THE UNIVERSITY OF ABERDEEN

The Religious Roles in pre-Christian Scandinavia

Dissertation in History
Marketa Chvalkovska 25.4.2013

The Table of Contents Introduction.......................................................................................................................... p. 2 Methodology.........................................................................................................................p. 3 The Cult of the Dead.............................................................................................................p. 5 The Land Spirits.....................................................................................................................p. 8 The Goar.............................................................................................................................p. 10 The ulr................................................................................................................................p. 17 The Kings..............................................................................................................................p. 19 The Vlur.............................................................................................................................p. 23 Conclusion..........................................................................................................................p. 28 Bibliography........................................................................................................................p. 30

Introduction The religion and history are the two key assets that that shape any society. The two undercurrents influence the world views, the fears and aspirations, as well as the practicalities of everyday life. In oral societies these two assets are mixed together as the history becomes part of the mythology and the mythology is incorporated into history. In the very heart of the religion are those who communicate the values, ideals and metaphysical truths to the wider population and perform the rites needed to ensure the divine support of human needs. Most of the cultures throughout the history had appointed priests whose only concern was to look after this spiritual level of peoples lives. But Scandinavia before the coming of Christianity did not have any special cast that would fit our definition of a priest. And yet there was rich mythology and there is written, archaeological and onomastic evidence for cultic practices. The Old Norse mythological tales and all sorts of beings the people believed in are well known and readily available from medieval manuscripts. But the reality of the religious practice is a more complicated issue as it is rarely mentioned in the written sources. The evidence is so scattered and vulnerable to interpretation that it is not easy to retrieve even a basic picture. The main idea behind this work is to present an overview of the social roles within the Old Norse belief system that had religious or spiritual connotations. The area concerned is the Viking homeland that is the present day countries of Denmark, Sweden, Norway and Iceland, with some examples drawn from the Scandinavian outposts such as Greenland or England. The time frame focuses on the period of the so called Viking Age that is roughly between 8th and 11th centuries. The questions that are attempted to be answered here are: what were the main religious roles? Who were the people performing them? What were their responsibilities? How were they perceived by the rest of their community? By focusing more on the practicalities of the religion than on the ideology the everyday life becomes more imaginable. And by bringing the answers together in one work the society emerges in more complex and rounded way then by discussing them separately.

Methodology While discussing this topic there is an absolute need for a multidisciplinary approach if we want to get close to the reality as much as possible. The evidence used in this work comes from written sources, archaeological excavations, toponymy and philology. All of them have their advantages and disadvantages and by comparing them the valuable insights can be retrieved.1 The written sources used here are mainly of three kinds. The first one, are the contemporary runic inscriptions, mostly in a form of rune stones. The main advantage of the inscriptions is that they come from the period discussed and were produced by the people who were part of the Old Norse religion. Unfortunately, the inscriptions are usually very short, sometimes the meaning is unclear and therefore the scholarly translation and interpretation of a single sentence can vary. All the citations from the runic texts used in this work are presented in the West dialect of the Old Norse language and not in the way in which they appear on the rune stones in order to retain some level of linguistic consistency. The second kind of written source is the skaldic poetry which is contemporary as well but has similar issues with the interpretation of the meaning as the rune stones. The third kind of written sources are the medieval Icelandic sagas that were produced during 13th and 14th century. The value of the sagas from the historical point of view has been widely discussed since the 19th century. The main points to bear in mind, while dissecting the information from the corpus of the saga literature, is that they are describing events that happened several centuries earlier and that the narrative had been transmitted orally.2 The perspective obtained here is only of Western variation of the Scandinavian religion and says nothing about the practices elsewhere, for example in

Raudevere, Catharina, Schjdt, Peter Jens, The Study of Pre-Christian Scandinavian Religions: Trends and Perspectives in More than Mythology: Narratives, Ritual Practices and Regional Distribution in Pre-Christian Scandinavian Religions (Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2012), pp. 7 12, p. 7 2 Lnnroth, Lars, The Icelandic Sagas, in Brink, Stefan, Price, Neil (eds.), The Viking World (London: Routledge, 2012), p. 305

Denmark.3 Moreover, the saga authors were Christian which makes them highly biased towards the heathen belief. The problem with archaeology when studying religion is that it gives us objects but their meaning and use needs to be interpreted. When excavating a sacred place or a burial it reveals only things that are left after the rituals took place. The reconstruction of the activities that were conducted there depends on the imagination of the person who is interpreting them. The study linguistic evidence, such as terminology related to the cultic practices, is tricky in a sense that it relies on the comparison with similar evidence from different cultures and the meaning of a particular term does not have to necessarily mean the same although they derive from the same root. And even within one culture the meaning of the words can change over time. In general, the nature of the Old Norse religion was not unified. There are some concepts that were common in the area discussed but the everyday practice varied widely in time and space due to presence of different influences. Therefore this work tries to root all the evidence carefully in a certain place and time. The specific interpretations of the archaeological evidence should not be taken as facts that can be freely applied to any Viking community within or outside Scandinavia. They may be valid only for the one given community and the neighbouring settlement or a generation later the practice might have been slightly different.

Nordberg, Andreas, Continuity, Change and Regional Variation in Old Norse Religion in More than Mythology: Narratives, Ritual Practices and Regional Distribution in Pre-Christian Scandinavian Religions (Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2012), pp. 119 151, p. 123

The Cult of the dead The worship of the dead was prominent in all strata of the Scandinavian society. The more important the deceased was during his life the more people would bring him offerings after his death. Burial mounds next to the farms throughout Scandinavia sheltered dead ancestor who founded the farm. They were actively worshipped by his descendants living on the said farm. The main figure in the rituals honouring the dead was the head on the household. He was the one who presented the offerings to the dead forefathers at specific times of the year in order to ensure good harvest and prosperity of the farm.4 For people who were entirely dependent on the products of their own farm in terms of food, the fertility of their land was a key factor in their survival. And the head of the household was responsible for ensuring good relationship with the dead who directly influenced the harvest and wellbeing of domestic animals. The Ynglinga saga that was composed by Snorri Sturluson at the beginning of the 13th century and based on Viking Age poem Ynglingatal mentions commemoration of the dead. In chapter 8, Snorri describes what memorial acts were held in Sweden in pre-Christian times: For notable men burial mounds were to be thrown up as memorials. But for all men who had shown great manly qualities memorial stones were to be erected; and this custom continued for a long time thereafter. A sacrifice was to be made for a good season at the beginning of winter, and one in midwinter for good crops, and a third one in summer, for victory.5 The dead were worshipped at landdsasteinar that translates as stones of the land spirits. According to the tradition the grass was never to be cut there and the children were not allowed to play there under any condition.6 The dead in the mounds functioned as a protective forces over the farm and they were closely attached to the environment. These house-spirits are referred to as nisse, gardvord, rudningskarl

Gunnell, Terry, Hof, Halls, Goar and Dwarves: An Examination of the Ritual Space in the Pagan Icelandic Hall in Cosmos 17 (2001), pp. 3-36, p. 13- 14 5 Sturluson, Snorri, Hollander, Lee M. (trans.), Heimskringla: History of the Kings of Norway (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2011), p. 12 6 Davidson, Hilda Ellis, The Lost Beliefs of Northern Europe (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1993), p. 113

or tomte. Nisse is attested only in Norway, Sweden and Denmark and they seem to represent founder of the family. They do not appear in Iceland because the Icelanders had their founding ancestors in mainland Scandinavia and there are no burial mounds either. In this case they were substituted by other land spirits who eventually played the same role as the dead. 7 Apart from the ensuring fertility the worship of the dead ancestors confirmed the inherited right to occupy the farm. The burial mound on the soil belonging to the farm was a marker of ownership of the land by the person buried in there and his descendants. The family rituals that took place in order to honour the dead in the mound repeatedly expressed the landholders rights in times where no written documents were available to validate his claims. In an oral society it was necessary to maintain the traditions and have such markers of continuity in order to be able to identify ones place within the community.8 The distinctive local chieftains after their death influenced much larger area than their own family farm land. The extent of their power as deceased can be compared to the one they held when they were alive. And the same can be argued for kings whose role will be discussed in section on kings. The dead chieftains were honoured in the halls. The ceremony included praise poetry for the ancestors composed and recited by a skald. These eulogies were supposed to keep the dead occupied by drinking in Valhalla so they were less likely haunt the living.9 The seating hierarchy, precise wording at correct time were both essential during these memorial sessions.10 It is likely that drinking in honour of the significant ancestors was part of the seasonal feasts as it is mentioned in
7

Gunnell, Ritual Space in the Pagan Icelandic Hall, p. 14

Raudvere, Catharina, Fictive Rituals in Vlusp: Mythological Narration between Agency and Structure in the Representation of Reality in Raudvere, Catharina, Schjdt, Jens Peter (eds.), More than Mythology: Narratives, Ritual Practices and Regional Distribution in Pre-Christian Scandinavian Religions (Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2012), pp. 97-117, p. 114 9 Jackson, Peter, The Merists and Limits of Comparative Philology: Old Norse Religious Vocabulary in a LongTerm Perspective in Raudvere, Catharina, Schjdt, Jens Peter (eds.), More than Mythology: Narratives, Ritual Practices and Regional Distribution in Pre-Christian Scandinavian Religions, Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2012), pp. 47-64, p. 61 10 Raudvere, Fictive Rituals, p. 104

Hkonar saga Goa, chapter 14. 11 In sagas the memorial toast was called minni but there are some doubts whether it is an original pre-Christian custom or whether it was imported from Germany at the time of the sagas composition.12 It has been suggested that part of the tradition was a procession or ride around the burial mounds and bringing offerings. Written source for this is description in the Ynglinga saga, chapter 10, where people kept bringing offerings to Freyr after his death so he would provide good seasons. The offerings were presented to Freyr in his burial mound that was kept partly open for these purposes.13 Archaeological excavations surprisingly support the late account. It has been proved that the early 9th century ship burial at Oseberg (Vestfold, Norway) was for some period of time covered by a mound only to its half. Therefore the place would be accessible for anyone who wanted to perform rituals or bring sacrifices. The bodies and objects within the mound had been moved several times which suggests that some form of activity continued at the site after the dead had been deposited there The same features have the burials at Valsgrde near Gamla Uppsala, Sweden, already from the 6th century; Hedeby in Southern Jutland, Denmark; and both early 7th century mounds at Sutton Hoo, Suffolk, England. It is not entirely clear if these open mounds were revisited or if the burial ritual themselves were going on for several months.14

11 12

Sturluson, Heimskringla, p. 107 Simek, Rudolf, Dictionary of Northern Mythology (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2007), p.217 13 Sturluson, Heimskringla, p. 14 14 Price, Neil, Mythic Acts: Material Narratives of the Dead in Viking Age Scandinavia in Raudvere, Catharina, Schjdt, Jens Peter (eds.), More than Mythology: Narratives, Ritual Practices and Regional Distribution in PreChristian Scandinavian Religions (Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2012), pp. 13-46, p. 30-31

The Land Spirits The worship of various kind of land spirits is another cultic form tied closely to the life at the Scandinavian farm. The exact nature of the land spirits is not very clear and they occur in the saga literature and poems under various names. In Icelandic law code, the spirits protecting the island as such are referred to as landvtir.15 Another general term is landdsir that may include spirits of the dead, lfar, generally translated as the elves, or dvergar (the dwarves) but not necessarily at different places in different times. As the dead, the land spirits were responsible for the fertility of the farm land and general well being of domestic animals and therefore of the whole family. The head of the household was supposed to perform the rituals to please the land spirits and to ensure their support. The sacrifices for the dsir were called dsablt and they were conducted on the farm land or within the household during the winter to bring the prosperity of a specific place in an upcoming season. 16 Sacrifices to the lfar were called lfablt and they appear in several sources but its nature is very purpose in each of them. First there is a contemporary poem called Austrfaravsur composed by Christian poet Sigvatr rarson around 1020. He complained that while he was travelling through Gtaland in Sweden he was not allowed for several nights to enter inside any farm house as for the lfablt was being celebrated by the local families17: At dark to Hof we drifted. Door were barred; so outside stood I, knocking, and stoutly stuck my nose in, plucky. Gruffly answer they gave us: Get you gone! And threatened us all: t was heathen-holy. To hell with all those fellows!
15 16

Simek, Dictionary, p. 186 Raudevere, Catharina, Popular Religion in the Viking Age, in Brink, Stefan, Price, Neil (eds.), The Viking World, (London: Routlegde, 2012), pp. 235 243, p. 240 17 DuBois, Thomas A., Nordic Religions in the Viking Age (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), p. 51

Then he went to another farm. There the woman of the house stood in the doorway and told them they could not come in there, saying that they had the sacrifice to the elves there. Sigvat spoke this verse: Wreak this wrath will thin, wretch, said a witchlike gammer. Keep out. quoth she, nor further come; for we are heathen. Also, this ancient beldame added, she who forbade me foot to set in, the slattern, sacred to elves we are making.18

The poet, unfortunately, does not relate what was the meaning or purpose of this particular ritual. Some similarities can be found in the iranda ttr ok rhalls where irandi is advised by a seer not to leave the house during the harvest feast at the beginning of the winter. He decides to leave anyway in the middle of the night and is killed by dsir.19 Kormks saga, chapter 2220, tells us about events taking place during the 10th century and it describes lfablt as a healing ritual performed by a spkonna, that is a woman trained in witchcraft. On the other hand in Ynglinga saga, chapter, lfablt refers to celebration of the deceased ancestors at Uppsala, Sweden.

18

Sturluson, Snorri, Hollander, Lee M. (trans.), Saint lfs Saga in Heimskringla: History of the Kings of Norway, pp. 245 - 537, p. 336-7 19 Anon., Jones, Gwyn (trans.) Thidrandi whom the goddesses slew in Eirik the Red and Other Icelandic Sagas, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 158 162, p. 160 - 161 20 Anon., Collingwood, W.G., Stefansson, J. (trans.), The Saga of Cormac the Skald, http://sagadb.org/kormaks_saga.en (22/3/2013)

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The Goar From the literary and archaeological evidence that we can gather today it seems like goar (sg. goi) were the major figures in religious life of the Viking Age Scandinavians. Within their communities they functioned as chieftains as well as priests. The individuals holding this title are prominent in medieval Icelandic sagas and appear in contemporary runic inscriptions all over Scandinavia. The oldest piece of evidence of existence of goi is an inscription on a rune stone in Nordhuglo, Norway (Runadata: N KJ65)21 from 5th century. Although, there are various readings of the text as a whole, most of the scholars interpret the word guija as an older version of goi and they translate it as a priest.22 From this single inscription it is not possible to draw conclusions about the nature of this office or its spread around Scandinavia during the Migration period. On the other hand, at the beginning of the Viking Age goar were known on Danish island of Fyn. The Helns runestone (Runadata: DR 190)23 dated between AD 750 and AD 900 was placed by Hrulfr who titles himself nra goi that translates as priest of the Nes-dwellers.24 He was apparently no wandering wise man but he was attached to established community of people in specific place that is people living in Nes. Secondly, Hrulfr erected the stone in memory of his nephew Gumundr which shows that he was part of communitys social life as well as their religious leader.

21

Samnordisk runtextdatabas, Uppsala universitet, http://abdn.ac.uk/skaldic/db.php?if=srdb&table=mss&id=21865 (13/3/2013) 22 Runenprojekt, Kiel Universitt, http://www.runenprojekt.unikiel.de/abfragen/standard/deutung2_eng.asp?findno=53&ort=Nordhuglo&objekt=runsten%2C+gnejs&showle sungnr=999&showcommentnr=13&jumptotextmarke=14#14 (13/3/2013) 23 Samnordisk runtextdatabas, Uppsala universitet, http://abdn.ac.uk/skaldic/db.php?if=srdb&table=mss&id=19014 (13/3/2013) 24 Samnordisk runtextdatabas, Uppsala universitet, http://abdn.ac.uk/skaldic/db.php?if=srdb&table=mss&id=19014 (13/3/2013

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Early 10th century Glavenstrup runestone(Runadata: DR 209)25 brings some more details about goar on Fyn. It was placed in memory of Alla Slva, goa va, lis heiveran egn that is Alli the Pale, priest of the sanctuary, honourable thegn of the retinue. Alli was not only tied to the community he was also responsible for their holy place called v. Furthermore, he was a secular leader in charge of a war band. The runes were carved by his subject Sti ordered by Allis wife and sons. This rune stone is the very first written evidence of the basic characteristics of gois office as it is portrayed in later sagas. On one hand, priest that takes care of a sanctuary and on the other hand, chieftain with his own family, servants and armed followers. There are two terms connected with v keepers: visti that can be translated as he who sits in the v, and vivaldi that is the one who rules over the v. 26 V was an outdoor location that was marked off by a sacred rope called vbond.27 On Oklunda stone in stergtland, Sweden (Runadata: g N288) 28 from the 9th century is attested that these sanctuaries could provide asylum for runaway criminal offenders. Special place of the sanctuaries within 9th century provincial laws of Sweden can be further demonstrated on Forsa rune ring from Hlsingland, Sweden (Runadata: Hs 7). The recently revised reading of a single rune in the inscription gives us the first written law-code. The text names fines for neglect of the restoration of the sanctuary.29 The fine in oxen and silver was supposed to be presented to the staff of the sanctuary and the property of those who refuse to do so could be suspended. The archaeology can help our understanding of ritual activities that took place in these sanctuaries. A v was excavated on an island of Frs in Jmtland, Sweden. Under the present day church was found a stump of a birch tree with great number of cremated offerings of domestic and wild animals,

25

Samnordisk runtextdatabas, Uppsala universitet, http://abdn.ac.uk/skaldic/db.php?if=srdb&table=mss&id=19034 (13/3/2013) 26 Andrn, Anders, Behind Heathendom: Archaeological Studies of Old Norse Religion in Scottish Archaeological Journal vol.27(2), pp.105-138, p. 118 27 Andrn, Behind Heathendom, p. 110 28 Samnordisk runtextdatabas, Uppsala universitet, http://abdn.ac.uk/skaldic/db.php?if=srdb&table=mss&id=15919 (13/3/3013) 29 Williams, Henrik, Runes in Brink, Stefan, Price, Neil (eds.), The Viking World (London: Routledge, 2012)

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including rare bear sacrifices. According to radioactive carbon analysis the offerings were placed during 9th and 10th centuries.30 The site was known in the 10th century as an assembly place and was a property of a nearby farm called Hov. The place names Frs and Hov further support the connection of this complex with regional religious activity. Frs translates as the island of Freyr and Hov is a common place name element meaning temple. 31 In comparison with the sagas and other evidence it is not difficult to imagine that a goi lived with his household on the Hov farm, performing animal sacrifices for the people of the area at certain times of the year and holding assemblies when needed. In Eyrbyggja saga orgrmr was dedicated to rr and held the title of hofgoi that is the temple priest at Helgafell, Iceland.32 It clearly associates with religious role of goar with a hof. It appears in plenty of place names all over Scandinavia and the Germanic territories in Central Europe from the 5th century onwards. They are thought to be of high religious a social significance for their region. In Sweden (Lunda, Sdermanland; Uppkra, Skne; Borg, stergtland) Norway and Denmark (Gudme, Fyn; Lejre, Sjlland; Tiss, Sjlland) it may have been connected with separate cult houses within central complexes.33 One of the markers of the cult activities in those places are finds of gold foils called guldgubbar that may symbolize the holy marriage between the god Freyr and giantess Gerdr.34 On the other hand in Iceland it seems to indicate a farm with special religious function.35 Thorough archaeological examination of farm at Hofstair, Northern Iceland, gave us the evidence from which the nature of the ritual activity at the place can be reconstructed. The hall was 38m long and was
30 31

Andrn, Behind Heathendom, p. 110 Lucas, Gavin, McGovern, Thomas, Bloody slaughter: Ritual decapitation and display at the Viking settlement of Hofstair, Iceland, European Journal of Archaeology, vol. 10(1), 2007, pp.7-30, p. 15 32 Sundquist, Olof, Religious Ruler Ideology in Pre-Christian Scandinavia in Raudvere, Catharina, Schjdt, Jens Peter (eds.), More than Mythology: Narratives, Ritual Practices and Regional Distribution in Pre-Christian Scandinavian Religions (Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2012), pp. 225 261, p. 242 33 Gunnell, Ritual Space in Pagan Icelandic Hall, p. 4 34 Grslund, Anne-Sofie, Material Culture of Old Norse Religion, in Brink, Stefan, Price, Neil (eds.), The Viking World, (London: Routlegde, 2012), pp. 249-256, p. 255 35 Gunnell, Terry, Hof, Halls, Goar and Dwarves: An Examination of the Ritual Space in the Pagan Icelandic Hall in Cosmos 17 (2001), pp. 3-36, p. 8

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deserted in mid-11th century36 but before that it had witnessed repeated cattle sacrifice probably accompanied by community meetings and feasting. During the winter only the goi and his household occupied the farm but during the summer months much larger number of people stayed there to take part in the ritual activity. A bull or a cow in their prime were slaughtered in a very specific way, first the animal was stunned by a blow between its eyes and then its throat was cut in order to produce maximum blood and drama.37 The blood was probably used for reddening of a hrgr that is an altar or an idol in Old Norse.38 Afterwards the head was displayed on the outside wall of the farm and it was left there until the place was abandoned. The display was an important part of the ritual that represented tradition and the connection between past and present. 39 Surprisingly similar practice is attested from the Danish port of Hedeby where the dead bodies of animals were exhibited outside the house after a sacrificial ritual.40 Archaeologists found 23 cattle heads stored inside the farm that show signs of such an exposure. One sheep was found that is thought to play part in a ritual that terminated all the heathen activities of the place around the same time a church was build just 140 metres away. 41 The animal sacrifice was probably the most important task of a goi as religious leader. It occurred either as a part of seasonal festivals or at the time of need or danger. The seasonal feasts were public rituals that probably had similar underlying ideas and forms all over Scandinavia but were adjusted in different regions and time periods.42 The two basic features of sacrificial rituals were reddening the altar and feast prepared from the meat of the sacrificed animals.43 One the early evidence of the fertility ritual including animal sacrifice is thought to be Stentofen Stone, Skne,

36 37

Lucas & McGovern, Bloody slaughter, p. 25 Lucas & McGovern, Bloody slaughter, p. 23 38 Simek, Dictionary, p. 272 39 Lucas & McGovern, Bloody slaughter, p. 24 40 DuBois, Nordic Religions, p. 51 41 Lucas & McGovern, Bloody slaughter, p. 25 42 Hultgrd, Anders, The Religion of the Vikings in Brink, Stefan, Price, Neil (eds.), The Viking World (London: Routlegde, 2012), pp. 212-218, p. 215 43 Simek, Dictionary, p. 272

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Sweden (Runadata: DR 357) 44 from 9th or 10th century. Hathuwulfar, who was indentified by scholars as a local chieftain45, gaf j[ar] that is gave a fruitful year by sacrificing niuhaborumz niuhagestumz that is nine bucks, nine stallions. It suggests that he was the one who knew the correct procedures that needed to take place in order to establish the communication between the god and the community. The sacrificed animals were one of the physical markers of this relationship.46 Snorri Sturluson in the Hkonar saga goa provides a description of a mid-winter feast as it was supposed to be celebrated in mid-10th century Trondheim by earls of Hlair: It was ancient custom that when sacrifice was to be made, all farmers were to come to the heathen temple and bring along with them the food they needed while the feast lasted. At this feast all were to take part in drinking of ale. Also all kinds of livestock were killed in connection with it, horses also; and all the blood from them was called hlaut {sacrificial blood}, and hlautbolli, the vessel holding the blood; and hlautteinar, the sacrificial twigs {aspergills}. These we fashioned like sprinklers, and with them were to be smeared all over with blood the pedestals of the idols and also the walls of the temple within and without; and likewise the men present were to be sprinkled with blood. But the meat of the animals was to be boiled and to serve as food at the banquet. Fires were to be lighted in the middle of the temple floor, and kettles hung over them. The sacrificial beaker was to be borne around the fire, and he who made the feast and was chieftain, was to bless the beaker as well as the sacrificial meat. thins toast was to be drunk first that was for victory and power to the king then Njorths and Freys, for good harvests and for peace. Men drank toasts also in memory of departed kinsfolk that was called minni {memorial toast}.47 In order to provide enough food and drink for the religious feasts the goar we allowed to extract tribute or taxes from the neighbouring settlements. In Eyrbyggja saga, the goi Thorolf gets the right to demand taxes as soon as he establishes his temple at Hofstad. 48

44

Samnordisk runtextdatabas, Uppsala universitet, http://abdn.ac.uk/skaldic/db.php?if=srdb&table=mss&id=15227 (13/3/2013) 45 Andrn, Behind heathendom, p. 118 46 DuBois, Thomas A., Diet and Deities: Contrastive Livelihoods and Animal Symbolism in Nordic Pre -Christian Religion in Raudvere, Catharina, Schjdt, Jens Peter (eds.), More than Mythology: Narratives, Ritual Practices and Regional Distribution in Pre-Christian Scandinavian Religions (Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2012), pp. 65 96, p. 70 47 Sturluson, Snorri, Heimskringla, p. 107 48 Anon., Plsson, Hermann (trans.), Eyrbyggja Saga, (London: Penguin, 1989), p. 29

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A special attribute of a goi was so called oath ring that was kept in a hof and all the oaths had to be sworn upon this ring in order to be valid. The oath or temple ring is mentioned in Droplaugarsonar saga, Kjalnesinga saga, Vga-Glms saga, orsteins ttr uxafts, rar saga hreu and Landnmabk.49 The best known description comes from Eyrbyggja saga: Inside the main temple was a structure built much like the choir in churches nowadays, and in the middle a raised platform like an altar. On this platform lay a solid ring weighing twenty ounces, upon which people had to swear all their oaths. It was a business of the temple priest to wear this ring on his arm at every public meeting.50 The last remark could be interpreted as that the oath-ring was a symbol of gois office. It could be in a form of a large finger-ring (about 50 grams) or a bracelet as described above in Eyrbyggja saga (twenty ounces is about 550 grams) or in an entry for AD 876 in the Ango-Saxon Chronicle.51 The Landnmabk states that the ring was supposed to be made of silver and reddened by a blood of an ox that was sacrificed by a goi who was as well personally responsible for the ring.52 The credibility of the saga accounts is further supported by Eddic poems Atlakvia, verse 30 and Hvml, verse 110. In Atlakvia the mythic hero Atli swears an oath to another person on a ring dedicated to god Ullr53 and in Hvml it is the god Oinn himself who swears an oath upon a sacred ring. 54 As the Eddic poems are supposed to survive from the pagan times the scholars give them more value as a source than to the medieval sagas. It has been suggested that the above mentioned Forsa rune ring that has 43cm in diameter had the function of an oath ring as well.55 One of the duties of a goi as a chieftain was to organize ing that is an assembly and judge offenders there. Various sagas show that they were highly ritualized and many acts had direct connection with the word of gods. The assemblies were held in or near a sacred place either a v or a hof or a burial mound.
49

Simek, Dictionary, p. 312 Eyrbyggja Saga, p. 29 51 SImek, Dictionary, p. 312 52 Gunnel, Hof, Halls, Goar and Dwarves, p. 11 53 Anon., The Poetic Edda, trans. Larrington, Carolyne (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 214 54 The Poetic Edda, p. 110 55 The Frosa Rune Ring the earliest written law in Scandinavia, http://www.archeurope.com/index.php?page=forsa-rune-ring (20/3/2013)
50

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At least in Iceland the title could be handed over from father to son or to other kinsmen.56 This event is specifically mentioned in two sagas, the Eyrbyggja saga and the Hrafnkels saga. The Eyrbyggja saga was written mid-13th century and is dealing with events taking place in 10th century in Snfellsness peninsula in Western Iceland. Hrafnkels saga is thought to be written in late-13th century, describes events in 10th century as well and Hrafnkels farm lies in East Iceland. First, Hrafnkel had handed over the authority of goi to his brother before he went abroad.57 He did not receive it back automatically on his return and had to wait for his brother to give it back to him in correct procedure. 58 At the end of the saga, after Hrafnkels death the priesthood is shared by two of his sons, each of them with their own seat. 59 It is likely that this account reflects real principles if we consider the priesthood rather as a part of a chieftains job than as a vocation as such.

56
57

Sundquist, Religious Ruler Ideology, p. 242 Anon., Jones, Gwyn (trans.), Hrafnkel the Priest of Frey in Eirik the Red and Other Icelandic Sagas (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 103 5858 Hrafnkel in Jones, p. 106 59 Hrafnkel in Jones, p. 124-5

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The ulr An Old Norse term ulr indicates an individual who was an expert on the oral tradition. The term ulr itself is largely translated as a speaker60, other meanings can be wise man, sage, pagan priest61, poet, see or cult speaker62. It derives from Old Norse word ulur (sg. ula) that is a term for Old Norse mnemonic poems used to preserve knowledge and poetic vocabulary in the oral society.63 He was present at kings court or in gois drinking hall during feasts and festivals. He recited the mnemonic poems and performed the mythological tales as dramas. We have some evidence available that shows us where, what and how were the ulur performing. Place names such as Tullhg in Skne, Sweden or Tulshj in East Jutland, Denmark combine ulr and haugr. Haugr in Old Norse means a hill or it can be used for a burial mound. It has been suggested that he recited eulogies and tales on the burial mounds as a part of ceremonies held in connection with the cult of the dead.64 The Snodelev runestone in Eastern Sjlland, Denmark (Runadata: DR 248)65 names Gunnvaldr as ular Salhaugum that is reciter of Salhaugar. Salhaugar contains again element haugr for a burial mound and sallr that means hall. 66 The cryptic inscription on the Rk Stone in stergtland, Sweden (Runadata: g 136)67 from 9th century is thought to be composed either by goi68 or ulr69. Either way it gives us a hint of repertoire of a person who was supposed to keep and pass on the knowledge of gods and ancient heroes. In form of prosaic or poetic phrases it lists at least eight tales that seem to refer to history,
60 61

Andrn, Behind Heathendom, p. 118 Sundquist, Olof, The Hanging, the Nine Nights and the Precious Knowledge in Hvaml 138145: The Cultic Context Heizmann, Wilhelm, Bldl,Klaus, Beck, Ieinrich (eds.), Analecta Septentrionalia (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2009), pp. 649-668, p. 660 62 Simek, Dictionary, p. 331 63 Simek. Dictionary, p. 332 64 Andrn, Behind Heathendom, p.118 65 Samnordisk runtextdatabas, Uppsala universitet, http://abdn.ac.uk/skaldic/db.php?if=srdb&table=mss&id=19071 (2/4/2013) 66 Sundquist, The Hanging, p. 660 67 Samnordisk runtextdatabas, Uppsala universitet, http://abdn.ac.uk/skaldic/db.php?if=srdb&table=mss&id=15196 (2/4/2013) 68 DuBois, Nordic Religions, p. 65 69 Andrn, behind Heathendom, p. 118

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ancient heroes or mythology. Unfortunately, there is no evidence for detailed content of these stories.70 Old English version of ulr is yle and it appears in Bowulf as a spokesman of the King Hrothgar. He is stripped of all the religious connotations and functions as a public orator and the main officer at the court. 71 But it would be wrong to assume that it was the case in other parts of the Scandinavian world as well.

It is likely that some of the performances were in form of dramas including masks, movements and change of voice. Use of masks is already pictured on helmet plate from 7 th century found in Torslunda that is Thors grove on the island of land, Sweden.72 A woman wearing animal skin is depicted on Oseberg tapestry, early 9th century, Vestfold, Norway. In 10th century ship from Hadeby, Denmark, we discovered fragments of two masks.73 Terry Gunnell argues that that some of the Eddic poems, such as Lokasenna, Hvaml , Grmnisml and others are written in a way that would fit the theatrical presentation. They are written not as a narrative but as a monologue or a dialogue of mythological figures. It that case the ulr would impersonate the particular god and speak his voice for the time the play lasted.74

70
71

Price, Mythic Acts, p. 37 Sundqvist, The Hanging, p. 660 72 Price, Neil, The Viking Way (Uppsala: Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, 2002), p. 372 73 Price, The Viking Way, p. 171 74 Gunnell, Terry, The Performance of Poetic Edda in Brink, Stefan, Price, Neil (eds.), The Viking World (London: Routlegde, 2012), pp. 299 303, p. 301

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The Kings The settlement at Gamla Uppsala was an important centre for the Uppland region in Sweden since the 3rd century onwards. In the beginning of the Viking Age it would be one of the many petty kingdoms, but from this one the kings of Sweden eventually emerged and that is why we have medieval written sources concerning this place available as well.75 The two main sources for the religious activity in this place are the Ynglinga saga and the famous account of Adam of Bremen in the Book IV of Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum76. Although Adams account is contemporary, there are many serious issues with its trustworthiness and the text should not be taken at its face value. This topic has been widely discussed in the past and therefore for the purposes of this work the focus is going to be on the details that are likely to be accurate after the comparison with other sources. The Ynglingatal and subsequently the Ynglinga saga were composed in order to demonstrate the divine origin of the Ynglingar. It claims that they were the descendants of the god Yngve who was identified with the god Freyr. It represents one of the tactics that were used by the noble families in order to enhance their status and strengthen their right to rule. 77 The same strategy was applied by the earls of Hlair based in Trondheim, Norway, who believed to descend from the god Oinn himself.78 The kings in Scandinavia were expected to take active part in seasonal sacrificial feasts. It is described for example in the Ynglinga saga, Adams Gesta, Hkonar saga Goa and lafs saga Helga. The first two sources concern practices held in Uppsala, the letter ones narrate about events in Norway. It may suggest that this principle was common for the kingship in at least these two areas. In the Ynglinga saga, chapter 29, the legendary Swedish king Athils
75

Grslund, Bo, Gamla Uppsala during the Migration Period in Rrib eg, Gunnel (ed.), Myth, Might and Man: Ten essays on Gamla Uppsala (Stockholm: Riksantikvariembetets frlag, 2000), pp. 7 12, p. 7 76 Adam of Bremen, Tschan, Francis J., Reuter, Timothy (trans.), History of the Archbishops of HamburgBremen, (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), p. 207 -208 77 Sundqvist, Religious ruler ideology, p. 234 78 Sundqvist, Religious ruler ideology, p. 240

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attended [at Uppsala] the sacrifice to the Dsar and rode his horse about the hall of the goddess [Freya].79 Further on, in chapter 34, is Uppsala described as the place of assembly for all Swedes. Great sacrifices were held there, and many kings came to attend them. They were held in mid-winter. 80 In Hkonar saga goa mid-10th century Christian king Hkon of Norway is required to participate at such a feast in Hlair (Trndelag, Norway) at the beginning of winter. Sigur, earl of Hlair tries to appease his subjects when king Hkon refuses to participate in the ritual. The farmers expect the king to perform the prescribed actions as his forefathers did so the ritual would be valid and would have some effect. [...] and so it came that the king occupied his high-seat on this occasion. But when the beaker was served, Earl Sigurth proposed a toast, dedicating the horn to thin, and drank to the king. The king took the horn from him and made the sign of the cross over it. Then Kr of Grting said, Why does the king do that? Doesnt he want to drink of the sacrificial beaker? Earl Sigurth made answer, The king does as all do who believe in their own might and strength, and dedicated his beaker to Thr. He made the sign of the hammer over it before drinking. People said no more about it that evening. Next day when people had seated themselves at the tables, the farmers thronged about the king, saying that now he must eat the horse meat. That, the king would not do under any condition. Then they asked him to drink the broth from it. He refused to do that. Then they asked him to eat drippings from it. He would not do that, either, and they came near to making attack on him. Earl Sigurth said he would help them come to an agreement, asking them to cease their turmult; and he asked the king to gape with his mouth over the handle of the kettle on which the smoke of the broth from the horse meat had settled, so that the handle was greasy from it.81 No wonder that farmers of Trondelag were upset because their good harvest was dependant on the king making the traditional sacrifice.82 People believed that in case that the king would not participate on the fertility ritual the land might go barren, the weather might be unfavourable or

79 80

Sturluson, Heimskringla, p. 33 Sturluson, Heimskringla, p. 36 81 Sturluson, Heimskringla, p. 110-111 82 Sturluson, Heimskringla, p. 109

21

their crops might suffer some devastating disease. For that reason the king could be even deposed.83 Possibly a similar belief was held in Uppland, Sweden if we take in consideration an account in Ynglinga saga, chapter 43: There came a very bad season and famine. They laid the blame for that on the king, as the Swedes are wont to ascribe to their king good seasons and bad. King lf was but little given to offer sacrifices. The Swedes were ill-pleased at that and believed it was the cause of the bad harvests. They collected a host and moved on King lf. They surrounded his hall and burned him inside, giving him to thin and sacrificing him for good crops. That was by Lake Vnir.84 This passage might be Snorris misinterpretation of the poem Ynglingatal that can be understood as that the king was burned after his death and not as a sacrifice.85 On the other hand the story is very similar to the one in chapter 15 in the Ynglinga saga that clearly corresponds in its sense with Ynglingatal verse 8.86 Therefore even if we dismiss the above cited account of King Athils as unreliable we still have to deal with King Dmaldi from chapter 15. The kings played a key role in the fertility rituals even after death. They were incorporated into the cult of the dead but with the possibility to influence not only the lives of their living descendants but of the whole country. Therefore sacrifices were made for the dead kings as we learn from several sagas in Heimskringla, such as Ynglinga saga, chapter 10.87 Scholars like Henrik Schck attempted to indentify Old Norse kingship with the trans-cultural concept of the sacral kingship. The idea of sacral kingship was first formulated by Sir J. G. Frazer at the end of 19th century. The key aspects were that the king possessed supernatural powers as he was the embodiment of a solar deity and its priest at the same time. Via this connection he was tied to the annual cycle of the nature and the death and rebirth of the sun god. He was joined with the fertility goddess in sacred marriage, so called hieros gamos.88 Some of the examples that were put

83

Sundquist, Olof, Cult leaders, rulers and religion in Brink, Stefan, Price, Neil (eds.), The Viking World, (London: Routlegde, 2012), pp. 223 226, p. 225 84 Sturluson, Heimskringla, p. 44-45 85 Simek, Dictionary, p.270 86 Sturluson, Heimskringla, p. 18-19 87 Simek, Dictionary, p. 270 88 Sundqvist, Religious Ruler Ideology, p. 225

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forward in this section support this idea. First of all, some the royal houses traced their origins to the divine ancestors. Second, the abilities of the king and his actions were believed to directly influence good seasons, fertility of the land and the health of his subjects. He possessed special power called kingss luck that allowed him to bestow blessings.89 This belief sometimes went beyond the life of a king and he was worshipped after his death in order to keep influencing the country in a positive way. Third, the king was crucial figure during the public festivals that he organized and actively participated in the rituals, sacrifices and feasting. The ideology of the religious nature of kingship was never uniform in Scandinavia at any given time. One of the reasons is that there were so many variations of the religion itself due to oral transmission and many influences that were localized. That is one of the reasons why the concept of sacral kingship has been challenged as not applicable as single ideology in such diverse environment.90

89 90

Sundquist, Religious Ruler Ideology, p. 226 Sundqvist, Religious Ruler Ideology, p. 227

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The Vlur The vlur create a special category among the religious practitioners in Viking Age Scandinavia. The term refers to wandering seeresses and those who practice seir that is the northern magic. The word vlva (pl. 'vlur) translates as staff bearer as staff was one of the main attributes of these women. Other frequently used terms used in saga literature are spds or spkonna, that is female diviner; or seikonna, that is sei woman. All together there are about 40 words indicating people connected with magic, but most of them relate to a female.91 That is the first indication that this part of the religious life and practices was dominated by women. The abilities of vlur are described in Yngliga saga, chapter 7: thin had the skill which gives great power and which he practised himself. It is called seith {sorcery}, and by means of it he could know the fate of men and predict events that had not yet come to pass; and by it he could also inflict death or misfortunes or sickness, or also deprive people of their wits or strength, and give them to others. But this sorcery is attended by such wickedness that manly men considered it shameful to practice it, and so it was taught to priestesses.92 There is a direct connection between vlur and the god inn, who was considered to be the master of magic, among other things. They were not his worshippers but more or less his equals. It can be demonstrated on Eddic poems Vlusp, verse 193, and Baldrs draumar94. In both of these poems Oinn in the one, who seeks the service of a prophetess in order to gain the hidden knowledge. The vlur did not communicate with the world of gods but with more universal word of the spirits and other beings who managed destiny and health. They did not possess the knowledge of all those things but they were able to channel it from the spirit world in the altered states of mind in a similar way that shamans do. 95

91 92

Price, The Viking Way, p. 126 Sturluson, Heimskringla, p. 11 93 The Poetic Edda, p. 4 94 The Poetic Edda, p. 243 - 245 95 Price, Neil, Sorcery and Circumpolar Traditions in Old Norse Belief, in Brink, Stefan, Price, Neil (eds.), The Viking World (London: Routlegde, 2012), pp. 244 248, p. 248

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From this account it can be summarized that there were two main functions of vlur in the society. The first one was as a master of divination and fortune telling. The second one was as a master healer vlva was the one who knew all the herbs and their usage as well as mind altering drugs that she would normally use to foretell the future. It might have been this knowledge that made the people respect her and believe that she could take their lives or sanity and restore it in others. There is no evidence that there were any social restrictions as to who would be allowed to invite vlva to their house in order to perform sei. On the other hand, only women were supposed to carry out the job itself. Neil Price suggested that the explanation may lie in connection between sei ritual and sexual act. The key is the passive role of women in sexual act as well as is passive the role of vlur in sei practice. For men the passive role in practicing sei would imply homosexuality that was unacceptable in Scandinavia at the time.96 The best description of vlvas dress and tools appears in the Eirks saga Ruaa: [...] she was wearing a blue cloak with straps which was set with stones right down to the hem; she had glass beads about her neck, and on her head a black lambskin hood lined inside with white catskin. She had a staff in her hand, with a knob on it; it was ornamented with brass and set around with stones just below the knob. Round her middle she wore a belt made of touchwood, and on it was a big skin pouch in which she kept those charms of hers which she needed for her magic. On her feet she had hairy calf-skin shoes with long thong-ends big knobs of lateen. She had on her hands catskin gloves which were white inside and hairy.97 The overall impression is that of wealthy woman in high-quality and therefore costly dress and precious jewellery. In Hrlfs saga Kraka, that probably comes from the 13th century and relates events that happened in 6th century Denmark, is mentioned that the prophetess got paid for her services in a form of a golden ring.98 It would be misleading to assume that the information is entirely accurate. It is more likely that it reflects much later reality of Iceland or Norway than Migration Age Denmark.
96 97

Price, Sorcery in Old Norse belief, p. 247 Anon., Jones, Gwyn (trans.), Eirik the Red in Eirik the Red and Other Icelandic Sagas (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 126-157, p. 134 98 Anon., King Hrolf and his champions: The Story of Frothi in Eirik the Red and Other Icelandic Sagas, ed. by Jones, Gwyn (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 221 - 233, p. 228

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This account can be compared with archaeological finds in order to assess the medieval imagination of the saga author and the reality of Viking Age Scandinavia. So far there were found around forty burials that may belong to somebody who practised magic. They were identified as such for containing a staff or according to unusual mortuary practice. 99 The most interesting examples are from Fyrkat in Northern Jutland, Denmark100; and Birka in Lake Mlaren, Sweden101. The famous splendid Oseberg ship burial from Vestfold, Norway that contains bodies of two women might fall into this category as well.102 For women, the burials contain unusually rich grave goods from imported glass beads to silver embroidered silk in Birka chamber grave (Bj. 845) from the mid-10th century103 or even gold threads in Fyrkat from the end of the 10th century104. The lavishness of the burial stands out especially in case of Fyrkat where the vlvas grave is the richest one of all in the area although at least some of the other burials belonged to members of kings retinue who occupied royal fortress at Fyrkat.105 These finds point out to a person who was well respected and who had considerable influence in the society. The staff, wand or divination rod were the main tools of a vlva. Further saga evidence supports the description in the Eirks saga Ruaa. The seeresses with staffs appear in Vatsnadla saga, chapter 44106, written in late 13th or early 14th century and describing events taking place in 10th century in Northern Iceland; and Laxardla saga, chapter 56,107 from mid-13th century and taking place again in 10th century in Northern Iceland. The staffs or their fragments were excavated from around 25 Scandinavian graves dating from 8th to 10th century in Denmark, Sweden, Norway and Iceland as well

99

Price, Neil, The Viking Way, p. 127 Price, The Viking Way, p. 149 101 Price, The Viking Way, p. 132 102 Price, The Viking Way, p. 159 103 Price, The Viking Way, p. 140 104 Price, The Viking Way, p. 154 105 Price, The Viking Way, p. 157 106 Anon., Wawn, Andrew (trans.), The Saga of the People of Vatnsdal in Smiley, Jane, Kellogg, Robert (eds.) The Sagas of Icelanders: A Selection, (London: Penguin, 2001), pp. 185 269, p. 263 107 Anon., Kunz, Keneva (trans.), The Saga of the People of Laxardal in Smiley, Jane, Kellogg, Robert (eds.) The Sagas of Icelanders: A Selection (London: Penguin, 2001), pp. 270 435, p. 419
100

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as Ireland, Russia and Isle of Man.108 In practice, the prophetess were believed to use the staff to spin-out their souls in order to communicate with the spirits. Another way of interpreting the staff is that it was a phallic symbol used in a simulated sexual act during the sei ritual. 109 The Eiriks saga Ruaa continues by relating the ritual which took two nights: Master Thorkel took her by the hand and led her to the seat which had been made ready for her. Thorkel then asked her to run her eyes over the household and herd and likewise the home. She had little comment to make upon anything. During the evening tables were brought in, and what food was prepared for the seeress must now be told of. There was porridge made for her goats beestings, and for her meat of the hearts of all living creatures that were available there. She had a brass spoon and an ivoryhandled knife mounted with a double ring of copper, and with its pint broken off. 110 The special seat was another important feature of a vlvas performance. Her high seat or a platform was called seihjallr and is mentioned as well in Hrlfs saga Kraka111and several other sources mention a special sitting place above all other people present but some of them under different term. As the prophetesses did not have any static place where they performed their magic, this platform was built only for the time of her visit to the farm and dismembered when she left. 112 From the archaeological perspective there are two kinds of evidence that suggest that the saga description is accurate. Firstly, there are graves that include object associated with magic and moreover the bodies were buried in a seated position bound to a chair, such as in the above mentioned grave in Birka (Bj. 843).113 Secondly, there are several examples of pendants in a shape of a chair, usually made from silver. One such a pendant was recovered from the extraordinary grave at Fyrkat. 114

108 109

Price, The Viking Way, p. 203 Price, Sorcery in Old Norse Belief, p. 245 110 Erik the Red, p. 135 111 King Hrolf and his champions, p. 227 112 Price, The Viking Way, p. 162 - 163 113 Price, The Viking Way, p. 133 114 Price, The Viking Way, p. 164

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After the feast, followed so called tiseta which translates as sitting out. The performer was sitting in solitude and meditating about the issues presented to her by the host. 115 She was being consulted mainly in the time of need or danger by a single person or a family as well as by a community leader on behalf of the whole area or by kings concerned about their realm.116 It is possible that at this point the vlur used the mind altering drugs in order to gain the insight and communicate with the spirits. In the Fyrkat grave were found seeds of henbane (lat. Hyoscyamus niger) and cannabis (lat. Cannabis sativa) has been excavated from the Oseberg ship burial. 117 According to the saga, only on the second night of the came a public ritual, that actively involved the audience as well. The answers that the seeress obtained during the tiseta had to be interpreted and delivered with maximum drama. The use of correct words and phrases was essential, the same that was true for the rituals lead by goar or the performances of ulr. The ritual could involve chanting of specific incantations. In Eirk saga Ruaa the prophetess requires a specific incantation to be delivered by one of the women in the hall otherwise the ritual would be incomplete and therefore of no use.118 By looking at the Vlusp and Baldrs Daumar the people present may have taken part in the ritual by repeating specific phrases at appointed moments and urging her to reveal the prophecy.

115 116

Raudevere, Fictive Rituals, p. 107 Price, Sorcery in Old Norse belief, p. 247 117 Price, The Viking Way, p. 205 118 Raudevere, Fictive Rituals in Vlusp, p. 103

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Conclusion The main figures who performed the religious functions in Scandinavia during the Viking Age were identified as the head of the household, goi, ulr, king and vlva. The head of the household played the key role in the worship of the dead ancestors and the land spirits. Both of these kinds of supernatural beings were believed to have power over the prosperity of the farm, including the fertility of the land, good weather and health of the crops and animals. The main responsibility of the farm owner was to ensure the good relationship with these beings in order to bring about good seasons and therefore the survival of the family. That was achieved by sacrificial toasts to the dead during the seasonal feasts or by offering sacrifices to both dead and land spirits at the places connected to them, such as the burial mounds. Although the religious authority of the household owners did not exceed the boundaries of his farm in his micro cosmos he was for the most of the time the most important figure in terms of religion. The goar combined the functions of the secular leader of the community and a priest. As a priest he was responsible for organizing seasonal festivals to honour the gods where the people of the whole area would be present. The festival included animal sacrifices followed by feasting and drinking as well with the religious connotation. The rituals themselves were performed by the goi in an outdoor holy place called v that was sacred at all times and even protected by early provincial laws. The other possibility was in the hof, that could refer either to a specialized cultic building within a central place complex or to a chieftains hall. The letter case seems to be a later development that took place mainly in Iceland and meant that the hall that had for the most of the time secular function turned at appointed times into a temple that hosted public rituals. At the same times the goi would transform from a chieftain into a priest. The symbol of his office was the oath ring that he was supposed to wear at these occasions and all the oaths had to be sworn on that ring. All the aspects of his role as the chieftain, such as ensuring the peace, successful war campaign, feeding his people and maintaining the justice, were reflected in his role as a priest. 29

The ulr were the keepers of knowledge. They knew the mythological tales, the narratives of the ancient heroes and the mnemonic poems. Their main duty was not only to remember those but to perform them in public during sacrificial festivals held by goar or kings or at other social occasions. The repertoire was variable depending on the preferences of the audience. Some of the pieces were recited. Others could have been presented in a dramatic form and thus allowing their audience to stand face to face to their gods and heroes. In some places they may have taken part in the memorial rituals for the dead by reciting the praise poetry to honour the individuals. The kings were playing similar role as the goar but in larger scale. They were as well hosting the seasonal festivals to bring about prosperity of the land, such as the ones in Uppsala, Sweden. The other option was that they were present at the festival held by one of his subject. Either way it was essential for the people that their king actively participated in these fertility rituals. Part of the kings authority derived from this arrangement. If the seasons were bad or the king refused to be involved in the sacrifices in a proper way he could be facing some serious social unrest. The other part of the kings right to rule, from the religious point of view, was rooted in his association with divine powers. Some of the Scandinavian leading houses claimed to be descendants of the gods. The vlur or the prophetesses were the only religious role that was attributed specifically to women. They specialized in a form of magic called sei that included divination and healing. They were spiritual guides who were called to a farm in the time of need in order to reverse the bad situation by obtaining the secret knowledge. The sei ritual was elaborate with specific seating arrangements, sacrificial feast, use of mind altering drugs, chanting and participation of the audience. They were highly regarded within the society and their customers were ready to pay well for their services. These seem to be the basic templates for the religious roles in the pre-Christian society in Scandinavia. However, when discussing any specific cases the interpreter needs to be aware of the mutations that were present within the belief system itself and therefore in the way these believes were put into practice. 30

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