sloka even pada, although it reads apanudi in v. 5c.
v. 10: In pada a the metre indicates thatphalani is the correct reading, which
suggests that sukha-(p)- and su- are glosses which have been inserted .into
the text. In pada d all editions are lacking three short syllables. We could
perhaps. conjecture <ratisll>, which could easily have dropped out before
ratio. All the editions read -khic:/fla-, against the metre, but Be has a v.I.
-khirJc.la.
Z9
v. 11: For sukatassa in pada b see the note on v. 2b. In pada d no edition
gives a completely metrical reading, but Se requires only the addition of a
short syllable ca>?) to become correct. Th3 word suci is neuter accusative
singular
30
in agreement with lapanajalJ1.
v. 12: In pada a all the editions lack a long syllable at the end. I would
suggest the emphatic particle vo which could easily have fallen out after
bahavo. For the contraction of two short syllables into one long at the
beginning of pada b see the note on v. lb. The reading.manujinda in Ee is
doubtless borrowed from v. 7a. The metre requires manuja in place of the
manuja found in BeCeSe.
In pada c all the editions read -parivara-galJo, but this is unmetrical, and
I suggest the reading -parivaralJo following the hint given by parivarano
and parivaralJo in the v.I1. in EeY In Sanskrit pariviiralJa exists with the
meaning" retinue", 32 and although * parivaralJa does not exist in Sanskrit,
varalJa
33
does. The source of the reading -pariviira- is doubtless v. 13a.
In pada d it is not clear why Ee reads dija-, since it seems unlikely that all.
the sources employed had this readmg, and yet no v.l. other than yaja
(quoted from two Sinhalese manuscripts)34 is given. It is probably a printing
error. The meaning of dija- is unclear. Rhys Davids takes it as "bird "35
but, possibly because birds do not have teeth, he is obliged to refer to bird's
plumage. Buddhaghosa seems to be taking the word in the sense of teeth:
dye yare jiitatta dija-niimakii sukkii sud sobhana (PTS ed. sabhana) vii
assa ti dija-sama-sukka-suci-sobhana-danto,3
6
but it is not easy to translate
both dija and danta in the same compound. I therefJre translate dija literally.
The same problem arises with the word duvija which is found in apposition
to danta at Ja V 156,2* dvija at 157,1'). Pada d is unmetrical and it
seems necessary to read su-for sukka-, against all the editions.
v. 13: For mahatirtl in pada b see v. 3b. In pada d ca is lost before caranti
by haplography in Ee and Se.
v. 14: In pada a we have the only example in these verses of an initial long
syUable being resolved into two short syllables. If we read hott instead of
bhavati, against all the editions, we obtain the correct cadence for the pada,
but there is a gap of . In pada b we need vivatta- (or vivatra-)
chaddo m.c. In my translation here I follow the traditional meaning given
for this compound, although I have elsewhere given my reasons for believing
that -chadda is derived from Sanskrit iabda.
37
There is no trace in the editions
of the reading -chaddii which, if corn'ct, would disprove my suggestion, as
Professor von Hinuber has pointed out.
38
I believe, however, that this
reading was the invention of the later commentarial tradition as the result
of a misunderstanding of a statement by Buddhaghosa. I hope to write
about this at length at some future date.
In .pada c there is one syllable too many and we should probably read
-dara- in place of -daratha-,39 against all the editions. The reading with -tha-
is probably due to the presence of kilamatha in the same compound ...
K. R.'NORMAN 18"3
v. 15: In pli.da c the -hi' of sucihiwas probably taken asa particle, in the
tradition which Ee is following, and then lost after sa hi. In pli.da d the word
nudehi, which is an instrumental plural in agreement with stlcihi, was taken
by some as an imperative, and -kilesa- was changed to -kilese to provide
an object to the 'verb'. A.secpnd person imperative form seemed inapprop-
riate and was changed to third person indicative nudeti to fit in withbhavati.
The prefixpa- was then inserted, perhaps because.panud- is more. common
than 1'!ud-. Ee has the correct reading nudehi as a v. 1:
40
Buddhaghosa; how-
ever, seems to have received a reading -kilesa-panudehi which he interpreted
as -kiles'apanudehi.
41
4. Translation
42
1. He resolved upon freedom from anger and he gave gifts,:'and in his
... previous existence he. poured forth fine clothes of beautiful colours,
like the (sky-) god raining upon the earth.
2. Having done that, passing away from here he was reborn in heaven.
Experiencirtg the ripening of the fruit of his good action, he . became
. with (skin like)"a body of gold, like Indra, the best of the gods.
3. If Ii man inhabits a house, wishing not to go forth, he c6nquel.'s and
rules the great earth. He obtains many fine, excellent clothes, of beaut i-
ful colours.
4. If he goes forth to the houseles& state; he obtains a robe, clothes, and
excellent gat'Illents, for .\le experiences the fruit of his previous action .
. Acti.ondoes not disappear. . .
5. (Not uttering) idle talk or foolishness, he was one ofcont1"Olled speech.
He rejected the unbeneficial, and spoke what was beneficial and good
for the populace.
6. Having done that, passing away from here (and) being rebornin heaven
he experienced the ripening of the fruit of his good action. Passing
away again he went to this place and gained the jaw of the best of
quadrupeds.
7. He'became a king, a ruleli of men, a lord of men, hard to overcome,
with great power. He became here equal to the bestln the City of the
trIple heaven, like Indra best of the , .
8. One of such a nature is not easily overcome by gandharvas Qr asuras or
or or gods. If he becomes one like, that here he illu-
minates the points and the intermediate points.
9. He abandoned wrong livelihood, and developed a way of life with
impartiality, purity and justice. He rejected the unbeneficial, and
: . practise!! what was beneficial and. good for the popUlace.
184 FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAM:tvfALA VA SADDHATISSA
10. Having done those things which are praised by the clever, the wise ,and
the good, a man realises the fruits in heaven. Equal to the best in the
city of the triple heaven, he rejoices, partaking of pleasure and sport.
II. I-laving gained human existence, after passing away from there, with
the remains of the ripening of the fruit of his good action, be obtained
teeth which were even, gleaming, bright and' white.
12. Of him, many soothsayers, wise and renowned men, came together
and predicted: "With twice-born teeth which are even, brightly
gleaming and shining, he will become one 'with a retinue of men who
are pure.
13.
14 ..
15.
Of (him as) king, conquering and ruling the great earth, there will
be a pure retinue, of many people. They will not practise oppression
of their country, but what is beneficial and good for the populace.
But if he goes forth, be will become an ascetic,free from evil, "Vith his
at rest, hi" cover rolled back. With pain and fatigu,e gone,
he sees both this world and the next. . . . ...
Those Who do. his .bidding, both householdt'l's and wanct-refs, shake
off impllr.e and blameworthy evil. He indeed becomes surrounded by
pllre' people \vho t11r118t away stains, defects. wickedness and' defile-
ments.' '
5.' Conclusions
. .
1. As already recognised by Smith
43
and Warder;44 'the PaE form of the
Upasthitapracupita allows some variations from the classical form
... of the .metre. The first lang syllable.of padaa can .. be Tesolved into
two shorts (athail1 v. 14a), while the first two. shorts' of pada .b call
be contracted into one long (vatthiini in v. Ib;vyiikalJ1su ii1 v. 12b) .
. . As printed, the fourth and fifth syllables of.pada bare also contracted
' .. in two verses (manujanadhi];ati in v. 7b; so in vc9b.) Although the
.llncontracteci form manujemam adhipati is metrically correct and could
'per11aps be read, there isno cbvious way of avoiding so,. and this
variation from the classical form can probably be a(;cepted .. !In the
;. case of what seem to be variations in other positions (sannibho in v.
2c; -ggama in v; 6d; suppadhat.nsiyo in. v. 8b), it is probab1e that thE, text
should be amended. I do not regard the appearance of a short 'vowel
where a'Jong one is required, e.g. at the end ofpadas, as'a
. frorrtthenorm, and in such situations I have arbitrarily lengthened
the vowel. The same applies to the occasional .shortening of vowels
and the simplification of geminated consonants.
2. Smith45.. and Warder"S also draw attention. to the existence of caesuras
in the padas. Smith notes a caesura in padas a and d to gi:\ce. a.cadence
K.R.NORMAN 1&5
( u ) /- u u /-.-/1, andthiscan be seen in all padas except vv. 3d, 5a, 7a and
Sa; Warder notes a caesura in pada c after the fifth short syllable, and
. in pada d after the seventh short syllable, although he comments that
it is usually a "concealed" caesura in a compound.
47
The former caD
be seen in all padas c except vv. 12c and 13c. The latter can be seen in
all padas d except vv. 3d aDd 4d, with Sd, lOd and lId l111certain
because of emendatioDs .
. 3. It can be seeD that not only did the ancient tradition fail to lUlderstand
the metre, as is shown by the fact that the same errors appear in the
I
three Oriental editions, e.g. misplaced ca in v. la; idhabhibhavati in v.
2d; loss of foui' syllables in v. 5a; idhagato samano iD v. 6c; omission
of idha in v. 7d; misplaced ca in v. 9a; loss of three syllables in v. 10d;
loss of final syllable in v. 12a; loss of three syllables in 14a; insertion
of an extra syllable and an apparent change of construction in v. I5d;
a corrupt pada in v. Sd; an extra syllable in vv. 12c and d; but the
tradition behind individual editions also introduces errors, e.g. Se
. omits ca in v. J3d.
4. Ee has DO independent existence, and represents merely an eclectic
version of the text, but it is of interest in that in its critical apparatus
it sometimes preserves forms which give a hint as to the correct reading,
or at least to a reading which is more metrical, e.g. the Oriental editions
agree in v. Sd in omitting a verb, and in v. 12c in reading
The v. 11. tapeti and pariVara(lO, respectively, in Ee suggest emendations
which produce more metrical padas. If these readings are genuinely
old, and tbeir superiority is not merely a coincidence, then the possi-
bility arises of finding manuscripts which contain better readings than
those found ill our printed editions, of this and other canonical
texts too.
5. It is also clear that modern editors did not recognise the metre. Some-
times correct readings are included in the critical apparatus, but
ignored in favour of incorrect readings, but their failure to identify
the Upasthitapracupita metre is shown most obviously by tht incorrect
division of padas which they print. In the text as included in this article
I have indicated those places where Ee prints words in the wrong
piidas, and the other editions are little better. Se, in fact, manages to
print v. 2 as having only three padas.
6. It is possible to see how some of the errors in the text as handed down
to us arose. In a number of places, the incorrect pada has been borrowed
from another pada in the suttanta, in a different metre, which auto-
matically leads to error, e.g. sukataphalavipakam in v. 2b from the
verse at D III 150,19* ; idhagato samano in v. 6c. from the
verse at D III 150,20'1' = 153,19*; gihi in v. 8c perhaps
186
-- FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAMMALAVA SADDHATISSA
becallSe of geham iivasati ce tathiivido from the Rathoddhata
at D III 155,13.* Some of the (;ther errOl'S arise from the intFoduction
of a ;form from elsewhere in this set of verses, iIi a form which is not
appropriate, e.g. Ee reads manujindii in v. 12b because of manujindo
in v. 7a. Sometimes a stock epithet is introduced, e.g. sukka is appro-
priate for teeth in v. 12d, but against the metre. Similarly daratha occurs
in v. 14c in a context with kilamatha, where the metre will only allow
dara. Some erI'OlS perhaps arise from the introduction of words and
from: the. prose passages, e.g. sannibho in v. 2c.
7. If the basicpreI)1ise underlying this article is correct, that these Upas-
thitapracupita verses \yere metrical when first composed, and if the
emendations proposed are correct,48 then some lexical items will
disappear from our dictionaries, e.g. anagiiriyatii and patidisa, while
e.g. dija in the meaning "tooth ", pa!itapayati, and parivara{7a,
. will need to be added ..
8. It seems likely that some of the other relatively ornate metres in the
Lakkha:t;lasuttanta also presented difficultif;s to the scribes, which led
to. the introduction of incorrect readings in the text, although possibly
not to so great an extent as in the case of the Upasthitapracupita
verses. It W9uld be worthwhile making a detailed investigation of
the passages in those other metres to see whether there is there also
the possibility of using the metre as a guicie for the restor-ation of the
text.
K.R.'NORMAN
187
NOTES
I. Abbreviations of the titles of Pali texts are those adopted by the. Critical' Pali
tionary (CPD). Other abbreviations are: m.c. = metricausa; .v(v). ,== verse(s); vol,
, :(1'). = ':variant: reading (s); pep). = page (s);n. = note; s.v. ='underthe heading;
ibid. = in the same place (as in previollS note).
2. = DIll 142-179.
3. See A. K. Warder Ptili Metre, PTS 1967, 135 (p. 94).
4. One of the verses includes a borrowing from an Udgata verse (173,
3-4* = 168,14-15*), and the metre is therefore incorrect.
5. See Warder Ptili Metre, 291-94.
6. There are differing views about this. Professor L. Alsdorf (Thera-Therf-gathti, 2nd
edition, PTS 1966, Appendix II, p. 233) stated that prosody ought to be used as the
surest guide to the restoration of a corrupt text, but Professor John Brough (The
Gtindhtiri Dharmapada, London 1962, p. 194) pointed out that there is no reason to
suppose that the compilers of the Pali Canon were particularly sensitive to metrical
minutiae.
7. A. Weber "Ueber die metrik der Inder", Indische Studien VIII, 1863 (repr. Hildesheim
1973) p. 355.
8. H. Smith Saddaniti, Lund 1928-66, 8.4.2.6 (pp. 1158-59).
9. 1 have numbered them consecutively from 1 to 15: 1-4 =D III 159, 28-160, 14: 5-8
= 175,24-176,12; 9-15 = 177,27-179,10.
10. DIII.
11. Rangoon 1956.
12. Colombo 1976.
13. Bangkok 1926.
14. See A. K. Warder lntroductiollto Pati, PTS 1963, p. 372.
15. Smith Saddaniti, p. 1159.
16. Warder Introduction, p. 372.
17. Warder, Ibid.
18. DA 934, 19.
19. CPD, Vol. I, p. 269, s.v. apabbajjti.
20. See PED, s.v. lapa.
2!. See K. R. Norman 'Two Pali etymologies', BSOAS XLII (1979), p. 3;!6.
22. DA 939, 36-940, 2.
23. DA 940, 3.
24. p. 176, n. 11 quotes sukha-ppadha1?1siyo and sukha1?1saye.
25. T. W. and C. A. F. Rhys Davids Dialogues of the Buddha, Part ITI, SBB 1921, p.
164, n. 2.
26. p. 176, n. 14.
27. It is not clear what "an opposite (counter-) point of the compass" (PED, S.Y.
patidisti) can mean in conjunction with the usual disti and vidisti.
28. p. 177, n. 8.
29. p. 178, n. 8.
30. See W. Geiger Ptili Literature and Language, Calcutta 1956, 85.
31. p. 178, n. 18.
32. See Monier-Williams Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s.v. pariwiral)a.
33. See ibid., s.v. varal)a.
34. p. 178, n. 19.
35. Rhys Davids Dialogues, Part III, p. 166.
36. DA 940, 16-18.
37. See Norman, BSOAS XLIT, p. 323.
38. See Oskar von Hiniiber 'Die Entwicklung der Lautgruppen -tm-, -dm- und -sm-
in Mittel- und Neuindischen', MUnchener Studien zur Sprach= wissenschaft 40
(1981), pp. 62-63.
39. For the interchange between dara and daratlza, see the gloss lIibbtipayi daratharp.
sokapari!tiha1?1 (Vimanavatthu Commentary 327, 12-13) on sabbam lIibbtipaye dara1?1
(Vimanavatthu 83.8) and the gloss daran ti soka-dal'atha1?1 (Ja III 157, 15) on the same
phrase at 157,8. *
40. p. 179, n. 13.
41. DA 940, 27-29.
42. Besides the translation of the complete suttanta by Rhys Davids, Dialogues, Part
III, pp. 137-67, the first two verses are translated by A. K. Warder in Indian KiiJl)la
Literature, Vol. II, Delhi 1974, 584 (=pp. 55-56).
43. Smith Saddaniti, p. 1158.
44. Warder Piili Metre, 294, and IntroduCTion, p. 361.
45. Smith Saddanfti, pp. 1158-59.
46. Warder Piili Metre, 292.
47. Warder, ibid., p. 218, n. 1. .
48 .. 0ther conjectures for emending the text of cormpt padas are, of course, possible.
DHAlVIMAPADA 1 AND 2 AND THEIR COMMENTARIES
'MAHINDA PALIHAWADANA
Of all the works of the Pali Buddhist literature, the Dhammapada perhaps
has had the largest number of translations. Since each new translation should
ideally represent a fresh interpretive attempt, one is entitled to expect not too
many exegetical difficulties in such an oft-interpreted text. Surprisingly,
the very opening pair of verses belies this expectation.
In regard to Dhp 1, Professor John Broughl has rightly &aid that' 'the
verse was not readily understood" -although the difficulties he refers to
are mainly ill relation to the line cakkaf}l va vahata padaf}l rather than to
the really intricate issue, namely the exact significance of the word mana
in this pair of verses. Another not insign.ificant difficulty is how to translate
dlzammii in the context of these verses.
While most modern English translations render mana as .' mind", some
have preferred other expressions such as "what we have thought" and
"consciousness". In regard to dhammli, the translations vary greatly. They
include "states ", "states (arising)", "mental states ", "actions ", "all
that we are", "tendencies of character" and "(mental) naiures".2
In the present paper we will make an attempt to elucidate the meaning
of these difficult words in these verses. In so doing we will pay due attention
to the traditional exegesis of these words. An effort will also be made to
cope with some of the other issues that we will encounter in the cout'seof
this attempt.
Until it becomes possible to m.ake other suggestions, we. will for the most
part use "mind " for matlO and "menial states" for dhammii, as perhaps
the majority of translators have so far done. . .
It is not a matter for surprise that modern translators have failed to reach
a consensus on the meaning of these verses. Let us look at verse 1 (which
will mostly be the focus of our attention, since verse 2 is t6 a great extent a
shadow of verse 1). In its first part this verse says that' 'mind' precedes
, 'menial states" and in the second that "mind" polluted brings suffering.
What the mental states have to do with mind becoming polluted is not indi-
cated. We do not sense this lacuna, because "mind;' rem;tining as a con-
tinuing theme gives an appearance of unity to the verse. .. .' . .' ..
The exegetical tradition of course supplies this "misshig link"',j1iit in
such a way that in the end we get two mutually inconsistent interpretations,
as we will see from a study of the exegetical documents available in regard
to this verse, namely the Dhammapada Commentary, the AIiguttara Nlkaya
.Commentary and the Nettippakarat;J,a Commentary. .
Before we consider these documents we must note the fact that a'secti011
' .. '.'
of the AIiguttara Nikiiyi has three short passages that have a bearing on
the textual and exegetical issues rdated to these verses. The first two of
these are:
(i) Whatever mental states, 0 monks, are unskilful, are on the side
of unskilfulness ... they are all preceded by mind. In regard to these
mental states, mind first arises and thereafter the unskilfuJ mental
states (ATll)3
(ii) Whatever mental states ... are skilfuL. they are all preceded by
Hmind ... etc (as in i.). (Ibid.)4
In these texts we have on the one hand the same expression "preceded
by mind" as in Dhp 1 and 2 and, on the other, the mental states here are,
unlike in the DI:ip verses, specified as "skilful" and "unskilful". Since
it not difficult to identify' 'unsKilful mental states" as what often appears
in Pali literature as "pollutants" or defilements (kilesa), these . statements
shouldmei:m:
. (i) "Mind" arises first; polluting mental states follow.
Oi) "Mind" arises first; non-polluting mental states foHow.
The statement (1) above in fact tallies with the third A passage that we
as relevant to our discussion, namely the famous text:
. (iii) This "mind", 0 monks, is pure (by itself unsullied). It becomes
"polluted" by adventitious pollutants. (A I 10)5
This text, which evidently says thatthe perceptive faculty;before it becomes
linked with factors by means of which objects etc. are" savoured' " identified,
or resisted, is by itself unsullied and therefore not producti ve of any
harm. It seems to say thatthe latter factors are" guests" (agantuka) to the
perceptive faculty; they need not necessarily accompany its functioning. *
Let us now see how Buddhaghosa handles the exegesi" of these passages
in hisAA. He takes "mind" of these passages as'citta: perceptive con-
sciousness, and' 'mental states" as the cetasikas, i.e., feelings; "images"
and drives that come into play along with perception: As for the notion
oft:p.e one ar!sing prior to the other, Buddhaghosa says that citta and ceta-
sik'asare always luixedtogether and conjoint. Theil rise and demise are
together. Therefore the words "first" and "thereafter" iii the
text should not be taken literally: . . . . .
"Thereafter;' (here) means "along with", "together with" o.r "in
unison with". Here one must not grasp the letter of the statement and:
assume that dtta arises first andcetasikas later. One must take resort
to the spirit and not the letter. (AA L 73)6
And then he says something that is of particular interest to us, but which
has nothing to do With the exegesis of his text: . .
The same procedure (naya) (is valid) in regard to the (Dhp) verso mana
pUbbangama etc. (ibid.)1 '. .
's comment on A III bas thus become a cOITuuentori Dhp
1/2 as well.
MAHINDA PALIHAWADANA 191
When he comments on A 110 however, Buddhaghosa says something
that &eems to be ,inconsistent with these i d e s ~ After identifying' 'mind"
of this context as the bhavaliga citta, * this is how he explains' 'adventitious
pollutants' ';
.... adventitious pollutants .... those mental states that do hot originate
together with (perceptive consciousness) .... that arise later, at the
Javana* moment. (AA I 60f
There are two facts to be noted about this comment:
(1) The notion has been here accepted that Some dhammas arise in the
stream of consciousness at a point later than the bhavaftga (the
initial point from which the stream starts).
(2) The w0 rd agantuka (= "guest", as a nouu; "adventitious", "in-
coming", as an adjective) has been taken as meaning "arising later"
a considerable deflection of the sense, though perhaps not altogether
illegitimate.
There is something baffling here. When the A I 11 passages say that mind
arises first and mental states later, one should think that there too the com-
mentator could have explained mind as the bhavaliga, and mental states as
cetasikas "that arise later, at the javana moment". But not only does he
refrain from doing so, he also strenuously cautions against such an interpreta-
tion. In fact, he goes so far as to twi&t the obvious and incontestable meanings
of the adveFbs of time in those passages. This makes one think that here
there is more to it than meets the eye.
Since in the comments referred to above Buddhaghosa says that the Dhp
verse should be similarly interpreted, we must conClude that he would not
have taken "mind" of Dhpl/2 as the bhavanga c.itta.
Next to desefve our attentiori is Dhammapala's elucidation of Dhp 1
and 2 in his commentary on NettippakaraIJ.a, the manual on the principles
of Theravada text-exegesis, where these verses .are quoted. (Netti 129, 133).
Dhammapala illustrates the principles of interpretation by a long comment
on Dhpl(NA 187f.) and an exhaustive treatment of Dhp2 (pp, 151 ff.).
In these comments he takes "mind" as a state in which both perceptive
consciousness and the mental states (e.g. malicious feelings) are already
conjoint, although he .admits that "mind" as such could mean the entire
range of manifestations of consciousness. (Here he is thinking of the' 'mind"
of the chief character of the background stOlT the malicious doctor who
ruins his patient's eyes because she tried to cheat him of his fees).9 And
mental states he explains by the accepted technical definition, adding that
in effect they constitute the three non-material khandhas (i.e. vedana, saflt'lii,
saftkhiirii toughly the equivalent of feelings, "images" drives).
The comment on "mind-preceded" is important. It can be translated
~ follows:
These (mental states) me "mind-precedt::d". It can be asked: "Bow
"is mind said to be preceding them since it and they arise at the same.
192 FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAM.,\1ALAVA SADDHATISSA
instant, with the same base and in relation to the same object?" (The
answer is): In the sense that it is the (necessal'Y) condition f61' (thefr)
arising. It is like the ca&e of several people getting togethet'"and C"Ol1i-
mitting such acts as doing violence to a village. When asked: "Who
. among them went as the first? "the one who was the cause (of it), the one
dependent on whom they do the act," .is declared as "the first togo".
So is it to be regarded in the pre&ent (case). These (lllental
in the sense that. "mind" precedes them as the
necessary for their arising. The mind not arifing, they
Call11ot arise. 'But even where certain of these cetasikas have 110t arisen.
mind indeed does arise.
(NA 187-translated)lo
We'see .hefoe that Dhammapala too follows the stand taken by Buddha-
gbosa in relation to A I 11 and interprets "preceded" as if it really does
llofmeanwhat it &ays. So "mind-preceded" is taken as "drigillllting
along with perceptive cOllsciousness"and not "arising later in (the stream
of) consciousness' '.
C . As for the word "polluted" (padutthena) in the verse, DhammapaIa
simply"says polluted by such ills as malice, and does not deem it necessary
to go any further on this point.n
Letus now look at Dhp A itself. It is but proper to deal with this comm-
mentary last, not only because its chronological position is un-
certain, but also because his are by fat the most complex of all comments
on Dhp 1.
The opening sentences of the Dph A comments are strikingly like" tho"se
of NA, down to the very phrasing of the points that are presented. Here
too the wide range of llieanings of" mind" is asserted, also that the context
restricts it to perceptive consciousness witb mental states of malice con-
joint. And again, after giving the same definition of "mental states" the
author use& almost the same word-and the same ilhistrative
say that the notion of "precedence" of mind should not be taken literally"
After thus far: presenting a comment which ul1iuistakably carries a twin-
brother's reselnblance to Dhamniapiila's, the DhpA takes a sutprit>ing turn
when it comes to deal with the notion of "mind polluted".12 Here it takes
up the position that the ills that pollute thernind are' 'adventitious' '-,-,-
and it is extremely ilOteworthy that thl:! first sentence in the comment on
"polluted" in: DhpA is identicai "with 'the NA comment, but [or" the" fact
that the1atter doeS"not have the word "adveniitious". The rest of the com-
ment is also material that Dhammapala has not utilized.
In this part of the comment the DhpA uses a remarkable simile-to illustrat",
the notion of pollution of mind. It also invokes A 1 10 in support:of"this
notion. The whole cominent clearly rests on -the idea that what 'can get
polluted by "meittalstates is thebhapmiga citta; "as the perceptual" process
MAHINDA PALIHA W ADANA
193
develops, and "unskilful" mental states flow into the stream of conscious-
ness, subsequent to the moment of its arising.
We see here the u r i o ~ s fact that although the commentary first specified
"mind" in such a way as to preclude its applicability to bhavanga, and
"mental states" in such a way that they were really not to be taken a,
"arising later", its comments now are compatible only with the view that
in the line mano-pubbangama dhamma, "mind" refers to the bhavanga
and "precedence" refers to "mental states" arising later in the stream of
consciousness (i.e., first the mind unaffected, then the polluting mental
states).
It is well known that these ideas of mental states arising in the wake of
bhavanga citta figure prominently in the later Theraviida teaching of citta
v'ithi which modifies the classical Buddhist teaching of the momentariness
of thought to mean that a "thought" lasts through an extremely brief series
of seventeen' 'moments" and dies away, returning at the end of each such
series to the bhavanga stream, where it flows along in quiet continuity, or
is attracted out of it into another series by yet another stimulus. The impact
of this teaching can surely be seen in this part of the DhpA.
In the phrase "with polluted mind", "polluted" means "polluted
by intrusive ills" such as covetous impulses etc. Natural "mind" is
the bhavanga citta. It is unpolluted. Just as clear water (flowing into a
stream from a fountain?) becomes tainted by intrusive colours such as
blue and becomes distinguishable as "blue water" etc. (in the stream?), '
but the clear water prior (to forming the stream?) or the fresh. water (at.
the head of the stream?) is not so distinguished-so mind too becomes
tainted by intrusive .i11s such as covetous impulses etc.: the bhavaliga
citta which is prior (to the train of thoughts forming) is not so tainted,
nor is the new thought (at the beginning of the train). Hence has the.
Blessed One said, "Pure, 0 monks, is this mind. It is by intrusive pol-
lutants that it is polluted".
(DhpA 1.23).12
What this says seems to be the following: In the case of a person who sees
an object (or hears a sound etc.), his "train of thoughts" (cittavithi) begins
simply with seeing that object. At this point, at which perception originate",
the "mind" begins clean. But swiftly cetasikas such as covetous impulses
invade the perceptual precess. It is then that the mind .becomes "polluted' '.
The simile of the colouring substance seeks to clarify the position of the
tainting cetasikas. A colouring substance joins a stream at a given point.
At that point the water becomes blue etc. The same water was not blur.
before it reached that point. Nor would the water that next reaches that
point be coloured by the selfsame substance. Another injection of colour
only could do that. Similarly, a tainting cetasika affects a "train of thought"
never at its point of origination,but at a $ubsequent moment in the vithi
FESTSCHRIFT FORHAMMALAVA SAriDiiATISSA
(,'tr.ain '-'); Theii the tainted citta-'ce(asika co-exists conjoint and'disappears
at the end of its natural span.' "
In the tainting cetasika element of a conjoint citta-cetasika
does not outlast its citta part so as t6 affect the next citta at the instant of
its arisIng. The dtta aiwaysotigiriates dean. Each new citta can be tainted
by. it. new intrusion of cdasikas orilY.
To say this is vital for this interpretation; which relies heavily on the
AJiguttara statement that the deffiitrifs are intrusive.' If they do riot intrude
ihto the train' 'Of thought, the latter must function dean and disappear at
the end of its course. Even when intl'Usions take place, each citta is born
dean'at thereW indefinably brief moments o'f its Origin. ' "
In the' foregoing discussibn we' assumed througout that the notion of a
"clean "beginning and subsequent defilem-cnt of the perceptual process
is orie implication of the Theravada citta-vithi analysis. Perhaps this needs
to' be slightiy elaborated.'
The 'citia vithi analysis assumes, as Conte says, "that a fully grown thought
goes through eight successive stages of apperception" Y These are as
follows: . .,' '
(1) A shock o'r' disturbance from a stiffiulusaffects the otherwise stilJ
flow of bhav{l1iga ; "
(2) ': or stimulus.
(3) The bare sense-impression.
(4) Reception or acceptance of impression.
(5) Examining or "savouring" of it. '
(6) Determining what it is: cognition.
(7) "Impulsions" or the "fasfmovement" (javana) of urges to ap-
", propriate or repel the object. '
(8)' "Registering" or applied and discursive refleCtions over the' ex-
, .' perience.
It is possible to represent the above description of the process of appercep-
tion graphicallyas:follows:
"
Series I Series 2
......
.
"
.
'Object
l.
(bhavailga 2. Advertence
l
disturbed 3. Impression
+
4. Reception 5. Examining
Eye ,
6. Determining
.-
7. Impulsions
'"
"
8. Registering bhavaJiga etC.
, Theeventsfigufiiig in thetliird colimlnare reIated to" 0 bjecf perception'>:
i\.S s1ic4. The DlipA passaiequoted<i;Q9Ve (I.2,3) &eerils tQ be referring to
. MAHINDA PALIHAWADANA 195
them collectively as the "new thought" (navalJ1 cittalJ1). Events of the fourth
column involve memories, feelings and ur.ges. What occurs then is no longer
"pure" perception, but perception conjoint with various "mental states"
What A 1.10 calls "adventitious pollutants" are no doubt among such
mental states, which AA 1.60, following the cittavithi analysis, as
joining the train of thoughts at the stage called impulsions (javana).
Before we proceed there is something that we must note. From the above
analysis, we see that the DhpA comment 011 the "poIlution of mind" is a
very significant statement. Among other things, it reveals thatthe Theravada
did not regard the bhavmiga as a stream of subconscious thought running
parallel -to conscious thought. On the contrary, the bhavmiga is visualized
as intermittent with vithi citta (i.e., thought at the conscious level): when
vithi citta occurs, bhavmiga does not OCClll', and vice versa.
In this comment, we saw that the DhpA fortifies its assertions by invoking
the Aliguttara reference to "adventitious pollutants' '. This, however, is not
the only passage in the early texts that lends support to this interpretation.
Similar views are implicit in almost all early l'eferences to the perceptual
process, to which in fact the Buddha paid considerable attention.
Of such passages, no doubt the most notable is the MadhupiI).<;lika Sutta.
14
Here the Buddha expresses the following idea: "If (one does) not (find it)
worthwhile to enjoy or welcome' or dwell on that which brings preoccupation
with thoughts and images, then that itself is the ending of propensities to
attachment .... the ending of violence and disputation ... ' '15 Later in the
discourse, we get a "commentary"16 from the Elder Maha Kaccana on
this statement as to what is at the root of our troubles. This" commentary"
is really a description of the process of perception going astray. The prooess
is analysed as follows:
'(i) First there is sensory impingement bringing about visual impression
etc.
(ii) In its wake there arise sensations or feelings (pleasant or unpleasant).
(iii) What one senses, one cognizes.
(iv) What one cognizes, one focusses attention onY
(v) What one focusses attention on, one becomes pre-occupied withY
(vi) On account of this, preoccupying images and thoughts arise in one,
in regard to objects seen etc.
When one studies this and the cittavithi analysis, we see that
(a) the two are broadly consonant with each other
19
(i ofthis description
is comparable with "impression" and "reception" of the c.v.
analysis; ii with" examining"; iii and iv with" determiulng" and v
, and vi with "impulsions" and" reflections' ').
and
(b) from iiol1wards perception begins to' ',go astray" i.e., it gets deflected
. from proper,and is led to "preoccupation" with what was
perceived. (This is the creation of our inner worlds of concept and
fancy, with their attractions and distractions). The process reaches a
. climax with v and vi.
The Buddha obviously did not consider that perception was avoidable
or that if is by itself a hindrance to the good life. (Cf. the gist of the Indriya-
bhavana Sutta:
20
If the eye must not see and the ear must not hear in order
that the senses be properly developed, then the blind and the deaf will be
those whose senses are most properly taught"; or S IV. 163: "It is not
that the eye is a fetter to forms, or that forms are a fetter to the eye ...
The fetter is the attachment and relish that arise depending on the two of
them.,,)21
One could perhaps say that the quintessence of the Buddha's teaching
on perception is reflected in that remarkable statement he made to the
desperate seeker who wanted a brief instruction on essentials since death
was on the point of snatching him away:
In the seen thbre will be just the seen, in the heard just the heard, in the
sensed, just the sensed ... That is how it must be learned by you ... (Then)
that itself (will bring) the end of suffering.
(Udana S)_22
Obviously what the Buddha says hl."re is that all the trouble occurs because
we do not know how to stop at perception. By sheer habit, associations and
conceptions invade the process of perception and awaken the urges and
drives that lead us into error. The Buddha's message is that these intrusions
need not becloud the mind. It is possible to keep perception clear. If not
the religious life can achieve nothing:
If the eye were a fetter to objects or the objects a fetter to the eye, then
. the religious faring would not lead to the ending of sorrows. (S IV. 163)23
To go back to the commentaries. Our discussion should have shown
that in interpreting' 'mind", Buddhaghosa and Dhammapala followed a
naya (method) which the author of DhpA did not consistently follow.
His comment virtually allows" mind" to be understood as either perception
associated with malicious feelings or as the" pure" bhavanga citta-although
what he expressly says is that it means the former in this context.
But why did Buddhaghosa and Dhammapala decide that bhavanga is
not meant in this c.ontext? After all, Buddhaghosa did not feel uneasy
about A 1.10 when he was commenting on it. And, more importantly, he
did not there object to the view that there is a time difference between
cittuppada and cittupakkilesa (origin and pollution of perception). If, as
there, "mind'; at A 1.11 and DhpA 1/2 were taken as bhavanga the com-
mentators need not have resorted to the astonishing view that "preceded"
does not mean what it says.
It is not easy to see the reasons for this. Were thecommentators too deeply
of the purported story=-t9 th,e (lJ\teI\t that they
'197
could not see Dhp 1/2 ab to be the general statement that it is? Or is it that
they felt that the notion that citta is pure but for the advent of' 'unskilful"
cetasikas could lead to interpretations that orthodoxy did not wish to en-
courage? *
What of the inconsii>tency noticeable in DhpA itself?
A comparison of the DhpA comment on Dhp 1 with Dhanunapiila'8
comment on the same verse in NA shows the following:
(1) The comments on "mind" and "mind-preceded" are almost
identical in the two works.
(2) The DhpA comment on "mental states" is longer, but that is because
it is prefaced by a disquisition on the senses of the term in general.
The comment applicable in this context is almost identical in the
two works.
(3) Comments on the third and fourth words of the verse are the same.
(4) The comment on "polluted" shows significant differences. The
opening sentence of the comment found in DhpA is repeated in NA,
but without the crucial word "adventitious". NA makes no further
comment, but DhA has the longish comment we quoted above,
mentioning bhava-tiga etc.
(5) Comments on lines 4 and 5 are the same.
(6) On the last line, DhpA explains the simile, detailing how the bull
on the yoke suffers as it follows the wheeL NA merely mentions that
the yoked bull cannot escape the wheeL
Two facts become obvious from this: (1) Dhammapala has left out details
and digref;sions. His comment definitely looks like an edited version of the
DhpA comment. (2) Dhammapala has also made a conscious attempt to
eliminate the" alternative" explanation based on A 110. DhpA contains
this, though in no way indicating that this is an alternate explanation .
. It was necessary to analyse the comments of DhpA and NA because
this helps us to assess the claim of the commentaries tbat they are Pali
translations of ancient Sinhala exegetical works.
Witb reference to bis translating the old Sinhala commentary of Sri Lanka,
the author of DhpA says in his introductory verses:
Leaving the Island's speech, and its long-winded expression,
I turn it into the winsome speech of holy texts
and amplify the expressed word of verse
Which there has not been amplified-
and the rest, just as it is,
In this other speech explain. 24
As for the author of NA, he does not have to make such a claim, as bis
is not a commentary on a canonical work with an oldSinbala exegetical
treatise attached to it. But he claims that it too is based .on tradition and the
systematic, mature judgment of teachers of tbe Mahavihara.
25
If, in accordance with its claim, DhpA is a translation,' althougb with
improvements, of an earlier work, then tbe extraordinary similarity between
its comments on Dhp 1 and those of NA could be due to the fact that the
author of NA gave in this instance an edited version of the relevant part
of that translation. And in that case DhammapaIa has to be regarded as
the later of the two authors. But there may be other factors to be taken into
account before we can safely come to such a conclusion. What,however,
is certain is that, whereas Dhammapala systematically followed the hint
given by Buddhaghosa as to how to proceed in interpreting Dhp 1, the author
of DhpA did otherwise. His comments savour of inconsistency, of which
he does not seem to be even aware. In all probability he is simply translating
what was there before him in the old SinhaJa commentary, actually retaining
some at least of its "long-winded expression", contrary to his claim.
Buddhaghosa's refel'ence to tbe naya for interpreting Dhp 1/2 appears
to indicate bis awareness of the old Dhp commentary having the alternate
view which takes the word pubbaligama literally (=" preceding" in the
cittavithi sense of bhavmiga preceding javana). Perhaps, after the cittavithi
came into vogue, this explanation was added to theSinbala commentary
witbout changing the entire comment into a consistent nnit. Buddhaghosa,
although he explained A UO in terms of the cittavithi teaching, evidently
did not want to extend it to A III and Dhp 1/2.
We must then conclude that Buddhaghosa cannot be the author of the
present DhpA, which does not follow the above naya consistently. Nor
can Dhammapala be considered its author. The similarities between DhpA
and NA are either due to both authors using the same source, or-what
seems much more likely on the face of it---'-due to NA editing the comment
of the DhpA itself.
Though its comment on Dhp 1 looks unsystematic, DhpA seems to have
rendered a historically valuable service in that it has probably preserved some
material of the Sinhala commentary which gives us an extraordinary insight
into some aspects of the Theravada views on perception. And also, based
on its comment on Dhp 1, we can form a picture of tbe rambling, and at
t i m ~ inconsistent, nature of the old Sinhala commentaries. They must
surely have been unsystematic, as the Pali commentators often suggest.
But it is a great pity that we no longer have the valuable evidence that their
very inconsistencies could give us for' understanding the evolution of the
Theravada from the early Buddhist teachings. '
Before we conclude, a word also must be said about the adjective mano-
maya appearing in these verses. DhpA explains that mental states are
manomaya in the sense that they are products of the (perceiving) mind?6
NA too gives many similar explanations (e.g. "sprung from mind ,,27).
Probably what this means is: Mental states in one way or another have
sprung from perceptions, i.e., it is in terms of one's past perceptions that.
one recognizel> or relishes or wishes to. ward off an object that one now
MAIiINDA PALiFiA WAbANA
199,
perceives; and again, it is in consequence of this present perception that
the mental states can come into operation, as we found in the explanation
of their "later-arising".
It is surprising that this word should have induced Professor Brough to
make the observation that this almost seems to.,betraY some Vijfianav(ida,
(idealist) tendencies in these verses.2
8
An appreciation of the meanings of
Pali dhamma would rule out such misgivings. The verses do not say-anything
about the nature of what we see as the
happens to us when our perception is polluted and unpolluted
To conclude: Our study shows that while Buddhaghosa and Dhamm!lpala
interpret these verses in one way, the DhpA reflects the taCt that some.:ancient
teacb,ers understoo9: it in another way. DhpA itself, . however, _ cloesnot
indicate an awareness of this situation. In fact, the opening lInes
ment follows what turned .out to be the main-stream
meanings of the key words by these two interpretations may -be indicated
as follows: . -' - . .
mano paduttha' '
'.dhflmpa"
Buddhaghosa, Perceiving Polluted, due Cheerfill, due
-. :'
Dhamp:J.apala consciousness ".Qonjoint to Presence. or "Mental
-,
and DhpA (a) mental
"skilful' ,
. -
-states "::- ' ,'--
states" mental states
" -
memories,
images,
DhpA(b) Perceiving Polluted, due Tranquil,
consciousness to later- due
, feelings, .'
, ,
at initial arising sence of
volitional:
point of the mentaJstates polluting
.urg,es:,:: :
perceptual mental states.
process.
It IS ObVlOUS that we cannot put all the above detaIls Into a translation.
For dhamma particularly, no single English word can be found that will en-
compass the wide range of meanings that it conveys. There seems to be no
alternative but to be satisfied with a very poor choice such as "mental
states "-which means that in translation it will always need a "com-
mentary". The difficulties created by the presence of two interpretations
29
can however be overcome. Considering the fact that the first interpretation
does not really reject the word "preceded", but only refuses to accept it
literally, it seems possible to combine the two versions in a single translation
such as the following:
Dhpl Preceded by perception are mental states,
For them is perception supreme;
From perception have they sprung.
If, with perception polluted, one speaks or acts,
Thence suffering follows,
As wheel the draught ox's foot.
By both interpretations* we discussed, it is obvious that the idea behind
the verse is not, as often seems to supposed, the' 'mind over matter" 'notion
(i.e., that mind influences everything,30 because dhamma does' not definitely
mean "things" here
31
), but that tbepollution, or the going astray, ofpercep-
tion is at the root of all our illS.3
2
... The central idea of the second interpretation discussed in this paper is also expressed
in the DhpA comment on Dhp 360: "Restraint or non-restraint (i.e., non-arising or
arising of "pollutants' ') does not occur straightway at the sense-doors such as the
eye etc. It occurs afterwards at the javana (instant) in the stream" (cakkhu-dviiriidisu
~ v sa1!lvaro vii asa1!lvaro va n'uppajjati; parato pana javana-vithiya1!l esa labbhati).
Note p. 190 .
... Buddhaghosa's explanation has a different emphasis, as will become evident in' the
discussion to follow.
* On bhavanga andjavana, see discussion below.
Note p. 191.
... It is interesting in this context to compare the DhpA and NA 'comments on pasannelJa
of Dhp2. DhpA explains: "Mind is tranquil due to freedom from covetousness etc.
With such a mind, one will speak and do only what is good. If one neither speaks nor
acts, one still would fulfil the good conduct mentally, the mind being free from the
three ills that pollute"33 Significant is the fact that DhammapaIa changes this, introduc-
ing a "positivist" note, according to which thepasanna mind is what is.endowed with
faith that has the aspects of saddahana and okappana 34. Is this not suggestive?
Since uSually kusala is defined as absence of lobha etc. (i.e. of akusala), the views of
A i 10 would amount to:
(I) citta- inflow of akusala--defilement.
Note p. 19i
(2) citta-absence of akusala--purity. .
The first would describe the state of the unregenerate and the second that of the
enlightened. This might look like leaving out the one who is regarded as treading the
way of good deeds, the punna-bhiigiya-papatida. If so, it is understandable that empha-
sizing the A I 10 view was deemed to be indiscreet. But it is difficult to say that there is
firm evidence that such thinking prevailed. .
MAHINDA PALllIAWADANA
NOTES
1. John Brough, The Giindhiiri Dhammapada, Lon-don 1962, p. 243.
'2. Dhp translations are from the following: E. W. Adikaram, Colombo 1954; B. Anunda
Maitreya, Colombo 1978; N. K. Bhagwat, Bombay 1935, repro Hong Kong 1968;
A. P. Buddhadatta, Colombo 1954, repro Bangkok 1971; F. Max MUller, Oxford
1881, repro Delhi 1973; S. Radhakrishnan, Madras 1950, repro 1968; F. L. Wood-
ward, Adyar 1921, repr. 1949.
3. ye keci bhikkhave dhammii akusalii . .. akusalapakkhikii sabbe Ie manopubbaJigamii;
mano tesalfl dhammiinaJ"pathamalfl uppajjati, anvad'eva akusalii dlzammii.
4. ye ke d .. dhammii kusalii .. etc.
5. pabhassaram idalfl bhikkhave cittalfl lalfl ca kho iigantukehi upakkilesehi upakkilit-
thalfl.
6. anvadevii Ii anu-d-eva sah'eva ekato y'evii Ii attho. vyaiiijanacchiiyalfl palla gahetvii
pa!hamalfl dttalfl uppajjali, pacehii cetasikii Ii na gahetabbal". attho hi patisaralJa!?1
na vYaiijanalfl.
7. marwpubbangamii dhammii .. Ii giilhiiya pi es'eva nayo.
8. (After explaining pabhassararrl as parisuddhalfl and cittalfl as bhavanga-cittalfl)
iigantukehf Ii a-sahajiitehi, paeehii javanakkha!le uppajjanalcehi . ...
9. mano ti, yadi pi kiimiivacara-kusalii'di-bhedalfl sabballl pi catubhumaka-cittmrl mallO,
imasmilfl pana thiine cakkhupiila-ttherassa .. 1Ippanna-vasena niyamiyamanalfl patigha-
sampayutta-cittam eva labbhali. (NA 187).
10. ete hi mano-pllbbangamii. kathalfl pan'etehi saddhilfl ekasmilll vatthusmi1!l ekasmiJ.n
iirammalJe eka-kkhm;e uppajjamiino mana pubbangamo ntima hoti Ii, uppiida-paccaya-
tthena. yathii hi bahusu ekato giima-ghiitii'di-kammtini karontesu ko elesalfl pub-
bangamo Ii vutte, yo tesalfl paccayo hoti, yam yalfl (sic) nissiiya te lalfl kammalfl
karonti, so .... lesalfl pubbangamo ti vuccali evalfl sampadam idalfl datthabbam iti
upptida-paceaya'tthena mano pubbangamo elesalfl ti mano-pubbangamii. na hi te
mane anuppajjante uppajjitulfl sakkulJanti, mano pana ekaecesu cetasikesit alluppajj-
antesu pi uppajjali eva.
11. padutthenii ti abhWhiidfhi dosehi paduttheoo dusitena (NA 187).
12. padutthenii ti iigantukehi abhijjhiidfhi dosehi padutthena. pakati-mano hi bhavanga-
cittalfl. talfl appadutthalfl. yathii hi pasallnalfl udakalfl iigantukehi nfliidihi upakkilit-
{halfl ,nflodakii'dibhedalfl hoti,oo navalfl idakalfl, nii'pi purimalfl pasanna-udakalfl
eva, eVa1!l cittam pi iigantukehi abhijjhtidihi dosehi padutthalfl hoti, Ita ca navalfl cittarrz,
nii'pi purimalfl bhavanga-cittam eva. ten'iiha bhagavii: pabhassaram .. (see note 5.)
13. Edward Conze, Buddhist Thought in India, London 1962, p. 186. We have retained
most of the terms used by Conze to translate the technical terms for the stages of
apperception, but have also made some changes.
14. M I 108 ff.
15. This is a somewhat free translation of: yato-nidiinalfl purism" papanca-stilliiii-salikhii
samudiicaranti, ettha ce natthi abhinanditabbam abhivaditabbam ajjhositabbur.n, es'ev'-
anto riigiinusayiinalfl .... viggaha-viviida . ... musiiviidiina1!l (M 1.11 0)
16. cakkhuiica pa{icca rupe ca uppajjati cakkhu-viiifitiIt01!l tiJ:t(lCllfl sangati phasso; phassa-
paccayii vedanii; yalfl vedeti talfl sanjiiniiti; yarrz saiiftiniiti tOI!l vitakketi; yarn vitakketi
ta'1" papaiiceti; yalfl papaficeti tato-nidiinalfl papaiica-saiifiii-safikhii samudiicaranti . ...
cakkhuvifiiieyyesu rupesu ... ( M UTI f.).
17. vitakketi. Cf. P. Jaini, Abhidhammadipp., Patna 1959 p. 84: "initial application of
mind on the object" referring to DbsA III 198 on vitakka: so hi iirammane cittam
iirohati "It lifts the consciousness onto the object." .-
18. Onpapaficeti see Bhikkhu Nanananda, Concept and Reality in Early Buddhist Thought,
Kandy 1971. The present writer has also devoted some attention to papaiica of this
context in a contribution on "Liberation in Theravada Buddhism" published
in "Offenbarung als Heilserfahrung im Christentum, Hinduismus und Buddllismus '
ed. Walter Strolz and Shizuteru Veda, Verlag Herder, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1982.
19. There are of course significant differences. A major one is that in MadhupiI).c;Iika
there is not the slightest hint of a rigidly time-hound series - in contrast to the
citta-vilhi notion of mind returning to bhavanga at end of 17 "moments".
20. M III 298.
21. na kho . . cakkhu rupiinalfl salflyojanalfl, na rupii cakkhussa .. yalfl ca lattha tadubhayar.n
paticca uppajjati chanda-riigo talfl tattha salflyojanolfl.
22. This is a condensation of tbe relevant text, with no effort made to be strictly literal.
Tbe important words are: ditthe dittha-mattalfl bhavissati, sute suta-mattalfl ....
mute muta-mattam . yato kho te.. ditthe dittha-mattal!l bhavissati .. .. es' ev' anto
dllkkhassa.
23. cakkhu vii rupiinalfl salflyojanalfl abhavissa, rupii vii cukkhllssa .. na y'idalfl brah-
macariya-vtiso panfitiyetha sammii dukkha-kkhayiiya.
202
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
FESTSCHRiFT FOR HAMMALA 'Ii A SADDRA TISSA
(altha-val;ll;lanii yii tambapal;ll;li-dfpamhi dfpabhii3iiya sal;l{hitii) ... tal/l bhiisal/l ativit-
thiira-gatal/l ca vacana-kkamal/l pahiiyii'ropayitviina tantibhiisal/l manoramam
giilhiilial/l vyaiijana-padal/l yal/l taltha na vibhiivital/l kevalal/l tal/l vibhiivetvii sesal/l
tal/l eva atthato bhiisantarena bhiisissal/l.. (DhpA I 2)
suvisuddhal/lasal/lkiJpJal/l nipul;latthavinicchayal/l mahiivihiiraviisinal/l samaYQl/l
avilomayal/l (NA 2).
manaso nipphannaltii manomayii niima (DhpA I 23).
manomayii mano-nibbattii mano-sambhiitii .. (NA 155).
Brough, Giindhiirf Dhammapada, p. 243. . .
The tenth century Sinhala work, Dhampiyli Atuvli Glitapadaya, also shows an
awareness t ~ t DhpA interprets mano by two nayas (ekatva naya and niiniitva naya).
We have here refrained from using this material, as it is itself full of textual complex-
ities that need considerable discussion. Nor does it seem in any way to affect our
conclusions.
Such ideas are of course found, but that is elsewhere in Buddhist works, as, e.g.
at S I 39: cittena nfyati loko/cittena parikissati/cittassa ekadhammassa/sabbe va
vasam anvagli/ /
Cf. the transI. "Den Dingen geht der Geist voran" of Kurt Schmidt, Spriiche und
Lieder, Konstanz 1954, p. 13.
Striking is the resemblance of the first three lines of these verses and the following
statement quoted from David Hume (by Alex Wayman, in Malalasekara Com-
memoration Volume, Colombo 1976, p. 334); "All ideas are borrowed from preceding
perceptions .... Our ideas of objects .... are derived from that source." Our verses,
however, derive not only ideas, but emotions and volitional drives as well,
from that source.
This presentation may raise other questions as, e.g., (i) Did the Buddha recom-
mend passive object-perception only? (ii) Is there in Theravlida a notion of perception
without mental states? These need discussion, but that is beyond the scope of this
study.
pasannenii ti anabhijjhadihi gUl;lehi pasannena.. evariipena manena bhasaMo.. ..
sllcaritam eva bhasati .... karonto.. sucaritam eva karoti. abhasanto akaronto tahi
anabhijjhiidihi pasallna-manasataya .. mano-sllcaritam eva piireti (DhpA I 36) (Trans!.
given is not literal). .
cr. pasannenii ti ya saddhii saddahanii okappana abhippasado iti imina pasadena lIpeto ..
(NA 152)
'.
CANONICAL VINAYA TEXTS-
THE QUESTION OF THEIR LOWER LIMIT
by
L. P. N. PERERA
T. W. Rhys Davids, Hermann Oldenberg and Sukumat Dutt have'expressed
the view that the Vinaya Texts should have been filially settledpl'ior to the
Second Buddhist Council held at Vesali.
1
In this paper it is 'to
examine briefly the degree of accuracy in this view expressed more or less
at a time when pioneering Indological scholarship Was inevitably fated
with the problem of understanding clearly the origins and growth of the
early Buddhist movement. While it is by no means easy to resolve every
issue involved, it is hoped that the ensuing observations and tentative con"
elusions would stimulate further study of this question, while they would
serve as a humble tribute to a revered and beloved member of the Buddhist
monastic community-the acknowledged custodians of the Vinaya
to wit, the Ven. Dr. Hammalava Saddhatissa,to felicitate whom thisVo!l.ln:i6
is being published.
Rhys Davids and Oldenberg jointly opined that the Suttavibhiuiga and
the Khandhakaii of the Vinayapi{aka (minus, of course, the last two chapters
of the Cullavagga) would have been in existence pl1ior to the Second Buddhist
Council,
2
implying that the development of the Vinaya Texts had
by that date. They state. further that by the time of the Second CoUncil;
which they place within thirty years of 350 B.C.,3 the Suttavibhairga and
the Khandhakas were' 'already held in such high repute that no one ventured
to alter them.' ,4 They add that such sanctity is acquired only with the 'lapse
of a considerable time, and maintain that "these books must have been in
existence, as we now have them (italics ouI's), within thirty years, . earlier
or later, of, at least, 3600r 370 B.C. ".5 They argue eloquently that the
Suttavibhatiga and the Khandhakas should be older than the Council'of
Vesali their contention being that the controversy regarding thewell-knowrt
Ten vatthiini (Vin. ii, 294 jJ.)-'-to use their own words; , 'remain
altogether unnoticed in those parts of the collection where, 'in the natiliill
order of things, it would be obviously referred to; and that it is only men:
tioned in an appendix where the Council held on its account is .. "0
At the outset it has to be stated that the accounts concerning the first
two Councils as appearing in the Cullavagga(Vin. ii.284 jJ.)jointIYform
an appendix to that text, perhaps of single' authorship,
7
coinposed together
and added very much' after the events described' in' them; , and;. as Rhys
'.1.
Davids and Oldenberg themselves say, "they are of an entirely different
nature"B from the rest of the Khandhakas.
9
Due to these reasons it would
seem unfair to single out one of these accounts without reference to the
other when dealing with questions pertaining to early Buddhist literature.
Accordingly, following the argument of Rhys Davids and Olden berg, one
is tempted to raise the question as to why the cause that led to the First
Council remains unnoticed at a more appropriate point in the Vinaya
Texts, for, as Rhys Davids and Oldenberg would surely concede, the develop-
ment of the Vinaya, especially thatofthe Khandhakas, would have proceeded
beyond the date of the First Council, as suggested by the internal evidence
of the Vinaya itself (v. infra.). Since the Khandhakas in particular, as pointed
out by 10tiya Dhirasekera, "had to envisage and accommodate evolutionary
changes" ,10 their period of development "must inevitably spread over a
much longer period of time than that of the Suttavibhaliga ",11 although
it is genet'ally conceded that the development of the Suttavibhanga as well as
the Khandhakas would have commenced more or less together .12 Of course,
to Oldenberg, in particular, this question would not arise, for he denies the
historicity of the First CouncilY But, as pointed out by E. 1. Thomas, 14
Oldenberg's argument against the First Council is "fallacious",ls and,
on the other hand, the reality of this Council i& now enhanced by the re-
searches of Louis Finot.
16
Furthermore, among the early scholars, (while
Kern alone would SUppOl't Oldenberg), Minayeff, La Vallee Poussin and
Przyluski were more cautious. Western scholarship of today, however, sees
a historical kernel in the First Council and maintains that it is the former
Western "misconceptions of the origins and of the early growth of Buddhism
which have distorted everything"Y Therefore it may be more plausibly
argued that as the accounts regarding the Councils can, by no means, be
brought within the ambit of Buddhavacana or the ipsissima verba of the
Buddha-the theoretical framework covering the rest of the Vinaya-it is
not possible for anything pertaining to these Councils to be referred to even
in those parts of the Vinaya, "where in the natural order of things, it would
be obviously referred to .. , ".
Sukumar Dutt too argues that the Vinaya texts should have been finally
settled prior to the Second Council, but he is still less convincing than
Rhys Davids and Oldenberg. Maintaining that" the only clue to the chrono-
logy of the Vinayapitaka is afforded by the account of the Council of Vesiili
given in the 12th Khandhaka of the Cullavagga", 18 Sukumar Dutt proceeds
to state that the Vinayapi!aka " .... points unmistakably to a final diaske-
uaiis which must have been a little earlier- than the Council of Vesali .... ' ,19
He refers to the argument of Rhys Davids and Oldenberg regarding this
matter,20 but to buttress himself he relies on what he calls "the lawyer-
like manner in which the moot-points were sought to be decided' ,21 at the
Council of Vesiili which he says 'presupposes the existence of. a com-
plete code, susceptible no longer to addition or alteration". 22 .
L. P. N. PERERA
205
Now, strictly speaking, "the lawyer-like manner" referred to by Dutt
belongs not so much-or perhaps not at all-to the deliberations at the
Council as to the account of the Council. To us, it that if there is
anything for certain in this matter, it is the fact that by the time the account
regarding the Council was composed, there was, no doubt, a complete.
Vinayapitaka. The lawyer-like manner was possible (and could also be
expected) since the authors of the account, by the time they set out with
their task, had a complete Vinaya before them, and it does not necessarily
mean that "a final diaskeuasis" of the Vinayapitaka was in existence
"a little earlier than the Council of Vesali". In fact, Frauwallner, approaching
the question from a different angle, is somewhat diffident regarding the date
of the finalization of the Vinaya,23 i.e. as a Pi!aka.
In any event, it stands to reason to expect of the authors of these accounts
to speak of the Canon as they knew it. 24 The account regarding the First
Council mentiom (a) the" two Vinayas "-ubhato vinaye (Vin. ii, 287)-i.e.
the Suttavibhanga compl'ising the Bhikkhu- and Bhikkhunivibhanga, and (b) the
"five Nikayas" -paiica nikaye (lac. cit.) - i.e. the five Nikayas comprising
the Suttapitaka.25 And the knowledge revealed as to their contents shows
that at the time of the composition of the account they seem to have assumed
the shape in which we have them today (v. Yin. ii, 286 f.). The account
regarding the Second Council directly mentions the Suttavibhanga, again
revealing a good knowledge of it (v. Vin.ii, 306 f.). It will be noted, however
that while the account regarding the First Council makes no alJusion what:
soever to the Khandlzakas, the account regarding the Second Council has
occasion to allude to the Mahavagga twice, referring to Khandhakas II
and IX with the expressions Rajagahe uposathasalJ1yutte (Vin. ii, 306), and
Campeyyake vinayavatthusmilJ1. (Vin. ii, 307), respectively. However, a
point worthy of note is that none of the terms Khandhaka, Mahiivagga or
Cullavagga occurs in these accounts, while the Suttavibhanga and the five
Nikiiyas, as such, are known during this period. The Khandhakas were
perhaps still in the process of being finalized (ef supra.).2
6
In fact, in the Suttavibhanga itself, while in the Padabhajaniya under
Bhikkhupacittiya LXXII (Vin.iv, 144) mention is made of the Suttallfas
GatMs and Abhidhamma,27 the Padabhiijaniya under
XCV (Vin. iv, 344) refers to the Suttantas and Abhidhamma.
28
Oldenberg
was of the opinion that the Gathiis and the Abhidhamma in the former con-
text referred to sections of the Khuddakanikaya,29 while in the Jatter the
term Abhidhamma "really presupposes the existence of an Abbidhamma_
pitaka",3o but that it should be regarded as an interpolation;31 and this,
of course, in keeping with his theory of an original "Dvipitaka "32_ a
theory, it must be stated, with no factual basis. Miss Horner, while bigh-
lighting the problems involved in interpreting the term Abhidhamma in
these contexts,33 does not appear to be much convinced with the views of
Qldenberg,34 especially regarding the forlller 90 ntxt, She points out t,qat
ib6
FESTSCHRIFT FOIf HAMMALAVA SADDHATISSA
\<the meaning of this term is debatable, since the term must have gone
throughscveralfiuCtuations before coming to stand as the title of the third
Thus the particular meaning ascribed to it in anyone context
must depend largely on the sense, linguistic style and terminology of that
whole context;'which should therefore be comidered on its own merits".35
It may be that what is meant by Abhidhamma in the former context may
not be the Canonical collection known by that term, but, in the totality of
the context in which it appears,-Le. in contrast to the Suttantas and Gathiis,
it seems to be an attempt at classification of the doctrine, bordering on what
appears under that term in subsequent times. As for the latter context
Miss Homer thinks tha(Oldenberg is COHect in his view that the reference
is to the Abhidhammapitaka, although is not quite convinced that
thisPitaka,as such, would have, been in existence' 'by the time of the formula-
tion of this passage,,}6 There is,however, nothing to disprove Oldenberg;
and 6n the contrary, this particular in the manner that
Miss Horner. wolild like such contexts be taken (v. supra)-suggests that
Oldenberg was correct. Accordingly, even the Suttavibhmiga may have had
accretions after the Second Council.
Another, line' of evidence pointing to' the development of the Vinaya
texts beyond the, 'Second, Council may be gleaned by a study of the
circumstances that are said to have immediately preceded that Council,
and of. the manner in which the Council itself is said to have been heJd.
Indeed, it is strange that these matters have not received any attention so
far although greater reliance is generally placed on the account regarding
the SecoJidCouncil (Y. infra). Oldenberg, of course, states that these matters
amount to "pedantic snatching aftertrifies",37 while in the same breath
he observes that the account regarding the Second Council' 'bears the stamp
of being in the highest degJiee trustworthy", 38 as opposed to what he had
to'sayregarding the First Council (v. supra).39 Latest opinion too gravitates
towards the 'view that the account regarding the Second Council is fairly
reliable in tbat it 'carries the memory ofa more recent event and therefore
should be of mote historical value to the Buddhist monastic community.
Basedoll. the conclusions of Demieville
4C
and Hofiriger,41 Andre Bareau,
for instance, states as follows: '.
"Nous voyons done que l'hypothese de l'historicite du concile de
;VaisalI'appralt comme beaucolip mieux defendable que l'hypoth(:se
',' contraire. La version commune repose tres probablement sur Ie souvenir
d'unevenement encore recent a l'epoque ou elle fut composee, evene-
. mentdontle souvenir auraitmerite d 'etre conserve par la Communaute
parce>.qu'il etait a ses yeux 1'undes principaux faits de son histoire
.::.primitive. . -"! . . ,
, 'Therefore' the circunistances thatiLre said to have immediately preceded
'this"Cbuncil and'the mannednwhich:itis said to have been held deserve
c;lpser sCFutiny. Accordingly, a: few pertinehtpoints arising from the account
L. P. N. PERERA 207
regarding this Council are as follows:
(1) The necessity. for Yasi KakaJ;l<;iaputta (who is said to have defended
him&elf so well amidst the laity of Vesali by opposing the indul-
gences of the Vajjiputtaka Bhikkhus, Yin. ii, 295 ff.) to rush to
Kosambi seeking the support of the bhikkhus of that region (Vin. ii,
298).
(2) The view of the bhikkhus of that region who assembled at AhogaIiga
that the issue at hand was "hard and difficult" to decide, and that
they should enlist further 'support (Vin. ii, 299).43
(3) The fact that even Revata of Soreyya, well-known for his knowledge
of tht:' Dhamma and the Vinaya, considering the matter likewise,
preferred to avoid it (Vin. ii, 299).
(4) The fact that confusion arose at the discussions in the Council,
and that the matter had to be referred to a Committee-ubbiihikii-
(Vin. ii, 305).
It will be observed that these circumstances appear peculiar in the context
of a cleiu:Jy and finally settled Vinaya prior to this Council as assnmed by
Rhys Davids, Old(mberg and Sukumar Dutt (v. supra). Whether these
Circumstances be true or not, they point to the fact that the settlement of
the issues involved was indeed a difficult proposition, while it should not
have been so if the Vinaya texts were clearly settled by this time. It is, of
course; quite reasonable to expect that by the time of the Council of Vesali
there should have been in existence a redaction of the Vinaya rules, as such;
and important monastic regulations also did exist. Furthermore, it is possible
that the circumstances attwdant on the Council (supra) reflect the liberal
tradition of the Buddhist monastic ccmmunity, a" may be inferred, for
instance, from the episode concerning PuraJ;la in relation to the First Council
(v. Yin. ii, 289 f.).44 Such considerations, however, do not appear sufficient
or serious enough to explain the problems regarding the Second Council,
and therefore, at least partly, these circumstances seem to suggest that the
Vinaya texts were not finally settled prior to this Council. Accordingly,
we would express the probability that the final redaction not only of the
Vinaya, but also of the Suttas, occurred only after tbis Council for the
dispute involved was of a serious nature, and its settlement led to a schism
as well. In this respect it will be noted that the Theravada Commentarial
tradition (v. VinA. 34) that both the Dhamma and the Vinaya were rehearsed
afresh after the dispute was settled is also of significance. We would reiterate
that what is known for certain is the fact that, sometime after the Second
Council, when the accounts regarding the first two Councils were being
composed, both the Vinaya and the Suttas were substantially in the present
literary forn1.
45
It is perhaps for this reason that the account ngarding the
Second Council is in a position to quote chapter and verse, so to say, in
refutation of the Ten Points notwithstanding the fact that it speaks of the
difficulties encQuntered in i ettling the dispute,
208
An attempt bas been made here to trace the lower limit of the Vinaya
texts, and what has been arrived at has necessarily to be far from being
definitive. The Khandhakas in particular may have received further additions,
but it may be said that the Canonical Vinaya is definitely ple-Asokan and
probably pre-Mauryan. Asoka-the ideal Buddhist emperor-and the Coun-
cil held dUfing his reign would have found a place in the Vinayapitaka if it
was open to addition by that time. Nor is Asoka referred to anywhere else
in the Canon although the Kathavatthu of the Abhidhammapi{aka is said
to have been composed during his time. While certain later accletions may
be discerned in the Canon, on the whole, all the evidence point to the con-
clusion that it is pre-Asokan.
46
As for the Vinaya, it would bave been
vir,ually closed after the addition of the accounts regarding the fiI'st two
Councils as the last two Khandhakas of the Cullavagga.
NOTES
I. v. Rhys Davids & Oldenberg, Vinaya Texts, I, (SBE. XIII), p. xxi f. Sukulnar Dutt,
Early Buddhist Monachism, (1924), First Indian Edition (Revised) 1960, pp. 11 ff.
As for the upper limit of the Vinaya it has to be stated that Canonical evidence
points to the fact that the Vinaya definitely had its origin during the lifetime of the
Buddha himself (cf. D. ii, 154; M. iii, 10 et passim), although on this point unwarranted
scepticism has been expressed by Sukurnar Dutt. v. Sukurnar Dutt, ibid, pp. 23,
29, 65 et passim. Regarding the beginnings of the Vinaya rules, as such, v. Jotiya
Dhirasekera Buddhist j'vfonastic Discipline, A Study of its Origin and Develop-
ment in relation to the Sutta and the Vinayapitaka, (PhD. Thesis), First Edition,
Ministry of Higher Education, Colombo, 1982, pp. 43 f{, 48f. et passim where it
is further shown how "the seeds of monastic discipline are rooted in the teachings
the Dharnma" (ibid., p. 17).
2. Op. cit., T, p. xxi j: Here we are not concemed with the Pariviira, the last text of the
Vinayapitaka. The Pariviira is an accretion of a later date, being an abstract of the
disciplinary and legislative material of the Suttavibhanga and the Khandhakas. Regard-
ing thePariviira, v. Rhys Davids & Oldenberg, Vinaya Texts, I, p. xxiiif. and Horner,
BD. VI (SBB. XXV), pp. ix ff.
3. Ibid., I, p. xxiii.
4. loco cit.
5. loco cit.
6. Ibid. J, p. xxii. For one of the latest studies on the Ten Points (dasa-vattlulni) V. Akira
Hirakawa, A Study of the Vil1aya Pitaka (in Japanese), Sankibo. Busshorin, Tokyo,
1970, pp. 699 jJ.
7. According to Frauwallner the entire Khandhaka (i.e. both the Mahiivagga and the
Cullavagga) together with the accounts of the first two Councils is of single author-
ship. v. E. Frauwallner, The Earliest Vinaya and the Beginnings of Buddhist Literature,
"Serie Orientale Roma", (Vol. 8),Roma: Instituto Italiano per il medio ed extremo
Oriente, 1956, p. 65j: For a different approach, v. ihjra, n. 11.
8. Op. cit., I, p. xxi.
9. Incidentally, Louis Finot (IHQ., Vol. 8, 1932, pp. 241 ff.) and E. Frauwallner (op.
cit., pp. 42 ff.) have shown that these two accounts and the Mahiiparinibbiinasutta
of the Dighanikiiya had originally been one single narrative.
10. Jotiya Dhirasekera, op. cit., p. 16.
11. Jotiya Dhirasekera, Ibid., p. 16. The studies by Hirakawa (supra, n. 6) of the Khan-
dhakas of the various schools of Buddhism and especially the criticism thereof by
Yin Shun (in Cbinese) also visualize an evolutionary development of the Khandhakas
in different stages, V. op. cit. (Introduction).& Yin Shun, The Compilation of the
Original Buddhist Scriptures, Taipei, 1971, (Chapter 5). .
12. Cf. Rhys DavidS & Oldenberg, op. cit., I, p. xx. .
13. v. H. Oldenberg, Ed. Vinayapiraka, I, pp. xxvijJ. and Buddha, (Tr. Hoey, London &
Edinburgh 1882), Calcutta, 1927, p. 343 f. .
H. E. J. Thomas, The History of Buddhist Thought, London, 1933, p. 29.
L. P. N. PERERA 209
15. , loco cit.
16. ' v: IHQ., 1932, p. 243. '
17. Paul Levy, Buddhism: A Mystery Religioll?, London, 1957, p. 66. Also cf Frauwall-
'ner, 'Die Buddhistiscten KOIlzile,' Z.D.M.G., Vol. 102, 2, 1952, p. 242, as quoted
in Andre Bareau, Les Premiers Conciles Bouddhiques, Presses Universitaires De
France, Paris, 1955, p. 30, where FrauwalIner seems to be more cautious than in
The Earliest Vinaya and the Beginnings of Buddhist Literature (v. ibid., p. 64) regarding
the First Council. Also v. infra, fn. 37.'
18. Sukumar Dutt, op. cit. p. 11.
19; loco cit.
20. loco ,cit.
21. Ibid., p. 13.
22.' loco cit.
23. Frauwallner, The Earliest Vinaya and the Beginning" of Buddhist 1.iterature, pp. 54
et67.
24. Cf E. J. Thomas, op. cit., p. 29, and Jotiya Dhirasekera, op.cit., p. 79 et p. 155 f
25. According to a Buddhist tradition which divides the entire Buddhavacana into Five
Nikayas as recorded by Buddhagbosa (Yin A 16 et 27f), but which need not be
delved into here, the Vinaya as well as the Abhidhamma formed part of the Khudda-
kanikiiya. For a comprehensive t r ~ t m n t of this tradition v. Jotiya Dhirasekera,
'Buddhaghosa and the Tradition of the First Council,' University of Ceylon Review,
Vol. XV, Nos. 3 & 4, July-Oct., 1957, pp. 167-181, and N. A. Jayawickrama, 'Buddha-
ghosa and the Traditional Classifications of the Pali Canon,' University of Ceylon
Review, Vol. XVII, Nos. 1 & 2, January-April, 1959, pp. 1-17. Also V. infra, fn. 26.
26. In this process of finalizing the Vinayapitaka, material was perhaps drawn not only
from the Khuddakanikiiya in which (to go by tbe early class ification of the Canon
referred to by Buddhaghosa) the nuclei of both the Vinaya and the Abhidhamma
were to be found, but also, when necessary, from the other Niktiyas too. The findings
of Finot and Frauwallner (cf supra, fnn. 7, 9 et 17), for example, would go a long
way in establishing this possibility.
27. Cf Antipatti na vivGlJlJetuktimo iizgha tvam suttante vti gtithiiyo vti abhidhammam
vti pariytipu1JQSsU paccM vinayam pariytipUJ)issasi ti bhalJati . ... - Yin. iv, 144.
28. Cf Pafiham pucclleyyti ti, suttante oktisam ktirtipetvti vinayam vti abhidhammam
vti pucchati, tipatti pticittiyassa; vinaye oktisam ktirtipetvti sut tanta1'(l vti abhi-
dhammam vti pucclla!i, tipatti pticittiyassa; abhidhamme oktisa1'(l ktirtipetvti
suttantam vti vinayam vti pucchati, tipatti pticittiyassa- Yin. iv, 344.
29. Oldenberg Ed., Yin. i, p. xii, fn. 2.
30. loco cit.
31. loc cit.
3a. Ibid., pp. x ff. Oldenberg mistakenly propounded his theory due to the persistent
recurrence of the compound expression dhammavinaya which belongs to the technical
terminology of the Pali Canon.
33. BD. m, pp. xlf
34. Cf BD. m, pp.xii etxiv.
35. BD. ill, p. x. Also cf Horner, 'Abhidhamma and Abhivinaya in the first two Pitakas
of the Pali Canon,' IHQ., Vol. 17, 1941, pp. 281-310. At Yin. I, 64 (=Vin. J, 68)
the terms abhidhamma and abhivinaya occur as elsewhere in the Suttas. Also Y. D.III,
267 et passim.
36. BD. m, p. xiv.
37. Oldenberg Ed., Yin. i, p. xxix.
38. loco cit. Also cf E. J. Thomas, op. cit., p. 32f.
39. For an early balanced judgement regarding the first two Councils, v. Charles Eliot,
Hinduism and Buddhism, Vol. I, London, 1921, Reprint 1962, pp. 254 if.
40. P. Demieville, 'A propos du concile de Vaisall,' T.P., Vol. XL, 4-5, pp. 239-296.
41. M. Hofinger, Etude sur la concile de Vaistil" (Bib!. du Mnseon), Vol. XX, Louvain,
1946.
42. Andre Bareau, op. cit., p. 87.
43. Cf Atha kho thertinam bhikkhallam mantayamtilllil!am etad ahosi: idam kho adhi-
karal;lam kakkhalanca vtilanca. Katham nu kilo maya/1l pakkham labheyytima yella
mayam imasmim adhikaral;le balavantatarti asstimti ti- Yin. ii. 299. Even the,
errant Vajjiputta!ca Bhikkhus of Vesali are said to have considered the matter difficult
to settle. v. Yin. ii. 301.
44. Firm independent evaluation (however mistaken it may be) of doctrinal and dis-
ciplinary issues on the part of the bhikkhlls from the, early days of the Dispensatit;lD,
to judge by the "wrong views" (ditthigatani) that are said to have cropped up Wlth
a few of tbem an4 to wbicb tbey bave "clung firmly" (thti,masa partimassa abhi-
210 FESTSCHRIFT FOR HMiIMALAVA MDDHATISSA
nivissa), is not a matter to be ignored. Cf. Vin. i, 98; iv, 133 If. et passim.
45. On the question of the linguistic medium of the earliest Vinaya, v. Oldenberg Ed.,
Vin. i, p xlviii I; Rhys Davids & Oldenberg, Villaya Texts, I, (SBE. XIII), p. xxxvi.
Cf. Nalinaksha Dult Ed., Gilgit Manuscripts, Calcutta, 1942, Vol. 3, Part II, p. iv.
On the latest researches regarding the linguistic medium/media of the earliest
Buddhist tradition in general, v. Heinz Bechert, Ed., Die Sprache der iiltesten buddhis-
tischen Oberlielerung, Goltingen, 1980, pp. 351f., i.e. John Brough, 'Sakaya Niruttiya:
Caould kale het,' (pp. 35-42), Colette Caillat, 'La langue primitive du bouddhisme,'
(pp. 43-60), and K. R. Norman, 'The Dialects in which the Buddha Preached,'
(pp. 61-77). Also cf. Walpola Rahula, 'Pali as a Language for transmitting an
Authentic Religious Tradition,' in this Felicitation Volume.
46. Cf. Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, Sixth Ed., Calcutta, 1955, pp. 88 If.; Dialogues
01 the Buddha, Part I, (SBB. II), pp. xi If. & Geiger, Pali Literature and Language,
Calcutta, 1943. p. 11.
Postscript to Note 11: Yin Shun, while criticizing Hirakawa, considers the Khandha-
kas as having evolved in three stages ranging from the earliest times of the Buddhist
movement upto the subbranching of the Vibhajyavadins. For details of this view,
v. Yin Shun, op. cit., pp. 343 If. The present writer is indebted to Ven. K. Dhammajoti,
Lecturer, Postgraduate Institute of Pali and Buddhist Studies, Sri Lanka, for
assistance in interpreting in English the contributions of Hirakawa and Yin Shun,
of which a careful evaluation seems necessary for further studies on this question.
N.B. The abbreviations for Pali Texts refer to the standard editions issued by the
Pali Text Society of London. Other abbreviations used are those in common
use.
PALl AS A LANGUAGE FOR TRANSlVITfTING AN AUTHENTIC
RELIGIOUS TRADITION
WALPOLA RAHULA
It is curious that the language which we call Pali-the language of Thera-
vada Buddhist literature-is not found anywhere in India either in ancient
inscriptions or in any literary work. The language of some of the edicts of
Asoka, though similar to it, is not Pili. Pali was first found in Sri Lanka
and from there it gpread over to other TheFavada countries with the Tipitaka
and the Commentaries. Although it was found originally in Sri Lanka,
nobody believes that Pali originated in the "Island of the Sinhala" (Sihala-
dipa).
What, then, is the home of Pali? What are its origins? Some European
Orientalists have tried to locate the home of Pali in such different regions
of India as Kosala, Avanti, Kosambi, Taxi la, the Vindhya area, Kalinga,
Pataliputta and Magadha.
1
The ancient tradition of Ceylon, where the PaIi
Tipitaka and the Commentaries were preserved and handed down from the
3rd century RC., definitely states that it is MagadhI, the language of
Magadha, the original language (mula-bhiisa) which the Buddha spoke.
It is reasonable to suppose that the Buddha must have spoken one or
more ofthe dialects current in the 6th century B.C., in Magadha. In a way,
anyone or all of them may legitimately have been called MagadhI. Although
we know nothing definite about those dialects today, we may reasonably
guess that they could not have been basically very different frem one another.
But whether the dialect the Buddha usually spoke was exactly the same as
the language of the Tipitaka as we have it today is another matter.
What we call Pili today is not a homogeneous but a composite language,
containing several dialectal fOFms and expressions. It is probably based on
the MagadhI which the Buddha generally spoke, and out of it a new arti-
ficial, literary language later evolved. What we call Buddhi"t Sanskrit (or
Buddhist' Hybrid' Sanskrit) is also an artificial language. It is something
like Sanskritized Pali and is not found in non-Buddhist literary works in
India. The Brahmins had their scriptures in Sanskrit; the Jains had theirs
in ArdhamagadhI. The Buddhists too, for their scriptures, could have evolved
a distinct language based on, and out of, the dialect or dialect& which the
Buddha spoke. .
The Emperor Asoka's son Mahinda, who introduced and established
Buddhism in Sri Lanka, went there from Pataliputta, the capital of the
Magadhan Empire. He took with him to Sri Lanka the Tipitaka as it was
recited, redacted, finally approved and accepted by the Third Council held
in in the 3rd century B.C., along with the Buddhist beliefs,
practices and traditions generally accepted at that time by the Sangha of
Magadha. Tbese were consequently respected, preserved and continued in
Sri Lanka. Wben it was necessary even to decide a minor problem of Vi nay a,
e.g. to decide a measure of capacity called pada in Sri Lanka, it was compared
by the Commentary2 with a mea.sure of capacity called Magadha-na?i obtaining
in Magadba-but not witb KosaJa-na!i, Avanti-na!i, Kalinga-nali or Kosam-
binali. Tbis shows how important Magadha and its traditions were in
ancient Ceylon.
It was quite normal and natural therefore that the languag<o of the Tipitaka
which Mahinda took to Sri Lanka from Magadha should have been MagadhI.
In Sri Lanka this language was always caJIed MagadhL The Second Part
of the Mahavarp.sa, which was written in the 13th century, says that Buddha-
ghosa's teacher in India asked him to go to Sri Lanka to translate the Com-
mentaries into the "language of Magadhas" (MagadhiinafJ1 niruttiya).
3
The author of the Thiipavarp.sa (13th century) says that this work too was
earlier composed in the language of Magadha (Magadha nirutti).4 In the
introductory verses of the Datbavarp.sa (13th century) the author declares
that he writes it "in the Magadha language" (niruttiya Magadhikaya)
for the benefit of the people in other countries. The Third Part of the Maha-
varp.sa
s
(14th century) says that King Vijayabahu I "himself composed in
Magadha language an excellent letter".
There is a very interesting and instructive story in the Cullavagga of the
Vinaya Pitaka
6
which may help us to get some idea about the language, or
languages, in which the Buddha taught and his disciples learnt his teaching.
Two bhikkhus named Yamelu and Tekula, who were brothers, brahmans
by birth, gifted with elegant speech and a fine eloquence, approached the
Buddha and said:
"Lord, at present there are bhikkhus of various names, various clans,
various castes, who have entered the Order from various They
corrupt the word of the Buddha (Buddhavacana) in their own dialect
(on dialects) (sakiiya niruttiya). So now Lord, we (propose to) put the
Word of the Buddha into chandas (chandaso aropema). "
The Buddha reproached them and rejected their on the ground
that putting his Word into chand as would not be conducive to the benefit
of the people. Then addressing the gathering of bhikkhus he gave the follow-
ing injunction which is now a Vinaya rule:
"Bhikkhus, the Word of the Buddha (Buddhavacana) should not be
put into chandas. If anyone should do so, there would be an offence of
wrong-doing (dukkata). Bhikkhus. I allow you to learn the WOld of the
Buddha in your own dialect(s) (sctkaya niruttiyii)."
Much has been written about two problem:, in thi5 Villaya passage:
What is meant by chandas? and what is meant by sakaya niruttiyii?7
The Samantapasadika, the Commentary on the Vinaya, explains the
term chandaso by Vedarrz viya sakkatabhasaya vacanarnaggal'fl \' the wa of
WALPOLA RAHUtA 213
recitatipn in the Sanskrit language as the Veda (is recited) , '.
8
We know, of co-
urse, tnat what we generally call Sanskrit, i.e. classical Sanskrit
is later than the time. of the Buddha. It is even later than the PaH language
of the Tipitaka. So definitely the two bhikkhus could not have thought of
translating the Word of the Buddha into a language that did not exist at
that time. What they meant by chandaso was the the language
of the Vedas, in which they were well-versed as learned brahmins and of
which they were proud as their cultural heritage. They seem to have had
no respect for provincial dialects.
Now, in general and. unspecified usage, the Vedic language too could be
called Sanskrit. When the Commentary says "the way of recitation in the
Sanskrit language as the Veda (is recited)", naturally it means the
Sanskrit language of the Vedas, i.e. In another place, com-
menting on the line savitti chandaso mukhafJ1,9 "savitH is the entrance into
(or foremost of) the chandas {i.e. Veda)", the Commentary on the Sutta-
nipata says: "because it (savitti) should be studied first by those who study
the Vedas" .10 Here it is quite clear that the Commentator uses the word
veda as synonymous with, or to explain, chandas. It is inconceivable that
Buddhaghosa, who translated these Commentaries from Sinh ala into PaJi,
should nct have known the of the term chandas. What the Buddha
prohibited here was rendering his word into the Vedic language, metrical
or otherwise.
This incident' of the two bhikkhus in the Cullavagga is also reported
in the Vinaya of the MahIsasakas, Dharmaguptakas, Sarvastivadins and
Mulasarvastivadins, with some changes and modifications.
ll
The two ac-
counts in the MUlasarvastivada Vinaya and the Vinayamatrka clearly show
that permission was sought to render the Word of the Buddha into chandas
so that it could be recited in the way the Veda was recited. The request was
rejected by the Buddha.
I-tsing, who translated the MUlasarvastivada Vinaya into Chinese,
in a note: "Chandas is the Brahmanic method of reciting. They prolong
intonations. With their fingers they make points in the ail' to mark
the measure. The master intones first, the others follow. ' ,
If the Word of the Buddha had been put into chandas (the Vedic language),
sound, intonation, pronunciation would have assumed a position in the
study cf thr:, Buddhavacana just in that of the Vedas, even to the subordina-
tion of the sense. The Buddha refused to agree to this.
The other problem is: What is meant by sakaya niruttiyti? Tills expression
occurs twice in this Cullavagga passage: first, in the complaint of the two
monk& that bhikkhus from various clans and castes were corrupting tbe
Word of the Buddha in their own dialects (sakiiya niruttiyii), and then in
the Buddha's injunction allowing them to learn the Buddhavacana in their
own dialects (sakiiya nirllUiya) .
. The Commentary says: "Here saktiya nirllttiya means the current speech
214
of Magadha as uttered (spoken) by the Buddha.' '12 This comment is made
when the expression occurs in the second instance; i.e. in the Vinaya tule
laid down by the Buddha. In the first instance, i.e. in the complaint of the
two monks, the words are not commented uponY This shows that the Com-
mentary itself takes sakaya niruttiya in the first instance to mean "in their
own dialects". Quite obviously, the two bhikkhus could not have com-
plained to the Buddha that those monks were corrupting his word in his
own language or dialect,14 which would have been tantamount to a com-
plaint against the Buddha himself for using a popular dialect. In the second
instance, when the expression occurs in the Buddha's Vinaya rule, the
Commentator, particularly drawing our attention to it, says "here" (ettha),
i.e. in this case, it means" the current speech of Magadha as uttered (spoken)
by the Buddha".
But there does not seem to be any reasonable justification for this com-
mentarial position. In the first instance sakaya niruttiya definitely refers
to the dialects of those who stndied the teaching of the Buddha. In the second
instance, too, grammatically as well as logically, it must refer to the dialects
of those who stndied the Word of the Buddha. It is difficult to believe that
an Enlightened One like the Buddha could have asked people of different
countries and kingdoms to learn his word, his teaching, in the language
he spoke. He had no predilection, no attachment or partiality for any parti-
cular language. He prohibited the putting of his word into the Vedic language
because, as he explained on that occasion, that would not be for the benefit
of the people. Furthermore, the Buddha's word would then have been
limited, like the Vedas, to a privileged and aristocratic class and not available
to the masses of people, which was absolutely against the sense of equality
and the nniversal compassion of the Buddha.
Tn this connection it is very helpful to hear what the Buddha said about
language. We get a good account in the Aral)avibhaitga-sutta (No. 139)
of the Majjhima Nikaya which clearly reveals his attitnde to different
dialects. There the Buddha says:
"It was said (at the beginning of this discourse) that one should not be
attached to the provincial dialect(janapada-nirutti, i.e. the dialect of one '5
own province or country) and one should not deviate from recognized
parlance. Why was this said? Now, bhikkhus, what is attachment to
the provincial dialect and what is deviation from recognized parlance?
Here, bhikkhus, in certain provinces they recognize (they call) the same
thing piiti, patta, vitta, sara va, dharopa, p iiJ;za or pisila. (These are some
dialectal variants for the word 'bowl '). Thus, as they recognize It (the
bowl) as this or that in various provinces, so does a person use
it obstinately clinging and adhering to it, saying: 'This CWOI'd) only is
true, the res1. is false.' Bhikkhus, this is attachment to the provincial
dialect and deviation from recognized parlance .
And bhikkhus, what is non-attachment to the provincial dialect and
WALPOLA RAirtJLA 215
non-deviation f1'om recognized parlance? Here, bhikkhus, in certain
provinces they recognize (they call) the same thing pati, patta, vitta,
sariiva, dhiiropa, pOJ:/a' or pisila. Thus as they recognize it (the bowl)
as this or that in various provinces, so does a person use it as such and
does not cling to it, thinking: 'Indeed these venerable oneS use this
word for that thing. ' Bhikkhus, this is non-attachment to the p1'ovincial
dialect and non-deviation from recognized parlance."
At the end of this sutta the Buddha says that not to be obstinately attached
to a dialect and not to deviate f1'om recognized parlance is a step in the
'peaceful path' (ara1)a patipadii) and the 'right path' (sammii-patipadii)
and that to be obstinately attached to a dialect and to deviate from recognized
parlance is a 'wrong path' (micchii-patipadii), 'a path of conflict' (saralJa,
"wadike' ').
From this we see that the Buddha considered all dialects and languages
equally valid. If we accept this sulta as a discourse given by the Buddha,
then it is difficult for us to accept that the same Buddha could have asked
people of different provinces and countries to learn his teaching only in
his own dialect or language. In the light of this sutta it is quite reasonable
to believe that the expression sakiiya-niruttiyii in the Vinaya rule in the
Cullavagga quoted above refers not exclusively to Magadhi, but to the
dialects of different provinces including Magadhi and any other dialects
which the Buddha himself might, OF might not, have spoken.
Although the Buddha has asked his disciples to leal'n his word in their
own dialects, the Third Council held in Pataliputta, nearly two and a half
centuries after his parinibbtina, settled and redacted it not in different dialects,
but evidently only in one of the dialects, a dialect of Magadha, that is
Magadhi, which we call PaIi today.
But originally Pall was not the name of a language. In the 5th century
A.C., when Buddhaghosa translated the old Sinhala Commentaries into
what we call Pali today, he did not say that he was translating them into
Pili. In his introductory verses to the foul' major Commentaries
1S
he says
that from the Sinhala language (S'ihalabhiisil) he renders them into' 'beautiful
language" (manoramalJ1 bhiisalJ1) in accordance with the mode of the
Tanti (TantinayiinucchavikalJ1)". Here Tanti means "The Sacred Text",
i.e. the original texts of the Tipitaka, Again, in his introductory verses to the
Commentary on the Vinaya
1S
Buddhaghosa says that since the old Com-
mentary was not understood by people in other countries because it was
written in the Sinhala language, he will now write it "in accordance with
the mode of the Pali (piilinayiinuriipalJ1)". Here we may see that Buddha-
ghosa employs Tanti and Pali as synonyms. Further, in his introductory
verses to the Commentary17 on the DhammasangaJ;1l, a text of he Abhi-
dhamma Pitaka, Buddhaghosa puts it a bit differently when he translates
that Commentary from the Sinhala language into "the language after the
mode of the Tanti (TantinayiinugalJ1 bhilsarrt)". However, he still does not
mention the name of this language. Sub-Commentaries ([ika?8
several centmie,> later, explain that the expressions" the beautiful language ",
"the mode of the hili" and "the language after the mode of the Ta.flti"
(quoted above) mean Magadhabhiisa "the language of Magadha": But
they do not call it PilIi either as we do today.
In the Commentaries the term Hili is employed to denote the Text (Patha)
of the Tipitaka as opposed to its Atthakatha (Commentary) but it never
signified a language.
19
Discussing the meaning of a particular word or a
doctrinal question, Buddhaghosa quite often makes such editorial' OF
commentarial remarks and observations as: "This is not found in every
detail eithel' in tbe Piili (Text) or in the Atthakatha (Conunentary)20 or
"In the Ptili it is written jaPi.na so . .. , it is not in the Commentaries' '21 or
"Having known the Commentary and the Piili. ' '22
Furthermore, Buddhaghosa equates Dhal11l11a (meaning here "original
teaching") with the PaIi and attha (sense) with the Atthakatha (Commentary)
when he says: "Having known the attlla (sense) and having known the
Dhal11ma means having known the Atthakathii (Commentary) and tlle Pali
(Text)"Y Even in the Second Part of the Mabava:q1sa written in the 13th
century, the term poli is used to denote the texts of the Tipitaka as opposed
to its Commentaries, when it says: "The Piili (i.e. Text) alone has been
handed down hel'e, there is no Atthakathti (Commental'Y) here. ,,24
Even the expression Palipotthaka meaning "Canonical manuscript"
is fonnd in the Commentaries
25
but not the expression Piili-bhasa "Pali
language.' '26 We come across the term Pali-bhi'isa for the first time in the
introductory verses of the Rasavamni, a book of popular stories written in
PaIi in the 14th century. There the author says that these stor:ies were eai:1ier
translated into the Pali language (Piilibhasato parivattesi) from the original
Sinhala by a thera named Ratthapala who lived in the Mahavihiira in Sri
Lanka. Even here the expression Palibhi'isa may be interpreted to denote
"the language of the pali ", i.e. the language of the Sacred Text, just like
Tanti-bhasti, "the language of the Tanti", i.e-. the language of the Sacred
Text.
But later on, curiously, Pali became the name of a language, as we use
the term today. It is very interesting how the designation Piili, originally
meaning the" Sacred Text", was, in the course of time, extended and tram,-
ferred to the language in which the "Sacred Text" mitten. And this
language now called Pali the oldest original language of the three Pitakas
and their Commentaries availabJe today, and it can justly be considered as
the language which has transmitted the authentic Buddhist tradition at
least from the 3rd c('ntmy B.C.
NOTES
1. T. W. Rhys Davids (Bliddhist India, London 1911, pp. 153-154) thought that the
literary language Pali was based on a dialect' of Kosala, . in general:use. abi;>JiiC6th
WALPOLA RAHutA
"to' '5th' centuries B.C., not only throughout the Kosala domain, but east. snd west
from'Delhi to Patna, and north and south from Savatthi to Avanti. ' .
Max Walleser (Sprache und Heimar des Palikanons, Heidelberg 1924) went to the
extent of deriving Pali from Patali and tried to show that it was the language of
, Pataliputra; capital of Magadha. .
H. Oldenberg (in his edition ofVin T, Introduction, p.liv) supposed tbat the'Tipltaka
preserved in Ceylon and its language Pali were brought to'the island from}(alinga.
R. O. Franke (Piili lind Sanskrit, Strassburg 1902, p. 127 if.)loca!Jzes Pal! m tbe
district of Ujjaini. '
G. Grierson (Bhandarkar Comm. Vol. I, p. 117 if.) considers Pali as tbe literary form
of the spoken Magadhi and as tbe learned language at the old a k ~ a s i l a University.
S. Konow (ZDMG 1910, p. 114 if.) tried to trace the origin of PaIi and PaiSaci in
the region of the Vindhya hills.
W. Geiger (Piili Literature and Language, Calcutta 1943, pp. 5-6) considers tbat Pali
was a form of the popular speech which was based on Magadhl used by the
Buddha himself and that the Pali Canon represents an effort to reflect the Word of
the Buddha in its original form; ,
J. Filliozat (L' Inde classiqllc II, p. 327) thinks that Pali could be considered as a
real Magadhi of the 5tb century; it could receive the qualification Magadhi in the
sense that it came from one of the provinces of the vast Magadha'einpire, r,ather
than from Magadha proper.
M. Wintemitz (A History of Indian Literarure II, Calcutta 1933, p. 13) thinks that
Pali is a literary language based on an old Magadhi and that the tradition which
makes PiU; and Magadhi the same has some historical background;
E. Lamotte (Histoire du' Bouddhisme Indien, Louvain 1958, p. 626) is of the
opinion that neither Magadhl nor Ardhamagadhi can constitute the linguistic basis
: of Pali and that the cradle of Pali-if one may talk of the cradle of such a composite
language-is to be sought among the western Prakrits in the area of Avanti; extended
up to Kathiawar.
2. Kankhavatarani 135-136.
3. XXXVII 230 ..
4. P.147. 5. LXXX 6-7
6. Vin II 139.
7. W. Geiger, op. cit., pp. 6-7.
M. Winternitz, op. cit., pp. 12, 601 if.
B. C. Law A History o/Pali Literature I (London 1933), Intro. p. xi ff.
E. Lamotte, op. cit., p. 610 if.
F. Edgerton, IHO 1956, p. 136ff: "The Buddha and Language."
8. Some scholars have translated sakkatabhiisa here as "the honoured dialect" (I. B.
Horner Book of the Discipline, Part 5, p. 194, note 2), "beau langage" (Lamotte,
op. cit., p. 610), taking the word sakkata in its usual sense "honoured",
"respected". But in this context Sakkatabhasa means "Sanskrit language."
Even today we use the same term in Pali for the Sanskrit language. In
Piili-Sakkata-Sattiidi (Mhv. Ch. 101, v. 12) Sakkara definitely means "Sanskrit".
Geiger also translates it: "works in Pali and Sanskrit" (Ciilavarpsa trans. II. p.
301). The philosophical term sarrzskrta (in the sense of "conditioned" or "com-
pounded") gives the regular Pali philosophical equivalent samkhata. But Sakkata
is an irregular form derived from Sarrzskrta when it means that language.
9. From the Sela-sutta, Sn.
10. SnA (SHB 1920) 375: vede ajjhiiyalltehi parhamarrz ajjhetabbato siivitt! clzandaso
mukhanti vuttarrz.
11. For details see Lamotte, op. cit., pp. 612-613.
12. VinA 1214: sakaya niruttiya' ti ettl;1a saka nirutti nama sammasambuddhena vuttap-
pakaro Magadhikavoharo. Sakiiya niruttiya : here saka nirutti means the current
speech of Magadha as uttered (spoken) by the Fully Enlightened One (Le. the Buddha).
13. This fact can be ascertained by examining the Commentary on this passage carefully.
There is a method of commenting strictly followed in the Pali Commentaries: words
are taken up for comment and explanation in the order in which they occur in the
original text. Sakiiya nirllttiyii occurs twice in our original passage: once, before
chandaso aropema, in the complaint of the two bhikkhus, and again after c1zandaso
iiropema, in the injunction, the Vinaya rule, given by the Buddha. In the Commentary
sakaya Idruttiya is taken up for comment after chandaso aropema, not before, which
clearly shows that the Commentary explains sakiiya niruttiya only when it occurs
in tbe Buddha's injunction. That is why the Commentary says ettha "here", "in
this case". The Commentary also has evidently taken sakiiya niruttiyli to mean "in
their own dialects" when the expression was used by the two bhikkhus. But "here"
2i8 PEstSCHRIFT FOR HAMMALAVA SADDHATISSA
(ellha) in the Vinaya rule sakiiya niruttiyii means "in his own dialect", i.e. "in the
Buddha's own dialect", according to the Commentary.
14. I. B. Homer (op. cit. p. 194) translates: "these corrupt thespeech of the Awakened
One in (using) his own dialect". As one may see from her note on that page, she seems
to have taken the commentarial explanation of sakiiya niruttiya as valid in both
occurrences of the expression. See my preceding note 13.
15. On D, M, Sand A.
16. ViDA (SHB 1929).
17. DhsA (SHB 1940). .
18. Saratthamafijiisil, AA-TIkil (SHB 1930) 16; Saratthadipani, VinA-Tikil (SHB 1914)
16. (These t:.vo Tikas belong to the 12th century). Abhidhamma-miilatlkil (SHB
1938) 8. (This one about the 8th or 9th century.)
19. The word pali, rarely found in the Canonical texts, means "row", "line", in its
ordinary literary sense.
20. Vism (PTS) 107: idarrz sabbiikarena 1Ieva paJiYaTll na aUhakathayartz agatartz.
21. Ja VI 36, line 25: PaJiyartz pana janna so yadi hiipayeti likhitartz, tam atthakathasu
natthi.
22. AA IT 38: atthakathan ca palin ca janitva. For further references see: Ja I 488; II
294; AA II 145,250; ill 337; IV 170; V 96; KalikhiivitaraJ;li 11.
23. AA m 117: attham annaya dhammam annayati a!fhakathan ca palinca janitva. For
further references see: AA n, 38, 117,250; ill, 6, 230, 337.
24. XXXVII ~ : PaTimattam. idhiinitartz, natthi a!lhakatha idha.
25. Ja IV. 134, lme 8; VI 274, lme 22.
26. B. C. Law, op. cit., p. ix: "The term Piilibhiisil or PilIi language is a comparatively
modem coinage. Whether the credit of this misleading coinage is due to the European
OrientaIists or to the latter-day Buddhist theras of Ceylon, Burma and Siam, is still a
matter of dispute. "
IS WHITEHEAD ~ NEO-BUDDHIST ?
SHANTA RATNAYAKA
The modern day process thinkers are inspired and led by Alfred North
Whitehead. One scholar, examining his theory of reality, remarks: "It
may well be that the philosophy of Alfred North Whitehead will provide,
for the twentieth century, the answers to those ultimate questions which
confront reflective men in all ages . ,I In another part of the world, one has
recognized his philosophy as "the most celebrated and highest effort of
philosophic thinking of recent and contemporary times'''.2 This celebrated
philosopher, Whitehead, has been occasionally designated by hIS followers
themselves as a "neo-Buddhist".3 The epithet is very appropriate for him
because the central theme of Whitehead's process philosophy reaffirms the
basic teaching of the age old Buddhism.
This paper begins in observing Whitehead's and his followers' approach
to Buddhism. Then, a few concepts from the two philosophies are compared.
The founding concept is "becoming", and clarification of "becoming"
leads into an explanation of two extremes. "Becoming and experience"
is the next point of interest which sheds some light on causality and a unique
view of life. The last part of the paper is an effort in understanding
Whitehead's notion of o d ~
In referring to his own life, Whitehead said that hehad had' 'three lives' '.
By "thFee lives", he actually meant three periods of his life: the first in
Cambridge, England, the second at London University, and the third at
Harvard University, U.S.A. However his philosophical achievements were
outstanding dU1:ing the third period which began in 1924, and it is a neglected
fact that in the 1920's he studied Buddhism "very respectfully".5 In 1926,
Whitehead made comments on Buddhism. Sometimes he compares or con-
trasts Buddhism with Christianity and sometimes he either praises or
criticizes Buddhism. In Whitehead's opinion the Buddha gave doctrines
to enlighten the wodd but the Christ gave his life; thus Christians must
discern theil' doctrine while Buddhists must discern the life of the Buddha.
6
Both Buddhism and Christianity, Whitehead sees, as two main rational
religions and both "have lost theiI' ancient hold upon the world ".7 No
doubt that Whitehead was impressed with the Buddhist metaphysics as
he remarks: "Buddhism is the most colossal example in the history of
applied metaphysics. ,,8
Following Whitehead, there have been many process thinkers; and several
of them have approached Buddhism. Because of the closeness between
Buddhist metaphysics and process philosophy, these philosophers maintain
a great respect for Buddhism. For instance Charles Hal'tshorne, the pioneer
of process theology, talb about Buddhism with high esteem. Writing an
introduction to Philosophers of Process, Hartshorne recognizes Buddhism
as the earliest tradition that espoused process philosophy.9 In one of his
books, Hartshorne contrasts Buddhism with Greek philosophy and states:
" ... the Buddhist said that ... Here, and not in Heraclitus, was the emergence
of a radical philosophy of process ".10 Hartshorne adds a comment imme-
diately: "For one thing, from the Greek we have some epigrams, from Buddha
and his followers, a library. OUf provincial Western neglect of this great
tradition is out of keeping with the Globalresponsibilities of our time. ""
The reason for Whitehead, Hartshorne and such other process thinkers
to approach Buddhism with appreciation OF sympathy is the very fact that
more than any othei' tradition in the wo'rld, Buddhism for over two millennia
has been teaching process thoughts. See the following example:
Present becoming is, born (becoming) the characteristic of its
generation is rise, the characteristic of its change is fall, ....
In accordance with the method of this text he sees the
characteristic of generation, the birth, the arising, the aspect of
renewal, of born materiality as 'rise', and he sees the characteristic
of change, its its dissolution, as "fall" P
Thus, existence is viewed as constitutes rise and fall.
That is how the human, non-human, the nr,.tural, and the whole cosmos
exist. The mateI'ial as well as the immateria1 exist as becoming or process.
The Buddhis r view of existence is a view of becoming.
This philosophy which comes in the ancient Buddhist teaching is analogous
to the twentieth century writings of the process philosophers. To see existence
as becoming as central to the process philosophy as it is to Buddhism.
Whitehead also views man in terms of becoming. Man "cannot be
described in static terms; he is no substance, conceived after the manner
of some 'thing'. He isa living process ",'3 Along with the man, the whole
universe is depicted by the pr.ocess philosophy as a building up and breaking
down phenomenon which is the same as the Buddhistic vision of rise and
fall. In both Buddhism and process philosophy, breaking down or fall is
. seen as a state of becoming but not an annihilation. Observe the following
process thought: "Organism and feeling are Whiteheadian concepts df a
lesser status than one which signifies the whole character of the universe
as experienced. That character is, 'process '. The universe 'is' logically a
process. Process means up and breaking down ..... "14. ,
If man is a process, is there any substantiality within man? All over the
world, specially in the West, it is believed to be the case. When pmcess
philosopheI's, by means of modern mathematical and scientific language,
see man as a pFocess, an essence or inner 'being' is not left behind.
Neither outside in the universe is a static 'being' found. This is a disturbing
, .discoveI'Y and it indivi4ualto stop and think where his self or- him-
self actually is. Because the moder:U- day process thinker's have been active
SHANTkRATNAYAKA 221
in the West, the WesterneFs feel the ' presence :of this philosophy. Although
Buddhism has been teaching soullessness since its beginning, it can be
ignored as a foreign .element which is carried in a foreign tradition. But
when the Westemers themselves teach "becoming" and reject the longtime
Platonic "being" it cannot be neglected or considered foreign
any longer. This is what the presmit .writer observes today in the West.
When my , 'being" is said to be really a becoming, a process, non-substantial,
or a flux what happens to "I"? Am I nOll-existent or a non-entity? It is a
frightening experience for 'me' when'!, am no longer a permanent entity
and when I do not find even a permanent ground for my 'being'. Thus,
pl'ocess philosophy views the heart of existence as process, and it challenges
my whole being.
When 'being' is denied, does it imply a relegated state of existence such
as 'non-being'? Not by any chance; in fact when understood in the sense
ofproce3s, 'becoming' is not such an illusory state of existence. Tbefollowing
passage would distinguish the philosophical "becoming" so that any
extremist position would be eschewed.
Setting aside the two extreme possibilities of entirely denying either
'change' or 'changelessness', one main tendency has been to conceive
the aVTw. au as wholly devoid of change, as 'eternal', and to regard
'change' as a feature of a different 'realm' or 'world', a 'deficiently
real' world, a world of 'appearance'. In theories following this line,
'being' is set in sharp antithesis to 'becoming'. The DIrTW, DV is chan-
geless, eternal 'being', and excludes all 'becoming' which is relegated
to an inferior status in another realrn.
ls
The above, or a similar, explanation is provided for the Westerner in
order to Ultderstand, and to avoid the two extremes inherited from the
Greek philosophers. In the Westerner's thinking there is eternal being; to
deny it means to enter the realm of non-being.
This difficulty does not arise in the Buddhist tradition as it has been
following the Middle path in avoiding the two extremes since the Buddha
delivered his first sermon whefe he pointed out the two extremes one can
fall into and the middle way one can walle. The following is an adequate
exposition of the Buddhist practice of avoiding the two extremes:
Many of the important truths in Buddhism are considered to lie
midway between two extreme points of view. Extl'eme realism, which
says that 'everything exists' (sabba!]1 atthI ti) is one extreme (eko anto)
and extreme nihilism which asseI't& that' nothing exists' (sabbal1l natthI
ti) is the other extreme (dutiyo 'anto); truth 1ies in the middle.
Similar'. antitheses which afe false are the doctrines of eternalism
(sassataditthi) andannihilationism (u.l&hedadiHhi), .the Materialist
conception tl;Latthebody and the arei4entical (ta!]1 jival1l .tal1l
sal'iral1l) and the dualist conception that they are- different (aiifial1l'
jivaIp aii.fialll sa;rlrrup.\ the Petcfminil1t thesis (sabbaIp pubbe.ka.tahetu)
and the Indeterminist thesis (sabbarp ahetuappaccayii), that we are
entirely responsible for our unhappiness (so karoti so
patisarpvediyati) and that we are not at all responsible for our unhappi-
ness (anno karoti aiiiio patisarpvediyati), extreme hedonism (kiimasuk-
hallikiinuyogo) and extreme asceticism (attakilamathanuyogo). In all
these instances it is said that the Buddha 'without falling into these two
extremes preaches the dhamma in the middle' (ete ubho ante anupagamma
majjhena . . dhammarp deseti). Thus the mean between two extreme views
is held to be true. The 'middle way , (majjhimii patipadii) which is a mean
both in the matter of belief as well as of conduct is said to 'make for
knowledge .... and bring about intuition and realization' {niiJ:.la-karalJI. ..
abhiiiiiiiya ... sarpvattati).16
The reason for quoting such a long passage is that it summarizes the
extremes one can fall into when one walks in the middle. In the previous
quotations we observed a similar denial of metaphysical extremes by the
process philosophers. In order to understand existence both the Buddhist
and process philosopher avoid both extremes such as the eternal view and
the annihilational view of existence. Similarly both of them avoid 'change-
lessness' of the entity and understand 'change' in terms of process. When
the process philosophy has avoided the extremes, its expositions sound like
an echo of Buddhism. See these lines: " ... process of becoming of an actual
entity-its 'existence' (i.e. 'being') is constituted by its 'process' (i.e.
becoming,).,,17 Thus both, the Buddhistic middle way and philosophical
process thinking, avoid the two polar views of existence.
The next point of our discussion is experience in becoming, and here
resemblance between the process philosophy and Buddhism can
be seen. When my eye comes in contact .with an object, actually there is a
process. It has been analyzed in the Buddhist writings as follows: Due to
the eye contact my Unconscious Continuum (bhavanga) falls into a state
of vibration. This is Vibrating Subconsciousness (bhavanga calana). Then
in sequence Awakening Subconsciousness (bhavanga upaccheda), Inquisitive
Subconsciousness(iivajjana), Eye Consciousness (cakkhu vififiiina), Receptive
Consciousness (sampaticchana), Investigative Consciousness (santira7;za),
Determinative Consciousness (votthapana), Exertive Consciousness (javana)
and Retentive Consciousness (tadiilambana) take place. Each of these
moments arises and fades away causing the next. My experience of seeing is
really a process or it consists of many processes depending on the time that
my eye remains in contact with that particular object. Each unit of the process
accomplishes its function when it takes place.
ls
"I see the object;" "my eye sees the object", "my eye is in contact with
the object" or such similar statements have to be made in order to df,scribe
my experience in becoming. That is the conventional truth. In real Buddhist
terms, apart from the experience of seeing, there is no "I", "me", or "mine".
Such is the existential reality that the Buddhist has teaching for over
SHANTA ~ T N Y K 223
two thousand and five hundred years. This is found very difficult for the
common man to comprehend. However, the process philosopher has no
difficulty in understanding this. He expresses the same insight in his language.
See the following experience of seeing:
The subject of the occasion (myself) is not a substantial and com-
pleted entity 'standing there' and waiting to be acted on by the picture.
In some way the subject (myself) comes into being as a result of the
influence of the picture, or in Whitehead ian terms, the actual entity
that is the picture is 'prehended' by a concrescing entity as subject.
This is definitely not the traditional way of thinking. Where and what
was I before I happened to come across the picture?
The answer lies in Whitehead's account of a person as an historic
route of occasions. Each is nothing more than its special feeling, and it
is impossible to feel unless the datum to be felt exists. The occasions
that form the historic procession are called 'myself' or 'John Smith'
as a matter of symbolic reference.
19
"I", "John Smith" or "a cat" is considered in conventional sense as
a "being" due to the causal relation of each process. We recognize the
cat after some time as the same cat but the second time we relate "to different
molecules".20 Similarly we recognize "John Smith" to be the same person
that we related in the past. It is due to causality of the process that we
recognize him as the same person. So am "I" recognized as the same "I"
or "me" because of the causality of the same process.
In Buddhist as well as process philosophy it is not by one single cause
but by many causes that one "becoming" is produced. In the Buddhist
example that we examined above, eye is becoming due to many causes, so
is eye consciousness. Each becoming of any process is caused by many
major causes as well as many minor causes. Similar function of Causes is
taught by process thinkers as "concrescence". Although such a novel
entity is a result of many causes, the novel entity itself becomes a cause for
many other entities. The latter is known as "transition".21 These two kinds
of causation are known in Buddhist theory as paticcasamuppanna and
paticcasamuppada respectively.
Analysis of oneself or examination of causality are undertaken by the
Buddhist in order to develop right views of existence, Buddhism is well
known for discussing the suffering conditions that exist along with the
pleasure of the world. Impermanence and non-substantiality of existence
also are major aspects that Buddhism teaches. Whitehead's and some other
process philosophers' interest basically remain metaphysical. Nevertheless,
their view of life is not very far from the Buddhist view as Whitehead says:
" ... human life is a flash of occasional enjoyments lighting up a mass of
pain and misery, a bagatelle of transient experience".22 Years after he
writes: " .. every activity is merely a passing whiff of insignificance",23
Having explored th insightful views as the above, W must now enter
FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAMMALAVA: SADDHATISSA
our last "meditation", i.e., Whitehead's view of God. Process theology is
a modern development in Christianity and I will begin and conclude this
section in referring to John B. Cobb, Jr., an outstanding process theologian.
However, this does not indicate that Cobb is responsible for the views that
I have presented. He states quite impartially: "Indeed, it might be quite
possible fora Buddhist to develop from Whitehead's philosophy a Buddhist
natural theology almost as reasonably as I have developed a Christian one.
Whitehead certainly would not object."21
A Buddhist natural theology out of Whitehead's philosophy is possible
because ,Whitehead does not accept the Western concept of God as the
unmoved mover and as eminent reality. Both the Buddhist and Whitehead
reject the concepts of God that were prevalent in their respective back-
grounds. And both of them bring God down to the realm of process, the
dimension of becoming. See the following:
. " . teach a religion of fellowship with Brahma (God). They believe
tha1 such a Brahma is omnipotent (abhibhii anabhibhiito), omniscient
(ap,iiadatthudaso), the Mighty Lord (vasavatti issaro), Maker (katta),
Creator (nimmata), the Most Perfect (settho), the Designer (saiijita)
and tbe creatures we are.
The Buddha does not deny the existence of such a being; be is morally
perfect but not omniscient and omnipotent. He is the chief of the
hierarchy... But he too is subject to the judgment of kanna.
25
According to this view God the Creator remains in the realm of karma,
in the process of cause and effect, like any other being.
Whitehead also reinterprets the concept of God in a similar fashion:
It is as true to say that God is permanent and the World fiuent, as that
the World is permanent and God is fiuent.
It is .as true to say that God is one and the World many, as that the
World is one and God many.
It is as true to say that, in comparison with the World, God is actnal
eminently, as that, in comparison with God, the World is actual
eminently.
It is as true to say that the World is immanent in God, as that God
is immanent in the World.
It is as true to say that God transcends the World, as that the World
transcends God.
It is as true to say that God creates the World, as that at the World
creates. God.
26
These remarks have been taken by theologians as an attack on traditional
Western theism.
27
However these remarks may be interpreted according
to the needs of the interpreter. But what. Whitehead is. reported to have
said in: the last days of his life is very straightfo.rward and easy to'
understand:
. ,It was a'mistake, as the Bebrew$ tded, to conceive of God as cre1.ting'
8HANTA RATNAYAKA
225
the world from the outside, at one go. An all-foreseeing creator, who
could have made the world as we find it now-what could we think
of such a being? Foreseeing everything and yet putting into it all sorts
of imperfections to redeem which it was necessary to send his only son
into the world to suffer torture and hideous death; outrageous ideas ....
God is in the world, 01' nowhere, creating continually in us and
around us. This creative pl'inciple is everywherD, in animate and so-
called inanimate matter in the ether, water, ealth, human hearts. But
this creation is a continuing process ... 28
As the above citation itself testifies, Whitehead holds a peculiar view of
God. Charles Hartshorne points out that Whitehead's view of God is an
original one.
29
On the other hand, serious questions like, "Is Whitehead's
God the God of religion?" have been raised and discussed.
3D
In the light of the above discussion and on the ground of the long
metaphysical discussions provided by Whitehead, I maintain that White-
head's God is a metaphysical principle but not the creator God conceived
of by the Judeo-Christian tradition. "In the first place, God is not to be
treated as an exception to all metaphysical principles, invoked to save their
collapse. He is their chief exemplification. ' '31 This view can be supported
again and again as God is described as the' 'principJe of limitation" and
"principle of potentiality". Further, "God is dependent on the individual
processes of the world for the perpetual completion of his being. He is not
self-sufficient, and they are as reaJ as he, nor is God omnipotent."32
Whether this metaphysical contention is acceptable or not, the White-
headian rejection of an almightly creator God sounds severer than a Buddhist
sermon. As one can observe throughout this paper, it is vivid that the process
thoughts on man, world, and God are very much in line with the Buddhistic
teachings. That could have been the reason for John Cobb to write the
following when he has been constructing his Christian theology: "Whether
or not Whitehead might provide a natural theology common to East and
West, he can offer great aid to the West in its task of rethinking its f i t ~
in the light of the reality of the great religions of the East. "33 The exposition
and comparison of the above pages guide me to conclude that not necessarily
on his understanding of Buddhism but certainly on his understanding of
life, the world, and God, Alfred North Whitehead is a neo-Buddhist.
226 FESTSCHlUF'f FOR HAMMALAVA SADDHATiSSA
NOTES
1. A. H. Johnson, Whitehead's TheOlY of Reality (New York: Dover Publications, Inc.,
1962), p. 199.
2. L. V. Rajagopal, The Philosophy of A. N. Whitehead (Mysore, India: Thandavamurthy
Press, 1966), p. 1.
3. George L. Kline, ed., Alfred North Whitehead: Essays on His Philosophy (Englewood
Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1963), p. 25.
4. * Philosophy East and West and Process Studies have published a few articles on White-
head and Mahayana. But the present paper is based on my independent studies. For
its improvement. I have received helpful suggestions from Drs. Alex Williams and
William David. I am thankful to both of them.
5. Lucien Price, Dialogues of Alfred North Whitehead (Boston: Little, Brown and
Company, 1956), PP. 301-2. .
6. Alfred North Whitehead, Religion in the Making (New York: The Macmillan Com-
pany, 1957), p. 56.
7. Ibid., p. 44.
8. Ibid., p. 50.
9. Douglas Browning, ed., Philosophers 0/ Process (New York: Random House,
1965), p. vii.
10. Charles Hartshorne Creative Synthesis and Philosophic Method (La Salle, Illinois:
The Open Court Publishing Co., 1970), p. 177.
11. Ibid.
12. Bhadantac:ariya Buddhaghosa, The Path of Purification (Visuddhimagaa), trans. by
Bhikkhu Nanamoli (Berkeley: Shambhala, 1976), pp. 734-5.
13. Norman Pittenger, Alfred North Whitehead (Richmond, Virginia: John Knox Press,
1969), p. 29.
14. Martin Jordan, New Shapes of Reality (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd.,
1968), p. 47.
15. Ivor Leclerc, Whitehead's Metaphysics (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd.,
1958), p. 60.
16. K. N. Jayatilleke, Early Buddhist TheOlY of Knowledge (London: George Allen and
Unwin Ltd., 1963) pp. 359-60.
17. Leclerc, Whitehead's Metaphysics, p. 70.
18. See my article, "Metapsychology of the Abhidharma, " The Journal of the Tnterna-
tional Association of Buddhist Studies, Vol. 4, No.2 (1981), pp. 76-88.
19. Jordan, New Shapes of Reality, p. 55.
20. Ivor Leclerc, The Relevance of Whitehead (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd.,
1961), p. 350. .
21. Alfred North Whitehead, Process and Reality (New York: The Macmillan Company,
1941), p. 320.
22. Victor Lowe, Understanding Whitehead (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1962),
p.l09.
23. Ibid.
24. John B. Cobb, Jr., A Christian Nutural Theology (Philadelphia: The Westminster
Press, 1965), p. 282.
25. K. N. Jayatilleke, The Message of the Buddha (New York: The Free Press, 1975),
p.1l5.
26. Whitehead, Process and Reality, p. 528.
27. Cobb, Natural Theology, p. 165.
28. Price, Dialogues, p. 370.
29. Hartshorne, Creative Synthesis, p. 87.
30. Charles Hartshorne, Whitehead's Philosophy: Selected Essays, 1935-1970 (Lincoln:
University of Nebraska Press, 1972), p. 99.
31. Whitehead, Process and Reality, p. 521.
32. Lowe, Understandinff Whitehead, p. 25. For the process interpretation of the word,
"omnipotent", see Charles Hartshorne, The Divine Relativity (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1964), p. 134-5.
33. Cobb, Natural Theology, pp. 282-3.
*The articles contained in Philosophy East and West comprised conference papers in
Vol. XXV, 4-University of Hawaii, Honolulu 1975:
Jay McDaniel and John B. Cobb, Jr "Introduction: Conference on 'Mahayana Buddhism
and Whitehead'. "
Charles Hartshorne "Whitehead's differences from Buddhism."
Masao Abe "Mahayana Buddhism and Whitehead-a view by a lay student of White-
head's philosophy."
SItAN'tA RATNA YAKA
227
Frederick J. Streng' 'Metaphysics negative dialectic and the expression of the inexpressible."
Robert F. Olson ;'Whitehead, Madhyamika and the Prajfiaparamita."
Kenneth K. Inada "The' metaphysics of Buddhist experience and the Whiteheadiar
encounter."
See also:
A. K. Kumar "Nagarjuna and Whitehead" in his Changing Phases of Buddhist Thought.
Patna 196:<.
David R. Griffin "Buddhist Thought and Whitehead's Philosophy. " International Philo-
sophical Quarterly, Fordham University, New York 1974.
N. P. Jacobson "Whitehead and Buddhism on the Art of Living;" The Eastern Bliddflist,
N. S. VIII, 2, Otan;i University. Kyoto 1975.
BUDDIDSM IN THE MALDIVES:
EXCAVATIONS IN 1958
C. H. B. REYNOLDS
H. C. P. Bell's large work The Maldives, left incomplete by the author on
his death in 1938 and posthumously published by the Government of Ceylon
in 1940, gives an account of his ttavels in the Maldive& in 1920 and 1922
and of the traces of Buddhism he discovered there on various islands. Bell,
with the invaluable assistance of MIrubahuruge Ismail Didi, exoavated a
havitta(caitya)on Fuvak Mulaku (Fom Mulak) and in atoll an ustumbu
(stiipa) on Gam (Gan)-then very ruinous and now totally destFoyed by
the British-built runway-and a 16th century katte (fort) on Hitadu; he
also dug on Gam in Haddummati atoll (the largest of all Maldivian islands)
round the hat-teli (' seven pans '), the best preserved site, where he found
portions of Buddha statues, and at Kuruhinna; and on in the same
atoll round a buduge (image house).1 The finds were transported to the
Colombo Museum, with Maldivian consent. Bell writes "The reply of the
Maldivian High Officials exceeded expectations. The Maldivians, it was
asserted, as staunch Mu1;tammadans, view all such relics of Infidel worship,
if not with abomination now-a-days, at lea&t with supreme indifference;
that H.H. the Sultan set no limit to the archaeological operations of the
Mission; which was at liberty to excavate to the full all supposed Buddhist
sites on the Atols; and, furtbel', to bring away any antiquarian 'finds' made
during investigatiom, to be presented by His Highness to the Ceylon Govern-
ment." (op.cit., p. 136)
Since that time, various Maldivian governments have taken a keen interest
in such archaeological matters, and some investigations have been carried
out on islands not noted by Bell. Thus in 1948 Muhammad Amin DidI,
then Home Minister of the islands, sent Adam Nasir Maniku to Mulaku
island (M atoll),2 where he excavated remains of a havitta (caitya). A more
substantial investigation was mounted in 1958 on the island of in
Ari (A) atoll, some 70 miles west of Male. The Home Minister Ibrahim
Nasir sent an official expedition undel' the late Muhammad Ismail DId]
(son of Bell's interpreter and owner of the best known private library in
Male, now open to the subscribing public in his house, Mirubahuruge),
with Abdul Hakim Husain Maniku and Home Ministry inspectol' Tuliiduge
Hasan Manikuge Don Maniku; other members of the expedition were
Boige Abdul GhiifUr and photographer Ali Najib. The report of this ex-
pedition was published in Maldivian in the series Divehi tilrikhar au
alikamek (New light on Maldivian history), vol. II, 137li! H., pp. 182-208,
C. H. B. REYNOLDS 229
with 18 illustrations. This work is not generally available outside Male,
but through the kindness of Dr. Hasan Ahmad Maniku, Director of Infor-
mation and Broadcasting, and of Dr. A. Forbes, Ihave obtained a photocopy
(incomplete, however, in some details, especially the illustrations). In
summary, the expedition discovered a complete circular pillal'ed shrine, a
photograph of which is given, a Buddha statue, and various other objeCts.
Eventually 76 labourrrs were employed, and digging continued for nine
days, from 8 to 16 July 1958 (20-28/12/1377 H.). The foundations were one
foot below the then gFound level, and the temple appeared to be aligned like
a . mosque. The statue was disfigured during the night before it could be
transported to Male. Other objects included a jewel in seven casings, a ring
and some coins.
The party left Male on 6 July and arrived by sail at Toc;lc;lii the following
morning. Work started on 8th by clearing twelve trees from the 'high stone
pile' (us gii juni), which was about 15 ft. high and 100 ft. in circumference.
The deputy atoll chief (KuramatI Tuttu Maniku) had appointed three local
overseers (Muhammad Fuluge Hasan Fulu, Ibrahlmge Don Maniku and
Ibriihim mudimkalege) to work under inspector Don Maniku, to dig care-
fully an area of some 9 feet around the 'minaret' (the top of the stiipa)
which was visible sticking out of the sand, until they reached base level,
or water level, keeping a special lookout for any inscribed stones. Work
started with 30 labourers, to work from 7 till 11 and from 2 to 5; pay to be
Rs. 2/50 a day. The top of a nafFOW wall was soon discovered 7 or 8 feet
from the. 'minaret', leading down to a layer with five or six nar.row ledges
or buttresses, followed by onf') ledge about 18 inches wide. Thereafter the
wall .continued down at that width. Owing to the extreme stoniness of the
ground, the work force was doubled to 60 on Wed. 9th, mustering twelve
hoes and six iron poles between them, with twenty sacks for clearing away
the spoil. On the southem side they turned up some small stone stiipas on
the broad ledge, with a circular stone one foot in diameter on top of them;
and further along, two tall square stone chambers. On 10th about six feet
away from the 'minaret' they found half a dozen more 4" or 5" ledges
on the wall, below which was one ledge about one foot wide. After that, a
straight stone wall continued vertically down for a further two feet or more.
In the south-east corner of the site a square block of sandstone was un-
earthed, concealing beneath it something which proved to be the top portion
of a Buddha statue, slightly cracked below. the m;ddle, and with a hole
leading to a hollow centre. The measurements of the statue are given as
follows:
Cil'curnference of head
Top to bottom of face
. Length of ear
Length of nose
Width of mouth
3' 8 1/2"
I' 2"
10"
5"
4 3/4"
230
FESTSCHRIFT 'FOR HAMMALAVA SADDHATISSA
Width of shoulders 3' 1'"
Top to bottom of head l' 8".
It was thickly plastered. Lips and cheek showed signs of colour, and the
shoulders showed raised lines indicating a robe, beneath which the arms
were not separately formed. This statue had probably originally been under
a pillared canopy which left it clearly visible. It would appeal' to have been
deliberately moved to a comparatively inaccessible site (and slightly damaged
in the process) and then .covered up with sand and coral. The whole temple
site was thus filled in, and Muhammad Ismail believed he could identify
three or four spots from which sand had been dug for this purpose, on the
north-ea&t corner of the island about 70 yards inland. This was doubtless
done soon after the official conversion of the Islands to Islam in 1153;
hearing that it was likely that orders would be sent from Male to break the
idol(the Maldivian word is budu), the villagers took the precaution of burying
statue and site unharmed, just in case (says Muhammad Ismail) they should
be required again after some further. change of official policy.
On Friday 11th, the workforce was increased to 66, and digging com-
menced .on top of the 'minaret'. Beneath a flat slab, a sandstone chamber
was found, lft. square, containing a cir.cular coral-stone casket, shaped
like amilitary hat (kacce), with a square knob. This contained around rusting
silvery box, together with some black ash or powder., a couple of rings, some
rusted silvery plates approx. 2" by I" (too decayed to lift, they appeared
to ,bear a stamp), some golden wires, something undecayed resembling a
rather large huisum flower, and two silvery coins, one with a horse or deer
upon it and some further animal heads and other symbols, and a clear human
head on the obverse, the other undecipherable. The box, which seemed to
have been sealed, contained a smaller circular golden box, in which was a
golden tube, apparently an amulet, which made a noise when shaken.
Judging by the care taken to preserve it, it must have been highly valued.
Along each side of the chamber was a smaller sandstone enclosure, com-
municating by a hole with the main chamber; the southern ont" contained a
metal. pot which judging by the smoke stains on the stone, was used' as a
lamp, The northern one contained the remains of a similar pot; the other
two enclosures were empty.
The amulet was thus seen to form part of a hat ura ('seven sheaths ')
the jewel being successively surrounded by the golden case, the golden box,
the silver box, the coral casket, the sandstone chamber, the slab, and
the 'minaret' (stupa-drum) itself. The whole casket was removed to the
khatib's office (rarvehi-ge).
On 12th, 69 men were employed, and a temporary shelter built over
the statue, which it was intended to patch up with cement and then transport
to Male intact. During the following night, however, the statue was dis-
figured by persons unknown and badly damaged; the head wa& detached.
It was thereupon transported to the khatib's office. (The work of
C. H.B. REYNOLDS 231
course, were deeply &hocked at the attention paid to the idol. Apart from
that, they supposed they were digging for treasure. Perhaps the unknown
defacers also supposed that by transporting the statue intact to Male, out-
siders would make a profit which ought to belong to themselves. One of
the local overseers, in fad asked for a reward for the discovery of the casket.)
On Monday 14th, 76 men were employed, and excavation was completed.
On 15th the finds were packed up, and a final inspection of the foundations
made on 16th; it was not thought right to dig further, although Muhammad
Ismail suspected that some further rarity (nadiru) was probably concealed
somewhet'e among the foundations.
The complete sandstone platform of the temple was 36 ft. square, with
foundations 1 foot deep. The alignment was 1 1/2 points to the N. of East-
West, or 1/4 point north of turiyyiin (i.e. thurayya, Pleiades =w. by N.)-
in fact, very like the alignment of present-day Maldivian mosques.
3
The
base layer was of sandstone 18" thick, followed by half a dozen rings (barafos
= Sinhalese pesii) of diminishing size, and then a vertical wall for 5 1/2
feet. [Here there is a lacuna in the text.] ... beautifully smoothed, eVen after
its long interment, so that the tree roots had not been able to penetl'ate.
This 5 1/21. section was filled up with stones and fine sand, to fOl'm a plaster
foundation as a base for the dome. Above ii came a sandstone ring which
projected 31/2 ft. on each side, but left some 6 ft. uncovered at the corners.
Each of the four sides had an 'ear' (i.e. viihalka4a, sometimes translated
'frontispiece '),3 1/2 ft. long and projecting 11/2 ft. The ring rose up for 2-3 ft.
becoming narrower by successive ledges surmounted by a stone lip. On
the south side were the three small stiipas OD the one-foot ledge, with a
one-foot circular stone above them. On the lowest ledge on the south-east
were two stone pillars, one square and one circular. A vertical distance
of 3 1/2 ft. separated 'minaret' fwm 'ring' and the statue was found
buried at the S.E. corner.
The dome was 671. 6" in circumference at base. It curved inwards for
the first two feet of rise and then rose a furthe." 3' 2" at a circumference
of 52' 11". After a further series of rings for three feet it rose vertical again
at a circumference of 45' 5". The top 3' 0 1/2" was damaged. Measure-
ments: From water level to square base, 3' 8 1/2".
Height of base, 5 1/2 ft.
Height of dome, 10 fc.
Dome plus base, 16' 2".
[It is difficult to make these dimensions correspond, but I reproduce the
report as I have it.]
Photographs of the find were submitted to Dr. S. Paranavitana, former
Archaeological Commissioner of Ceylon and at that time Professor of
Archaeology at the University of Ceylon, Peradeniya, who commented as
follows:
"The photographs furnished are nQt a,cc;ol11panieq by any information
with regard to the identity and dimensions of the remains unearthed and
the relation of one to the other. It is, therefore, difficult, to arrive at accurate
conclusions with regard to their character. Judging from the photographs,
there appear to have been exposed the remains of a stupa of no great size,
but interesting on account of its many unusual features. It is also not possible
to say from photographs the material out of which the stOpa and relic-
casket found in it were made; but it is presumed that they are of coral stone,
the material readily available 011 these islands.
The photograph which I number I shows the general view of the base and
the lower part of the drum of a stilpa on a stepped circular platform against
a background of coconut palms. The upper moulding of the base is orna-
mented with the railing pattern. Photographs numbered II, III and IV are
taken to be details of the monument of which a general view is given in
No. 1. One of these shows the mouldings at the base in considemble clear-
ness. The cyma and the torus mouldings recognizable at the base and fillets
in the cornice are familiar enough in the old stilpas of Ceylon. But the vertical
face between the mouldings of the base and the cornice at the base which
is invariably plain in Ceylon stilpas is here ornamented with the railing
pattern so common in the early Buddhist architecture of India as well as
Ceylon. To my knowledge this architectural ornamentation has not been
founj in the corresponding position at any old stupa in Ceylon or in India.
Photograph no. V is taken to be the interior of the stupa, the garbha
in which the sacred objects were deposited. We have here a rectangular pit
in the centre with four smaller but similar pits at the four sides. The arrange-
ment clearly indicates the centre of the universe and the four directions.
In corresponding positions in Ceylon stu pas we have nine instead of five
pits, four being added' at the corners. The arrangement in this Maldivian
stii.pa is clear evidence that the so-called yantragalas in Buddhist stilpas
originated as a directional symboism which is quite obvious here. The
stupa, consequently, has preserved a very archaic feature in its internal
arrangements which is of great importance for a proper understmdig of
the significance of early stiipas.
Photographs which I number VI, VII and VIII are taken to be of relic-
caskets, the larger one of coral stone and the smaller one, which from
photograph VII is shown to have been found inside the first, is taken to
be of metal. These relic-caskets are miniature stupas and are almost identical
in shape with similar caskets found at ancient stilpas in Ceylon. In fashioning
the upper portion as a lid too this casket shows similarity with Ceylon
examples. The cubical portion above the dome of the caskets is ornamented
with the railing pattern-a feature common in Ceylon stupas.
The discovery is of unusual interest for the study of art. "
The coins were sent to Colombo for examination and-are stated to have
been apparently lost by the Archaeological Department there.
4
A vi8it to
the site in 1978 by the present writer seemed to show that everything had
been dismantled; the stones had been removed and used for building pur-
poses and hardly anything remaIned to see. It is possible, however, that
some of the finds had been covered up again; certainly nothing resembling
a stiipa was evident
A similar expedition was sent shortly afterwards to Kiffibidii in Kolu-
maQ.ulu (T) atoll, again under Muhammad Ismail DidI, to investigate the
vent (vihara) there. The other members of the expedition were secretary
Abdul Latif Hasan Fulu, photographer Ba Tuttu Maniku (Ali Najib),
and accountant (peon) Ussakuru Kalu Tuttu. I have an incomplet0 copy
of their report.
They left Male on Saturday 30 Aug. 1958. The sailing journey (due south-
wardb) in a Kiffibidii batteli with a crew of two and 13 local passengers was
more than twi:e as far as to ToQ.Q.ii, and the voyage was stormy, with added
difficulties because there was nobody really in command. They finally arrived
on 7 September. The veru was situated near the S. W. coast of the island,
about five feet above sea level and on an old artificial platform 245 ft. long
(said by the islanders to be one of several such platforms). Labour here
worked from 7.30 to 11.30 and from 1 to 4, pay being Rs. 2/- per day. Eighty
labourers were requested; sixty were provided on 8th. The site was cleared
of 16 palmtrees and various bushes and excavations commenced on top.
On 91h they began to clear a space rf 5 ft. all round with four local over5eers
(Muhammad Nasir, Khalid Husain, Muhammad Adam, Davud Husain)
under Abdullah Khatib. Three or fcur feet within, they began to uncover
a host of dress .. d stones, remains of some structure that had been destroyed
(limestone buildings, with some red sandstone), and four or five feet down,
an uneven tapering cilcular stone structure witb rings (bara/os). On 10th,
the vakil (VemanQii Naib Hasan) appeared with tools, and said he was
instructed from Male not to get extra labourers from other islands. By 12th
the 5 feet path was cleared and the outlines of the structure visible; next,
four new sectors were marked out, each 67 ft. deep, all of which were cleared
by 19 September, showing the whole circular structure. On 20th, work
started on a north-south trench 7ft. wide across the centre of the structure,
and a 7 feet east-west trench out5ide and below it. Another circular struchire
then appeared five feet down, of a much higher quality than the external
circular structure, with an ornamental bara/os two or three ledges of
varying widths, and coral rubble (akiri) within. Only vague traces were
found outside the veru to nor.th and east, but un west and south a rough
square wall appeared 21/2 ft. down, 2' 8" high, and at one point in the
south-east, close to the shore, a stairway leading to a crescent-shaped base
or 'moonstone', about 3 ft. by 2ft. Its north and south ends went under the
veru [?]. Traces of a similar wall could be seen to the S. W. There was nothing
more beneath this.
On 23rd this digging was completed without further discoveries. On 24th
t h ~ sank a pit ~ i x feet square in the middle to water-level and cleared 15 ft.
234
from the shore, but nothing further emerged. The foundations were two
feet of rubble, covered with fine sand. The platform was doubtless
to prevent erosion. [There is a hiatus in my text at this point.]
The return journey to Male was again difficult; they left (from Timarafuri)
on 28th (and from Lohi on 1 October), but had to return to Timarafuri
until 11th. They arrived in Male on 13 October.
It is particularly unfortunate that my text of the Report lacks nearly all
the relevant photographs, as without these it is very difficult to understand
what exactly was discovered. In general, it is clear that here, as at To<;l<;lii,
there was a ledged stiipa and traces of monastic buildings, including in
this case a moonstone.
s
Nevertheless, in the absence of any other available
account of these discoveries, and since it is unlikely that the missing portions
of the Reports can be readily supplied at present, it seems worthwhile to
publish this information, incomplete as it is.
It is clear that the conversion of the islands to Islam in 1153 did not
involve the total destruction of all Buddhist temples at the time. Many may
have been destroyed, especially in Malt", but the sites that are known today
seem to have been merely covered up and abandoned, possibly with the
idea that they might-who needed again, and also doubtless
because the belief in spirits of various kinds which was, and is, still strong
in the Maldives will have attached to some of the sites a veneration not
specifically religious in the conventional sense. They became the dwellings
of redin, which the official Maldivian dictionary defines as khiyali jinnin.
They never were officially needed again, however, and very soon, no
doubt, the stone was removed for secular purposes. In a few cases, however,
this was not done. Bell of Miladumma<;lulu atoll, that on Landii
"the islanders have no tradition about the origin of this ruin; and are not
afraid to utilize the stones"; but on Miladii "from superstition, the Islanders
are afraid to dig into the mound" (('p.cit., p. 106).
Such superstitions are rapidly becoming a thing of the past in the Maldives,
and the apparent disappearance of most of what was excavated on To<;l<;lii,
during the subsequent twenty years, undel'lines the dangers of premature
excavation (quite apart from the question of techniques), and the less happy
effects of the' supreme indifference' to the' relics of Infidel worship' which
Bell reported in 1922. In Ceylon also, the annual Reports of the
Archaeological Commissionel's have often exemplified similar contradic-
tions between the of the historian and the archaeologist and
that of the 10caJ worshipper, with regard to religious monuments of a past
epoch. Now that there is a renewed interest in Male in the past history of
the Island Kingdom (as the Maldivians caIl their country), there are grounds
for hope that future losses of sucb material can be avoided.
1. It was reported to Bell that archaeological sites also existed on two islands of
Milidummac;lulu South (N) atoll, but no examination of these has been made.
2. Atolls are officially known by letters of the Maldivian alphabet.
3. The word here translated 'point' and 'alignment' is misrabu, which perhaps derives
from mi{lrab.
4. A photograph of an inscription in an unfamiliar script on a pot found buried in
Miile, which was left with the Department for study, was similarly lost in 197&.
5. Bell also uncovered a moonstone at the hat-tell site in Haddummati atoll in 1922.
A NOTE ON THE DERIVATION OF PALl ANAMATAGGA
GENJUN H. SASAKI
The Pali term anamatagga, which is often used in speaking of samsiira
is problematic as regards the derivation. Suggestions made by various
scholars in this connection have been noted in the Pali English Dictionary
(PED)l and in the Critical Pali Dictionary (CPD).2 From these it becomes
clear that in the opinion of Western scholars the point at issue is whether
the word represents anamata-agga (pischel),3 an-amata-agga (Childers)4
or a/Javadagga/anavayagga-the last being a Prakrit form which, Sanskritized
to anavariigra; appears in Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit in contexts where
Pali has anamatagga.
5
In his commentary on the Samyutta Nikiiya, Buddhaghosa gives a detailed
explanation of this word. From this it appears that he thinks the word
represents anu+amata+agga. This is what he says:
anamataggo'tianu-amataggo, vassasata1J1 vassasahassa1J1 na11ena anu-
gantvii 'pi amataggo aviditaggo, niissa sakkii ito vii etto vii aggCt.7J1 janitUf]1,
aparicchinna-pubbiipara-kot'iko'ti attho. (" anamatagga means of com-
plete unthinkable beginning". Even if one thinks of it for one hundred
years or one thousand years, its beginning is unthinkable and unknown.
It is impossible to know its beginning as here or there; its beginning
and end cannot be determined.' ')6
It is obvious that in Buddhaghosa 's opinion anu-amata has become anamata
by deletion of the final u of anu by vowel sandhi in the same way as anu+
oleketi becomes anoloketj7 or anu+osidati becomes anosidati.
But in that case the question is, what is the meaning to be given to anu
according to this interpretation? The prefix anu has the following meanings
in Sanskrit: after, along, in consequence of, near to, behind, gradually,
beneath, l ~ s than, according to. Clearly, Buddhaghosa does not see any
of these meanings in anu of anamatagga (as he analyses it). Rather, he sees
an emphatic function attaching to this prefix, i.e., he sees a meaning like
'completely'. This interpretation of Buddhaghosa is supported by the fact
that in several Pali words anu in fact performs the function of adding an
emphatic significance. Some of these are:
anupakkhiidati 'to eat into'
anupabbajati 'to give up the world'
anupariyati 'to go round and round'
anuparidhavati 'to run up and down'
anusaiicarati 'to go round about'
It is worthy of note that Buddhaghosa sees an emphatic significance in the
prefix anu of the word anusaya too. In Atthasiilini his commentary on the
Dhammasm.lgani, he explains anusaya as follows:
GENJUN H. SASAKi 237
'thiimagatatthena anuseti'ti anusayo (The latent bias is called anusaya
because of its haFpingon with persistence.)8 Some explanations of anusaya
found in other commentaries too seem to tend to support to such an inter-
pretation:
Cf. for example,
anusayo hhavuppaUiya mUlalJ19
(The latent bias is a basis to give rise to life)
anusayll akusalamultini
10
(The Jatent biases are a basis of the 'un-
wholesome.)
Another word where anu functions as a prefix with an emphatic meaning
is anappameyya. This word simply cannot be analysed a5 a negative ana
together with appameyya,l1 because it would then contradict the very
meaning it is suppo&ed to give. Rather, it is to be taken as anu+appameyya
meaning 'completely 'unmeasurable '.12 Similarly anavaya
13
is best taken as
anu+a+vaya ("completely without diminution ') rather than as an+a+vaya
where too the double negation will contradict the expected sense. The same
would be the case with anavajja. It is anu---t-avajja ('completely faultless ,)"4
rather than the double negation an-a-vaija. In view of all this, the prefix
anu can be taken as an emphatic particle meaning 'strongly', 'persistently
or completely'. Therefore Buddhaghosa's explanation of anamatagga as
anu-amata-agga (' whose beginning is completely unknown ') seems to be
proper and acceptable.
NOTES
1. The Pali English Dictionary, PTS. London, S.v.
2. Critical Pali Dictionary, Copenhagen, p. 156.
3. See P.E.D. anamatagga.
4. R. C. Childers, Dictionary of the Pali Language, London, 1872-75; repro Rangoon,
1974, Kyoto, 1976, New Delhi, 1981, p. 31.
5. Fo' Edgerton, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary, New Haven, 1953, repro Delhi,
1910, p. 21.
6. S. A. III. 149.
7. C. f. Sammohavinodani, p. 355
. 8. Dhs A. ed .. P. Y. Bapat, Bhandarkar Oriental Series, Poona, 1942, 206; C.f.G.H.
Sasaki, A Study of Buddhist Psychology (in Japanese) repro Tokyo, 1970, p. 453.
9. Udiina Atthakathii, 373, 24. ' .
10. Netti, 18, 300.
11. P.E.D., p. 30.
12. Ibid.
13., P .. E. D. indicates no derivatiOn.
14. 8n.,'263 (anavajjiini kammiini), Itivllttaka, lQ2, etc., anabhiiva Yin. III 3).
A STUDY OF THE SAMSKARA CHAPTER
IN
THE
FUMIMARO WATANABE
The Sa'!lyuktiibhidharmasiirasiistra (hereafter abbreviated to Sa'!labhi;)
is said to be a work written by the Dharmatrata II, who
probably lived in the latter part of the fourth century A.C.
1
The work was
translated into Chinese by SaIighavarman and others in 435 A.C.
2
It is
extant in Chinese only and contains eleven "hapten!, each consisting of
two parts: one in verse (Hoka)and the other a prose commentary
The eleven chapters are as fallows:
1. Dhiitu (Element)
2. Sa'!lskiira (Force)
3. Karman (Action)
4. Anusaya (Tendency)
5. Aryapudgala (Excellent per-son)
6. Jiiiina (Knowledge)
7. Samiidhi (Concentration)
8. Sutra (Dialogue)
9. Sa'!lyukta (Conjoined)
10. Pratisa'!lkhyii (Consciousness)
11. Abhidharma (Philosophical study of principles)3
As I stated briefly in "A Study of the First Chapter in the Abhidharma-
siirasi1stra, ,,4 it is impossible to disregard the relationship between the
Abhidharmasara of DharmasrI, the Abhidharmasarasutra of Upasanta
and the Sa'!labhi., for they contain the same chapters and are quite similar
in content, and the arrangement of the chapters in them is also the same,
except for the insertion of the prati3a'!lkhyii chapter between the ninth and
eleventh chapters in the SQf!labhi., as can be seen above.
As to the three works, according to certain scholars
5
the Abhidharmasara
was produced first, then the Abhidharmasarasutra and the Sa'!labhi., was
produced last. In this case, it may be possible to say that the Sa'!labhi., is a
commentary on the Abhidharmasara.
6
But this is not correct,. because it
seems that the latter is a condensed summary of the former. Before drawing
a hasty conclusion c{)ncerning the order in which the works were produced
it will be necessary to make a comparative study of the three with the
a 'Great Commentary' on the Jiianaprasthiina
of Kiityiiyanlputra, and the of Vasubandhu.
FUMIMARO WAtANABE
239
Further; since it is said that the Sal'!labhi., as well as the Abhidharmamaha
profoundly influenced the production of the Abhidharmakosa
we must also be careful of this matter in reading the Sal'!labhi.
In this paper I would like to introduce the number of mental principles
(caitasikas, i.e. forces) appearing in the sal'!lskara chapter and to clarify
their characteristics in comparison with those in Pali and some other
Chinese works. To start with, let us translate the beginning of the sal'!lskara
chapter of the Sal'!labhi. in Chinese into English.
Translation of the Sarpabhi. by Dharmatrata II
Translated (from Sanskrit? into Chinese) by Sailghavarman and others
The Sarpsk.ara (Force) ChapterS
I have already explained the characteristics of principles (dharmas). I
will explain the occurrence of principles.
It may be said that principles include their own nature (svabhava) and
occur through their own power; this is not true. Why?
Finally, (principles) cannot occur,
Because they are separated from a companion.
Through the power of conditions,
All the principles occur.
"Finally, (principles) cannot occur, because they are separated from a
companion" means that all forces (sar[lskara) are weak in themselves and
cannot occur by themselves. If they cannot occur by themselves, how do they
occur?
Answer: Through the power of conditions (pratyaya), all the principles
occur. Just as a person and a boat can reach the opposite shore (para, i.e.
perfection) by depending on each other, so his thoughts (citta) and mental
principles (caitasikas, i.e. forces) occur through their reciprocal power
(anyonya-vasa) and take hold of sense-object(s) (vi'aya). First of all, I will
explain how thoughts and mental principles occur on the basis of companion-
ship (sahayata).
When thoughts occur,
They always have companions:
The group of mental principles
And the forces disjoined from thoughts.
All forces produce causes (hetus) reciprocally and mutually. When thoughts,
depend on some of the six indriyas (faculties such as eye, ear, etc.), when they
condition some of the six vi'ayas (objects such as sight, sound, etc.), and
when they arise at one moment, the group of meptal principles occur to-
gether with these thoughts).
Question: What is the group of mental principles?
Answer: Perception, will, contact, understanding,
Self-posse3sion, volition, determination,
Attention, concentration, and feeling;
These are explained as the group of mental
FESTSCHRIFt FOR HAMMAtAVA SADDHATISSA
Perception (sal'J'ljfia) means to construct appearances as the sense-object '
(vi$aya).
Will (chanda) means to desiFe experiences involving the sense-object.
Contact (sparfa) means the element of stimulus (sparta) which occurs when
the (six) faculties, the (six) objects and thoughts are united (samagra).
Understanding (prajfia) means to be certain and clear concerning the sense-
object.
Self-posse&sion (smrti) mean8 to memorize and not to forget (anything)
concerning the sense-object.
Volition (cetana.) means the workings of thoughts in which good or bad
or that which is different from both is formed.
Detelmination (adhimukti) means to have a notion concerning the sense-
object and to decide that this (notion) is certain.
Attention (manasikara) means to be bent upon completion (abhoga) on the
sense-object.
Concentration (samadhi) means not to be mentally distracted in having
experiences of the sense-object.
Feeling (vedana) means to experience elation (saumanasya) and happiness
(sukha) or depression (daurmanasya) and unhappiness (dul;kha) or that
which is different from them both (upek$a: equanimity) concerning the sense-
object.
Whenever any thought occurs, they occur.
This is what the excellent one (arya) taught.
They act together upon one object,
And also they are always conjoined with one another.
These ten dharmas (principle& mentioned above) OCCUI' together with good
thoughts (kusala-cittas), bad thoughts (akusala-cittas), and thoughts which
are neither good nor bad (avyakrta), and because of being acquired on a
great ground, they are explained as a great ground (mahabhumika)*. The
words, "They act together upon one object," mean to proceed upon one
- and the same object with every thought, and not to separate from it; it is
certain to be of no duality (advaya). "And also they are always conjoined
with one another": reciprocally and together with, and conjoined (sal'J'l-
prayukta) always with thought, and because they establish one ground
( ekavatthuka).
Ques.: What is meant by 'conjoined'? .
Ans.: The significance of equality (samata) is that of 'conjoined '.
Ques.: Thought functions as many (mental principles: caitasikas) in
.!>ome cases and functions as few in some cases. Why is the signi-
ficance of equality that of 'conjoined '?
Ans.: Because of the equality of substance (dravya-samati1: the substances
of thought and mental principles arising from thought are the same as each
other). Irthere is one perception (sal'J'ljfiii.) and two kinds of feeling (vedanii)
in a single thought (eka-citta), it is not the significance of 'conjoined'. On
FUMIMARO WATANABE 241
the basis of a single thought; one perception occurs. The remaining thoughts
are also the same. Because of this . the significance of equality is that of
'conjoined'.
And then the significance of equality of time (kala), resort (iiSraya:
'dependence on' of such principles as the six senses), feature (akara),1 and
support (iilambana) is that of 'conjoined'. (The reason for) the equality
of time is that (thought and mental pl'inciples) occur in a moment
(The reason for) the equality of resort is that mental principles also occur
(or depend on thoughts) when thought occurs by means of eye. (The reason
for) the equality of feature is that mental principles also occur (or feature a
blue colour) when thought occurs by featuring a blue colour. (The reason
for) the equality of support is that mental principles also cognize (or support)
a visible object (rupa) when thought occurs by cognizing a visible object.
Therefore, it is explained: always conjoined.
I have already explained that mental principles are related to every thought
(whether good, bad, or neither good nor bad). I will explain that they are
not related to ....
* * *
The salJlskiira chapter comprises 43 sections of verse and prose explana-
tion. To put it briefly, the chapter deals with all forces (salJlskiira) which
are synthesised or activated (salJlskrta), the way in which thoughts (cittas)
and mental principles function in the existence of pleasures (kiimabhava),
in the existence of visible objects (rupabhava), and in the existence of invisible
objects (arupabhava) are discussed, and also treats six kinds of cause (hetu)
and four kinds of conditions (pratyays), which function in the case of the
occurrence of activated principles (salJlskrta dharma).
As far as the salJlskara chapter is concerned, we see 42 mental principles,
which al'e classified into five categories: 1. ten principles of the great ground
(mahiibhumika-dharmas),* 2. ten good principles of the great gl'Ound (kufala-
mahiibhilmika-dharmas), * 3. ten principles of defilement of the great ground
(kleJa-mahiibhumika-dharmas), * 4. ten. principles of restricted defilement
of the ground (parittaklefabhumika-dharmas),* and 5. two bad principles
of the great ground (akusala-mahlibhUmika-dharmas).* In addition to the
above, we also see nine other principles. Therefore, they represent a total
of 51 mental principles. Let us show all of them below:
I. Ten principles of the great ground.
1. perception (sarrtjfiii)
2. will (chanda)
3. contact (spada)
4. understanding (prajfiii)
5. self-possession (smrti)
6. volition (cetanii)
7. detel'mination (adhimukti)
8, attention (manasikara)
9.. (sqmadhi)
242 FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAM}.1:ALA VA SADDHATISSA
. 10. feeling (vedana)
II. Ten good principles of the great ground.
11. freedom from greed (alobha)
12. freedom from aversion
13. self-respect (hri)
14. fear-of-blame (apatriJpya)
15. confidence (sraddha)
16. tranquillity (prasrabdhi)
17. non-negligence (apramada)
18. harmlessness (ahi7!1sti)
19. energy (virya)
20. equanimity (upekijii)
III. Ten principles of defilement of the great ground.
21. wrong freedom
22. unmethodical attention (ayoniso-manasikiira)
23. non-deliberation (asalJ1prajanya)
24. careless self-possession
25. non-confidence (asraddhya)
26. indolence (kausidya)
27. distraction (vilqepa)
28. ignorance (avidyii)
29. vanity (auddhatya)
30. negligence (pramiida)
IV. Ten principles of restricted defilement of the ground.
31. anger (krodha)
32. enmity (upanaha)
33. deceit Uiithya)
34. &elfishness (miitsarya)
35. envy
36. spite (pradiisa)
37. deceptive appearance (maya.)
38. smearing (mralqa)
39. excess (mada)
40. injury (vihilJ1sii)
V. Two bad principles of the great ground.
41. non-self-respect (ahrikya)
42. non-fear-of-blame (anapatrapya)
VI. nine other principles appearing in the sarrzabhi.
43. greed (lobha)
44. aversion (dveija)
45. conceit (mana)
46. uncertainty (vicikitsii)
47. inertia (styana)
48. reasoning (vitarka)
FUMIMARO WATANABE
243
49. cogitation (viciira)
50. repentance (kaukrtya)
51. sloth (middha).
Such a classification can also be seen in the Abhidharmasara and the
Abhidharmasarasiitra. In the we see 43 mental
principles which are classified into seven categories, namely: the five cate-
gories mentioned above, 6. indeterminate principles with obstruction of
the great ground (nivrtavyakrtamahiibhumika-dharmas), * and 7. indetermi-
nate principles without obstruction of the great ground (anivrtavyakrtama-
habhumika-dharmas). * Indeterminate principles with obstruction are: 1.
ignorance (avidya), 2. inertia (styana), and 3. vanity (auddhatya). Indeter-
minate principles without obstruction are ten: 1. feeling (vedana), 2. percep-
tion (sa'lljfia), 3. volition (cetana), 4. contact (sparia), 5. will (chanda),
6. attention (manasikara), 7. determination (adhimukti), 8. self-possession
(smrti), 9. concentration (samadhi) , 10. understanding (prajiiii).9
The deals with 42 principles classified into
six categories: the five categories stated before, and 6. indeterminate princi-
ples of the ground (aniyata-bhumika-dharmas),* of which there are at least
four: 1. repentance (kaukrtya), 2. sloth (middha), 3. reasoning (vitarka) and
4. cogitation (vicara).10 We would say that from the number and classifica-
tion of mental principles in the and the Sa'llabhi.,
those in t1]e Abhidharmakosa were transmitted, refined, and finally
estabIished as:
1. Ten principles of the great ground.
II. Ten good principles of the great ground.
III. Six principles of defilement of the great ground.
IV. Two bad principles of the great ground.
V. Ten principles of restricted defilement of the ground.
VI. FOUT indeterminate principles of the ground.
On the other hand, Pali Buddhism. developed various types of thought
(citta) numbering 89 or I21,u Apart from the fact that the word" citta"
is considered to be a synonym of manas (mind) and vijilana (consciousness)
in a sense,I2 the classification of thoughts into 89 or 121 types was established
at the time of Abhidharma Buddhism. thoughts are also classified
from various points of view, such as seven elements of thought (six kinds
of consciousness and mind), the nature of good, bad, and indeterminate,
three kinds of existence (pleasures, visible objects, and invisible objects),
and so forth.13 Together with the classification of various types of thoughts
mental principles (caitasikas) seem to hflve also been investigated especially,
at the Abhidharma period. In the Nikayas, however, we see the following 15

1. reasoning (vitakka)
2. cogitation (vicara)
3. joy (pili)
244
FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAMMALAVA SADDHATISSO\
4. happiness (sukha)
5. one-pointedness of mind (cittekaggata)
6. will (chanda)
7. perception (sanna)
8. attention (manasikara)
9. contact (phassa)
10. feeling (vedana)
11. volition (cetanli)
12. determination (adhimokkha)
13. energy (viriya)
14. self-possession (sati)
15. equanimity (upekkha)
Although the above are not defined as mental principles yet in the Nikayas,
it is certain that from them many other principles were expanded atthe time
of Abhidharma Buddhism. For ey,.ample we see 40 types ofmental principles
in the Dhammasanga:QI (p. 9), 18 in the Kathavatthu (pp. 381, 386), and
52 in the Abhidhammatthasangaha (p. 6) of Anuruddha in the 12th century
A.CY We must notice here that some of the 52 mental plinciples in the
Abbidhammatthasangaba correspond to some of the 51 mental pl'inciples
in the SalJ'labhi., but some do not correspond to tuose in the latter. Let us
return to the subject .
. According to the salJ'lskara chapter in the Sarrlabhi., ten principles of the
great ground (Nos. 1 to 10 mentioned before) function as he four classes
of good, bad, the indeterminate with obstruction (nivrtavyalqta), and the
indeterminate without obstruction (anivrtavyiikrta); ten good principles
of the great ground (Nos. 11 to 20) function only as good; the ten principles
of defilement of the great ground (Nos. 21 to 30) function as bad and as the
indeterminate with obstruction; two bad principles of the great gl'ound
(Nos. 41 and 42) function only as bad; among ten principles of restricted
defilement of the ground (Nos. 31 to 40), deceit (No. 33), deceptive appea-
rance (No. 37) and excess (No. 39) function as bad and as the indeterminate
with obstruction, and the other principles (Nos. 31, 32,34, 35,36, 38 and 40)
function only as bad; and among nine othel' principles, repentance (No. 50)
functions as good; bad, and indeterminate.
16
Furthermore, the relationship between bad thoughts (akusala-citfas)
and mental principles in the existence of pleasures (kamabhava) is stated
in the chapter. Thoughts conjoined with greed (lobha), aversion
conceit (mana) and uncertainty (vicikitsa) occur with 21 mental principles:
17
.. 1. Nos. 1 to 10 (ten principles of the great ground).
2. Nos. 25, 26, 28, 29 and 30 (five of the ten principles of defilement Cit
the great ground). . . : .. :
3. Nos. 41 and 42 (two bad principles of the great ground).
4. Nos. 47, 48 and 49 (three of the nine other prfuCipIes}... .
Any ofth,e four :priAci:ples ($feed, AA,(i'v,Ucertail1ty).
1<tiMiMARo WATANABE
245
And thoughts conjoined with a wrong opinion adhering to
a (wrong) opinion and adhe jng to virtuous behaviour
(S'ilavrata-pariimarfa) occur with 20 mental principles:
1. Anyone of the three (a wrong opinion, adhering to a wl'ong opinion
and adhering to virtuous behaviour).
2. Nos. 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 and 10 (nine of the ten principles of the great
ground).
3. Nos. 25, 26, 28, 29 and 30 (five of the ten principles of defilement of
the great ground).
4. Nos. 41 and 42 (two bad principles of the great ground).
5. Nos. 47, 48 and 49 (three of the nine other principles).
And also thoughts conjoined ,vith a (wrong) opinion of an existing body
and a (wrong) opinion of holding to extremes
called indeterminate thoughts with obstruction) occur with 18 mental
principles:
1. Either of the two (a wrong opinion of an existing body and a wrong
opinion of holding to extremes).
2. Nos. 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 and 10.
3. Nos. 25, 26, 28, 29 and 30.
4. Nos. 47, 48 and 49.
As for the relationship between good thoughts (kufala-cittas) in the
existence of pleasures and mental principles, we see 22 principles:
1. Nos. 1 to 10 (ten principles of the great ground).
2. Nos. 11 to 20 (ten good principles of the great ground).
3. Nos. 48 and 49 (two of the nine other principles).
It is however. mentioned in the Abhidharmasara that good thoughts
occur with not 22, but 20 mental principles:
18
1. Nos. 1 to 10.
2. Nos. 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17 and 20.
3. Nos. 48 and 49.
In the Abhidharmasara, harmlessness (No. 18)and energy (No. 19) are
omitted. Since the AbhidhaJ;masarasutra of Upasanta deals with 22 mental
principles in the same way as in the Saf!1abhi.,19 it would be acknowledged
that good thoughts occur with 22 principles.
Next we see that thoughts conjoined with ignorance which is independent
of (ave;;ikavidya) greed, aversion, etc. occur with 20 mental principles:
1. Nos. 1 to 10.
2. Nos. 25, 26, 28, 29 and 30.
3. Nos. 41 and 42.
4. Nos. 47, 48 and 49.
We also see that indeterminate thoughts (avyakrta-citta) without obstruc-
tion (anivrta) in the existence of pleasures occur with 12 mental principles:
1. Nos. 1 to 10.
2. Nos. 48 and 49.
246
How about in the existence of visible objects (ntpabhava)? On this point,
we see that thoughts occur with 49 mental principles, because two bad
principles of the great ground (Nos. 41 and 42) are excluded from 51
principles at the first stage of meditation (dhyana) in the existence of visible
objects, and that since there is no occurrence of bad thoughts, thoughts
function only as good, independent (a.velJika) and indeterminate. Good
thoughts occur with 22 mental principles, which are similar to the case of
good thoughts in the existence of pleasures.
Thoughts conjoined with desire (trslJtl), conceit and uncertainty (called
indeterminate thoughts with obstruction) occur with 19 mental principles:
1. Nos. 1 to 10.
2. Nos. 25, 26, 28, 29 and 30.
3. Nos. 47, 48 and 49.
4. Anyone of the three (desire, conceit and uncertainty).
Thoughts conjoined with the five opinions (adhering to a wrong opinion,
adhering to virtuous behaviour, etc., called indeterminate thoughts with
obstruction) occur with 18 mental principles:
1. Anyone of the five opinions.
2. Nos. 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 and 10.
3. Nos. 25, 26, 28, 29 and 30.
4. Nos. 47; 48 and 49.
Thoughts conjoined with ignorance which is independent of desire,
conceit, and uncertainty also occur with 18 mental principles:
1. Nos. 1 to 10.
2. Nos .. 25, 26, 28, 29 and 30.
3. Nos 47, 48 and 49.
And also we can see that indeterminate thoughts without obstruction
in the existence of visible objects occur with 12 mental principles, which
is similar to the case of indeterminate thoughts in the existence of pleasures.
Concerning mental principles, the salJ1skiira chapter concludes with the
remark that in the existence of visible objects and in the existence of invisible
objects there is no function of repentance (No. 50) and sloth (No. 51), that
there is no occurrence of reasoning (No. 48) between the first and second
stages of meditation, and that neither reasoning nor cogitation (No. 49)
function at the second, third and fourth stages of meditation and in the
existence of invisible objects.
Compared with thoughts and mental principles in Pali Buddhism, which
are examined and classified in detail from various viewpoints, those in the
SalJ1abhi., as well as the Abhidharmasara and the Abhidharmasarasiitra
of the Sarvastivada school are not fully developed. As we stated in the
beginning of this paper, it is necessary to make a detailed comparative !>tudy
of these works. By doing so, we would trace the development of
Abhidharma philosophy in the Sarv[stiv[da school.
FUMIMARO WATANABE
247
I would like to conclude this paper with a list showing the relation of
thoughts to mental principles in the existence of pleasures and in the existence
of visible.o bjects:
Kinds of thoughts Number of mental
principles
--
Bad thoughts with greed, aversion etc . 21*
. Bad thoughts with a wrong opinion,
adhering to a wrong opinion, etc. 20*
Indeterminate thoughts with
obstruction 18*
Existence of
pleasures Good thoughts 22*
Thoughts with ignorance whi(;h is
independent of greed, aversion, etc. 20*
Indeterminate thoughts without
obstruction 12*
*If repentance or sloth functions, or if
both of them function, one or two
more must be added to the number
of mental principles
-
Good thoughts 22
Thoughts with desire, conceit, etc.
(The indeterminate with obstruction) 19
xistence of E Thoughts with a wrong opinion,
visible adhering to a wrong opinion, etc. 18
objects (The indeterminate with obstruction)
Thoughts with ignorance which is
independent of desire, conceit, etc. 18
Indeterminate thoughts without
obstruction 12
248 FESTSCHRIFT FOR HAMMALAVA SADDHATtSSA
NOTES
* The:: foundation of mental functions.
1. The Japanese Translation of the Chinese Tripi/aka (Kokuyaku Issaikyo) Tokyo 1932,
the Abhidharma Section, vol. 20, pp. 10-11, and A. K. Warder, Indian Buddhism
2nd., ed. Delhi 1981, p. 535.
2. See The Japanese Translation of the Chinese Tripitaka, op. cit., p. 11.
3. Since the word dharma as used in the Abhidharma works could be understood as
meaning 'principle', it will be employed as a plural hereafter in most cases.
4. New Paths in Buddhist Research (Acorn Press, U.S.A.) in the press.
5. T. Kimura, A Study of Abhidharma Texts (Abhidharma-ron no kenkyu) Tokyo 1937-
pp. 271-97, and H. Sakurabe, A Study of the Abhidharmakoabhti"ya (Abhidharma,
koabhti$ya no kenkyu) Kyoto 1969, pp. 58-60.
6. A. C. Banerjee, Sarvastivtida Literature, Calcutta 1957, p. 74.
7. T. Kimura, op. cit., pp. 298-324.
8. T XXVID 1552 8SDe-S8Sc.
9. T XXVII 1545 220a.
10. T XXIX 1558 20a, and P. Pradhan, ed, Abhidliarm-koshabhti$ya of Vasubandhu,
Patna 1967, p. 57. According to A. K. Warder, op.cit., p. 536, the Abhidharmakosa-
belongs to the Sautrantika school which insists that the mental principles
are not different from 'thought' (citta) itself. However, 42 mental principles are
dealt with in the This point must be clarified in reading
the work. In this connection see S. Katsura's Ph.D. dissertation, "A Study of
Harivarman's Tattvasiddhi" Univ. of Toronto 1974, pp. 78-92, where Harivarman's
dharma theory appearing in the Tattvasiddhisastra is examined in comparison with
the dharma theory of the Sthavifaviidin and Sarvastivadin schools. .
11. See DhammasangaJ)i, pp. 9-124 and Abhidhammatthasangaha, pp. 1-4.
12. S II 94-5.
13. See A. K. Warder, op.cit., pp. 303-8.
14. MID25.
15. K. Mizuno, The Problems of Mind or Consciousness in Buddhism (Bukyo no shinshiki-
ron) Tokyo 1964, pp. 263-8.
16. According to the (T XXVII 1545 191a-b) and the Abhi-
(T XXIX 1545 20b-c) repentance does not function as indeter-
minate.
17. For the sake of brevity, numbers are used instead of words. For meaning, see the
list of 51 mental principles indicated earlier.
18. T XXVID 1551 811a.
19. T.XXVID 1551 837b.
THE ORIGIN OF THE BUDDHA IMAGE
CH.ANDRA WICKRAMAGAMAGE
There is a considerable amount of folklore in recorded history relating
to the origin of the Buddha image. Although the legends involved have
been preserved in the traditional Buddhist countries of South-East Asia
and the Far East, their origin can be ascribed to India from whence they were
subsequently conveyed to neighbouring countries by Buddhist Dhamma-
diitas. Moreover, there are many instances where deviations have occurred
from the original legend. Thus, in the Theravadin countries, it is believed
that the Buddha image was first fashioned during the lifetime of the Buddha
in the kingdom of Kosala by King Pasenadi. The broad Mahayana tradition,
however, credits King Udayana (Udena) of Kausambi as the creator of
the first such image. The overwhelming majority of scholars do not,however,
attach any historical credence to these stories. But could there, in fact, be
some element of truth in them?
Let us first take the legend of the making of the Buddha image by Pasenadi
of Kosala. There is a collection of fifty Jataka tales supposed to have been
written in the 13th or 14th century in northern Chiengmai (Siam), known
in BUl'ma as the Zimme-Pannasa.
1
The 37th tale in this coDection is called
the VattaJiguli Jiitaka and r ~ ~ o r s how the first image of the Buddha came
to be set up by Pasenadi. The Buddha, whilst residing at the Jetavana,
related the story of a good deed done by himself in a previous birth.
It so happened that, one day, the Buddha was out of the monastery
travelling in various directions with the intention of training those that
could be trained. King Pasenadi, desiring to see the Buddha, visited the
monastery accomp.:mied by his retinue carrying flowers and incense and,
having entered the chamber of the Buddha, was gl'ieved by his absence
and declared with great sorrow: "Friends, the whole of the Jetavana is
empty and desolate without the Samma-Sambuddha .... , " and went away
with a heavy heart. The Buddha, having preached to those that could be
trained and caused them to attain the Path and Fruit of the Dispensation,
eventually returned to the Jetavana monastery. Having heard of his return,
Pasenadi became delightfully happy and visited the Buddha once again
in the Jetavana. Having approached and saluted him reverentially, he sat
down at one side and spoke 'thus: "Venerable Lord, yesterday the people
of Siivatthi were stricken with grief at not being able to see you and went
away in great SOl'fOW." He continued; "Blessed One, 0 Lord, whenever
you are out of the monastery the great multitude that gathers to see you is
so disappointed that they go away in great sorrow. When you have passed
away in Parinibbana, surely they will be inconsolable. Therefore, Lord
may you permit us to erect an image of your noble physical form .... ",
Having heald these words of the king, the Blessed Lord, out of his great
compassion for the worldlings and also considering the good that may
come from the firm establishment of the Sa.sana, granted permission to the
king and declared: "0 king, if a human being with his heart full of con-
fidence were to erect an image of myself, even small, out of clay or otherwise,
according to his ability .... ," and then related the Vattailguli Jataka.
The king and the multitude, having listened to the discourse, were over-
come with great joy and offered flowers and incense then and there and
returned to their homes. The king ordered a core of sandalwood to be
brought and had it carved (likhiipetva) into a most magnificent image of
the Buddha of equal dimensions. Having had it polished repeatedly, he
had it painted and then dressed it in the twin robes of lacquer colour and
placed it on a pedestal covered with precious raiment. Thereupon, the king
performed obeisance and made offerings to the Buddha image; he then
approached the Buddha at the Jetavana monastery and uttered the following
stanza:
Taya. bhante anufifliitaf!l tava bimbaf!l me sukiiritaf!l
icchiimi gamanaf!l tuyhaf!l passituf!l tattha te rupaf!l
sviitaniiya te gamanaf!l ruccati mama sammii ti
(Venerable Lord, with your permission I have er.ected a magnificent image
of you. May you come and view it, this is my wish. I solicit your arrival
tomorrow, my honoured friend). Whereupon the Buddha gave his con-
sent by maintaining a noble silence.
The next day the Buddha, accompanied by his disciples, visited the
pavilion set up in the great mansion of the king in order to view the image.
At that moment the sandalwood image, seeing as it were the glorious form
of the living Buddha, became animated and thought thus: "It is, indeed,
unbecoming of me to be seated on a pedestal when the exalted living Buddha
has come to see me. I shall pay my respects in a fitting manner. " Thinking
thus, it arose from its seat and made a step forward to welcome the Blessed
One. The Buddha having seen this, from within bis robe strc.tched out his
right hand which could be compared to the trunk of the beautiful, celestial
elephant, Era.va:Q.a, and stopped the approaching image saying thus:
A vuso tvaf!l tittha naciren' evtJhaf!l
nibbiiyissami' niigate paiicavassasahassiini
ciren' eva tVa/J'l ca sabbadii tittheyyiisi siisane mama
(Friend, stop, before long I shall pass away into Parinibbana, but you shall
continue to stay an for another five thousand y e a r ~ . Having spoken thus
the Buddha conferred on the image the entire Dispensation.
In Sri Lanka this story is narrated not as a Ja.taka tale but as the Kosala-
Bimba-valp:zanii in Pali and the Kosala-Bimba-Van:zanava in Sinhala. It
can be surmised that the Pali version was composed during the Polon-
naruva period, while the Sinhala translation shows indications of language
CHANDRA WICKRAMAGAMAGE 251
style of the Dambadeniya or a later period. In Sri Lanka, aftel' the o m ~
pletion oran image, the painting of the eyes is a vital art and is done to the
recitation of the Kosala"Bimba-var(wniiva.
2
Several copies of this text have
been found in various temples in Sl'i Lanka.
3
According to Fa-hsien, who
travelled widely in India (399-414), it is said that the King of Kosala
had a great desire to see the Euddha during the time he left the human
world to preach Dhamma to his mother in the Tavati:q:tsa heaven. Thus the
king is supposed to have carved a Buddha image out of Gosisa-sandalwood
and placed it in the Buddha's chamber. The image is said to have become
animated and walked fonward on the arrival of the Buddha fnom that heaven.
However, the Buddha entreated it to return to its original position saying,
"After my Parinibbana you can continue. to be the model for Buddha images
for my followers. " On hearing this, the image moved back. This first image
is said to have served as a model for all subbequent images.
4
Fa-hsien's evidence shows that the legend about the first image being
made by King Pasenadi of Kosala was prevalent in India during the latter
half of the 4th century. In all probability, therefore, the story is likeJy to
have reached Burma and Sri Lanka from India and thus become well known
among the Theravadins at that time.
Hsiian-tsang, who travelled in India over two centuries later (629-45),
describes a Buddha image made of sandalwood placed inside a mas.sive
monastery in Kausambi. He says that it had been the first of its kind modelled
during the Buddha's lifetime by King Udayana. His account runs as follows:
The Buddha, after his attainment of Buddhahood, visited a heaven to
preach Dharma to his mother and was away for three montb.s. Udayana,
who, with great devotion, often recalled him, wanted to fashion an image
of the Buddha. Therefore he requested Ven. Maudgalyayana to use his
supernormal powers to scnd an artist to this heaven so as to make a close
study of the physical features of the Buddha. He then employed an artist
to make an image out of sandalwood. On the arrival of the Buddha from
the heaven this image is said to have arisen and paid obeisance. Then the
Buddha with great compassion declared: "What is expected of you is con-
version of people of other religions and then directing them on the path
in the future. ' ,5
According to his Records the first image had been made by Udayana
of Kausambi and not Pasenadi of Kosab. According to the Theravada
tradition and Fa-hsien, however; the image was placed in the Jetavana
monastery in Sravasti in the kingdom of Kosala. Nevertheless, it is evident
that the legend of the Buddha image having been made by Udayana was
well known in Kausambi.
6
In the Chinese translation of the Udayana-Rajasutra (end of 7th century)
there is a reference to an image called the" Udayana" image, According
to that, Sakyamuni visited a heaven to preach Dharma to his mother.
During this time Udayana, with the help of .thesupernorm'}l. po.wers.of
252 FESTSCimiFT FOR iIAMMALA VA SADDiIA TISsA
Maudgalyayana, sent thirty-two artists along with a sandalwood core ,to
the heaven and had an image carved there. Even at the time of the composi-
tion of the Siitra the image was preserved unimpaired. It can be concluded
that this story was merely a copy of the legend that Hsuan-tsang gathered
at Kausambi, the reason being that a replica of the statue, it is said, had
been taken to China in 66 A.C.
Between 383 and 386 Kumarajiva is reported to have had in his possession
a sandalwood image when he was captured by the army of King Fu-chien.
In 405 Kumarajiva and the image were taken to China. Chinese records
mention that this was the first known sandalwood image and that it had
been made on the orders of Udayana. But this later record appears contrary
to the account of Hsuan-tsang who indicated that he had actually seen the
sandalwood image in c. 640 at Kausambi; therefore, it could not have been
taken to China in 405. It is possible that a replica of the first image was
taken,7 but Chinese Buddhists believe that it is the original image made
by Udayana that they have come to possess.
8
The image taken by Kumara-
jlva and placed in the Sandalwood Monastery in Peking is reported to have
subsequently disappeared. It is mentioned in the rock edict of that monastery
in 1721 how the original image came to China and was conveyed to various
places at different times,
9
but according to other reports the original image
had never been taken outside India.
10
Hsuan-tsang is certain that what the people of Khotan believed about
the massive image housed in their main monastery being none other than
the one made by Udayana of Kausambi is incorrect since he himself had
seen the original image in Kausambi.l1
Fa yuan chu-lin, in an extract from an earlier document, says that the
Chinese emperor is supposed to have dreamt that the Udayana Buddha
image had anived in China. and a mission headed by a general was sent
by the emperor to India where they saw the image at Sravasti. As it was
not possible to remove the image, they constructed a replica and took it
back to China in 511.
12
From all these reports the most significant fact that emerges is that the
original Buddha image is reported to have been both at Kausambi and
Sravasti. Since the Chinese Buddhists could not reconcile themselves to
this paradox, they maintained that the image at Sravasti purported to have
been made by Pasenadi of Kosala was nothing but a replica of the original
Kausambi Buddha
Since the Buddha had resided at the Jetavana monastery at Sravasti as
well as in various in Kausambi, it is possible that both places
had images of the Buddha in later years and it is obvious that the original
Buddha image was made in only one of these two places.
According to the Japanese Buddhist tradition, the first Buddha image
is supposed to have been produced by the Buddha himself, and was made
of solid gold and not of sandalwood.
13
There is a folktale of Japanese origin concerning a Buddha picture drawn
on a piece of cloth. It .is said that during the lifetime of the Buddha some
merchants from Sravasti who were out sailing met with a storm and drifted
to Sri Lanka. Princess Ratnavall of the Island is supposed to have sent a
message to the Buddha through those merchants asking for ambrosia.
When the Buddha complied with this request, he consented to send a picture
of himself. However, since the artists who wen; employed were not sufficiently
competent to draw such a picture, they got a piece of cotton cloth, held
it behind the Lord and by means of the shadow that fell on the cloth they
were able to obtain an outline of the Buddha which was then painted in a
fitting manner. Though the Tibetan sources
14
do not refer to Sri Lanka,
the Divyavadana contains this story in greater detail.
I5
According to this
text King Bimbisara had a desire to send a picture of the Buddha drawn
on a piece of cloth to King UdrayaI;la of Roruka. He then convened the
best artists and requested them to draw it but they declared that they were
incapable of getting the likeness of the Buddha. Thereupon the Buddha
himself ordered a cloth to be brought and caused a silhouette to far: on it.
The artists painted the outline thus obtained and ceFtain sutra passages
were then written underneath the painting.
16
The commertary to the Thera-
gatha carries this story with slight modifications.
17
Jaina literature also contains a story similar to that of the sandalwood
image mentioned earlier. According to this, during the lifetime of Maha-
vita, his image was made out of sandalwood by Vidyummali. The story
goes as follows:
One Kumaranandi of Campa, who was a goldsmith by profession, died,
was reborn in a heaven and was called Vidyummali. A celestial friend of
his called Accuta met him at Nandisvara, where a divine festival was being
held, and asked him to erect an image of MahaviFa and make offerings.
Vidyummali then procured a massive trunk of sandalwood from the Hima-
layas and carved an image of Mahavira. He is supposed to have given
this away to someone, but Udayana is alleged to have received it and
offerings were made by his queen with great devotion. (The King was a
contemporary of Mahiivlra who held the Sindhu-Sauvlra teFritory under
hisdomain.)l8
According to U. P. Shah, however, the Udayana referred to here is not
the same individual who ruled KausambI as mentioned in the Buddhist
texts.
19
(The Japanese Udayana also refers to a ruler of the Sindhu-Sauvlra
territory.) Shah is of the opinion that the Buddhists have copied this story
from the Jains. P. S. Jaini says that it is not correct to accept either theory,
namely, that the image that Hsiian-tsang saw was the original or Shah's
theory about the Buddha image being a copy of Mahavlra 's image.
20
The Pali Commentaries mention a Buddha image having been created by
supernormal powers by the Naga king, Mahakala. Asoka venerated this
jmage for a ~ k by making elaborate offerings.
21
The Divyavadana men-
tions that Asoka's teacher, Upagupta, had, in fact, been shown an image
of the Buddha created by Mara through divine power.22
A Jain of Mathura was supposed to have drawn a picture of the Buddha
in an attitude of prayer towards Mabi'ivIra. A similar picture allegedly
existed at the township of Pataliputra.
23
According to all these narratives it can be surmised that the first Buddha
image came into being in the 3rd century B.C.,inlndia, but the art of that.
Period does not display any evidence of the existence of a Buddha image.
In the sculptures of SancI and Bharhut there are symbols of Gautama Buddha
and pl:evious Buddhas not in the form of images but in the form of the Bodhi
tree. Scholars are of the opinion, therefore, that there were no images of
the Buddha at that time.
According to archaeological sources there could not have been any
images prior to the 1st century B.C. It has been recognised that the Buddha
image on the coins of the Saka king, Maues (c. 20 B.C.-22 A.C.), depicts
the contemplative attitude. A similar image is inscribed on the coins of the
ruler, Kujula Kadphises I (c. IS-c. 65). Apart from these the ancient
Ujjeni coins also display a Buddha image which rests on a fully blossomed
lotus, a symbol of transcendence, but these coins are not older than the
1st century. It may be stated that the Buddha image on '5 reliquary
from Brmaran (found near Jelalabad, Afghanistan, and now in the British
Museum), could not be prior to the 1st century A.C.
It is asserted there is no archaeological evidence obtained so far that can
lead to the assertion that Buddha images were made earlier than the 1st
century B.C., let alone their existence during the Buddha's lifetime One
must treat this view with great caution because, according to the Mahii-
va1!lsa, the eaFliest Buddha images in Sri Lanka belong to the 3rd century
B.c.
24
The Apadanii, whicb was composed slightly earlier, contains references
to the very earliest Buddha images in India.
25
One can hope that it may
be possible to substantiate the1-e views during future archaeological re-
searches. Therefore, the present evidence that the Buddha image originated
in the 1st century B.C., is only a temporary premise. There is still a vast
amount of archaeological excavation to be done in Sri Lanka and India;
till then, we should not discredit the folk traditions connected with the
earliest Buddha image.
NOTES
1. P. S. laini, "On the Buddha Image", Studies inPali and Buddhism, ed. A. K. Narain,
Delhi 1979, p. 184. '
2. A. K. Coomaraswamy, Medieval Sinhalese Art, 2nd ed., New York 1956, p. 71.
3. KosalabimbavalpJanti', ed. M. Sudharma Karunatilaka, Kegalia 1939. See also
Richard F. Gombrich (ed. and tr.), "Kosala-Bimba-Vawana", Buddhism in Ceylon
and Studies on Religious Syncretism in Buddhist Countries (ed. Heinz Bechert),
Gottingen 1978; R. E. Emerick (ed. & tr.) The Book of Zambasta, OUP, London
1968, ch. 23, pp. 343-68; and Stephen Beyer (tr. Ta-ch 'eng tsao-hsiang kung-te
ching- "The meritorious virtue of making images"); The Buddhist Experience,
Belmont, 1974, p. 46.
4. Samuel Beal (tr.), Buddhist Records of the Western World. 2 vols, London, 2nd ed.
1906. 1. Introduction, p. xliv.
5. Ibid.
6. William Willetts, Chinese Art I, Pelican Books, Harmondsworth 1958, p. 316 If.
7. Ibid. pp. 317-9.
8. Ibid. p. 319.
9. Ibid. p. 317
10. Ibid.
II. Ibid. pp. 17-19.
12. Ibid. p. 319.
13. Alice Getty. The Gods of Northern Buddhism, Oxford 1914, p. 16.
14. W. W. Rockhill, The Life of the Buddha and Early History of His Order, London,
2nd ed. 1907, p. 59.
15. Divytivadtina, ed. P. L. Vaidya, Darbhanga 1959, p. 446.
16. Ibid.
17. Theragiithatthakathti (SHB), pp. 199-200 (=PTS 1940 I, p. 211).
18. U. P. Shah, "A Unique laina Image of Jivantasvami", Journal of the Oriental
Institute I, Baroda 1951, pp. 71-9; "Sidelights on the Lifetime Sandalwood Image
of Mahavfra ", ibid., iii, pp. 358-67.
19. Ibid.
20. P. S. Jaini, "On the Buddha Image", op. cit.
21. The Chronicle of the Thilpa and the ThIlpaval;lsa, ed. and tr. N. A. Jayawickrama,
PTS 1970, p. 48.
12. Divyiivadtina, op. cit., p. 225.
23. Ibid. p. 278.
24. The MahtiVa1!1sa, ed. W. Geiger, PTS., 1958, p. 318, v. 1/.8.
25. Apadtina I, PTS., 1925, v. 18.
SINHALA BUDDHIST PAINTING
ITS STYLES AND TRADITION
NANDADEVA WIJESEKARA
Several references in ancient Pali Literature seem to suggest the existence
of an indigenous tradition of painting in ancient Sri Lanka. M ahiivar!'lsa
describes the beautifully decorated pavilion built on the orders of Kuveni
1
for spending the night with Prince Vijaya.
Among Vijaya's followers there were penmns versed in arts and crafts.
They would have adopted traditional Indian art fol' decorating the new
buildings especially on festive occasions. Of course the King of PaJ.H;lu
2
sent to Vijaya craftsmen and a 1000 families belonging to the 18 guilds. It
is difficult to believe that artists and painters were not among the new arrivals.
King Pa1J.<;lubibhaya is recorded as having celebrated annual festivals
with due ceremonial in the company of native Chiefs like Kalavela and
Cittaraja. Mahiiva/'flSa
3
records. "On festival days he (king) sat with Cittaraja
beside him on a seat of equal height, and having gods and men to dance
before him. "
The king also built a Chapel for the Queens of the West, God of wealth
(Kuvera) and God of Huntsmen. The pavilions built to accommodate
royalty and Chiefs could not have been without multi-coloured decoration.
The places of worship, too would have been beautified with colourful
decoration according to the traditional practice and style.
Another art tradition that should 110t be overlooked is that belonging
to the ancient hydraulic civilization of Sri Lanka. The people of this civiliza-
tion possessed an art of stone cutting and carving which continued down
the ages. It is therefore difficult to deny to men of such a developed society
a knowledge of painting as well. However, this factor should be borne in
mind.
Mention is often made of the pl'osperous kingdom of Ravana of ancient
Lanka. If Lanka of the Ramayana
5
was Sri Lanka then the art of this period
has also to be remembered. Painting may have been a necessary accom-
paniment of ornamentation and decoration.
It is suggested therefore that when Buddhism was introduced in 247 B.C.
by thel'a Mahinda the Sinhalese had a tradition of art and painting. This
tradition had developed 011 indigenous lines influenced by Indian art and
painting. The exact nature and style cannot be determined as no evidence
prior to Buddhism is available. That is no proof of non-existence. If one
is allowed to hazard a guess one can imagine two traditions. One was the
popular tradition at the local (village) level and the other WaS the grand
tradition at the Court level.
NANDADEVA WIJESEKARA
257
With the introduction of Buddhism in 247 RC. a complete revolution
in art and painting took place. Buddhist art according to the Indian tradition
and style superseded all forms of art and painting in Sri Lanka. Buddhist
art including painting in all its manifestations was immediately adopted
by the Court and people. This meant painting as practised by the IndIan
Buddhists of the 3rd Centmy B.C. Unfortunately not even a trace of any
painting of the earliest Buddhist period has survived.
. The new spirit of the new religion had to be engendered in the mind of
the people through visual representation, i.e. architecture (dagaba), sculpture
(images) and painting (events). Earliest forms of these paintings can still
be seen in the at Ajanta. Naturally therefore the early traditions and
styles of Indian Buddhist paintings would have inspired the Sinhala painters
to imitate them. But without material evidence such an argument may not
be convincing. Nevertheless, there is no reason to doubt that early Sinhala
painters would have portrayed scenes from the life of the Buddha to adorn
the temples, and to instill in the minds of the people religious fervour.
Among the members of the 18 guilds accompanying the Buddhist missions
there were painters. They would have introduced the traditions and styles
of the ancient art of Indian painting especially that prevailing at Sanchi.
This was the Mauryan tradition adopted by the court of Emperor Asoka.
MahiivaT}1sa
s
gives a list of the scenes painted on the inner walls of the
relic chamber of the Ruvanvali Saya (Mahii Thilpa). No doubt these were
the themes adopted by the Buddhist painters of early times. It is useful to
know them. The li&t is given below:
1. events during the 7 weeks after Enlightenment
2. prayer of Brahma to preach
3. admission ofYasa into the order
4. preaching the
5. pabbajja of the Bhaddavaggiyas
6. subduing the Jatilas
7. visit of King Bimbisara and entry into Rajagaha
8. aocepting Veluvana Vibiira
9. eighty disciples
10. Journey to Kapilavatthu
11. pabbajja of Rahula and Nanda
12. accepting Jetavana Vihiira
13. miracle at the foot of the mango tree
14. preaching in the heavens to gods
15. encountef with the elephant Nalagiri (Dhanapala)
16. subduing yakkha Alavaka
17. subduing robber Angulimala
18. subduing. Naga king Apalaka
19. accepting the dish of porR: from Cund,a,
20. Parinibbana
21. the burning of the body
22. Jatakas
23. descent from heaven at Sankissa
"The Jatakas also which are filled to awaken faith did the noble (kin.g)
place here in abundance." Such a list may have been introduced by Thera
Mahinda or his immediate successors even as the historical events were
introduced. Sinhala painters continued to portray the same scenes in the
temples ever since that time. The subject-matter of all Sinhala paintings
confirm this record more or less. The solitary exception may be the paintings
at Sigiriya.
At this point it may be stated that scholars believe that the Pali Maba-
vatpsa may have been compiled from material preserved in the Sihala
Atthakatha preserved at the Mahavihara written in old Prakrt. At the time
of erecting the Maha. Thupa (145 B.C.) such scenes were actually popular
with the Buddhist painters. A doubt remained for long about the actual
location of the paintings. This doubt was cleared when it was later disco-
vered that the relic chambers of the dagiibas at Mihintale and Mahiyarigana
contaiu.ed a few of these scenes. These paintings were executed according
to the two traditions mentioned earlier and their styles too differed one
from the other. The classical tradition was adopted for depicting the Scenes
showing the Buddha and Gods and the popular tradition for the Jatakas
and decoration.
According to the Pali commentaries
7
ceilings of living caves and other
monastic as well as secular establishments were painted with secular themes.
But the resident monks had not seen them although they had lived in the
caves for years. They were meditating monks and perhaps they disdained
the sight of paintings on secular themes.
8
It is a remarkable phenomenon which appears seemingly true that at
Sigiriya one is confronted with paintings that are fully developed and mature.
Many have failed to understand this stage of development in Sinhalapainting.
There is nothing strange and wonderful. What one sees at Sigiriya is the
developed manifestation during a period somewhat rtmovedfrom its fore-
going connections. It is the tradition of court art. The surprising element is
its secular aspect lacking the spirit of Buddhism.
Sigiriya paintings represent the female forms of exceptional beauty and
sensuous appeal. The figures painted in polychrome-green, red and yellow-
may belong to two ethnic groups of the times. The ladies are golden in
body colour whilst the attendants are olive green in hue. They resemble
ladies of Indian paintings and like them are portrayed in the c1assica:I tradi-
tion. Although 500 such paintings are mentioned in the graffiti only a few
have survived, i.e., 14 in pocket Band 3 in pocket A.
The figures express subtle moods in a variety of poses. The ladies wear
flowers and they drop flowers in gentle movements with their lovely fingers,
NANDADEVA WlJEsEkARA 259
Who they were and how they came to be portrayed on a side of the rock
remains a deep mystery.
The earliest to record the spontaneous reactions by seeing these paintings
were the visitors to Sigiriya. They have written down in verse on the mirrored
wall the thoughts of love, wonder and joy. Even somt' of the visitors wefe
amazed at their beauty and sex appeal. But the scholars thought otherwise.
They were ladies of Kasyapa's Court, Apsaras in Tusita Heaven, worshippers,
ladies engaged in festivities, lightning maidens or mourners for a dead
king. To the visitors the figures were real living beings estranged from theif
loved ones.
The &tyle of Sigiriya paintings may be graphically described as line draw-
ing with brush and paint. The depth is expressed by the clever application
of colour to produce a plastic effect. The perfect line instinct with
beauty and drawn in one sweep of the brush seldom needed correction by the
Mastel' Painter. Form was as it were crying for expression at their hands.
What the poet achieved in words and the sculptor in marble the painter
realized in line and colour.
Yet the line has been expsnded so limitedly and so economically that no
superficial extravagance is &uggested anywhere. Careful observation and
deliberate study alone could produce such masterpieces of painting. The
reward for such ingenuity was the majestic grace of the divine or human
figures so lovely to look at and so tempting to Jove.
A word about the tradition of this art form may be recorded here. The
paintings have certainly developed in the classical tradition. There is a close
relationship to the art of Ajanta and Bagh. But it seems to be an indigenous
product inspired by the Andhra school of painting. The art of decorative
design had also developed along traditional lines preserved in the popular
tradition. The paintings on the ceiling of Naipene Cave are good examples.
One thing seems strange and inexplicable. The themes in Sigiriya are
not Buddhist. This is an aberration but not a freak. These belonged to the
Aft Gallery of Kasyapa's Court. This tradition ended at Sigiriya never
more to reappear again.
At Hindagala Buddhist paintings in the classical tradition reappear.
Here were scenes during the seven weeks under the Badhi tree after attaining
Buddhahood. The Buddha is seated under the Ajapala Tree during the 5th
week. Brahma bedecked with be;!Utiful -ornaments and elaborate bead-
dress entreats the Buddha to pl'each. In the other scene the Buddha is seated
under the Rajiiyatana Tree; dUl'ing the 4th week. Sakra, 4 Lokapalas, two
merchants-Tapassu and Bhalluka are also present. Note the presence of
the cart and bull.
The important fact to remember is that the scenes portl'ayed here are
.among those painted on the walls of the relic chamber in the Maha Thiipa.
The classical tradition is followed in the same style as at Sigil'iya. However
the figures lack depth and the surenes& of line. Neveltheless the Buddhist
260
FESTSCHRIFT FOR .tIAMMALAVA SADDHATISSA
theme and the veJ!y presence of the Buddha figure evoke deep .religioJ.1s
emotion.
Beyond Anuradhapura and near Isurumuniya are two caves at Vessa-
giriya. Cave No.9 has preserved outlines of a female figure in yellow with
dashes of red. In Cave No. 10 if> the figure of a prince. These two follow the
classical tradition. The delineation in them exhibit equal spirit, technique
~ n colour and level of art as the frescoes at Sigiriya. These, however, lack
the plastic effect of Sigiriya paintings.
Fa Hsian (412 A.D.) mentions in his book
9
that scrdlb containing paintings
of Jiitakas were carried in procession. These had been done in the popular
tradition (folk art). No paintings belonging to the early period have been
found so far. No paintings of Jiitakas bave been discovered at Anuradhapura.
It is important to mention the presence of decorative motifs in the popular
tradition painted on a pillar in the Eastern Vahalkada of the Mahii Thiipa.
Here the liyavlila, flower buds, flower circle, kiunara (bird and human) axe
used in the. scroll design. A dwarf carrying a pole is painted. Fine lines and
finer curves are to be seen. Red, yellow, blue and their shades al'e visible.
It is interesting to note the pre&ence of two kinnara birds on the top left
corner of the scene portraying the Buddha seated under the Ajapiila Tl'ee
at Hii).dagala.
Paintings were discovered on the walls of the iune!' relic chambers
of diiglibas at Mihintale and Mabiyangana. These paintings confirmed
tbe truth of the statement in the Mahiivarrzsa that the inner walls
of the relic chamber of the Maha Thiipa were painted. At Mibintale
lO
a
scene of gods was painted in classical tradition. At MahiyaiLgana
ll
the
Buddha is portJ!ayed under the Bodhi TJ!ee in the presence of Sudassana
Brahma: These figures are painted in the classical style. The Bodhi Trt;e
is highly stylized and is painted in the popular tradition. Both tl'aditions
were employed during this period of 11th Century A.D.
The two traditions of painting always existed subject to periods of
fluctuating fortunes. At Polonnaruva only a few paintings have survived.
These are sufficient to confirm the resurgence of both traditions simulta-
neously. Some of the finest products of the times survived into. recent times
at the Tiva:tika. Pilimage. It was a period of renai&sance both in Buddhism,
art and literature. Painting once again reached its peak of development.
A conspicuous feature is the popularity of the Jiitakas both in literature and
painting.
rhe temples were painted both inside and outside. In the ante-chamber
were depicted the Jiitakas and the scenes of worshipping devas in processions.
In the sanctum were scenes from the life of the Buddha. The two traditions
are present side by side. The deSCent of the Buddha at Sankissa is painted
in the classical tradition and the Jatakas in the popular tradition. Among
them were Asalika Jiitaka, Mahasudassana Jiitaka, Kusa Jiitaka.
Attne Gal Vihara Cave at Polonnaruva two. strips of painting in the
NANDADEVA WUESEKARA
261
classical tradition have survived. On the panel tothe right are floral designs,
figure of an old Brahamin and an ornamented deva. On the left panel is an
old Brahamin with white beard and moustache. Two figures of deities are
also to be seen: The figures have been portI'ayed in the classical tradition
and the decoration is in the popular tradition.
About 20 miles from Polonnaruva is a group of caves at Diillbulagala.
Some of them contain Buddhist paintings. In Cave No.2 at Dirilbulagala
are painted the final episode of the Sasa Jataka and part of the Vessantara
Jataka. In Cave No. 1 the Buddha is portrayed in Dhyana Mudra under an
arch. There is also a pleasing design of a row of geese one behind the other.
Pulligoda Cave is in the same vicinity. Here a group of persons in a r:ow
is painted in the classical tradition. The figures are neatly drawn ornamented
and nimbate. The scene has not been identified.
Of the Jataka stories 27 have' been identified altogether from sculpture
and painting in India. It had been possible to identify 13 Jataka paintings
at the Tivanka Pilimage.12 Out of these, 4 Jatakas have beeu popular in
Lanka. These were Vessantara, Vidura PaJ;u;lita, Miigapakkha and Mahli-
Ummagga.
In conclusion it has to be stated that Sinhalese painting has inherited
certain elements from earlier Indian sources. With the introduotion of
Buddhist art and painting from Sanchi the tradition obtaining there com-
pletely dominated Sinhala painting in subject-matter, spirit and style. What
this tradition was can be understood by reference to the list recorded in
the Mahiivarrzsa.
The of painting mentioned so far lead one to accept two traditions
of painting with their: respective styles and techniques. One is the classical
or literal'Y tradition. The forms in this tradition were derived from the con-
cepts idealized in text books and literature:
The scenes portrayed are often those mentioned in the list already men-
tioned in the Mahiivarrzsa. The figures thert;in repl'esented the Buddha,
. Bodhisattva, Sakra, Brahma, Devas and Brahamins. These persons
have been portrayed in the most charming manner. In dignity and solemnity
each represented an ideal with supreme beauty and grace. The gods and
devas were heavily decorated with a vadety of ornaments. The Buddha
alone personified deep contemplation and eternal peace.
The othel' was the popular or folk .tradition. This was especially used
in depicting Jatakas. The narrative style offered a means of presenting
stories in pictures instead of words. The decorative requirements were also
fulfilled mostly through this tradition. Animals, creepers, flowers and geo-
metrical concepts constituted the elements of decoration. The colours were
applied flat except in the case of the Bodhisattva.
Human beings were portrayed in three quarter aspect. The narrative was
continued from one panel to another with an individual or scene being
repeate.d to show the connection. The figures were not in perspective but
262 FESTSCHRIFt FOR HAMMAtAVA SADDHATISSA
were drawn as one sees them.
In style the popular tradition differed markedly from the classical. Even
the lines are erratic, curves have lost their rhythm and present a seemingly
poor appearance. The aim was narralive. But these paintings present a
beauty in simplicity and a capacity to arouse deep religious emotions in
the mind of the Buddhist devotee.
Strangely enough we see at Polonnaruva the juxtaposition of paintings
in both traditions at Tivanka Pilimage. These are employed for different
purposes. Hence their manifestation in two areas of the same temple. Those
in the outer chamber are intended to arouse religious emotion and the
paintings in the sanctum for performing acts of religious worship.
The presence of both traditions had lead some visitors to misunder&tand
and misinterpret the one as a degenerate form of the other. That is not so.
Both served a common purpose in two different media and styles. But both
were intended to inspire religious emotion in the tradition best known to
the Buddhists.
1. Mahtival!1sa Ch. vi. - v. 78.
2. ibid Ch vii - v. 57.
3. ibid Ch x-v. 87.
4. Chapter x - vv. 89-90.
5. Riimiiyana Sundara KiiI)<;lam.
6. Mahiivamsa Ch. XXX vv. 78-78.
7. Visudhimagga p. 29. Pall Commentaries speak of paintings on cave walls, roofs etc.
8. Nandadeva Wijesekera, Early Sinhalese Paintings. p. 92.
9. Travels of Fa Hsfan-Translated by Legge.
10. Archaeological Survey Report 1931 pp. 19-23.
11. Archaeological Survey Report 1931 p. 16.
12. Archaeological Survey Report 1909.

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