‘Mysterious waifs of time’1: some thoughts on the

functions of Irish ‘bullaun stones’.

Brian.Dolan@ucd.ie

Introduction
There are 965 recorded bullaun stones (Fig. 1) in the National Monuments Database
(871)2 and the Northern Ireland Sites and Monuments Record (94) 3. They are a
quintessential Irish field monument; easily identified, ubiquitous and enigmatic.
Recognised as archaeological monuments since the nineteenth century; our
knowledge about their function and origin remains minimal. Despite this, there has
been little published research on bullauns, particularly in the last fifty years.

Their study is extremely problematic and throws up many issues relating to definition,
dating and function. This paper attempts to address some of these through a review of
the known evidence for bullauns in Ireland. In particular, the many theories regarding
the function of bullaun stones will be compared and evaluated. Bullauns are likely to
have had multiple uses but their use as ore-crushing mortars, which may have been
significant, has generally been overlooked and will be discussed in detail. The spatial
distribution of bullauns will also be examined. Finally, some consideration will be
given to potential avenues for future research.

Definition
The word bullaun is derived from an Irish term ballán or bullán, originating in
Connaught and referring to round holes in rocks, usually filled with water (Joyce
1903, 78). The term may also translate as a drinking vessel, milk pail (Crozier and
Rea 1940, 104) or simply as ‘little holes’ (Wakeman 1889, 257). Antiquarians used
the term very loosely, referring to any basin shaped depression in stone including
prehistoric cupmarks and even stone basins from megalithic tombs (e.g. Wakeman
1875; 1889; Woodmartin 1895; Evans 1957). Modern use of the term is generally not
accompanied by an explicit definition but that given by the Archaeological Survey of
Ireland is a reasonable representation of how the term is used:

“The term 'bullaun’ … is applied to boulders of stone with artificially carved,

hemispherical hollows or basin-like depressions, which may have functioned as
mortars. They are frequently associated with ecclesiastical sites and holy wells and so
may have been used for religious purposes. They date to the early medieval period
(5th-12th centuries AD).” 4

The key identifiers include the artificial nature of the ‘carving’, the bowl-shape and
the location on boulders (implying undressed stone). The equivalent definition given
for cup-marked stones differentiates them in their ‘small’ size, their isolated locations
and their manufacture through a chipping or pecking process (see Bednarik 2008 for
detailed discussion).

It is clear that the separation of bullauns and cupmarks into distinct categories reflects
a archaeological reality but it is not nearly as clear that the remaining stones classified
as bullauns constitute a homogenous group in terms of function, chronology or
morphology. Nonetheless, historically there has been an implicit consensus on the
criteria for classifying bullauns that would seem to agree with the archaeological
evidence.

In the early twentieth century this journal was the venue for a large number of short
papers reporting on individual bullauns or groups of bullauns; often including
speculation on their origins and use (Knox 1902; Westropp 1902; Hanan 1903;
Falkiner 1906; Howard 1906; Moore 1907; Crawford 1910a; 1910b; 1912; 1913a;
1913b; French 1920; Rooke 1938). However, the first in-depth archaeological, rather
than antiquarian, discussion of bullauns was published in the Ulster Journal of
Archaeology (Crozier and Rea 1940). The authors clearly defined bullauns as part of a
sequence of ‘basin stones’; starting with cup marks and ending with medieval fonts.
They identified true bullauns as “those basin stones which show no working on the
exterior” (Crozier and Rea 1940, 104) and differentiated them from the earlier
cupmarks and two later classes with crude exterior working (class B) and more
careful dressing (class C).

A later paper by Lacaille (1953) considered stone mortars with particular reference to
examples from western Scotland. While the paper mentions bullauns briefly (Lacaille
1953, 58-59), it is primarily a broad classification of stone basins in general, from
cross bases and fonts to domestic knocking stones and small prehistoric mortars. Soon
after Lacaille’s publication Liam Price’s (1959) seminal paper on Irish bullauns,
particularly those from Glendalough Co. Wicklow, appeared. Price’s definition of
bullauns was essentially the same as that used by modern archaeologists (given
above); quite clearly separating them from more ancient cupmarks and more recent
knocking stones (Price 1959, 172).

Since Price’s paper there has been surprisingly little published research focusing on
bullauns. What has been published has generally taken the form of short reports (e.g.
Healy 1960; Barry 1978; MacMahon 1984; MacNamara 1984; O'Brien 1988;
McGuinness and Redmond 1995; McGuinness 2002), secondary consideration as part
of broader studies (Harbison 1991b; 1994; Herity 1995), or limited considerations of
function (Kelleher and O'Brien 2008; Dolan 2009). These have not generally
discussed the definition of bullauns in an explicit way; implicitly accepting the
definition put forward by Price.

It is evident from the literature that our conception of ‘bullauns’ is based on

morphology rather than a deeper understanding of function or chronology.
Nevertheless, a consensus of definition has developed that cannot be easily dismissed
and will be followed here. Considering the simplicity and uniformity of bullauns it
seems likely they are the result of an action; that the key to their shape is in their
function. As will be discussed, there are a multitude of processes that could (and
probably did) produce such a shape. Unity of definition should not imply unity of age
or function.

Dating
The early medieval date of bullauns is widely accepted, to the extent that bullauns are
occasionally used to date particular sites to the early medieval period (e.g. MacMahon
1984; O'Brien 1988, 521). This is, quite reasonably, based on the common occurrence
of bullauns on early medieval ecclesiastical and, occasionally, secular sites. However,
there is a surprising lack of direct dating evidence to support this consensus. Very few
bullauns have been excavated, perhaps because few were buried, and stone has
obvious problems in terms of dating. Still, some evidence has been excavated and it
does tend to agree with an early medieval and possibly slightly later date for most
bullaun stones.

Strangely, perhaps the best dated bullaun found to date comes from an excavation by
Glasgow University at The Carrick, Loch Lomond in Scotland. Here a boulder
c.50cm in maximum length and with multiple artificial depressions on its surface (Fig.
2) was found in association with two metalworking platforms and an enclosed
cemetery, thought to be broadly contemporary, and dating in the range AD 690-900
(David Sneddon pers. comm.). Excavations of similar boulders in Ireland tend to be
less closely dated.

A boulder with an artificial depression on one side was excavated by Ivens (1987) at
Tullylish, Co. Down and identified by the author as a possible bullaun. Unfortunately
it came from an undated context and could be either early or later medieval, although
the associated finds were all ‘of early Christian type’ (Ivens 1987, 61). An excavated
bullaun from Moyne Church, Co. Mayo (Higgins 1989) was not in a primary context
but does provide a terminus ante quem of c.1200 AD when a church was constructed
on top of it. Similarly, at Clonmore, Co. Carlow the historically recorded destruction
of the monastery in 1040 AD (Harbison 1991a, 179) may provide a less certain
terminus ante quem for the two bullauns on that site. A recently excavated bullaun
from Gneevebeg, Co. Westmeath (Wallace 2004) awaits full publication but
radiocarbon dates from the site ranged from c.1200-1800 A.D (Angela Wallace pers.
comm.).

There have been a series of smaller boulders/rocks with artificial basins excavated
from Irish early medieval sites that are, I would argue, cognate with bullauns and
provide much better dating evidence. Morphologically they are very similar, but on a
smaller scale and they would be serviceable for many of the same functions proposed
for larger bullauns (e.g. grinding or pounding foodstuffs, pigments or metallic ores).
The best dated examples (Fig. 3) come from Bofeenaun crannog, Co. Mayo, dated
using dendrochronology to 804±9 AD (Keane 1995, 180). A similar stone was also
found at Cathedral Hill, Armagh (Gaskell-Brown and Harper 1984) at the base of a
ditch, underlying a layer dated 1660±80 BP (172-575 Cal. AD). Further, possibly
similar objects were also reported from Lagore, Co. Meath (Hencken 1950, 175),
Ballinderry II, Co. Offaly (Hencken 1942, 65), Reask, Co. Kerry (Fanning 1981, 136-
137) and Garranes, Co. Cork (Ó'Ríordáin 1942) all broadly dating to the early
medieval period.

Stone monuments are often dated through the style of their carvings or through
inscriptions but this is generally not possible in the case of bullauns. Herity (1995,
238) does list a number of bullauns cut into the bases of high crosses on Iniskeen
Island, Co. Fermanagh, Eglish, Co. Armagh and Monasterboice, Co. Louth. While
this does, again, point towards an early medieval date there is no way of knowing
when the basins were added to the crosses. There are similar problems with using
inscriptions like the one noted by Wakeman (1896, 407-408) on a bullaun stone from
Kill-o’-the-Grange.
Dating bullauns broadly to the early medieval period does seem reasonable given the
evidence but there is also some indication that their origins may stretch into the
medieval period and possibly earlier, into the late Iron Age. The ambiguity of the
evidence should caution archaeologists against using individual bullauns for dating
sites, particularly when they are located on isolated or ambiguous sites.

Function
There is a long history of speculation about the function of bullauns, almost all of it
based solely on conjecture. Theories have ranged from the practical to the fantastical,
with one scholar even suggesting they were used ‘for the reception of exposed
children’ (Browne 1887). Internationally, similar stones are generally seen as multi-
functional mortars, used to crush anything from animal bones to acorns (Fendin
2006). The large number and widespread distribution of bullauns (Fig. 4) suggests
that they were both common and useful.

Unfortunately there is very little surviving evidence; the historical texts are largely
mute and archaeological evidence is mainly from surface investigation rather than
excavation. This makes it very difficult to be definitive about the function of bullauns
but nonetheless, it is possible to suggest a few possibilities.

Natural
Nature is capable of producing carvings strikingly similar to bullauns. These natural
formations are called ‘potholes’ (Fig. 5) and they are formed by clasts scouring
bedrock in turbulent water. Their shape can vary considerably in size and be
hemispherical, sub-conical or cylindrical in shape (Bednarik 2008, 62-64). Examples
from Ireland have been given by Lacaille (1953, 58-60) and Price (1959, 169), while
Falkiner (1906), taking the notion to an extreme, explained all bullauns as resulting
from the movement of flint nodules during glaciations. A recent example of the
potential problems that can be caused by natural formation processes is the difficulty
encountered by McGuinness (2002) in classifying hollows on a mountaintop outcrop
in Co. Dublin.

Clearly a degree of caution is advisable in classifying bullauns close to rivers, and

particularly waterfalls. However, the occurrence of many bullauns within human
settlements and away from water sources strongly suggests that the majority are
artificial. Indeed, it is entirely possible that natural formations could have been
commandeered for the same purposes as their synthetic counterparts, particularly
where they occur on archaeological sites.

Fonts or Stoups
The earliest published discussions of bullauns by antiquarians (e.g. Martin 1875) note
a widespread belief that bullauns were simple fonts or stoups associated with the
initial phase of Irish Christianity. Their tendency to collect water and to be found on
religious sites makes this an obvious interpretation still occasionally adhered to today
(e.g. Mytum 1992, 91). Wakeman (1889, 258) argued against the notion, seeing stones
with multiple bullauns as unnecessary if baptism was their primary function. Price
(1959, 174-176) also refuted the idea; basing his argument on the lack of historical
evidence. Similarly, examples of stones with bullauns on two sides, occasionally worn
all the way through, as well as bullauns located on secular sites, suggest a different
purpose. Nonetheless it is not a theory that can be dismissed (or proved) easily.
‘Suspiciously Pagan’5
There has been a lasting association in antiquarian and archaeological minds between
bullauns and rituals seen as pagan with a ‘Christian gloss’ (e.g. Woodmartin 1895,
410; Harbison 1991b, 228; Ó'Cróinín 1995). This idea is essentially based on post-
medieval folklore that associated the water from bullauns with curative powers (e.g.
Wakeman 1875; Woodmartin 1895) or holy wells (Knox 1902; Westropp 1902).
Bullauns were also used, in conjunction with ‘cursing’ or ‘prayer’ stones (e.g. Evans
1957; Herity 1995) and occasionally they were assigned powers over fertility (e.g.
Crozier and Rea 1940; Lacaille 1953; Weir 1990). Chronologically it is possible that
bullauns were in use prior to the Christianisation of the country but using evidence
from nineteenth and twentieth century folklore to argue for the function of bullauns
almost two millennia earlier is highly problematic. There is essentially no clear
archaeological or historical evidence that bullauns were associated with pagan
religious rituals. However, the same is not the case for Christian ritual.

Pilgrimage
Some of the most recent publications regarding the function of bullaun stones have
argued strongly for their association with pilgrimage (Harbison 1991b; 1994; Herity
1995; McGuinness and Redmond 1995; McGuinness 2002). Harbison (1991b, 224)
noted that as curative aids, bullauns fit into traditions of ’patterns’ or local
pilgrimages. Developing this notion in relation to early pilgrimage to Mount Brandon
on the Dingle peninsula he cited two bullauns from Kilcoman and Kilmalkedar sited
along the early pilgrim routeway (Harbison 1994). The bullaun at Kilcoman lies
beside a large boulder with an inscribed cross and an ogham inscription translated by
Macalister (1945, 186-8) as ‘Colman the pilgrim’. Harbison argued persuasively that
there was a spatial association between bullaun stones and other monuments
potentially associated with pilgrimage (e.g. cross slabs, ogham stones, oratories and
bee-hive huts). However, much of his argument was based on post-medieval folk
memory that lacks contemporary corroboration. He was himself at pains to point out
that the dates of many of the monuments he discusses are uncertain and their
associations with pilgrimage are “somewhat in the nature of a hypothesis” (Harbison
1994, 99).

Herity (1995, 300), noting the location of many bullauns on early ecclesiastical sites,
developed an idea put forward earlier by Evans (1957, 298-300); arguing that
bullauns were formed by the constant turning of cursing/prayer stones by pilgrims as
part of the ritual of early pilgrimage. McGuinness (2002, 55-6) supported his
hypothesis, adding a number of examples of early Christian sites where bullaun stones
form stations in local pilgrimage rounds. McGuinness also pointed to their presence
beside the pilgrim roads at Clonmacnoise, Co. Offaly and Glendalough, Co. Wicklow
and their common association with ecclesiastical sites.

While some connection between bullaun stones and pilgrimage routes is certainly
possible there is insufficient evidence to suggest that their origins and function lie in
associated rituals. The first issue is the reliability of the folk memory from which the
theory is derived; memories and practices recorded hundreds of years after bullauns
went out of use. Indeed, Price (1959, 176) noted that knowledge of the function of
bullauns appears to have been lost by the eleventh or twelfth centuries when fanciful
stories were already being told about them. He also pointed out that curative water
could also be taken from cross bases, clearly a later addition to their original,
misunderstood, function. He also noted that cursing stones are not primarily
associated with bullauns (Price 1959, 173). Indeed, the most famous examples; the
Clocha Breaca; lie on flat slabs on top of a stone altar. A key problem with the
hypothesis arises from the fact that there are no historical or ethnographical accounts
of bullauns being made. This seems problematic if the idea the process that originally
produced them survived up to the nineteenth century.

The association of bullauns with pilgrimage routes at Mount Brandon, Glendalough

and Clonmacnoise and with ecclesiastical sites more generally, is striking and requires
explanation. However, this explanation need not be primarily religious (particularly
considering the occurrence of bullauns on ringforts and other non-ecclesiastical sites).
Ecclesiastical sites were usually settlements too and would have required the same
paraphernalia of life required elsewhere.

Mortars for Food Production

Studies of bullauns have generally acknowledged the possibility that they were used
as mortars in the production of food. The biggest advocate of this theory was Price,
though he readily acknowledged that this explanation was “just as conjectural as the
other theories” (Price 1959, 177). The main support for the hypothesis comes from
comparison with similar stone mortars known from ethnographic accounts,
particularly with a type of mortar used frequently to de-husk barley in Scotland and
Northern Ireland in the post-medieval period. These ‘knocking stones’ (also known as
creeing troughs or whin-stones) are well documented and very similar in many
respects to bullauns; the significant difference being that they often have lids, are
usually portable and generally have dressed exteriors (Hewson 1938; Lacaille 1953;
Price 1959). More recently, Kelleher and O’Brien (2008) have argued that some
bullauns resemble ‘bedrock mortars’ known from North America where they were
used for grinding grain. Similar mortars for the grinding of grain are also known from
many parts of Africa (e.g. David 1999; Sadr and Fauvelle-Aymar 2006). Excavated
evidence is rare although a bullaun from Gneevebeg seems to have been associated
with corn-drying kilns (Wallace 2004).

The ubiquity of quern stones and the occurrence of large-scale water powered mill-
stones in early medieval Ireland suggests that bullauns were not used primarily for
grinding grain. However, they could have had many other uses including crushing or
pounding nuts, roots, seeds, vegetables and bones amongst other things. Evans (1957,
226) refers to the crushing of limpets in bullauns as fish-bait on the north coast of
Ireland. Regrettably the evidence remains insufficient to move beyond speculation.
The identification of an area where bullauns may lie under peat (Kelleher and O'Brien
2008) may provide an opportunity in the future for the recovery of associated organic
materials that could shed further light on this theory.

Metalworking Mortars
Very little is known about the production of metals in Ireland between the Bronze Age
and the medieval period (although see Scott 1990; Comber 2004). However, evidence
in the form of furnaces, moulds, slag and finished artefacts, combined with
fragmentary literary allusions (Ó'Corráin 1974; Scott 1988; Scott 1990) make it clear
that metals such as iron and copper and probably gold, silver and lead were extracted
and refined on the island. After the extraction of minerals from a mine, bog or ore-
bearing sediments it is usually necessary to sort, crush, grind and sometimes roast the
ore, processes together termed beneficiation (Scott 1988; Craddock 1995). It is the
crushing and grinding of ores (and possibly blooms) that is of interest in relation to
bullauns; the suggestion has been made many times that they may have served as
mortars for these processes (e.g. Price 1959, 169; P. Healy in Barry 1978; Harbison
1991b, 223; Dolan 2009) but the idea has generally been over-looked in favour of
other interpretations. This is surprising since quite a few excavated bullauns can be
convincingly associated with the remains of metalworking processes.

Internationally there is abundant ethnographic evidence for the use of stone basins
(generally referred to as grinding hollows) in the production of metals. Zimbabwean
examples, colloquially referred to as ‘dolly holes’ (Swan 1994; 1996), were used
extensively, in conjunction with related elongated grinding grooves for the crushing of
gold bearing ores into sand-sized particles. They may also have been used for
crushing iron or copper ores and possibly for crushing quartz for use as a flux during
smelting or as a temper in pottery (Swan 1994, 62). In Rajasthan, India large mortars,
very similar to bullauns, were used to crush silver-lead ores while in Karnataka
smaller, shallower depressions were created as a by-product of crushing gold-bearing
quartz on flat rock surfaces (Willies et al. 1984; Craddock 1991; 1995, 159-161). In
the Bassar region of northern Togo iron blooms were crushed, often by the smith’s
wife, to separate out iron from slag (Fig. 6; Philip de Barros pers. comm.).
Ethnoarchaeological work in Sukur, Nigeria (David 1999; David and Kramer 2001,
143-145) has demonstrated the multi-functional use of a variety of grinding hollows
including a subset of round, steep sided and fairly small ‘fining hollows’ used by
specialist iron producers in living memory to break up iron blooms. Closer to home,
Hencken (1933, 276) reported the use of stone basins in Cornwall “in comparatively
recent times” for the crushing of tin ores.

It is also possible to point to archaeological and antiquarian evidence internationally

for the use of stone basins in the processing of ores. Early reports from Wales
identified stone mortars related to copper (Stanley 1869) and gold production (Knight
1856). At the Rio Tinto mines in Spain a large number of mortars and pestles from a
pre-roman mining community were used for pulverising the ore prior to smelting
(Blanco and Luzon 1969; Fendin 2006; Fig. 7). Mortars, thought to be used for ore
processing and bearing a striking resemblance to bullauns have also been identified
recently at Mugharet al Warda in Jordan, associated with a Byzantine or medieval
iron-mine (Xander Veldhujen pers. comm; Dolan 2009). In Scotland, the previously
mentioned excavations at The Carrick revealed a bullaun stone (Fig. 2) associated
with metalworking platforms identified by multiple negative features filled with iron
slag and charcoal (David Sneddon pers. comm.).

Similar relationships can be recognised in Ireland. At Gallen Priory, Kendrick found a

large slab with a basin c. 50cm in diameter cut into it, surrounded by pits of iron slag
and burnt earth. This was interpreted as an ore-crushing hollow (Kendrick 1939, 5)
and clearly fits the definition of a bullaun. At Tullylish, Co. Down (Ivens 1987) a pit
from an industrial area produced a number of large boulders, one of which had an
apparently artificial depression in it, identified as a potential bullaun by the excavator.
A possible ironworking furnace base was also cut into the fill of the pit.
The group of smaller mortars argued above to be cognate with bullauns are also
associated with metalworking processes. The examples from Bofeenaun crannog (Fig.
3) were clearly associated with a dedicating ironworking area (Keane 1995). The
example from Armagh had traces of red powder in it suggesting its use as a mortar.
The traces were probably of a ferritic mineral, crushed either for smelting or as a
pigment. The ditch from which it was excavated contained considerable evidence for
both iron and bronze working (Gaskell-Brown and Harper 1984). It may be
significant that a circular stone excavated at Nendrum also with red staining and also
identified as a mortar was associated with ironstone nodules (Lawlor 1925, 140).
Other similar stones (e.g. Hencken 1942, 65; Ó'Ríordáin 1942, 110-111; Hencken
1950, 174; Fanning 1981, 136-137) cannot be directly associated with metalworking
and could just as easily be pivots, lamps or mortars for non-metallic materials.

A number of other bullauns are known from contexts not directly related to
metalworking but from sites with metalworking evidence. At Glannafeen, Co. Cork a
hut containing a smelting furnace had a low spine of bedrock bisecting it
(Ó'Cuileanáin 1955; Fig. ?). This had a stone hollow marked on it in plan (not
commented on in the text) that may be a bullaun related to the iron smelting. At
Moyne Church, Co. Mayo (Higgins 1989) excavation revealed a re-used bullaun
stone, now perforated, on one of the church plinths. The site also revealed iron slag in
a number of cuttings. At Drumnakill, Co. Antrim a bullaun in a dolerite boulder was
surrounded by iron slag led Evans (1945, 26) to suggest ‘one possible use for these
mysterious basins was the pounding and grinding of iron-ore’. More recently,
geophysical survey at Killuran Burial Ground, Co. Clare (Hull 2009; Leigh 2009) has
identified significant ferrous responses from a probable early church site with a
bullaun stone. Without excavation, the possibility exists that the response may be the
result of modern debris.

There is evidently a strong argument to be made that some bullauns served functions
related to the production of metals. Significantly, this is substantiated by excavated
archaeological evidence. It may also be corroborated historically by a short passage in
the Life of St Kevin in which a smith is blinded by a chip from a stone he is grinding
in a mortella (Plummer 1922, 241). Price (1959, 181) translates mortella as ‘mortar’,
suggesting it might refer to a rock-basin. He does not comment on the crucial fact that
it is a smith that is doing the grinding. The evidence for the use of bullauns as
metalworking mortars is perhaps the least ambiguous of all the hypotheses considered
here but at the same time it is not likely to have been their sole function and more
evidence is required before conclusions are drawn.

DISTRIBUTION
Many of the traditional interpretations of bullauns have been based on their spatial
association with ecclesiastical sites and yet the author is not aware of any publication
that has considered their distribution in and of itself. This has probably been due to a
lack of data in the past, now remedied by the electronic publication of the
archaeological surveys for the North and South of Ireland and geological information
from the Geological Surveys of both jurisdictions 6. This data is not perfect but
bullauns have been identified and recorded since the nineteenth century and it is
reasonable to assume the data collected is representative of their real distribution. The
information on ore deposits (Fig. 9) is based on modern geological mapping which
includes sources potentially inaccessible or unusable for early metalworkers. Equally,
it excludes sources exhausted in the past or not suitable for modern extraction (e.g.
bog ore deposits). Regrettably, it was not possible to obtain data on gold, lead or silver
deposits.

The general distribution of bullauns is widespread but not universal. The greatest
concentration occurs in the Wicklow mountains around Glendalough with smaller
concentrations on the Dingle peninsula, Co. Kerry and in Co. Cork, around
Ballyvourney and Macroom (Fig. 4). Fig. 10 shows three areas where bullauns are
extremely rare: Area 1 encompasses most of Co. Mayo and much of west Galway;
Area 2 comprises north Kerry and western parts of counties Clare and Limerick while
Area 3 includes a swathe of land stretching west from Dublin through Meath and
Westmeath.

Surprisingly, the areas with few bullauns appear to correspond closely to changes in
the underlying geology of the regions. Areas 2 and 3 encompass distinct geological
areas of limestone and sandstone respectively while Area 1 appears to coincide with a
change in geology from limestones to more complex formations. The correspondence
is striking and unlikely to be co-incidental but explanation of these patterns is not
straightforward. It may be that stones in these areas were not suitable for making
bullauns or that the tradition simply did not exist in these areas. It is also possible that
the gaps are products of modern survey biases. Alternatively, if the use of bullauns as
mortars for ores is accepted, these areas may represent areas of the country where
suitable ores were rare. This does not seem likely in the case of Area 1 which is
apparently rich in ores (Fig. 9).

The concentration of bullauns around Glendalough, Co. Wicklow was first considered
by Price (1959) who suggested they were for grinding grain and were introduced by
British monks. Healy (in Barry 1978) made the suggestion that they could have been
used for the grinding of local metal ores; Co. Wicklow is known to have had deposits
of lead and gold (Tylecote 1986) as well as copper and iron (Fig. 9). The reference,
noted above, to a smith grinding at the monastery in the Life of St Kevin lends some
credibility to this suggestion as does the excavated evidence for medieval;
ironworking in close proximity to the monastery (Manning 1983-4). The bullauns at
Glendalough have also been connected with pilgrimage to the monastery, particularly
those located near St Kevin’s road (Harbison 1991b). This is a reasonable suggestion
but it is also important to note that roads to Glendalough would not only have been
used by pilgrims but also locals, traders, soldiers and, perhaps, metalworkers.

An association with metalworking is a less convincing explanation for the bullauns on

the Dingle peninsula considering the apparent lack of ores (Fig. 9), although ores
could potentially have been supplied by sea. While pilgrimage is an alternative
explanation, it should be noted that only two of the bullauns have been associated
with the pilgrim route to Mount Brandon (Harbison 1994). The third concentration of
bullauns is perhaps the most difficult to explain but the extensive evidence for iron
smelting excavated at Ballyvourney (O'Kelly 1952) suggests the availability of iron
ores in the area as well as a local iron-smelting tradition.

Conclusions
Crawford (1910a; 1910b) noted almost a hundred years ago that bullauns were
unlikely to have all been made for the same purpose. This is certainly true and the use
of bullauns as fonts, pagan ritual objects and Christian ritual objects is possible and in
some cases plausible. However, international parallels suggest that the most common
use for rock basins was as mortars for grinding, smashing and crushing. The materials
processed in such mortars vary widely but in Ireland the best evidence we have
suggests they were used for grinding ores and/or blooms. At the same time the
evidence does not yet support the conclusion that this was their sole, or even primary,
function.

It is clear that there remain huge difficulties when interpreting the fragmentary
evidence we have relating to bullauns. Their exposed locations, undatable material
and obscure nature have led to a lack of research, but there remains great potential to
reveal their secrets. For example, work in Africa and North America suggests that
mortars used for crushing grain tend to be conical in profile and vary from circular to
oval while mortars used for crushing blooms are generally circular and cylindrical in
profile (Philip de Barros pers. comm.; David 1999). The use of this sort of
ethnographic evidence combined with detailed morphological studies (some of which
has already taken place cf. McGuinness 2006), experimental reconstructions (e.g.
Swan 1996) and scientific examination of residues and wear patterns (e.g. Dubreuil
2001; 2004; Bednarik 2008) could lead to a much better understanding of bullaun
stones.

Equally, targeted geophysical survey and excavation around bullauns could very
quickly test the extent of the association of bullauns with metalworking debris while
at the same time possibly providing material for dating. The area around Glendalough,
Co. Wicklow, with its concentration of bullauns and important mineral resources
could provide an ideal case-study area. Clearly there is scope for teasing out the many
threads of evidence that have been left neglected. A deeper understanding of bullauns
will contribute to a much richer understanding of the people who produced them.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This article was written while the author was in receipt of scholarships from the Irish
Research Council for the Humanities and Social Sciences and from the National
University of Ireland. I would like to thank Philip de Barros, Terry O’Hagan and
David Sneddon for allowing me to use their photos. Thanks to Louise Nugent for both
reading drafts and for vibrant discussion and to Dr. Aidan O’Sullivan and others in the
UCD School of Archaeology who discussed the ideas put forth here. As always, any
mistakes remain emphatically mine.

REFERENCES
Barry, T. B. (1978) Three bullaun stones at Kelshamore, County Wicklow. Journal of
the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 108, 116.
Bednarik, R. G. (2008) Cupules. Rock Art Research, 25, 61-100.
Blanco, A. & Luzon, M. (1969) Pre-Roman silver miners at Rio Tinto. Antiquity, 43,
124-31.
Browne, J. (1887) Report for County Londonderry. Journal of the Royal Society of
Antiquaries of Ireland, 8 (4th Series), 332-35.
Comber, M. (2004) Native Evidence of Non-ferrous Metalworking in Early Historic
Ireland, Oxford, BAR International Series 1296.
Craddock, P. T. (1991) Old ways in the Kolar Gold Field. Gold Bulletin and Gold
Patent Digest, 24, 127-31.
Craddock, P. T. (1995) Early Metal Mining and Production Edinburgh, Edinburgh
University Press.
Crawford, H. S. (1910a) Bullaun stones in the Glen of Aherlow. Journal of the Royal
Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 40, 60-61.
Crawford, H. S. (1910b) A double bullaun near Bagenalstown. Journal of the Royal
Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 40, 171-72.
Crawford, H. S. (1912) A bullaun stone in County Wicklow. Journal of the Royal
Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 42, 340.
Crawford, H. S. (1913a) Bullaun-stone at Rathdrum. Journal of the Royal Society of
Antiquaries of Ireland, 43, 170.
Crawford, H. S. (1913b) Notes on stones used as a cure at Killery, near Dromahair,
and on certain bullauns. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland,
43, 267-69.
Crozier, I. R. & Rea, L. C. (1940) Bullauns and other basin-stones. Ulster Journal of
Archaeology, 3, 104-14.
David, N. (1999) The ethnoarchaeology and field archaeology of grinding at Sukur,
Adamawa State, Nigeria. African Archaeological Review, 15, 13-63.
David, N. & Kramer, C. (2001) Ethnoarchaeology in action, Cambridge, Cambridge
University Press.
Dolan, B. (2009) Bedrocks and Bullauns: more than one use for a mortar?
Archaeology Ireland, 23, 16-19.
Dubreuil, L. (2001) Functional studies of prehistoric grindingstones: a methodological
research Bulletin du Centre de Recherche Français de Jérusalem 9, 73-87.
Dubreuil, L. (2004) Long-term trends in Natufian subsistence: a use-wear
analysis of ground stone tools. Journal of Archaeological Science, 31, 1613-29.
Evans, E. E. (1945) Field archaeology in the Ballycastle district. Ulster Journal of
Archaeology, 8, 14-32.
Evans, E. E. (1957) Irish Folk Ways, London, Routledge.
Falkiner, W. F. (1906) Bullaun. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland,
36, 420-21.
Fanning, T. (1981) Excavation of an Early Christian cemetery and settlement at
Reask, County Kerry. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, 81C, 67-172.
Fendin, T. (2006) Grinding processes and reproductive metaphors. In Anders Andrén,
Kristina Jennbert & Raudvere, C. (Eds.) Old Norse Religion in Long Term
Perspectives: Origins, Changes and Interactions, an International Conference
in Lund, Sweden, June 3-7, 2004. Lund, Nordic Academic Press, 159-63.
French, E. J. (1920) A bullaun. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland,
50, 182.
Gaskell-Brown, C. & Harper, A. E. T. (1984) Excavations on Cathedral Hill, Armagh,
1968. Ulster Journal of Archaeology, 47, 109-61.
Hanan, D. (1903) Bullaun-stone, Glen of Aherlow, Co. Tipperary. Journal of the
Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 33, 193.
Harbison, P. (1991a) Early Christian antiquities at Clonmore, Co. Carlow.
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, 91 C, 177-200.
Harbison, P. (1991b) Pilgrimage in Ireland : the monuments and the people, London,
Barrie & Jenkins.
Harbison, P. (1994) Early Irish pilgrimage archaeology in the Dingle peninsula. World
Archaeology, 26, 90-103.
Healy, P. (1960) Bullauns at Killarney, Co. Kerry. Journal of the Royal Society of
Antiquaries of Ireland, 90, 83-84.
Hencken, H. O. N. (1933) An excavation by H.M. Office of Works at Chysauster,
Cornwall, 1931. Archaeologia, 83, 237-84.
Hencken, H. O. N. (1942) Ballinderry crannog No. 2. Proceedings of the Royal Irish
Academy, 47 C, 1-76.
Hencken, H. O. N. (1950) Lagore Crannog: an Irish royal residence of the 7th to 10th
centuries AD. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, 53 C, 1-248.
Herity, M. J. (1995) The chi-rho and other early cross-forms in Ireland. In Picard, J.-
M. (Ed.) Acquitane and Ireland in the Middle Ages. Dublin, Four Courts Press,
232-60.
Hewson, L. M. (1938) "Bullaun" stones, Rathlin Island, Co. Antrim. Journal of the
Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 68, 150-51.
Higgins, J. (1989) 'Moyne Church' Moyne. In Bennett, I. (Ed.) Excavations 1988.
Dublin, Organisation of Irish Archaeologists, 29-30.
Howard, S. (1906) Bullauns at Burren, County Down. Journal of the Royal Society of
Antiquaries of Ireland, 36, 80-82.
Hull, G. (2009) Killuran Burial Ground, Killuran, O’Callaghan’s Mills, Co. Clare: An
archaeological desk based assessment including geophysical survey for
Killuran Burial Ground Committee. Unpublished Report, TVAS.
Ivens, R. J. (1987) The Early Christian monastic enclosure at Tullylish, Co. Down.
Ulster Journal of Archaeology, 50, 55-121.
Joyce, P. W. (1903) A Social History of Early Ireland, London, Longmans, Green, and
Co.
Keane, M. (1995) The Crannóg. In I.A.W.U (Ed.) Blackwater Survey and
Excavations, Artefact Deterioration in Peatlands, Lough More, Co. Mayo.
Dublin, Transactions of the Irish Archaeological Wetland Unit 4, Crannóg
Publications, 167-82.
Kelleher, M. & O'Brien, C. (2008) Between a rock and a hard place. Archaeology
Ireland, 22, 8-9.
Kendrick, T. D. (1939) Gallen Priory excavations, 1934-5. Journal of the Royal
Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 69, 1-20.
Knight, H. H. (1856) On the methods employed by the ancients in working gold
mines Archaeologia Cambrensis, 11, 132-38
Knox, H. T. (1902) Bullauns, forming two of St. Patrick's wells in Connaught.
Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 32, 188-90.
Lacaille, A. D. (1953) Stone Basins. Transactions of the Glasgow Archaeological
Society, 12, 41-93.
Lawlor, H. C. (1925) The Monastery of Saint Mochaoi of Nendrum, Belfast, The
Belfast natural history and philosophical society.
Leigh, J. (2009) Killuran, Co. Clare (09R019), Geophysical Survey Report.
Unpublished Report, J M Leigh Surveys
Macalister, R. A. S. (1945) Corpus Insciptionum Insularum Celticarum, Dublin,
Stationery Office.
MacMahon, M. (1984) McMahon, Michael: The Doughnambraher font-relic of an
ancient ecclesiastical site? The Other Clare, 8, 17-18.
MacNamara, T. V. (1984) The bullaun stones of Holy Island. The Other Clare, 8, 31-
2.
Manning, C. (1983-4) Excavations at Glendalough. Journal of the Kildare
Archaeological Society, 16, 342-7.
Martin, J. (1875) "Bullawns", nature and object of (& comment by Rev. James
Graves). Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 3 438-39.
McGuinness, D. V. (2002) Some antiquities of the Early Christian period on Three
Rock Mountain Co. Dublin. Wicklow Archaeology and History, 2, 45-60.
McGuinness, D. V. (2006) Irish rock-basins or 'Bullaun stones' : contributions towards
understanding an enigmatic field monument of the early christian period.
Unpublished PhD Thesis. School of Archaeology. Dublin, UCD.
McGuinness, D. V. & Redmond, M. (1995) Two bullaun stones in Kilbeg townland,
County Wicklow. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 125,
129-31.
Moore, C. (1907) Discovery of a lipped stone basin or bullaun un the townland of
Ballinamona, near Mitchelstown, Co. Cork. Journal of the Royal Society of
Antiquaries of Ireland, 37, 409-10.
Mytum, H. C. (1992) The Origins of Early Christian Ireland, London, Routledge.
O'Brien, E. (1988) Churches of south-east County Dublin, seventh to twelfth century.
In Mac Niocaill, G. & Wallace, P. (Eds.) Keimelia : studies in medieval
archaeology and history in memory of Tom Delaney. Galway, Galway
University Press, 504-24.
Ó'Corráin, D. (1974) Aspects of early Irish history. In Scott, B. G. (Ed.) Perspectives
in Irish Archaeology. Belfast, 65-74.
Ó'Cróinín, D. (1995) Early Medieval Ireland, 400-1200, Londan, Longman.
Ó'Cuileanáin, C. (1955) Excavation of a circular stone house at Glannafeen (Lough
Ine) co. Cork. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 85, 94-
99.
O'Kelly, M. J. (1952) St Gobnet's House, Ballyvourney, Co. Cork. Journal of the
Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, 57, 18-40.
Ó'Ríordáin, S. P. (1942) The excavation of a large earthen ring-fort at Garranes, Co.
Cork. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, 47C, 77-150.
Plummer, C. (1922) Bethada náem nÉrenn = : Lives of Irish saints Vol. I, Oxford,
Clarendon Press.
Price, L. (1959) Rock-basins, or 'bullauns', at Glendalough and elsewhere. Journal of
the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 89, 161-88.
Rooke, C. B. (1938) Bullàn stone at Glendalough, Co. Wicklow. Journal of the Royal
Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 68, 151-52.
Sadr, K. & Fauvelle-Aymar, F. (2006) Ellipsoid grinding hollows on the west coast of
South Africa. Southern African Humanities, 18, 29-50.
Scott, B. G. (1988) Some references to the mining of ores in early Irish texts. PACT,
21, 111-16.
Scott, B. G. (1990) Early Irish Ironworking, Belfast, Ulster Museum.
Stanley (1869) Ancient circular habitations called Cyttiau'r Gwyddelod, at Ty Mawr
in Holyhead Island; with notices of other early remains there. Archaeological
Journal, 26, 301-22.
Swan, L. (1994) Early Gold Mining on the Zimbabwean Plateau, Uppsala, Societas
Archaeologica Upsaliensis.
Swan, L. (1996) The use of grinding hollows for ore milling in early Zimbabwean
metallurgy. Cookeia, 1, 71-92.
Tylecote, R. (1986) The Prehistory of Metallurgy in the British Isles, London, Institute
of Metals.
Wakeman, W. F. (1875) On certain markings on rocks, pillar-stones, and other
monuments, observed chiefly in the County of Fermanagh. Journal of the
Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 13, 445-74.
Wakeman, W. F. (1889) On the bullàn or rock-basin, as found in Ireland; with special
reference to two inscribed examples. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy,
17, 257-64.
Wakeman, W. F. (1896) Lucan and Leixlip. Notes on the places visited. Journal of the
Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 26, 419-25.
Wallace, A. (2004) Gneevebeg. In Bennett, I. (Ed.) Excavations 2002. Bray,
Wordwell, 505-07.
Weir, A. (1990) Potency and sin: Ireland and the phallic continuum. Archaeology
Ireland, 4, 52-56.
Westropp, T. J. (1902) Bullaun-wells in Clare. Journal of the Royal Society of
Antiquaries of Ireland, 32, 190.
Willies, L., Craddock, P. T., Gurjar, L. J. & Hegde, K. T. M. (1984) Ancient lead and
zinc mining in Rajasthan, India. World Archaeology, 16, 222-33.
Woodmartin, W. G. (1895) Pagan Ireland, London, Longmans, Green & Co.

Martin, J. (1875) "Bullawns", nature and object of (& comment by Rev. James
Graves). Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 3 438-39.
Wakeman, W. F. (1889) On the bullàn or rock-basin, as found in Ireland; with special
reference to two inscribed examples. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy,
17, 257-64.
1
(Wakeman 1889, 258)
2
http://www.archaeology.ie
3
www.ni-environment.gov.uk/built/nismrsearch
4
http://www.archaeology.ie
5
(Graves in Martin 1875)
6
www.archaeology.ie; www.ni-environment.gov.uk/built/nismrsearch; www.gsi.ie/; www.bgs.ac.uk/gsni/