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NF54IZ_COGTLVT_PXP1HPRKRGOYOED6TGEO/EDIT
Chairs Assembly and Directors
Forum 2014
Sex work policy discussion
paper
Amnesty International members and staff only
AI Index: ORG 41/014/2014
To: Section and structure !airs A"nesty International
Section and structure #irectors International Secretariat
International $oard %eter $enenson &ouse
'ro": S# (aw and %olicy 1 )aston Street* (ondon +1, 0#+
#ate: 11 -une 2014
SUA!"
This paper reviews the feedback received to date and presents the International Boards proposed
approach based on recommendations from the International Secretariat to address the principal points
that have come out of the consultation undertaken to date.
D#S$!#%U$#&'
This is an internal document, distributed to section and structure chairs and directors and the
International Board.
!(C&('D(D AC$#&'S
Please ensure this document is brought to the attention of the chair and director of your section or
structure.
xternal feedback
In addition to the many responses received by sections, the IS received feedback directly from
other nongovernmental organisations and from members of the general public on the
proposed policy. 1s of ) (une #)$, this e!ternal feedback included #* individual
responses and #& group letters signed by a total of ;; organisations. This e!ternal
correspondence reflected a range of views, but only #) responses -or appro!imately ;9 of the
total of #&' responses. were against the proposed policy. +!amples of the correspondence,
both for and against the policy, are available on the policy consultation intranet space.
"ra#e human ri$hts #iolations faced by sex workers
Several sections "uestioned whether the human rights violations suffered by se! workers are
sufficiently serious to warrant an 1I policy position.
The IS proposed this policy position because its own research findings and that of other
groups indicate that the criminali/ation of se! work results in serious violations of the human
rights to liberty and security of person, to be free from torture and other ill2treatment, to the
highest attainable standard of physical and mental health, to e"ual protection of the law and
e"uality before the courts -and associated fair trial rights.. In some conte!ts, criminali/ation
leads to violations of the rights of se! workers to ade"uate housing and to protection of their
family life, as well as the rights to social security and political participation. In e!treme cases,
criminali/ation can lead to violations of the right to life.
Se! work and gender ine"uality
1s some sections noted, the most common concerns e!pressed in media and by some
feminist groups about se! work relate to its intersection with gender ine"uality and, in
particular, whether se! work is a by2product or driver of gender oppression. <eminist
movements have been debating these issues since the =J)s and have never reached a
consensus.
vii
7ore recently, some in the feminist movement, together with some survivor groups, have
adopted this issue as a ma8or focus of their work, arguing that se! work is principally an
e!pression of patriarchal domination, is universally harmful, and is inherently violence against
women.
viii
This paradigm, which calls for the complete abolition of se! work, has gained
traction in popular debates and has been supported by a number of governments in %estern
+urope in particular, including most recently by the +uropean Parliament.
These groups have also increasingly focused on the criminal law as the key mechanism to
end se! work through the policing, prosecution and punishment of se! work crimes,
particularly as they relate to third2party involvement and the purchase of se!ual services.
i!
This
model also places particular emphasis on the use of the criminal law to communicate societal
messages around the acceptability of se! work and to establish social norms in gender
relations.
!
1pproaches that are influenced by this model have been criticised on at least three grounds.
<irst, approaches that treat all se! work as forms of e!ploitation and trafficking in persons are
at odds with the principle of individual agency that is an underlying aspect of human rights.
!i
Second, they can lead to violations of human rights. <or instance, GrescueH raids of se!
establishments can result in abuses against se! workers. In India and Indonesia, researchers
have found that se! workers who were rounded up in raids were beaten, coerced into se! by
police, and placed in institutions where they were se!ually e!ploited and otherwise suffered
physical abuse.
!ii
Third, criminali/ing those who purchase se! -as opposed to those who sell se!. is sometimes
proposed as a means to reduce violence, promote gender e"uality and reduce GdemandH for
commercial se!. 6owever, as the 0>1I5S 1dvisory @roup on Se! %ork has noted, there is
no evidence that Gend demandH initiativesFthose that criminalise clients of se! workers rather
than the se! workers themselvesFreduce se! work, improve the "uality of life of se! workers,
or tackle gender ine"ualities.
!iii
In fact, police in some countries do not distinguish between se! workers and their clients. Se!
workers are also often treated as accomplices or material witnesses to a crime. The targeting
of clients also works to encourage law enforcement officials to use condoms as evidence of
involvement in se! work.
Appendix !% &roposed policy
Amnesty International opposes the criminalisation or punishment of activities relating to the
buying or selling of consensual sex between adults. This policy is based on the human rights
principle that consensual sexual conduct between adultswhich excludes acts that involve
coercion, deception, threats, or violenceis entitled to protection from state interference
(bearing in mind that legitimate restrictions may be imposed on sex work, as noted below.
This policy is also based on principles of harm reduction! on balance, the available evidence
indicates that the criminalisation of sex work is more likely than not to reinforce discrimination
against those who engage in these activities, to increase the likelihood that they will be
sub"ected to harassment and violence, including ill#treatment at the hands of police, and to
lead to the denial of due process and the exclusion from public benefits such as health
services, housing, education, and immigration status.
This policy recognises that legitimate restrictions may be imposed on sex work if they comply
with international human rights law. $uch restrictions must be for a legitimate purpose,
provided by law, necessary for and proportionate to the legitimate aim sought to be achieved,
and not discriminatory.
This policy does not change Amnesty International%s longstanding position that trafficking into
forced prostitution should be criminalised as a matter of international law.
Amnesty International considers children involved in commercial sex acts to be victims of
sexual exploitation, entitled to support, reparations, and remedies, in line with international
human rights law. $tates must take all appropriate measures to prevent violence and
exploitation of children.
Amnesty International recognises that sex work is a sensitive issue in many of the countries in
which we work. In particular, individuals who engage in sex work often have limited choices.
&uaranteeing human rights without discrimination is the most effective way to ensure the
empowerment of people involved in sex work and the protection of all individuals from
discrimination, violence, and coercion.
Terms used in this proposed policy
$ex work and sex worker. 1mnesty International understands Gse! workH to mean the
e!change of se!ual services for some form of remuneration, in accord with the definition used
by the (oint 0> Programme on 6IN41I5S -0>1I5S..
!iv
The terms used to refer to se! for
remuneration varies across countries and conte!ts. >otably, the terms Gse! workH and
GprostitutionH are sometimes used interchangeably. 7any se! workers feel the term GprostituteH
is demeaning or misogynistic, and organi/ed se! worker groups generally prefer the term Gse!
workerH or Gperson in the se! industry.H :thers use the term GprostitutionH to reclaim and de2
stigmati/e the term and practice. %here possible, 1mnesty International uses the term Gthose
engaging in se! workH or the prevailing terminology used in a particular conte!tD in more
general discussions of this issue, as in this proposed policy, 1mnesty International uses the
terms Gse! workH and Gse! worker.H
'riminalisation. State authorities use a variety of methods to discourage certain behaviour,
ranging from financial incentives to the imposition of criminal sanctions. <or the purposes of
this policy, GcriminalisationH means measures that seek to punish se! workers and clients
through the threat of sanctions such as detention, fines, or e!clusion from benefits or care.
'hild. 1 GchildH is any person under the age of ;, regardless of the age of ma8ority in a
particular country.
%hat this proposed policy does not cover
0nder this proposal, 1mnesty International would not take a position on whether se! work
should be regulated. 6owever, if a state does regulate se! work, 1mnesty International would
call for any regulation to aim at guaranteeing that individuals who undertake se! work do so
voluntarily and in safe conditions and are able to stop engaging in se! work when and if they
choose to.
This proposed policy does not change 1mnesty Internationals longstanding position that
human trafficking into forced prostitution, or any other aspect of non2consensual se!, should
be criminali/ed as a matter of international law. Nictims of such crimes are entitled to
protection and remedies, regardless of their se!, nationality, health status, se!ual orientation,
gender identity, prior work history, willingness to contribute to prosecution efforts, or other
factors.
1s noted above, 1mnesty International considers children involved in commercial se! acts to
be victims of se!ual e!ploitation.
Appendix 2% The context of sex work
The demographics of se! work
It is e!tremely difficult to gauge a reliable global estimate of the number of individuals involved
in se! work because se! workers are rarely featured in official census and other labour data,
given the often illegal and unrecognised nature of their labour in most countries. Narious
studies have shown that figures fluctuate significantly across countries and regions.
!v
>ational estimates on women involved in se! work vary widelyD ranging from between ).#9
and #.'9 of the population in countries across 1siaD between ).9 and .&9 in the e!2
Cussian <ederationD between ).$9 and .$9 in +astern +uropeD ).9 and .$9 in %estern
+urope, ).#9 and J.$9 in Batin 1merica and ).J9 and $.*9 in sub Saharan 1frica.
!vi
In most
cases, researchers strongly underline the limitations of their data and the challenges in
measuring a population that is largely hidden and marginalised. Se! workers omission from
official data also contributes to their e!clusion from social policy making processes.
%hile reliable data are scarce, there is general acknowledgement that cisgender
!vii
females
account for a ma8ority of the se! worker population in most countries. This means that social
policy responses to se! work must consider the gender dimensions affecting womens
decisions to sell se! and4or their reliance on commercial se! as a source of income. 6owever,
states must also take account of other key drivers of se! work to insure that social policy
responses are proportionate, effective, and promote human rights.
The categorisation of se! work as a Gwomans issueH can obscure the significant numbers of
men and transgender people who sell se! around the world. 1 growing number of studies,
mainly within the 6IN epidemiology field, have identified significant populations of transgender
female and cisgender male se! workers. <or e!ample, a #) study in >epal mapped
between J,J)' and =,## transgender and between ),$&) and #,*)# male se! workers
operating in the country.
!viii
The female se! worker population in comparison was estimated to
be between #$,'$= and #;,*&=.
!i!
1 #))J study in Sydney, 1ustralia found that participation
in se! work was reported by as many as $$9 of the transgender population.
!!
5espite accounting for a significant proportion of the global se! worker population, recognition
of transgender and male se! workers viewpoints and needs remain largely absent from public
discourse on se! work policy. In human rights terms this is of concern as transgender and
male se! workers also report high levels of vulnerability.
!!i
:ne systematic review on 6IN risk
among transgender people, for e!ample, found that transgender se! workers were more than
four times more likely to be living with 6IN than female se! workers.
!!ii
The drivers of se! work
Se! workers are not a homogenous group. People of different genders and socio2economic
backgrounds undertake se! work for a variety of reasons and report a diversity of
e!periences.
!!iii
<or some se! workers the decision to sell se!ual services is a matter of suitability or
preference. <or e!ample, for some it offers greater fle!ibility and control over working hours or
a higher rate of pay than other options, or it may be work that they en8oy. <or others, the
reasons for involvement in se! work may be more closely linked to circumstances. <or
e!ample, se! work may be one of a limited number of options open to irregular migrants who
rely on informal economies for work.
!!iv
In other cases, individuals may turn to se! work as a
means of basic survival because of e!treme poverty or other forms of social e!clusion. <or
e!ample, many transgender people report e!periencing high levels of discrimination in
employment meaning that se! work may be one of very few viable options to secure income.
In addition to interpersonal motivations, there are a range of social, political and macro2
economic drivers of se! work. <or e!ample, global economic, social and immigration laws and
policies, unemployment, work restrictions on migrants and discrimination within the formal
economy, lead women and other marginalised groups to rely on low paid work or struggle to
find work at all. +conomic drivers are particularly relevant in the se! work conte!t. Broadly
put, so long as economic ine"ualities e!ist, people will continue to choose to sell se!ual
services, regardless of the criminal status of buying, selling, or facilitating se! work.
1s referenced earlier, gender discrimination also undoubtedly plays a role in women choosing
se! work, as does demand for paid se!. 6owever, characterising all se! work as a
manifestation of gender discrimination based on mens demand oversimplifies a comple!
issue and ignores many of the other important influences in an individuals decision to
undertake se! work.
It is important to acknowledge the diverse nature of se! workers choices and e!periences, as
well as the various drivers of se! work, to conduct robust human rights analysis of se! work.
%hile there can be a tendency to characteri/e all se! workers as desperate, victimised,
psychologically damaged women, this can be harmful and disempowering to se! workers and
does not provide a balanced view of the issues.
!!v
)eferences
vii
7. Biu, (igration, )rostitution, and *uman Trafficking! The +oice of 'hinese ,omen ->ew Brunswick, >(3 Transaction
Publishers, #).D B. 5uggan and >. 5. 6unter, $ex ,ars! $exual -issent and )olitical 'ulture ->ew Iork3 Coutledge, ==&.D
S.7.,. Bo/ano, G<eminist 5ebate around ETrafficking in %omen for the Purpose of Se!ual +!ploitation in Prostitution,H -esaf.os,
vol. #*, issue , pp. #J2#&JD (. :utshoorn, GThe Political 5ebates on Prostitution and Trafficking of %omen,H $ocial )olitics!
International $tudies in &ender, $tate and $ociety, vol.# -#))&., pp. $2&&.
viii
$ee, for example, the 8ustification of the +uropean %omens Bobbys recent campaign, GTogether for the +urope <ree of
Prostitution,H available at http344www.womenlobby.org4spip.phpLrubri"ue;J .
i!
$ee, for example, Aathleen Barry, G1bolishing Prostitution3 1 <eminist 6uman Cights TreatyH, available at
http344www.prostitutionresearch.com4Barry9#)1bolishing9#)Prostitution9#)19#)<eminist9#)6uman9#)Cights9#)Treaty.pdf
.
!
$ee, for example, 7a! %altman, GProhibiting Se! Purchasing and +nding Trafficking3 The Swedish Prostitution BawH -#)..
!i
6uman rights law guarantees freedom of thought, conscience, and religion -I,,PC art. ;., the right to hold opinions without
interference and the right to freedom of e!pression -I,,PC art. =., the right of peaceful assembly -I,,PC art. #., and the right
to freedom of association with others -I,,PC art. ##. In addition, GOmParriage must be entered into with the free consent of the
intending spousesH -I,+S,C art. )-.D accord I,,PC art. #*-*.., and states must ensure Gon a basis of e"uality of men and
women . . . OtPhe same rights to decide freely and responsibly on the number and spacing of their childrenH -,+51% art. '-.-e.D
accord Bei8ing Platform for 1ction, Q ##*.. 6uman rights treaties also guarantee individual agency, sub8ect to reasonable
restrictions, in matters as varied as the right to choose ones residence -I,,PC art. #., employment -I,+S,C art. '-.., and
legal representation -I,,PC art. $-*.-b... 6uman rights law protects against compelled self2incrimination -I,,PC art. $-*.-g.
and re"uire Gfree consent to medical or scientific e!perimentationH -I,,PC art. J..
Because persons with disabilities are too often denied individual agency, the principles of the ,onvention on the Cights of
Persons with 5isabilities include GOrPespect for inherent dignity, individual autonomy including the freedom to make oneRs own
choices, and independence of personsH -art. *-a..
,hildren who are capable of forming their own views have the right to e!press their views freely in all matters that affect them and
to have those views be given due weight in accordance with their age and maturity -,C, art. #-...
7ore fundamentally, the failure to respect the principle of individual agency denies the rights of everyone to recognition
everywhere as a person before the law -I,,PC art. '. and to e"uality before the law -I,,PC art. #'. and disregards the
principle articulated in article of the 0niversal 5eclaration of 6uman Cights that GOaPll human beings are born free and e"ual in
dignity and rights.H
!ii
$ee C. Surtees, GBrothel Caids in IndonesiaFIdeal Solution or <urther NiolationLH /esearch for $ex ,ork N:B. ' -#))*., pp. &2
J.D Sangram, Point of Niew, and N17P, /ehabilitation! Against Their ,ill0 1f +eshyas, +amps, ,hores and ,omen!
'hallenging )reconceived 2otions of )rostitution and $ex ,ork -#))#..
!iii
$ee 0>1I5S, The /eport of the 32AI-$ Advisory &roup on *I+ and $ex ,ork '2J -#). Ohereinafter The /eport of the
32AI-$ Advisory &roup on *I+ and $ex ,orkP.
!iv
$ee, for example, 0>1I5S, GSe! %ork and 6IN41I5S,H 0>1I5S Technical 0pdate -#))#., p. *.
!v
,usick et al. G%ild @uesses and ,onflated 7eaningsL +stimating the Si/e of the Sex 8orker Population in 4ritain,5 'ritical
$ocial )olicy -#))=, p. 678 1deba8o et al, G+stimating the >umber of 7ale Se! %orkers with the ,apture2Cecapture Techni"ue in
>igeria,H African 9ournal of /eproductive *ealth -#)*.D Nuylsteke et al., G,aptureSCecapture for +stimating the Si/e of the
<emale Se! %orker Population in Three ,ities in ,?te dIvoire and in Aisumu, %estern Aenya,H 9ournal of Tropical (edicine and
International *ealth -#))..
!vi
Nandepitte et al., G+stimates of the >umber of <emale Se! %orkers in 5ifferent Cegions of the %orld,H 9ournal of $exually
Transmitted Infections -#))'., p. ;#, available at3 http344www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov4pubmed4'J*&#;; .
!vii
,isgender can be defined as Gdenoting or relating to a person whose self2identity conforms with the gender that corresponds to
their biological se!D not transgender.H $ee www.o!forddictionaries.com .
!viii
6IN and STI ,ontrol Board -6S,B. and the >ational ,entre for 1I5S and ST5 ,ontrol ->,1S,., (apping and $i:e
;stimation of (ost#at#/isk )opulations in 2epal, 6<==, +ol. =, (ale $ex ,orkers, Transgenders and Their 'lients, vol. -#).,
available at3 https344www.unodc.org4documents4southasia44reports47T,TfinalTreport.pdf .
!i!
6IN and STI ,ontrol Board -6S,B. and the >ational ,entre for 1I5S and ST5 ,ontrol ->,1S,., (apping and $i:e ;stimation
of (ost#at#/isk )opulations in 2epal, 6<==, +ol. >, ?emale $ex ,orkers -#)., available at3
http344www.unodc.org4documents4southasia44reports4<S%sTfinalTreport.pdf
!!
6ounsfield, N.B., et al., GTransgender People 1ttending Sydney Se!ual 6ealth Services over a ' Iear Period,H Se!ual 6ealth
-#))J., p. $D Schulden, (.5., et al., GCapid 6IN Testing in Transgender ,ommunities by ,ommunity Based :rganisations in Three
,ities,H )ublic *ealth /eports -#));., p. #*.
!!i
$ee @. Sethi and B. 7. 6olden et. al., G6IN, Se!ually Transmitted Infections and Cisk Behaviours in 7ale Se! %orkers in
Bondon over a ) Iear Period,H $exually Transmitted Infections, vol ;# -#))'., pp. &, *&=S*'*, available at
http344www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov4pmc4articles4P7,#&'*;&)4 D 7cAinnon B.C. et al, G6igh 6IN Cisk in a ,ohort of 7ale Se! %orkers
from >airobi, Aenya,H $exually Transmitted Infections -#)$., p. =).
!!ii
:perario, 5, et al, GSe! %ork and 6IN Status among Transgender %omen3 Systematic Ceview and 7eta 1nalysis,H 9ournal of
Ac@uired Immune -eficiency $yndrome -#));., p. $;.
!!iii
%eit/er, C., GThe 7ythology of Prostitution3 1dvocacy Cesearch and Public PolicyH -#))., available at
http344che/stella.org4docs4The2mythology2of2prostitution.pdf .
!!iv
Those who migrate illegally to earn a better livelihood should not be conflated with those who are forced, defrauded or coerced
to travel to another country for work -i.e. human trafficking..
!!v
There appear to be a number of Gaccepted truthsH about se! work that have entered public discourse in recent decades. In
particular, claims that suggest the ma8ority of se! workers enter the se! industry as children, that most were se!ually or physically
abused as children, are forced against their will to undertake se! work and4 or are addicted to drugs have been shown to be
misrepresentative of a large proportion of se! workers. $ee %eit/er, C., GSociology of Se! %ork,H Annual /eview of $ex ,ork
-#))=.D Nanwesenbeeck, I., G1nother 5ecade of Social Scientific %ork on Prostitution,H Annual /eview of $ex research -#))., p.
#, available at3 http344myweb.dal.ca4mgoodyea45ocuments47ethodology41nother9#)decade9#)of9#)social9#)scientific
9#)work9#)on9#)se!9#)work9#)==)2#)))9#)Nanwesenbeeck9#)1nn9#)Cev9#)Se!9#)Ces9#)#))9#)#$#2
;=.pdf. There is evidence to suggest that some, but crucially not all, street2based se! workers report higher levels of victimisation
and4or drug dependency. $ee id. 6owever, employing claims such as those regarding high rates of childhood abuse, to
characterise a uniform Gse! worker e!perienceH is not supported by evidence.